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The Religious Factor. A Sociological Study of Religions Impact
The Religious Factor. A Sociological Study of Religions Impact
$1.45
TKRHJIIIIRrACIllR
a
sociologist's iFiquirvj
GERHARD LENSKI
at
ciples of Sociology
professional
to
numerous
received his
doctorate
and a contributor
journals.
He
on
Politics^ Econofuics^
Impact
BY
GERHARD LENSKI
REVISED EDITION
ANCHOR BOOKS
DOUBLEDAY & COMPANY, INC.
GARDEN CITY, NEW YORK
The
& Company,
Copyright
To
My
Parents
2010
littp://www.arcliive.org/details/religiousfactorsOOIens
PREFACE
During the
last
and its causes. Relatively httle attention, howbeen devoted to the subject which is central in this
book: the consequences of religious belief and practice in the
everyday hfe of society. Yet from both the sociological and
ligious revival
ever, has
portance.
Unhappily,
disturbing to
want
We
tend to beheve, or
all
own group
is
superior to other
groups in every way. Yet systematic research invariably reveals glaring discrepancies
reahty.
prove beneficial.
I
ject.
do not expect
In fact,
it is
this
my
book to be the final word on the subhope that it will stimulate further re-
is
VUl
cemed with
this
tests of significance
may
find
it
desirable to read
2.
No study such as the one reported here can ever be undertaken by a single individual. Rather, the co-operative efforts
of a substantial
vv^ays
express
so
my
much
My
ers.
number
of people
involved. Therefore,
wish to take
this
al-
opportunity to
who have
contributed
to this study.
greatest debt
is
to the Detroit
Chairman
its
lead-
of the Executive
criticisms
and suggestions.
assistance
and
each of them.
his careful
friends
in other ways,
PREFACE
IX
trained
for ad-
Miller,
to use
J.
Cross,
S.J.,
and Monand
in the construction
A
the
word
special
first
of appreciation
and helpful
criticisms.
J.
wish
to express
my
Finally, I
wish to express
my
appreciation to
me
my
wife for
in carrying this
much
have
all
Gerhard Lenski
August iq6o
to
under-
have en-
to clarify
that this
have been made, most of them well taken. There are, hov/ever, several which seem, in my opinion, not so well taken,
but important enough to deserve at least brief comment.
First, one reviewer has criticized my failure to take account of ethnic differences within the CathoHc group. This
criticism
is
Some have
ferent from
also argued that Detroit Cathohcs are so difAmerican Cathohcs generally with respect to
PREFACE
ethnicity that generalization
ous.
from
XI
this
community
is
danger-
made
Second, several men have criticized my failure to take account of denominational differences vidthin the Protestant
when I began my
on this subject. Unhappily, I found so few differenceswhich I felt I could prove
to the satisfaction of other sociologists had their origin in denominationalism that I eventually abandoned the effort. There
are differences as I point out in Appendix III, but those which
group. Ironically,
had been
it
my
intention
when
there
is
no theoretical rationale
for
them.
whether
about rehgion's influence on
much
to say
daily life. By this he means that most of the differences between groups described here are not ones with which the
groups, and especially their professional leadership, are greatly
concerned. As an ordained seminary professor (as well as a
professional sociologist) he finds this disturbing. While it is
certainly true that this study has left
many
stones unturned,
and the
influence
human
they exert;
too
often
they
exaggerate
Xll
(though unintentionally)
groups. For those
who
is ironic, since one of the basic themes running through the whole of the Bible is God*s struggle against
religionor
more
precisely,
official re-
hgion.
Gerhard Lenski
June 1962
CONTENTS
Chapter
I.
i.
Positivism
present study.
II.
ligious
An
survey.
commitment. Secular
The problem
III.
12
The sample
re-
institutions studied.
of causation.
28
Introduction to Detroit
Chapter
I.
2.
The
35
ciational vitality.
Social
35
and
asso-
communities. Summary.
II.
Rehgious Orientations
56
60
Intergroup Images
White
Protestants.
White
Catholics. Jews.
Negro
IV.
system.
75
xiv
Chapter
I.
3.
82
Socio-Religious
nomic Behavior
83
Vertical mobility.
Work
values.
Attitudes to-
labor
movement.
lief in
II.
and
Summary.
saving.
Communal
115
involve-
ment.
III.
125
lem of causation.
Economic Determinism Re-examined
Chapter
I.
128
4.
134
Behavior
134
dom
groups.
nority
morality.
The
Civil rights:
clergy
and
the
politics.
legislation
of
Attitudes to-
of government. Socio-
religious
II.
174
clergy
system.
III.
Political philosophy,
202
CONTENTS
XV
and de-
votionalism.
rV.
Footnote on "Liberalism**
Class
and
208
liberalism.
and
Chapter
political liberalism.
5.
Socio-Religious
212
Life
213
Present
pline.
n.
Independence
training.
Family
size.
243
size.
IIL
255
and valuation
of kin group.
Fertility.
rV.
Mobility
Chapter
I.
11.
6.
Religion, Education,
and Science
260
262
267
confounding
IIL
258
factors.
280
xvi
Chapter
I.
7,
The
Catholic
clergy.
II.
III.
The Clergy
285
287
The
white
Protestant
clergy.
293
295
the Subcommunities
among
contacts
the
clergy.
Images
of other groups.
IV.
300
Economic values. Political values and behavior. Hard work and helping others. Religion and science.
The Significance of These Data
318
Intellectual
V.
Chapter
I.
II.
8.
autonomy.
Conclusions
Summary
319
of Findings
319
330
Application of
rV.
Weber
V.
in Retrospect
of
the
344
356
359
American
Appendix
i.
Statistical
Signifi-
cance
Appendix
n.
Appendix
ni.
The
367
Cross-section
Detailed
Tables
Interview Schedule
2>77
on Selected Topics
396
401
404
Chapter
God
on at least
is concerned with the whole of men's lives
one point all the churches agree. He is not merely the
Lord of the Sabbath, but is equally concerned with men's activities the other six days of the week: their work, their play,
:
this
life.
man who
lives in the
modem
ment
of the
fully
selected
of
community
(i.e.,
I.
The
concerned, the
is
on secular institutions, has long been debated by laymen and scholars alike. One school of thought
denies that religion has any significant influence on politics,
influence of religion
modem
society.
century and
is
many
social science
For example,
in a lead-
By
contrast, a
example,
many
tain that
American
human
For
view mainultimately on the foun-
history.
rehgion as a
science.
amount
is
problem. Less systematic sociological research has been devoted to rehgion than to any other major institution of our
society. Particularly lacking are studies of the interrelations
between
modem
tional systems.
Positivism
essentially a
IV. O. Key,
Thomas
is
lent textbook.
child of the
While
still
in
its
and
is,
basically,
superstition.^
influenced
by the theory
dependent for
economic
institutions
Neither positivism nor economic determinism was conducive to sustained sociological research in the field of religion,
modem world.
is
recognized.
was not
any serious
raised
chiefly
men pub-
of religion in
human
society,
human
societies continue.
time,
Weber
The
Protestant Ethic
and the
Spirit of Capitalism,
he sought
mod-
em
teristics:
work
is
a worthwhile activity in
its
The
own
right,
as the
means
to material
comfort
or wealth;
(2) a belief that
pmely
Once
discover
Weber
established,
pected to be
its
self-perpetuating;
but the
problem is to
Only by discovering
critical
source of
modem
Weber found
capitalism
we
discover the
itself.
this
more
especially in Calvinism
spirit of capitalism as
sins.
well, life
all
Weber was
replace
Weber conceded
that
prior
to
the Protestant
Reformation,
adequate alternative.'^
While the work of Durkheim and Weber has generated
much discussion and debate, unfortunately it has led to little
systematic, empirical research. Furthermore,
difficulties.^
There
all
have
by the
of the attendant
been
theories of
no
major
Durkheim
and Weber as they apply to the modem metropolitan comwe do not know much more today about
the influence of religious institutions on secular institutions in
modem society than was known half a century ago.
munity.^ As a result
From
inception
Weberian conh^oversy
this
in
more
inclined to
view
theii-
work
as a sacred calling?
Pietists of
Weber
Do
they
identified
an earlier era?
all
is
a factor to be reckoned
on the sociology
72.
Here Weber
states that a mature capitalist society will possess its own institutionalized arrangements for educating and selecting individuals to
perfonii the various functions required by the system, so that as-
did not occur to him at this point tliat capitalism might have to
contend with a revival of anti-capitalistic values and might ultimately be destroyed or substantially modified, and that the outcome of this struggle might be profoundly affected by noneconomic factors such as religion.
Actually, however, it is unfair to examine Weber's views on this
matter too closely since it is evident from the context of his remarks that liis chief purpose in making them was to define the
limits of his own problem and thereby avoid entanglement in what
he regarded as a very different problem: that of determining the
conditions necessary for the survival of capitalism.
of religion
we
find
to this
develops
life,
Weber assumes
of society. 11 Second,
On
between
religious groups in
we would
mature
expect differences
capitalist
(or
even post-
And
we would
Furthermore,
nomic situations
we would
have
to expect rehgion to
While Weber
is
religious institutions
on economic
liis
institutions,
it
is
clear that
he
The Religion
of China, op.
Don
human
cit.,
affairs.
See, for
exam-
The
Gertrud Neuwirth
(Glencoe: The Free Press, 1958), pp. 102-3. Elsewhere he
speaks of the impact of religion on art, science, government, and
education (The Protestant Ethic, op. cit., pp. 13-17, 168, 249,
City,
translated
etc.).
12 It
by
Martindale
and
conflict
is
Today they
concentrated in a small number of massive metropolitan centers. As long ago as 1950, nearly one third of the American
population was concentrated in fourteen great metropolitan
to
This trend
is
produces a distinctive way of life.^^ Among the many important features of urbanism, two deserve special attention
in the present context, since
both suggest
that, in the
modem
is
Secularism
is
used here
10
a
common
by
all
the
The second
rehgious institutions
dreamed
of in
may have
Httle
simpler communities.
view
life
less
whole, and more and more as a series of discrete parts relatively unrelated to each other. Thus, in the modem metropolis
life
life,
ties,
communi-
Similarly, rehgion becomes increasingly a highly compartmentalized activity rather than an integral part of the daily
round. The more compartmentaHzed rehgion becomes, the
less influence
One
tions.
we
should expect
of the
membership
main channels
it
to
have on secular
institu-
no
Weber
to be a possibihty in a world of
persons accustomed to thinking of rehgion in compartmentalized terms. In such a situation, rehgious organizations can
from without.
view of urbanism is vahd, one can only conclude that,
while Weberian theory may have had vahdity in other times
tactics
If this
and
places,
it is
of
is
ized,
decade has made it increasingly evident that, while the rise of the modem metropohs has certainly led to many radical changes in behavior, there
are also many striking evidences of continuity with traditional
ways of life which prevailed in simpler communities of an
earlier era. For example, recent research has shown that kinship roles in particular, and primary-type relationships (i.e.,
close or intimate social relations) in general, have proven far
last
11
more
tropolis
communal relationships, broader than the family, but narrower than the total society.
Earlier in American history ethnic groups served such a
function, and individuals were able to enjoy this sense of
communal identification and participation as members of the
German, Polish, ItaHan, or other ethnic colonies established
in this country. Today such groups are rapidly disintegrating,
but many of the needs they served continue to be felt. In this
situation, Herberg argues, Americans are turning increasingly
to their rehgious groups, especially the three major faiths, for
the satisfaction of their need for communal identification and
belongingness. In brief, the specialization and compartmentalization inherent in the urban way of life drive men to transform their rehgious groups from narrow, specialized associations into groups which are more communal in character.^^^
In view of the increasing recognition of the elements of
continuity between the patterns of life in the modem metropohs and in the simpler communities of an earher era, we can be
for
See Morris Axelrod, "Urban Structure and Urban ParticipaAmerican Sociological Review, 21 (1956), pp. 13-18, or
Floyd Dotson, "Patterns of Voluntary Association Among Urban
Working Class Families," ibid., 16 ( 1951), pp. 687-93.
16 Garden City: Doubleday, 1956.
1"'^
This is a rather free translation of Herberg's views, and tends
15
tion,"
to
much
of his dis-
12
less confident of
modem
setting.
On
ciological theory of
all
of such a nature
have
a significant impact on secular social institutions. In the last
analysis, however, the issue can only be settled by systematic,
as to increase our expectation that religious institutions
empirical research.
11.
modem
developed a
new
social
or-
research technique
known
as the sample
survey. This technique involves three basic elements: (a) interviews, (b) with a representative cross-section of the population being studied, (c) utilizing a standardized schedule of
questions.
and pattems of
action.
The
somewhat
an opportunity for
is
reluctant to
error,
but
it is
a substitution
which
make
introduces
since
it
so-
By
other reasons.
social research.
13
a representa-
by standing on a downtown
comer and stopping those who pass by, or even by going from
neighborhoods.
door to door in a
series of
tive cross-section
truly representa-
Several
different
and
is
also the
fered very
little
S.
Census in
worded
in
ambiguous
to
tlie
14
Table
15
friendly
it is
press, or
may
feel,
any objection
to the
selected
many
and
it is
at reason-
modem metropolis.
is
evident,
co-operative
study of the
The
eflForts
modem metropohtan
community. ^^
by a
director. Dr.
life.^o)
and
20
director.
its first
These
earlier
publications,
among
lowing
many
studies
of
those more readily available to the general public, the folmay be noted: Daniel R. Miller and Guy E. Swanson, The
16
troiters
home and
came
at a later date.
to their
made an
Of the 750
per-
is
considered
means
17
on
little
The
man
in
in our
and only two per cent as "poor" or "very poor." Several respondents even wrote to Dr. Shai-p, the director, expressing
their pleasure at
the
summer
was done because of the special significance of religious leaders for this study and also because the small number of clergy
in the commimity made it unhkely that more than one or two
would be interviewed in the regular cross-sectional sample.
The clergymen interviewed were those serving a sample of
the churches attended by the 656 Detroiters in the basic crosssectional sample. A list was made of the churches which these
respondents reported attending, and from this list every third
church was selected and the head pastor interviewed. The
response was extremely good. The completion rate for clergy
interviews was also 87 per cent, yielding 127 completed interviews
23
18
commitment
of religious
Since the basic concern of this study was with the effect
commitment on daily life, one of the first problems was to identify and define the various types of religious
commitments. We found it necessary to distinguish between
of religious
two basic
types.
The
first
commitment
commitment
The second involves
We
shall
these in turn.
SOCIO-RELIGIOUS GROUP
In religion, as in
all
MEMBERSHIP
other phases of
human
is
men
themselves to others.
constantly relate
tivity
activity,
men
Religious
ac-
comes
it
brings
its
is
viewed
PTA except,
of course, that
than most
an hour a week,
members together
for only
Leonard Broom and Philip Selznick, SoRow, Peterson, 1955), pp. 440-41. See, also,
for example,
ciology (Evanston:
19
others within their group ),2^ with the result that interaction
members
(when
as subunits of the
American
society.
However,
just
American
as
families
are
ments those
own, so, too,
societal
religiously
its
norms.
Furthermore, during
this
A third
fact of
some importance
is
hkewise tend
They show
be thought of merely
modem
metropolis.
as formal
The system
of
which constitute each of the major religious groups in our society involve much more than the limited
number of highly specialized and relatively impersonal relationships to which the associations give rise (e.g., relationships between priest and parishioner, Sunday school teacher
and pupil, etc. ) In addition to these there are a vast number
of very generahzed, highly personal, and very basic social
social relationships
geneous.
20
between friends
which constitute an
members
of a family)
or
between the
integral part of
Hence our
analysis
must take
sis
In most of the early literature on tliis subject, the major emphawas on the decline of communal social relationships and the
modem
society.
The
latter
21
To
we
religious groups,
religious groups.
less familiar
First, the
term
groups
shall refer to
means
merely by-products
of,
3.
White Protestants
White Catholics
Negro Protestants
4.
Jews
1.
2.
41 per
35 per
15 per
4 per
cent
cent
cent
cent
The remaining
Negro
Catholics,
The membership
Buddhists.
of
Moslems and
By contrast,
among Protestants
relations
amount
of intermar-
racial line.
there
riage
of different denominations,
they play in
able to play
human
tliis
societies,
role.
is
a great
and with
22
ties of
a considerable
is
lines
movement
the
of
The
is
Protestant
families
also
emphasized by the
would
denomi-
among
members
dix
III,
(for
some
Appen-
we have
treated
all
these reasons
it
is
lines.
and
Protestant
we compare
we
of voting in elections,
should expect to find greater differences between highly involved Protestants and highly involved CathoHcs than between "marginal" members of the two groups. (While Weber
does not mention this point explicitly in his analysis of the
spirit of capitalism, it is clear that he viewed
development as arising out of the actions of highly committed and involved Calvinists and Puritans.)
In view of the dual character of religious groups already
noted, involvement must be viewed as at least a two-dimen-
formation of the
this
phenomenon.
We
one
is
23
and
an individual's involvement
group we have
used the frequency of his attendance at corporate worship
services. Owing to the small size of the sample and the constant need for controlled comparisons (i.e., comparisons between persons with similar characteristics relevant to the
problem at hand), most of the comparisons involve only two
categories: (a) those who attended worship services every
of
month and
month;
(b)
also
all
Communal involvement
24
this information.28
it
may be noted
that
RELIGIOUS ORIENTATIONS
To
it is
Western world,
one another, each emphasizing a different facet of the JudaicChristian heritage. Among the more prominent are mysticism,
devotionalism,
asceticism,
ceremonialism,
doctrinal
ortho-
taneously.
many
relative
importance of these
pp. 232-34.
29 The problem of causality is more difficult here than where
group membership is involved. Membership in the major socioreligious groups normally is handed down over many generations,
and thus cannot be thought of as the consequence of secular patterns of thought and action with which it is linked. Religious
orientations, by comparison, seem less stable ( though we have no
good evidence on this). Hence, it is possible to argue with equal
plausibility that they can be either cause or consequence of the
25
the influence of
By
who
Those who
who
deviate
By devotionalism we mean
which empha-
that orientation
sizes the
seemed wiser
it
it
We
measured the
orientation by the
is
more
orthodoxy, which
is
active, behavioral
type
doc-
orientation.
secular patterns with which they are linked. Since our data do not
permit us to resolve this issue, we shall proceed on the assumption
that the flow of influence works in both directions, but we shall be
chiefly concerned with explaining why particular orientations produce tlie peculiar consequences they do (or seem to).
30 In a very real sense our measure of associational involvement
may be thought of as being also a measure of a special type of
since
it
well,
*^i
It should be noted that this conception of orthodoxy differs
considerably from the traditional Jewish understanding of the
term, where orthodoxy was essentially conformity to prescribed
patterns of action. This should not cause difiSculty, however, since
the Jewish group is too small for infmgroup analysis of this type.
26
as will
become
evident.
The concept
of religious orientations
impact of rehgion on
was the demonstration that
orthodoxy and devotionalism are not merely two alternative
daily
life.
in analyzing the
Especially valuable
measures of "rehgiosity" as is so often imagined. On the contrary, they are separate and independent orientations (the
TaUb value was only .05), and each has its own peculiar consequences for the behavior of individuals.
Secular institutions studied
what impact
commitment have on the secular
institutions of the community, it was necessary to gather a
considerable body of information about the daily hves of the
Detroiters we interviewed. Our questions dealt with three
Since the aim of this study was to discover
inevitably
interrelated
and interdependent.
It
is
this
The problem
of causation
In attempting to establish the nature and extent of the influence exerted by rehgious institutions on economic, political,
and kinship institutions, we necessarily become involved in
the analytically treacherous problem of causation. Causal relationships are difficult to prove rigorously in the social sciences. In most cases our data only permit us to say that there
27
nomena: an increase
This
is
surveys.
in
especially true
is
when
phenomena
more phe-
who grew up
in a factory
in fami-
have on the
although
all
it is.
Men have to organize their thinking about social phenomena in causal terms. But in this field we cannot rigorously
prove causality, and so we must find alternative standards for
deciding whether the conception of cause and effect can
all in a given instance. At the present
two standards are generally accepted. First, a causal
inference should be reasonable and logical in the hght of
theory. Second, there should be no evidence contrary to the
causal hypothesis. That is, there should be no evidence of the
absence of an association between the two variables involved.
Neither should there be any evidence that the presumed
cause occurs later in time than the presumed effect.
The model of social change on which the present study is
built is a model of multiple causation, and therefore stands
in sharp contrast to the model of the economic determinists.
Because human societies are social systems, or units made up
of interrelated parts, changes in any one part normally affect
properly be used at
time,
1957), p. 296.
28
its
is being made to substitute redeterminism for economic determinism. Clearly religious institutions themselves are continually affected by
developments in the other major institutional systems of so-
In the
first
place, no attempt
ligious
ciety, as will
become evident
Second, while
we
institutions
shall often
such influence is a
involved. At most
sufficient cause
we
by
itself of
phenomena
the
is,
other influences
may
also
be at work, but
771.
AN INTRODUCTION TO DETROIT
While
make an
intelligent
is
us examine
order to
let
community
it
judgment as
is
to
of
a fairly
is
not so typical. In
how
far
our find-
essential.
is
much
Of
special
settlement was
by the
is
its
initial
and
New
Orleans
among
the country.
29
versity of Michigan.
first
War
30
War
Since
World
The
result is that today Detroit is an extremely cosmocommunity, with no single ethnic group predominating. The largest single ethnic group today is the British,
heavy.
politan
who
total
Poles,
Irish,
representing
and Jews each constitute about 4 per cent of the population. The remaining 20
per cent is divided among several dozen ethnic groups and
persons of mixed background.
After 1830 Detroit grew rapidly. From 1830 to the Civil
War the population more than doubled every ten years, so
that by i860 the total exceeded 45,000. From i860 to 1900
the pace slackened somewhat with the increase per decade
ranging from 40 to 75 per cent, but by 1900 the population
totaled 285,000. From these figures it can be seen that even
before the rise of the auto industry, Detroit was a thriving
and expanding community.
The first two automobiles appeared on the streets of Detroit in 1896, both built locally. This marked the beginning
of an important new era. At a fairly early date Detroit manufacturers gained the upper hand in the new industry, and an
Italians,
came concentrated
in the
community. As a
result a
new
era of
Even so, by i960 the metropohtan community numbered 3.7 miUion persons. Or, to put the matter
in a different perspective, by iq6o the population of this community was larger than that of 34 of the 50 states.
population growth.
31
Detroit today
Among
troit is
to
which
its
economy
is
De-
depend-
much more
wages
in Detroit are
among the
highest
in the nation.
Because of
this peculiar
economic structure,
political lines
Michigan
The
is
best described
as generally placid
32
ing preachers, of
whom Henry
years. Reinhold
this fact.
The absence
religion suffers.
On
and
the
at
least
working men,
skilled in
own
to
be
their
major
task:
Here and
there one can even find experimentation and the development
of new types of programs. Both the Presbyterians and the
that of building their
parish or congregation.
Episcopahans in Detroit support experimental programs designed to develop new techniques for coping with the problems the churches must face in the rapidly changing metropolis.
There
is
and radical
group. The most
is
by
certain bi-
cults
The
34
doctrine
He
is
is
a mi-
which he preaches
is
Moslem
sect.
its
name,
this
83
tred for the white race (especially the Jews) combined with a
stem asceticism. His ofiScial temple creed asserts: "There is
no good in white men. All are the children of the devil." The
present membership of the "Black Muslims" is estimated at
70,000 scattered through 29 cities, and is concentrated chiefly
in the lowest stratum of the Negro subgroup. The growth of
this movement in Detroit has been quite limited, but the degree to which it has succeeded indicates a level of intergroup
In the
last analysis,
test of the
gen-
34
eralizability of the findings of a study based on a single community can come from similar studies conducted elsewhere.
For this reason, throughout this book references will be made
(usually in footnotes) to earHer studies which have dealt with
similar problems elsewhere. In this way the reader will be
other communities.
chapter 2
Let us
now
among
How
how
strong
among present-day
1.
STRENGTH OF GROUP
The pattern
When
TIES
at present
36
which the
we
religious associations
six of
the
it
first
seven sample
that only
was found
On
binding the individual to the group are very weak. However, the 1958 survey indicates that while the associational
ties
bond
is
weak
extremely strong. In
the
fact,
communal bond
is
communal bond
stronger, than in
cases.
man-ied
(N=24) were
Jewish spouse."*
When
37
who were
On
it
it is
"*
In the special interdecennial sample survey of 1957 the Bureau of the Census included a question on religious preference.
One of the findings of this census was that over 96 per cent of all
American Jews are married to persons currently professing to be
Jews. For Catholics the comparable figure was 89 per cent. For
aU Protestants, both Negro and white, the figure was nearly 96
per cent. U. S. Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports:
Population Characteristics, Series P-20, No. 79 (February 2, 1958);
see especially Tables 6 and 7. In interpreting these figures it must
be kept in mind that Protestants are much more likely to marry
Protestants merely because of chance, since 66 per cent of all Americans aged 14 and over are Protestants, while this is much less
likely for Catholics and Jews, who constitute only 26 and 3 per
cent of the population respectively.
5 Those conducting sample surveys found long ago that there is
some tendency for respondents to exaggerate their good qualities
and minimize their poor qualities when being interviewed. Such
exaggerations usually tend to be minor in character rather than
blatant misrepresentations or falsification. In studies more concerned with relative than with absolute frequencies of various
types of behavior, such misrepresentations do not present a serious
problem since there is reason for believing that exaggerations occur
in roughly the same proportions throughout the population.
38
In the case of
communal ties, the situation is exactly remore inclined than Jews to marry
and non-Catholics,
it
is
who
are non-Cathohcs.
reported that
all
to ties of
reported that
ish,
TEE
all
or nearly
all
Vl'HITE
PROTESTANT GROUP
figure,
though
39
three times a month, and 14 per cent never attend. The remaining third attend occasionally.
In communal solidarity and strength, however, white Protestants closely match white Catholics. Whereas 84 per cent
of the white Catholics who were married reported that their
spouse was of the same faith, 86 per cent of the white Prot-
estants
those
Catholic, 73 per cent of the white Protestants married someone raised a Protestant. Seventy-nine per cent of the white
Catholics and 76 per cent of the white Protestants reported
that all or nearly all of their close relatives were of the same
faith. Finally, 44 per cent of the white Catholics reported
that all or nearly all of their close friends were of the same
faith; the corresponding figme for white Protestants was 38
per cent.
is
it
bond
it
communal bond
of
two bonds, however, the white Protestant group resembles the Jewish group a bit more than the Catholic group
since the communal bond seems to be somewhat stronger
than the associational bond. However, this resemblance should
not be exaggerated; the differences are still very real.
of these
tremely
strong,
New
40
own
race.
Ck)unterdiscrimination
by Negroes themselves
is
also a factor.
in the 1958
seems safe to estimate that not less than 98 per cent
of Detroit Negroes are married to others of their race and also
survey,
it
it
own
race.
With
to
re-
95
per cent being limited to others of the Negro race would not
be
far
wide
To some
to
of the
mark J
Negro Protes-
tant majority.^
much more
Catholics.
^
The
all
41
SUMMARY
For a summary of the evidence so far we may turn to
i, which shows that each of our four groups possesses
a distinctive combination of communal and associational attributes. Of the four, the white Protestant group seems to be the
least cohesive, but is obviously in no danger of dissolution.
Figure
Figure
Strength of bonds:
Socio-religious
Group
Associational
Jews
White Catholics
Communal
Weak
Strong
Strong
Medium
Medium
Medium
Medium
W^hite Protestants
Negro Protestants
Strong
One
final bit of
solidarity
they attempted to join another faith (Q. 75, 75a, 87, 87a,
100, 100a). Judging from the vigor of the responses, it is clear
if
many
is
cism, described in
and
relatives
made
circles.
some
and
to dissuade her.
all
relatives
would
try to discourage
who
them
if
identify
with one or another of the groups, the nuclear religious associations are of some importance, no matter how slight.
42
this
were
as follows:
White CathoKc
Jews
White Protestants
Negro Protestants
81 per cent
72 per cent
60 per cent
24 per cent
96 per
87 per
75 per
28 per
Jews
White CathoHcs
White Protestants
Negro Protestants
These
is
cent
cent
cent
cent
for
vitality
em
industrial
by
communal bond.^^
societies,
static,
structural
view
is
modnever
43
much
revival" in America.^^
The
America
tain that
is
this,
Some main-
it
involves nothing
and
Many more
wave of rehgiosity.
more than a quick-
ment except
in a minority of cases.
herberg's thesis
Of
all
the
many
most penetrating
As noted previously, Herberg argues that religious
groups are becoming a more important feature of American
life owing to basic changes in the nature of American society
itself. For years America was the land of the immigrant, and
so long as immigrants continued to pour into this country, the
ethnic group provided them with an essential anchorage, a
meaningful subcommunity in an increasingly impersonal mass
society. While the ethnic churches and synagogues enjoyed
an honored position in these groups, religious loyalties were
essay, Protestant-Catholic-Jew, contains the
insights. 13
is
indicated
lilt should be noted here that the 1959 Detroit Area Study
directed by G. E. Swanson was focused specifically on tliis subject and will be reported in detail in a forthcoming monograph.
Here we shall attempt no more than a limited examination of this
subject since it is not a matter of major concern.
12 Even on this point there is not complete agreement, as shown
by the recent article of Seymour M. Lipset, "Religion in America:
What Religious Revival?'* Columbia University Forum (Winter
1959)' In this article Lipset marshals a considerable body of evidence to support his thesis that "by far the most striking aspect of
religious life in America is not the changes which have occurred
in itbut the basic continuities it retains."
13
Op.
cit.
44
Italian
from
Irish Catholics,
Polish
Jews.
But, Herberg says, when the children of the immigrants
reached maturity, a large number dissociated themselves from
the ethnic subcommunity. It stood for something foreign and
alien, and this "second generation" wanted above everything
else to be a hundred per cent American. In rejecting the
ethnic subcommunity, the second generation was obliged to
reject also the church with which the subcommunity was
inextricably hnked. Hence, as the second generation became
more numerous, interest in religion tended to decline.
However, Herberg argues that in recent years the second
generation has begun to die oflF and the rising third generation does not need to strive to be American and to shed foreign and alien ways. It is American in every respect. Hence
it can aflFord the luxury of reviving cultural patterns and
loyalties
it
can
afiFord to
its
particular,
fathers.
him
to a statistical digit.
we endeavored
to test
check
its
tually
happening
validity but
more
especially to discover
what
is
ac-
bond
conform
make
it
to existing facts.
Among
third generation
45
dicted (see Table 2). However, our evidence did not support
his hypothesis that the
second generation
Only
first.
is less
active in the
in the
this
tendency evident. Among white Protestants there was no difference in frequency of church attendance between these two
among
generations, while
showed
Table 2
Immigrant
Nan-southern
White
Generation
Catholics
White Protestants
Non-southern Southern-bom
First
58
(36)
23
(30)
Second
Third plus
79
85
(105)
23
(66)
34
(57)
(loi)
The
figures
m parentheses
Week*
refer to the
second quahfication to be
number
made
Non-southern
Jews
(0)
18
(11)
(5)
(45)
(13)
22
(o)
or
second-generation
even
modem
metropoHtan community
is
cit.,
This conclusion
that, except
is
among
further supported
46
many
by
The metropolis is a
new world filled with unfamiHar institutions. The established
white Protestant churches seem strange and unfamiliar by
in
Of
when
Detroiters
1958
in chui'ch attend-
ance "during the last ten or fifteen years" (Q. 40). On the
surface these data suggest anything but a rehgious revival.
Thirty-seven per cent reported that they were
attending
church (or synagogue) less often than they had, while only
24 per cent reported an increase.
However, when responses to this question were classified
by the immigrant generation of the respondent, a very different pattern emerged. Among first-generation immigrants from
abroad and first-generation migrants from the South, there
was a net loss to the churches of 24 per cent.^^ Among
second- and third-generation immigrants the net loss dropped
to a mere 3 or 4 per cent. But when the southern-bom were
excluded, the churches enjoyed a net gain of more than $
per cent among fourth-, or more, generation Americans. In
short, insofar as there
troit at
is
in
De-
this trend.
47
Table 3
Non-southern
While
Gtnrralion
Catholics
First
White Protestants
Non-southern
Southern-born
Non-southern
Jews
48
Table 4
Socw-religioiis
Class
Group:
49
permeating the working class more and more with each passing year, thanks to the growing influence of the mass media.
As a result, an ever increasing number of people who are objectively manual workers think and act like the middle class.
This is especially true of the upper stratum of the working
class:
skilled
and supervisory workers. Therefore, those reliwhich are more successful in appealing to
gious associations
In
all
Protestants 28
and 38 per
cent.
than in the middle class, but owing to the limited number of cases in the 1958 sample the difference could have been
class
and
in
some
countries,
workingmen's
political parties
and
clubs.
On
the whole, working people have limited their voluntary social relationships to those of an informal, primary type much more than the
middle class. In particular, they have limited such relationships to
those built on the foundation of kinship. See Dotson, op. cit.
50
results
in
last
ten or
(Q. 40) are of special interest. Among middleclass whites of all groups who were neither first-generation
fifteen years
was reported
were found among middle-
(N=i7i). The
greatest gains
class
Such evidence suggests that the declining size of the workits increasing permeation by middle-class values
is
likely to reinforce
noted previously.^^
18 This figure is surprisingly high in view of the fact that more
than three quarters of the 39 respondents in this category were
white Protestants and less than one quarter white Catholics. As
we have already seen, increased religious activity was reported
much more often among Catholics than among Protestants, so
that this figure would not be expected in a category dominated by
Protestants.
1^ In this connection it should be noted that the growth in numbers and influence of the middle class and the trend toward Americanization and urbanization both exercise an influence on church
attendance partly independent of the other ( see Table 4 ) Among
white Protestants, class seemed to be a bit more important than
Americanization; among CathoHcs the opposite was true.
.
51
comparable
figiures
figures
We
first
52
we
find that
in associational involve-
Prospects for the white Protestant churches are less clearcut than for the Catholic churches.
They should
gain from
increase.
Our data
community
size, or
53
associational involvement.
class
Negro group may be the last to benefit from the transformaAmerican economy. If the pattern of working
wives becomes more common, this will hurt the Negro
churches, and our data also suggest that the rising level of
education may have the same efiFect. In short, the evidence
indicates that in the next generation the percentage of Negro
tion of the
we come
Finally,
may well
decline.
Almost
avail-
all
who now
concentrated
working-class
Orbach found that only 3 per cent of those under 40 reported regular attendance compared with 28 per cent of those
over 60. More recently Lazerwitz found that in a national
sample only 6 per cent of those under 35 attended regularly
seems hard
While these
be a
four- to nine-fold
young
if
current
munal
ties
uniting the
members
group seems in
little
indicates,
it is
from trends
in the other.
May
1961 ),
p. 304.
54
endogamy
is
commu-
One
of the
we
of the Protestants.
When
riages
faiths.
55
among persons
tracted
in the past?
was only 11
and
fairly stable
likely to con-
Summary
By way
of summarizing
all
it
appears
socio-religious
this strengthening
is
limited to marriage
of the
and vigorous
organizations.
What
is
more.
56
71.
RELIGIOUS ORIENTATIONS
we have
relied
on
2.
watches over you, or do you have some other belief? (Q. 43)
3. Do you believe that God answers people's prayers, or
not? (Q. 44)
so,
some other
them
like
a Heavenly Father,
who
unorthodox. In
many
57
tions distinctions
and the
less
size of the
to
sample made
it
unorthodox.
We
a rigorous defi-
whenever we were faced with the problem of where to divide such basic variables, and the reasoning behind this decision was as follows. If there are diflFerences between people
with more or less of a given characteristic, it seemed likely
that the most meaningful difiFerences appear between those
who are most committed and the remainder of the population. Furthermore, it is when individuals are strongly committed to something that
we
the
who
more than
half of them.
D emotionalism
The second basic religious orientation we sought to isolate
was that which values direct, personal communication with
God through prayer and meditation, and which seeks divine
direction in daily affairs. To estabhsh an index of devotionahsm, we utilized answers to two questions: Question 44b on
the frequency with which the respondent engaged in prayer,
and Question 55 on the frequency with which he sought to
For a detailed breakdown on the responses of members of the
groups to each of these questions, see Appendix III,
Table 56.
24
different
58
determine what
to
reported praying
(a)
if
plus asking
they
what God
if
b ) they
communal and
we
25
See Appendix
III,
statistical details
underlying
69
no
effect
on
vvdll
have
httle
either orientation.
Among
bom,
first-
all
of these groups
is
likely to in-
Earher in
this
chapter
we found
may be
we
are
now
move
This, however,
when he
is
in opposite directions.
now
stated his
further.
In the Negro Protestant group, just as in the white Protesis hkely to be a dechne in both doctrinal
orthodoxy and in devotionahsm in the next generation. Every
indicator, without exception, points to a dechne, and in all
but one instance (out of six), to a rather pronounced decline.
60
entii-ely of
we have spoken
in response
perhaps
to internal
stresses created
possibility.
way.
We
III.
INTERGROUP IMAGES
among
the various
Chapter
8,
Section
this point.
27 Others report the
II,
for a
more
detailed discussion of
61
become
"institutionalized"
is,
their expression
a study of an
large,
and in our highly secularized environment the threat of internecine strife seems remote indeed.
Yet even here violence has not been wholly eliminated from
the scene, and intergroup conflicts have not been wholly
institutionalized. The struggle between the Negro and white
groups provides the clearest example. Large numbers in both
ful pattern of relationships,
communal
loyalties
and an-
Our aim
and violence
in this section
is
exists.
to explore relationships
among
we
tried to
How
do white Catholics
What
general char-
do Negro Protestants attribute to Jews? Such images contain many facets, three of the more important being
acteristics
62
elicit
Compared with
Protestants,
We
could
as a
Compared with
Protestants,
fair, as fair,
as a
-^-j)
to get too
The same three questions were then repeated with comparisons made between Protestants and Jews.
When
interviewing
Catholic
Jewish respondents
we
re-
or
first
Do you
have too
much power
in this
Of the
power
is
prob-
it
frightens
as
a direct
creates a predisposi-
way, including
group
create ill will, but is
extralegal methods.
is
By
less likely to
may
for differentiating
not so evident as
28
it
These questions
gest Survey.
later
63
number
of noncommittal responses
may
reflect
The
large
a judicious
is
of the interviewers.
White Protestants
to say, Catholics
have a more favorable image of Protesand Jews have a more favorable image of
We
29
are assuming here that when Catholics and Jews make
generalizations about "Protestants" they are usually thinking in
terms of white Protestants. As noted previously, it would have been
desirable to have made a racial distinction in these questions, but
this
in advance.
64
if
" c
00 enl
I
J2 *;
3
^ CO
"<*<
M "*
<U
2
bO
a -I
-a
-o
2
2
'3
o S
y a,
CO
3 a
c c g
2 S'S
3
V O 6
cjj
eol.eo
65
On
religious intolerance.
They were
To understand why
remember
it is
neces-
its
been
were molded mainly by Protestants, and therefore inexpressed their viewpoints and values. As other
groups have come into this country they have been at least
tions
evitably
means that they tend to judge Protestants by standwhich are at least partially Protestantized, and therefore
judge them more favorably than they judge other groups.
Also, Protestants have been the traditional holders of
ture. This
ards
rise.
of the
newer
and economic
institutions
is
may
well lead to a
DO
Among
all
Two
per cent.
to get too
One might suppose that these variations are due to differences in class position, but this is not the case. There is no
appreciable difference in the class distribution of Lutherans
and other white Protestants. Forty-seven per cent of the
and Jews.
It also
seems
significant that
They
and Jews
for criticism.
the fact that the chief threat to Protestant power from the
Jewish group
olics,
is
in the
the situation
is
economic
exactly reversed.
They
are criticized
it
economic arena; hence any tendencies toward religious intolerance are more of a threat when found in this group. ^^
That white Protestant criticisms and fears are not whoUy
without foundation
this study.
is
indicated
by
Church]
is
67
respondents in the 1958 sample said that they did not feel
that the ministers of other churches should be allowed to
teach publicly (as on the radio) things that are contrary to
Catholic teaching (Q. 95). Another 10 per cent expressed
imcertainty on this matter. Such widespread rejection of the
American tradition of freedom of speech in such a large sub-
group
is
bound
to
become known
to
many
it is
significant that
White Catholics
Cathohcs were much less critical and fearful of white Protestants than the latter were of them. However, it is interesting
to note that Catholic criticisms of Protestants roughly paral-
leled
most
and
critical of
least
critical
in
the
area
of
business
practices
(see
Table 5).
Cathohcs were consistently more critical of the Jews than
of the white Protestants. This difference was especially
to the question of
68
critical
groups,
as
the
critical
fact,
of Catholics
grounds of intolerance.
Jews
Of the
most often
criticized,
and
at the
same
was the
were
which
criticism
was expressed
it
was
OM
Jews.
craftsman said;
Sure the Jews are
ence.
It's
less fair. I
experi-
He went
on to say:
it
because
can.
much power. He
explained:
They've got power already. But I don't think it's an organized effort. It's theii- belief to own property, and this
some
On
it
By
Jews
con-
Jews are as
But Jews do
It
is
try to take
advantage a
interesting to speculate
critical
little.
about
why
Gentiles,
both
70
its
it
seems
significant that
study based
These
facts
tension and anxiety as well. The fact that the merchant is far
more famihar with the merchandise and with exchange relationships generally puts the customer at a distinct disadvantage. In this situation the merchant's definition of proper con-
is
from
which
cus-
is
who have unpleasant experiences with Jewish businessmen (or professional men) are easily able to generalize
from their immediate experience with one man to the whole
group. The Cathohc and Protestant groups are far less vultomers
members
much more
among
their
likely to
The Free
71
is
modem
tification
unpleasant
to
which
they belong.
Negro Protestants
In interviews with white Detroiters
we
unhappy.3*
In answer to the follow-up question about their reasons for
being disturbed or unhappy, some people simply stated that
were greater in the middle than in the working
In the former, 67 per cent of the Catholics, 56 per cent of
the Protestants, and only 16 per cent of the Jews said they would
be disturbed or unhappy. In the working class the figures were 52,
50, and 25 per cent respectively.
34 Differences
class.
72
their
own
was no
to.
some
In
cases there
themselves.
but
On
them
Catholic
widow
in her forties
who was
planning to
move
at that
They
everything. Their
way
He
and explained
way:
Pride.
My
prestige
by a successful
he would be disturbed
offered
said
in the
same
neighborhood.
An
right to
work with
'em, but I
don t believe
in living
with 'em.
Approximately two
fifths of
which
clearly indicated a
73
so.
By
one
contrast, only
similar pattern
was observed
It is
especially
toward which the Negro Protestants were least favorably disposed (as we observed earlier), was the group which had the most cordial attitude toward them, while the Catholic group, toward which they
ironic that the Jewish group,
criti-
cal of them.
Though
As may be seen
in Table 6, those
in the subconmiunities
who
were a good
bit
Table 6
of Involvement:
Degree of Involvement
Involvement in Subcommun
Highly Involved
Other
White
Prots.
Negro
Prots,
74
less
those
who were
not so involved.
By
word on terminology
word must be
said about the relationship between our cumbersome phrase, "unfavorable group image,'* and the briefer,
more
Many
social scientists
would
is
75
members
therefore
own
distinctive values,
may be
observed,
in the
view of
this subject
IV.
COMMUNITY
its original settlement in 1701, the community of Dehas spread out in every direction, except where prevented
Since
troit
St. Clair.
Today
it is
roughly
76
ham
and Wayne
to the west, or
hodgepodge
of
The
its
community
is
now
divided
local
own autonomy.
far
is
sections of the
pattern of racial
segregation.
perfectly drawn,
but the residences of the great majority of whites are separated from those of the great majority of Negroes. Certain
heavy concentration
and Hungarians. In an earlier
dential interminghng
among
still
today the
latter are
unevenly
we
Woodward Avenue
is
Two
and
between the
thi-ee
and
east
east of
it
(see
lying
We
is
and
an area
traditionally
we have
its
labeled
77
Birmingham:
CANADA
FIGURE z
3
1
Metfvpdlilan Detroit
City of Detroit
Suburbs
(which was classified with the western half) spills over Woodward Avenue.
Beyond the middle city is an area we have called "the outer
city," which lies on the northern and western boundaries of
the
city. It is
Figure
2,
The
south
is
boundaries.
It
To
the
78
To
areas.
are far
much
higher percentage of
come within
this category.
number
of small
mu-
of the
areas,
in the majority in
members
of this group.
movement
still
owing
is
third of
them
ward Avenue,
tute
in
which Jewish
west of Wood-
The remainder
of the
79
and the western portions of the middle and outer city areas).
White Protestants constitute a majority in the western portion of the outer city and in all of the suburban areas except
the southern. In most of these areas their majority is small,
but in the northwestern and north central suburbs the margin
is more sizable. In the north central suburbs 70 per cent of
the respondents in the 1958 survey identified themselves as
white Protestants, while in the northwestern area 60 per cent
did so.
Of the four major socio-rehgious groups, white Protestants
rank with Catholics as the most widely scattered and the
least concentrated. The relative degree of residential concen-
can best be seen in the TaUb measbetween area of residence and sociogroup. The coeflGicients for the several groups were
ure
of
religious
association
as follows:
Jews
39
37
Negro Protestants
White Protestants
White Catholics
10
07
The
fact that the coeflBcient for the Jewish group was even
higher than for the Negro Protestants is especially remarkable
since Negroes are so severely limited in their choice of residential areas both by finances and by out-group hostility. The
Jews are somewhat less limited than the Negroes by out-group
hostility,
and, as
we
magnitude of
this coeflBcient is
strength of the
communal
spirit in this
group. ^^
of the
80
is
clearly a re-
As shown
in
7,
Table 7
gious
Jews
Group
Upper-
Lower-
Upper-
Lower-
middle^
middle^
woTking^
working'^
SOCIO-
Total
N^
81
middle
class
of their
was usually
closer to
and
for
Jews the
figures
were
identical.
chapter 3
Since
Weber
first
far
the economy.^
prides
itself
institutions
modem metropolis.
How
What
economy?
is
modem
group membership makes a difference, is it because of the influence of the churches or the
sub communities? What influence do devotionalism and doctrinal orthodoxy have on economic behavior? These are the
questions which we shall seek to answer in this chapter.
1
If socio-religious
Economic Origins
I.
83
movement
is
concerned.*
Protestants
On
exist,
demonstrating that
did
Tawney,
op.
cit.
Yellin,
"The
Protestant Ethic, Level of Aspiration, and Social Mobility," American Sociological Review, 21 (June 1956), pp. 295-300.
4 The authors divided their sample into six subsamples, each of
which was analyzed separately and chi square values computed.
When this is done, the normal (and proper) procedure is to add the
chi square values and also the degrees of freedom, since the samples involved are independent tests of the same proposition. Also,
a one-tail test should be used when testing a theory which predicts
not merely the existence of differences but also their direction (as
with Weberian theory). Had these things been done, the chi square
value for father-son mobility would have been 14.2 with 6 degrees
of freedom. A one-tail test shows that the differences which they
found would not occur because of sampling error more than two
times in a hundred, or well below the accepted limits for rejecting
the null hypothesis.
84
difiFerences
between the
rates of
presidential election.
is
be accepted
were
raised.
As they
community
later
in
is
which
their failure to
their respond-
signifi-
cities
being
is
Mack, Murphy,
Yellin study,
heavy concentration of
6 Ibid., pp.
'^
Appendix
I.
85
Table 8
occupational level of white male respondents, by father's occupation, and religion, in percentages (1958
survey)
Father's Occupation
Respondents
Occupational
Level
Upper-middle Class
Lower-middle Cfass
Upper-working Class
Lower-working Class
TOTAL
Number
of Cases
Middle
Upper'
Working
LowerWorking
Class*
Class
Class
Farmer
40
28
20
59
22
31
16
18
20
39
14
15
27
48
7
38
18
SI
5
42
34
40
40
o
30
30
joo
99
15
23
12
J5
_24
J5
100
100
100
100
100
25
22
27
29
38
99
38
Sons of lower-middle-class fathers were combined with sons of upper-middlebecause the number of the former was insufficient to permit separate
analysis and because the relative proportions of males at the two class levels
were the ^ame for Catholics and Protestants in the 1958 sample.
class fathers
surprising.
and unskilled workers. Their sons remain concenand unskilled. Of the 19 Negro
Protestant sons of farmers, only 2 had escaped from the lower
half of the working class. Among the 16 sons of lower-workingclass fathers, only 3 had risen.
To a considerable degree this lack of mobility is due to
white hostility and resistance, though this is probably not a
semiskilled
suflBcient
Ob
we must
if
we
are to
weller's findings
J.
raised in
Table
9).-^^
The
upper-working-class fathers.
estants with this
is
a relatively minor
findings.
Because of the size of his sample, Weller was able to introduce into his analysis certain controls which were not possible
in the 1958 data alone. For example, he introduced an important control for ethnicity to see
if it
was
world might
economic discrimination against persons of southern or
eastern European background. Such a hypothesis seemed
relative lack of success of Catholics in the job
reflect
10 Neil
Weller, Religion
J.
and
87
Table g
OCCUPATIONAL LEVEL OF WHITE MALES BY FATHEr's OCCUPATIONAL LEVEL AND BY RELIGION, IN PERCENTAGES (DETROIT
AREA STUDY SURVEYS: 1 952- 1 958)
88
socio-religious groups.
clearly to
be
contrary
is
is
fourth.
to the
Work
As
first
89
values
we were
we
asked con-
High income
1.
No danger
2.
of being fired
3.
4.
5.
feeling of
accom-
plisliment
Each
of these,
we
and
careers.
The
is
stresses
factions
it
by Weber;
both the worth of the work and the personal satiscan afiFord. The first alternative, in contrast, stresses
and
last alterna-
much
is
con-
undoubtedly
logical usage,
these
tion to
it
may
Ethic.
it
classical
term, the
first
the
middle ground between them. A concern for chances for advancement is consistent with both the classical and current
usages.
The
view completely
list
was designed
to express a
any conception of the Protestant Ethic. The second was designed with the same purpose,
but in retrospect it seems somewhat less in conflict with the
Weberian definition than it seemed at first, since it does exin opposition to
(New
90
If
Weberian theory
is
correct,
it is
all
a hold
segments
we
thirds se-
and two
inter-
we
class,
found, as ex-
third
ranked the
fifth
alternative
in
first;
class,
contrast,
it first.
only a
three
Members
of
advancement as their first choice; members of the uppermiddle class were the least Hkely. All of the other three values
found their greatest popularity in the lower-working class and
for
can
fife, it
finds
its
is
Thus
it
seems that
and more
When we
explored the relationship between vertical moand these five work values, we expected to find that
upwardly mobile men would lay great stress on chances for
advancement. To our surprise we found that downwardly
mobile men were the most likely to rank advancement first.
Half of them chose this alternative compared with less than a
third of the upwardly mobile men and about a quarter of the
non-mobile men. The first choice of the upwardly mobile men
was "work which is important and gives a feeling of accomplishment." In brief, both our analysis of the distribution of
work values by class and of their relationship to vertical mobility
bility
cial relationship to
occupational success.
how
socio-rehgious group
values.
white groups rank the fifth alternative at the top of their list.
The percentages ranking this alternative first were as follows
in each of the four major groups:
White Protestants
52 per cent
Jews
48 per cent
44 per cent
24 per cent
White Catholics
Negro Protestants
The
91
White Catholics
Negro Protestants
White Protestants
45 per cent
40 per cent
40 per cent
31 per cent^*
These findings appear to confirm the behef that there are two
different though related systems of work values which are
often confused by being given the same label, "the Protestant Ethic." Both undoubtedly are capable of motivating men
to work hard and achieve, but the nature of the motivation is
not the same, and one would expect other differences to follow
from this. White Protestants seem clearly to display the classical pattern of the Protestant Ethic more often than members
of the other three groups. However, Jews and Catholics are
more likely to display those quahties which today are commonly regarded as exemphfying the Protestant Ethic. Al14 A recent study by Father Andrew Greeley reports similar differences among 1961 college graduates. On the basis of a national
sample, he reports Jewish graduates were the most likely to express
an interest in "making a lot of money." Catholics ranked second,
Protestants third. The Influence of Religion on the Career Plans
and Occupational Values of June 1961 College Graduates, unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Chicago, 1962.
92
though there
of
work
clearly a difference
is
values,
it
who
rate
for
advancement high
in
and vice
high
also,
way
them
to think of
is
variations
as
two
as
distinct
themes.
If
we
it
it
would be
difiBcult
be found in work, but the percentage differences involved are so small that we must look elsewhere for the major
tions to
work
chapter
calling." It
that
God
calls
some men
magistrate, just as
priest. In this
He
way he
to serve
Him
calls others to
as cobbler, farmer,
serve
Him
and
as minister or
work and
its
importance in
religious vocations.
Work was no
God
just as
much
as
that
was merely
difficult
as hard as possible.
93
argues,
that,
is
view of work from those raised in the Catholic tradition. Catholics continued to regard work primarily as a necessary evil; a
consequence of Adam's fall and a penalty for sin. By contrast, Protestants came to view it as an opportunity for serving God, or, in the Deist version, for building character.^^
To date almost nothing has been done to explore the relevance of Weber's thesis for the world of work in contemporary
15 As illustrative of the diflFerence, compare the following statements of Martin Luther and St. Thomas Aquinas. Luther writes:
"Your work is a very sacred matter. God delights in it, and through
it he wants to bestow his blessing on you. This praise of work
should be inscribed on aU your tools, on the forehead and the face
that sweat from toiling. For the world does not consider labor a
blessing. Therefore it flees and hates it.
But the pious, who
fear the Lord, labor with a ready and cheerful heart; for they
know God's command and will. Thus a pious farmer sees this verse
written on his wagon and plow, a cobbler sees it on his leather
and awl, a laborer sees it on wood and iron: 'Happy shalt thou
be, and it shall be well with thee." " Ewald Plass, ed., What Luther
Says: An AntJwlogy (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing Co., 1959),
Vol. ni, p. 1493, or see Roland Bainton, Here I Stand (New
York: Abingdon-Cokesbiuy, 1950), pp. 233-34, where examples
from Luther's table talk are cited. Compare these with St. Thomas'
explanation of the foiu: reasons for work: "Manual labor is directed to four things. First and principally to obtain food; wherefore it was said to the first man: *In the sweat of thy face shalt
thou eat bread'
Secondly, it is directed to the removal of
.
whence many
evils arise
Summa Theologica of St. Thomas Aquinas, translated by the Fathers of the English Dominican Province (London: Bums Gates
& Washboume,
3.
94
American
dence on
society. In
Dalton found
that, in
evi-
one
in-
Some people
unless they
(Q- 5)
We
then asked:
Why is
On
members
was placed in one of three catewere those who expressed a positive attitude toward work. That is to say, they valued work for its
of the
of our sample
own
it
reit:
Man must
cupy
his
have a purpose in life and something to ocmind. I get great satisfaction from my work.
wasn't
made
to
be
idle.
know
Man
16 Melville Dalton,
The Journal
of Political
is
happiest
when he
is
creating
95
trait in
man
much more
he
simply
when
said:
I like to
work.
men
happy
unless they
loaf. I
thing, but
it
work.
be boozing
it
It's
a healthier
life.
(Why
is
that?)
I'd
always
it:
Otherwise
up.
Some
people, however,
their jobs
immediately
if
made
it
would quit
feel I
if
nice.
96
I
it's
to lay
around without
inborn laziness.
24 per
cent,
and Cathohcs
estants
vs.
Protestants, the
14 per cent).^''
By
contrast,
more American-
canization
and urbanization. In
fact,
Americanization and
diflFer-
men
and 69
in the
and 37
in the
There were 22
latter.
1^
latter.
19 Unfortunately, there were too few Jewish males and too few
northern-bom Negro males in our sample to permit us to extend
our analysis of tlie effects of urbanization and Americanization to
these groups.
97
Table lo.^^ To sum up, it appears that Protesconducive to more positive attitudes toward those
positions in society which are more demanding {and also
more rewarding), while Catholicism is conducive to more
positive attitudes toward the less demanding {and hence less
rewarding) positions. This could well be an important factor
as
shown
tantism
in
is
This
than
is
involved
However, contrary to my findings, he found a positive correlabetween commitment to work and level of responsibility
among Catholics ( though the correlation was not as high as among
this.
tion
Protestants).
respondents.
controlled,
males ranked between white Protestants and Catholics, while working-class members of the group showed the least commitment to
work. For details of this study see Charles Westoff, Robert G. Potter, Philip Sagi, and Elliott Mishler, Family Growth in Metropolitan America (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1961).
However, the findings cited here have not yet been published.
98
Table lo
PERCENTAGE OF MALE DETROITERS HOLDING POSITIVE, NEUTRAL, AND NEGATIVE ATTITUDES TOWARD WORK, BY CLASS,
AND SOCIO-RELIGIOUS GROUP
99
firing.
In
set of
economic
By
we can
infer
much about
their
economic values.
manual
few
giant corporations dominate the labor market. Manual workers in these corporations have been successfully organized,
and imion shops have been estabhshed which compel most
manual workers to become union members shortly after they
In Detroit today the overwhelming majority of
is
largely because a
are employed.
At the other end of the scale among business and profesmenthe unions have made little headway. Between
sional
and only
They
middle
Among manual
ion
members
in
sig-
100
Negro Protestants
White Cathohcs
White Protestants
By
On
23
still
of the Protestants
men were
These and other data from the 1957 Detroit Area Study were
made
101
Table 11
102
is
pull of middle-class
by Glantz as a
sample of white Philadelphians in
1952.^^ In this study Philadelphians were asked whether
they agreed or disagreed with six partisan statements, three
taken from the publications of the National Association of
Manufacturers, three from pubHcations of the CIO. Respondents were classffied into three groups on the basis of their
answers: those who were (a) business-oriented; (b) laborSimilar findings have recently been reported
oriented;
and
(c)
indeterminate.
Among
middle-class
re-
were
classified as business-onented.
Among
who
spirit
and more
tion
is
fields
103
who wish
professions, especially
large firm
is
practice.
ment
of the
cities.26
employment found
in the Jewish
group represents a
tradi-
from
employment and advancement in many business firms dominated by Gentiles, Jews have been forced into occupations
where they are not dependent on the good will of others.
Despite these limitations, Jews have been extremely successful, as we have seen.
Differences between white Protestants and Catholics were
generally quite small, until an effort was made to limit comtional Jewish response to Gentile discrimination. Barred
When
compari-
all
104
lies
vs.
8 per cent).
Among
third-generation Americans
raised
(12
vs.
4 per cent).^^
employed. In short,
it
modem
among
third.
is
a classic example.
Some people
have
httle
available.
105
tions?^^
Table 12
Percentage believing
106
and Negro
Protestants,
by
contrast,
critical
On
first
struggle
its
for advancement.
outlook.
Similarly,
is far,
far
attitudes
if
were merely reflections of objective conditions in the job market, we would expect Jews to be more pessimistic than Catholics. Yet neither of these relationships was found. Jews have
much more confidence in ability than Catholics, and Catholics have httle more than Negro Protestants. These findings
indicate that such attitudes are partly independent of the
certainly
and
inhibit
Whatever
in chances for
many
Catholic
was:
Do you
think that
to get ahead, or
White
ceive
God
as desiring to see
men
get ahead.
be a
question for
many
to answer.
Many
this
proved to
said,
"God
is
pleased to see men try to get ahead, providing they don't hurt
others in the process."
107
Among Negro
The
(N=i3)
When we
striving.
and
who
lacks
earlier
image of the
many
of the values
therefore
consumption,
we
econom-
To what degree
is
it
saved and
questions used in this section of the study were develconsultation with Professors George Katona and James
Morgan of the Consumer Finance Studies section of the Survey
Research Center of The University of Michigan. On their advice,
attitudinal rather than behavioral questions were used in this area
because they reported that they have found the attitudinal data
highly correlated with the behavioral, and less likely to destroy
rapport with the respondent.
30
oped
The
in
108
INSTALLMENT BUYING
Early in the 1958 interviews
we
it
buy
things on
felt as
they did
to
(Q. 8a).
Some endorsed
we
If
we
waited until
got enough
money
to
buy
country
is
so well
the American
this
off.
things,
why
way
of
it:
life.
good
is
Negro Presby-
said:
installment buying
Or,
finally,
too high.
At
first
you.
don't like
it.
in their views
on the sub-
ject.
it
opposite
is
109
true
point to the conclusion that once again the two major economic groups are diverging rather than converging in economic attitudes and behavior (see also Attitudes toward
work).
Table 13
PERCENTAGE OF NON-SOUTHERN-BORN DETROITERS DISAPPROVING OF INSTALLMENT BUYING, BY SOCIO-RELIGIOUS GROUP, IMMIGRANT GENERATION, AND CLASS
110
light of
would
we
expected
exist.
financial records
more than
haff kept
SAVINGS
Next we turned
we
asked
how
We
we
some would be unable to answer and others might be seriously annoyed by such a question.^^ Instead, we relied on a
31 Such a question was asked in the i960 survey ( a study of
white males, aged 21-55 in the lower-middle and upper- working
classes) and substantial differences were found between white
Protestants and Catholics even when income was held constant.
For example, of those earning $6ooo-$9999 per year, 27 per cent
of the Protestants (N=ii2) but only 7 per cent of the Catholics
(N=i54) reported savings in excess of $5000. In the same category
46 per cent of the Protestants and 16 per cent of the Catholics reported savings of $2000 or more. Among those with incomes of
$10,000-$ 13,000 a year, 54 per cent of the Protestants (N=37)
and 41 per cent of the Catholics (N=39) reported savings of
$5000 or more. See Ronald Johnstone, "The Protestant Ethic in a
Modem Metropolis" (mimeographed paper, Detroit Area Study,
i960). These data were obtained from Harold Wilensky's study of
labor and leisure, and will be fully reported in his forthcoming
book. The Middle Mass (Glencoe: The Free Press).
111
Do you
even
How
if it
its in-
we then asked:
it
without
(Q. 11b)
Shghtly
we
observed
112
of
as in the
total sample.
Among
that saving
is
important.
Some saved
advanced
to attain
for believing
some major
long-range goal such as the purchase of a home, higher education for their children, or security later in
life,
while others
were only concerned with short-range needs and emergencies. Twenty-two per cent of the working-class white Protestants cited some long-range goal. This figure was even higher
(by a small margin) than that for any of the middle-class
groups.
By
Catholics and 7 per cent of the working-class Negro Protestants said they were saving to attain some major, long-range
goal.
The relevance of this difference for our earlier findings concerning vertical mobiHty can hardly be exaggerated. Higher
education is expensive, especially at the better colleges and
universities. For families with low incomes, it is imperative
that a program of savings be instituted years in advance of the
dence
it
that,
twice as
college.
some college
were more than two and a half times as likely to rise
to the ranks of the middle class as those whose education did
not go beyond high school (78 vs. 29 per cent)
lic
training
113
Sumnmry
it
In
may be
and
in
to
we have
economic
On
secular
counterpart,
By
contrast,
Cathohcs and Negro Protestants have more often been associated with the collectivistic, security-oriented, working-class
patterns of thought and action historically opposed to the
Protestant Ethic and the spirit of capitalism.
These findings recall the debate between Weber and Sombart earlier in the century concerning the role of the Jews in
the creation of the spirit of capitahsm.^^ Sombart suggested
that everything Weber ascribed to Puritanism might with
equal justice be ascribed to Judaism, and probably in greater
Sombart suggested that Puritanism was
essentially a modified form of Judaism, and that Judaism was
an earlier and historically more important source of the spirit
of capitahsm.
Weber vigorously rejected this hypothesis, maintaining
degree. 3^ In fact,
to
and so
Judaism produced a
33
34
forth. In other
sterile
cit.
114
which he
difficult historical
Our concern
"the spirit
is
estantism or Judaism
both
faiths
is
the progenitor of
modem
capitalism,
generating the
modem
capitalist system,
it
was incapable
of
an established
One
final
capitalist system.
when
Americans
raised in the North, differences between socio-religious groups
proved more pronounced than similar comparisons involving
comparisons
were
limited
to
third-generation
may
not
generate,
groups. This
life in
magnify,
or
is
the
modem
differences
metropolis
between
may
actually
socio-religious
who
and metropolitan
are valid,
it
study
Evidently,
may
well
17.
115
One
question
is
Have
among
the
Are the churches as irrelevant and uninfluential in the economic realm as many people think, or do they play a role in
shaping and molding economic attitudes, values, beliefs, and
behavior?
This
we
is
ansvv^er,
but as a
first
step
men
(i.e.,
that upwardly
mo-
owing to the small number of Jewish respondsuch comparisons were not possible in this group.
35 Unfortunately,
ents,
we found
116
fathers)
were more
likely to
classes.
Among white Protestants 38 per cent of the upwardly mobile men (N^ig) were regular church attenders compared
with 31 per cent of the non-mobile middle-class men (N = i6)
and 16 per cent of the non-mobile working-class men
(N=62). Among Cathohcs 78 per cent of the upwardly mo(N = 27), 76 per cent of the non-mobile middle class
(N=:i7), and 58 per cent of the non-mobile working class
(N=52) reported regular church attendance.
While these figures suggest that church attendance may
be conducive to upward mobility we cannot ignore the possibility that active involvement in the churches may be a consequence, rather than a cause, of vertical mobility. The high
bile
level of involvement
among
may
sim-
norms.
tionship
When we compared
class
families in
By contrast, only 31
per cent of the 102 children of other working-class and farm
When we
background (working
36
117
emerged in all four subsamples. The pattern was more pronounced among women than among men.^^ The class background of respondents apparently had no eflFect on the relationship.
less
it is
this difference is
worthy of note
in
it is
merely due to the attraction which church membership and activity have for the successful middle-class
Protestant, the causal relationship seems to operate more
often in the opposite direction. This is not to deny that to
tionship
is
modem
is
human
afiFairs
streets vidth
some
traffic
tion.
3"^
Among men
among women
it
was a percentage
was 29 points.
there
difference of 13 points;
118
larity to
On
it
The
relationship
church attendance among Cathofics therefore appears to be a result of the influence of mobihty on attendance
current
among
relationship
marginal members of the group. Among middle-class Protestants, this pattern was observed in 12 out of 14 questions
where comparisons were possible; among members of the
38 Among men there was
among women 14 points.
119
working
class,
the pattern
questions. ^^
There
is
either
tive relationship.
some
involved.
At both
is
a steady progression
with the
spirit of capital-
some
differences
tention. In the
churches
is
among
first
many
items.
the items
some measure
of
hostility
39 The reason for the difference between the classes in the number of questions was that several of the items were asked only of
union members and there were not enough middle-class union
members to make comparisons possible.
40 It was not possible to make three of the comparisons made
among white Protestant workers because there were so few Catholic workingmen who were both inactive in tlie church and also
union members.
120
Table 14
RESPONSES ON 12 ITEMS CONSONANT
WITH THE SPIRIT OF CAPITALISM,* BY SOCIO-RELIGIOUS GROUP,
DEGREE OF ASSOCIATIONAL INVOLVEMENT, AND CLASS
MEAN PERCENTAGE OF
Socio-religious
Degree
Group:
of associa-
tional involvement
Middle Class:
Per cent
Working Class:
Per cent
53
43
40
45
74
35
40
38
17
31
35
74
29
101
33
116
The items included are: (i) positive attitude toward work; (2) disagreement
with majority of CIO members on controversial issues; (3) agreement with ma
jority of businessmen on controversial issues; (4) believe workingmen's sons
chances of advancement good; (5) believe ability more important than family
connections; (6) believe God loves those who strive; (7) now self-employed;
(8) ever self-employed; (9) disapproves of installment buying; (10) keeps
budget; (11) gives multiple reasons for saving; (12) has long-range goals for
saving.
workers
working
CIO would
issues,
this
who
bers
in the
parable figures being 8 and 5 per cent (Ns=i2 and 57). Also
noteworthy is the fact that marginal members of the white
Protestant churches
others.
121
of the group.
Among members
com-
installment buying.
There were, however, two important questions which produced no evidence that involvement in the white Protestant
churches strengthened commitment to behavior patterns usually associated v^th the spirit of capitalism. First, we found
advancement.^^
When
respondents
be neglected.^2
41
At
least this
men
For
122
As Table 14
indicates, differences
active Catholics
job-related
values.
Finally,
active
working-class
Catholics
One
of the
more
We
tremely
interesting.
Active
and Protestants
is
fig-
ex-
123
members
is
is
in spite of
their influence.
cate,
tradition shared
common
by these
latter
ences which
still
marked economic
differ-
if
Protestants will
nomic
come
Communal involvement
When we
marked
examined the
for Catholics.
Among
farmers, only
their
had
those
who were
less
By
highly involved
contrast,
38 per cent of
124
wardly mobile.
Among
Catholic sons and daughters of middle21 per cent of those highly involved in
involved
(N=39).
Among
On logical grounds it
seems possible that a high rate of mobility may be both cause
and consequence of such separation, but one can build a
us to settle this important question.
On
subcommunities are much less important than their similarities. In other words, it is the relationship of the individual to
some subcommunity, rather than his relationship to a specific
subcommunity which
when we
is
important. This
is
especially true
downward
mobility.
seems to matter little whether an individual is highly involved in the Catholic or the white Protestant subcommunity,
as long as he is highly involved in some subcommunity.
When the relations between degree of communal involvement and other aspects of economic behavior were examined,
no differences of any magnitude could be found in either the
white Protestant or Cathohc groups.^3 xhfs suggests that the
It
125
7/7.
RELIGIOUS ORIENTATIONS
of capitalism.
Devotionalism
Among
ing high.
tionship
is
an
artifact of
also
observed
when
other as-
ducted in 1958.
126
prefers to see
men be
content.
Doctrinal orthodoxy
By
127
(33 VS. 16 per cent: Ns = 66 and 60). In this area the contrast
between doctrinal orthodoxy and devotionalism was extremely
pronounced, with the two orientations seeming to pull men
strongly in opposite directions.
The problem
of causation
it
is
a subject
which deserves
far
more
4* From the beginning of this study, the examination of the influence of religious orientations on secular institutions has been
128
IV.
ECONOMIC DETERMINISM
RE-EXAMINED
On
seems safe
it
behavior of
men
in the realm of
should
havior, this
that,
is
much
it is
significant
socio-religicnis groups,
is
especially frequent
is
much
among white
Protestants
and
Jews;
(2)
Protestants, even
less
frequent
when
among
is
held
constant;
(3)
is
of doc-
trinal orthodoxy.
To
is
and
why
should be
this
actions of
themselves at this
men
129
who
reductionism.
cate that
manner appropriate to members of an economiadvantaged group, and conversely, members of a disadvantaged group, such as the Negro Protestants, think and
and
act in a
cally
class
Cathohcs.
However,
this
may be
explained
on the
130
own
and
many
of the attitudes
torically, the
The marked
members
of the group.
first
in
such a view.
To begin with,
by the
seems
size of the
to
be the
case.
131
to
interaction as occurs
is
comparable. Yet
among members
we found
that such
facilitates
and stimulates
identification
with economic
third finding
which
environmen-
is
working class when judged by income and occupaWhite Catholics are much more evenly distributed (see
Table 7, page 80). Furthermore if one considers the economic
half of the
tion.
situation of the
differences
132
differences
reflect
similarities
seem
to indicate that
members
originally
in this country.
We
The
in
many
it
strict
environmentalist position,
133
hand.
Chapter 4
In the
and
modem
politics
control,
crucial
1.
135
spoken
liberal,
Republican Party
is
with the
political
and
interests
of the state.
This
is
which Detroiters
gave us in the 1958 survey to our questions about their political preferences and their reasons for them. After asking
them whether they considered themselves Republicans or
who
A young
man employed
Catholic
department store
said:
Baptist enlisted
man
Republican preference
way:
136
bile
is
unions.
Lutheran
said she
was
woman working
a
as a
RepubHcan because:
who
rich
people
A young
man who
feel.
is
bom
rich don't
The Republicans
know how
the poor
lot
Lutheran businessman
is
also
Demo-
capitalistic.
said:
was
is
less for
on your own two feet" philosophy. They run the government in a more businesslike manner.
It's
more
janitor said:
saying:
It
much
capitalist.
credit
manager
for a retail
saying:
justified his
He
preference by
The Republicans
are
more
The Democrats
if
had a million
137
it
this
way:
dollars I'd
for,
felt
Party stands
for:
2.
workingman
For
6. For
7-8. For
7-8. For
9. For
5.
conservatism
the good of the country
workingman
the
isolationism,
higher
America
first
tariffs
much spending
fell in
the
first
two
categories.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
For
For
For
For
For
For
the
little
labor or the
man
workingman
liberalism
more
federal control
spending
138
9-11. For
full
employment
two
were
were ob-
of the responses
philosophies or ideologies.
Detroit, like
many
strongly pro-Democratic.
hower
victories of
of the
as Republicans, while
if
Republican Party.
139
Table 15
PARTY PREFERENCE BY CLASS AND SOCIO-RELIGIOUS GROUP
FOR THE 1957 AND I958 SURVEYS COMBINED, IN PERCENTAGES
Class:
140
in
Detroit^
Negro
among
among white
Among southern-born white Protestants (N=44),
Protestants.
inflated
Protestants,
it
effect
whose pattern
of voting
is
Protestants
Party.
socio-religious
Handbook
141
tieth
century,
religion
creating
and party
misleading
correlation
between
affiliation.
more
likely
is
themselves as Republicans,
difference
We utilized the political preference of the father in this analybecause previous research has demonstrated that in the overwhelming majority of American families the members share a com3
sis
mon
al.,
ibid.
142
who had no
(N=26) became
(N=36).4
One might suppose
dren.
Such
is
was
ent and his or her father, and the father's party preference
as well,
and
still
have at
The percentage of persons in each of these catewho had become Repubhcans is shown in Table 16.
Protestants.
gories
From
this
become Republicans
we can
as their
CathoHc
is
something more than an accidental correlate of party aflBHation produced by the conditions of immigration in nineteenthcentury America. These data strongly suggest that rehgious
aflBhation is an important factor influencing the party affihation of present-day Americans.
Table 16
White Protestants
Working-Democrat-Middle
Working-Democrat- Working
Working-No preference-Working
et al., who reported
York, only 13 per cent of the Protestant sons
of Republican fathers defected to the opposite party compared with
66 per cent of Protestant sons of Democratic fathers. For Catholics
the comparable figures were 44 and 26 per cent respectively, indicating that more than an accidental relation is involved. Op. cit.,
4 Similar findings
that in Elmira,
pp. 132-34.
New
143
trends.
bom
in the South)
by
age,
it is
true that
among
points).
On
come
to
inspection
first
studies cannot
it
looks as
if
itself.
two
back on the
fall
two
different
more likely
The Elmira study was conducted ten years prior
to our own. This means that most of the young adults interviewed in our own survey represent a generation which was
careful examination of the evidence suggests a
hypothesis.
in 1948.
5 Ibid.,
pp. 69-71.
144
An
1956
and gubernatorial elections revealed Httle that
was surprising. As expected, Eisenhower won a substantial
number of votes among independents and Democrats in all
the major socio-rehgious groups. His largest gains seemed to
come in the Jewish group (this was surprising), where he
presidential
Jewish group.
among white
points;
party preference.
Catholic candidates
One
studied,
subject
is
high public
little
145
Mennen
office.
Truman, possesses a special knack for irritating right-wing Repubhcans and has been repeatedly subjected to sharp and vigorous criticism. By comparing the
WiUiams,
vote for
like
Dewey
respondents controlled,
we
class level of
Tahle 17
PERCENTAGE OF NON-SOUTHERN-BORN RESPONDENTS VOTING
IN THE
1948 PRESIDENTIAL AND I95O GUBERNATORIAL
ELECTIONS WHO VOTED FOR DEWEY AND FOR KELLY, BY
SOCIO-RELIGIOUS GROUP, AND CLASS
Class:
Sodo-relijyious
Group
146
more
likely to
throw
On
same
somewhat
latter.
Where
the subject
is
more openly
showed
The
"Detroit
News
if
among
is
Voter turnout
which members
147
the differences in frequency of voting were small and generally unimportant. Such differences were a bit larger in the
turnout
was much
less,
Lipset, Political
Man: The
(Garden City:
148
1.
You know
Do you think
bad?
2. Of course, we do have pohtical parties like Republicans
and Democrats for the state and national government. Do you
think having political parties is good or bad for the country
as a whole?
3. Do you think that the Democratic and Republican
good
this is
same things
or different things?
As might be expected, respondents who identffied themwere more likely to favor non-partisan
selves as Republicans
cans
the Democrats
were
negligible.
on most
of these questions.
Protestants
were most
much
better discriminator
As Table 18
indicates, white
and
and national govern-
Table 18
BELIEFS OF RESPONDENTS CONCERNING THE VALUE OF PARTISAN ELECTIONS, AND CONCERNING SIMILARITIES IN WHAT THE
PARTIES STAND FOR, BY CLASS, AND SOCIO-RELIGIOUS GROUP,
IN PERCENTAGES
Class:
Socio-religtous
Group
Favor
Believe
Believe
non-partisan
parties
parties
elections
good
alike
No. of
Cases*
Middle Class:
White Protestants
White Catholics
85
76
77
86
41
aj
51-60
85-28
Working Class:
White Protestants
White Catholics
Negro Protestants
89
86
62
74
78
95
55
40
76-87
22
20-23
The number
^"74
variations in the
149
toward
more
not
diflBcult to
work
to their dis-
way about
is
feel this
a reflection
is
a definite
for
that goes
As the answers to the third question indicate, white Protesmore inclined to take an integrative view of Ameri-
tants are
can society, denying the importance of social conflict. Catholics, and to an even greater degree Negro Protestants, tend
to deny the integrative view and emphasize the conflict
view. Many students of the sociology of knowledge have
long maintained that groups in power tend to adopt integra-
adopt
support
it
it
least likely.
can never be a
reliable indicator of
men
in so
many
different ways,
one
150
on a given
under the same party banner. Simultaneously,
one finds people sharing the same viewpoint on a given issue
aflBliated with different political parties. Because it is impossible for mass parties such as the Republicans and Democrats
to achieve internal unity on all important issues of the day,
it is desirable to look behind party preferences and examine
the attitudes of group members on specific issues.
In so doing, however, we nm a calculated risk. Many individuals have never seriously considered many of the issues
confronting American society, yet when questioned about
them in an interview are likely to voice some opinion, no
matter how hastily arrived at. Obviously such opinions are
likely to be somewhat random or hit-and-miss. The more
obscure the issue, the more pronounced this randomizing
effect which blurs the evidences of group influences on individual thought and action. ^^ For this reason we tried to
confine our questions to issues of some importance. Nevertheless, it is clear that to some degree the randomizing effect has
been at work, especially on issues not currently "in the news/'
The first of the issues with which we dealt was the critical
issue of how broad the powers of government should be in
contemporary American society. This is, of coultsc, the issue
which is central to all arguments for and against the modem
welfare state. To discover how our respondents viewed this
issue rallying
subject,
we
asked:
To illustrate how this phenomenon operates, one might imagtwo groups which influence their members in diametrically opposed ways on a given issue, with the result that aU of the individuals in Group A who have given serious thought to the issue are in
favor of policy X, while all of the members of Group B who have
given the matter thought are opposed to this policy. If, however,
half of the members of each group have not given thought to the
matter prior to the interview, and respond on the spur of the moment and in completely random fashion, with half favoring policy
X and half opposing it, when the analyst relates group membership
to attitudes toward policy X, he will find that only 75 per cent of
the members of Group A are in favor of this policy, and that 25 per
cent of the members of Group B are also in favor of it. In short,
10
ine
spur-of-the-moment decisions made while the interview is in progress cause one to underestimate the divergence between groups.
151
(Q. 14)
We
Would you
government go so
far as to take
country such as
the railroads, or the steel industry, or would you not be
this
Among
felt
the government
classified as
ing,
less
imemployment, and education, indicated that neverthethey were opposed to the nationalization of basic indus-
tries.
11
152
As Table iq
than
it
should in
worthy was the low percentage of white Protestant members of the working class who were favorably disposed to, or
even uncertain about, the idea of nationaHzing basic industries. This idea found even less favor with them than it did
with middle-class members of the other three socio-religious
groups.
Table 19
PERCENTAGE OF RESPONDENTS EXPRESSING SELECTED ATTITUDES TOWARD GOVERNMENTAL INTERVENTION IN THE ECONOMY IN THE 1958 SURVEY, BY SOCIO-RELIGIOUS GROUP, AND
CLASS
eminent
is
doing too
little
153
come, education and family background, we sought to determine whether these other factors might account for some of
the differences between groups. To do this we set up simultaneous controls for the class level of the respondent, the
class level of his parents, his education,
number
of cases in
with problems
like
of social security,
154
low
cost.
Table 20
PERCENTAGE OF RESPONDENTS FEELING THAT THE GOVERNMENT IS NOT DOING ENOUGH WITH RESPECT TO HOUSING,
UNEMPLOYMENT, EDUCATION, AND SIMILAR MATTERS, BY
SOCIO-RELIGIOUS
GROUP,
CLASS,
R:
CLASS
ORIGINS,
EDUCATION,
155
:i
^41
^
J;
fe i c
a 5s a
a 6
3 S o o o 8 C
l^
i
i
JS
Q S S
<j
m -^
Ills
o t^ CO
->
am
<
CO
<
U
^
C/J
pq
Ph
W P
II
2 S I i St3 I
g si
^ j: rO
s
?
^i
S 2
^M ji
^
156
involved,
ranked second
it
in seven,
and
error.
Chapter 3
we saw
had an
and
and enjoyed remarkable success within the concapitalist system. One would therefore expect
be staunch supporters of laissez-faire capitalism, and
action,
text of the
them
to
combination of
traits
is
much
as the white
more
extreme, form.
This, then, leads us to ask the question of
why Jews
should
capitahst system
remarkable successes, even the wealthiest Jews frequently find themselves excluded from private clubs and organizations by their economic peers, and from high adminis-
their
trative posts in
13
and
See
many
corporations dominated
by
Gentiles.
status in
class
157
Hence, despite their success, American Jews have not developed any sense of solidarity with the American economic
ehte, and have, in fact, reacted against this elite, their political values, and the social institutions on which they depend.
Democratic socialism, from its inception, has contained a
strong Utopian element which holds out the promise of social justice to all. It is a form of social organization which
promises almost all of the advantages of capitalism, but none
of its disadvantages. Based on rational principles, it promises rewards (both material and psychic) in proportion to
the ability of individuals to contribute to
its
rationally de-
criteria
be based on
it
has a
justice
Foreign
affairs
158
other nations.
We
and
their views
as follows:
Russia,
Some people
2.
say
we
much
to help other
ernment
In
for the
States join
it,
Why is that?
to see the
United
(Q. 30a)
between the four major sociowere minor. In only two instances were differences of any magnitude found. First, less than 40 per cent
of the Negro Protestants favored foreign aid when this is
general,
differences
religious groups
UN
thing.
The
lack of support for foreign aid among Negro Protesseems clearly linked with their group's economic difficulties. Negroes in Detroit tend to feel that this country has
serious problems at home and should deal with these before
tants
Political
Behavior
159
distrust of nationalism,
international
Our
institutions
as
the
is
the remark-
among
agreement so
Civil rights:
and
great.
freedom of speech
interpreted?
What
How
rights should,
and what
Bill of
Rights be
make speeches
criticizing
what the
someone
to
make speeches
by
Britt, eds.,
Jews
in a Gentile
160
3.
make speeches
in favor of
Fascism
someone
to
make speeches
in favor of
Communism?
The
first
of these practices
Even
However, even among those who had attended college, one eighth did not believe that criticism of
presidential actions was a right guaranteed by the Constiturural backgroimd.
tion.
finds
adopt a
least likely.
largest
Table 22
PERCENTAGE OF DETROITERS EXPRESSING BELIEF THAT VARIOUS PRACTICES ARE PROTECTED BY THE BILL OF RIGHTS, BY
CLASS AND SOCIO-RELIGIOUS GROUP
161
position. 1^
members
governmental institutions.
Hence, their attitudes and values tend to be far more influential than those of the working class. DifFerences in attitudes
toward freedom of speech among persons of middle-class
status are therefore likely to be far more important than
similarities among members of the working class. For this
reason, the differences observed between the two very large
middle-class groups, white Catholics and Protestants, may be
social contacts required to influence
itself as
a possible alterna-
ff
on
this question,
on
162
this view.
On
the other
From
this
evidence
we can
by the
second explanation of the difference might be that relamore of the Catholics in the middle class are first- and
tively
it is
is
the
case,
is
middle
When we
the
class.
mean
difference
Samuel A. Stouffer, Communism, Conformity, and Civil Lib(Garden City: Doubleday, i955)> ? 143
erties
163
by various
is
so highly corre-
differences
in the
to
postulate
a cause-and-effect
makes
it
matter
is
as Stouffer s
own
figures indicate,
among
(and
absence of any control for community size).
Thus it appears that Stouffer's analysis of the religious problem must be regarded as incomplete, and his conclusions
this despite the
questionable.
Civil rights: the rights of minority groups
civil hberties
concerns
citi-
zenship to various minority groups. One of the most controversial issues today revolves around the efforts of northern
liberals to integrate public schools, especially in the southern
states.
all
own
communities. Sub-
164
North is revealed by
our 1958 survey. One third of the white respondents said
white and Negro children should attend separate schools
(Q. 25) An additional 5 per cent were uncertain.
stantial resistance to integration in the
is
limited to those
bom
When
the com-
White Catholics
White Protestants
Jews
The
differences
greater
among
(N=
those with
26)
class
and
ties springs
ensue.
To
we
which we expected
165
One notable surprise was the finding that a large percentage of the Negro Protestants, especially those in the working
class, oppose birth control on moral grounds. Why they take
this position is not altogether clear, but one authority in this
area. Professor Ronald Freedman, has suggested to us that
many working-class Negroes with limited education may be
confusing birth control with abortion. While we could find no
direct evidence of this in the records of the interviews, we did
ample evidence that many working-class Negroes did not
understand what birth control is. On a number of occasions
interviewers made a marginal notation indicating that they
were not at all sure that the respondent understood the quesfind
tion.
is
it
was
many
rhythm method, which has found conditional approval on the part of Catholic leaders. Perhaps these persons
tice of the
this
166
> H
>
CO
cd
167
method into account, a proper Catholic response to this question would seem to be that birth control is usually wrong,
Americans who engage in
do not rely on the rhythm method.
Judging from comments made by Cathohcs who amplified
their views on birth control, it is clear that many, if not most,
of those who did not condemn it were thinking in terms of
the forbidden methods. For example, a young Catholic housewife who never attends Mass any more said:
since
it is
this practice
It's
against
was brought up
to believe
it.
it's
standpoint.
By
opposed
it.
contrast,
On
more than
the question of
168
which
Conflicts
type are
To determine how prone Detroiters are to seek governmental sanction for controversial moral norms, we asked all
those who said that gambling, moderate drinking, birth control, or Sunday business were "always" or "usually" wrong,
whether the government should have laws against this practice (Q. 119a, i2oa, 121a, and 122a). As an inspection of
Table 24 reveals, no group has a monopoly on the tendency
to seek
its
moral standards.
Men
quency. However,
to order
and
this is
norms
to basic moral
is
stability in
of
fre-
human
society.
The problem
arises,
Some
others condone
Some
methods of
racial
segregation in schools
as
Some
breach of basic
We
edge of American
history.
this
country minority groups have repeatedly won rights and privileges through governmental action. This has been especially
true of the Negro group, which has probably gained more in
vidual ideals.
169
S\
lO
in
C^
170
The
One
clergy
and
politics
Do you
Do you
The
first
to discover
whether
The uniqueness
question
is
171
clergy were the chief spokesmen for the Negro group. They
were not only the religious leaders of the group; they were
simultaneously its pohtical leaders. If they were silent, who
would speak for the Negro group? Today the situation is
changing. More and more other leaders are emerging, but
until this process has fully run its course American Negroes
are likely to continue to look to their clergy for pohtical leader-
ship
Finally,
we
sought to discover
how religion
affects attitudes
It is
doubtful
political
eflBcient rule of
To
find out
rule of law,
men.
how
and what
com-
we
asked Detroiters to look ahead to the i960 presidential election and tell us whether they would prefer ''a man
who gets things done by never letting governmental rules and
mitment,
who
by the
rules
and regulations"
(Q. 19). In the total sample, 16 per cent expressed a preference for the man who would not let rules stand in his way,
but 75 per cent expressed a preference for the man who respected the rules. The remainder were uncertain.
We foimd that the socio-rehgious group to which an individual belonged was not a major factor influencing his re20 In the 1961 mayoralty election in Detroit, the Negro Protestant clergy organized for political action and played a major role
in unseating the incumbent mayor.
172
sponse to
this
man who
fine resulting
safely avoid
13a). 21
While
socio-religious
officials
not
tell
per
se.
it
we
first
173
view of public
oflBcials
prob-
kind generally.
It
was our
way
as reflecting dissatisfaction
with
practice.
If this interpretation is correct,
likely to
be
members
critical of
figure for
per cent, for white Catholics 28 per cent, and for white Protestants only 20 per cent. Class differences were negligible,
and
had no appreciable
effect
on these
figures.22
These findings suggest once again that our four socioreligious groups tend to be "status groups" in the sense in
which Weber employed the term. That is to say, they are
groups which are differentiated in terms of social honor,
and where honor and respect are denied to a particular group,
its members tend to react critically toward the social system
as a whole, its key institutions, and their leaders.
Thus, it appears that American radicalism derives at least
as much from the "status group struggle" as it does from the
more
22
ties
174
IL
we
in the realm
Once again
concern will be with the significance of the individuaFs
relationship to his church and subcommunity, and with the
of politics,
our
first
each.
When
who
are
more
ac-
degree of involvement in the churches; among Negro Protesit varied inversely. ^^ Because of the tendency for white
Protestant churchgoers to identify with the Republican Party,
Republicans were as numerous as Democrats among worktants
after the
175
Table 25
PARTY PREFERENCE BY CLASS, SOCIO-RELIGIOUS GROUP, AND
DEGREE OF ASSOCIATION AL INVOLVEMENT FOR THE 195/ AND
1958 SURVEYS COMBINED, IN PERCENTAGES
No
Class:
Socio-religtous
Preference
Group:
Associational Involvement
Middle Class:
White Protestants:
high
low
Repuh-
Demo*
lican
crat
or
Independent Total
No*
of
Cases
176
Table 26
PARTY PREFERENCE AMONG WORKING-CLASS WHITE PROTESTANTS, BY REGION OF BIRTH AND DEGREE OF ASSOCIATIONAL
INVOLVEMENT FOR THE I958 SURVEY, IN PERCENTAGES
Region of Birtk:
Associationd
Involvement
177
example, that
when
who
said they
wanted a man
can Party seems to attract individuals who are greatly concerned with the integrity of public officials to a greater degree
than does the Democratic Party.^*
This view is also supported by data gathered in the 1958
survey,
the type of
give
some thought
to
worded
as follows:
man who
the American
way
of Hfe, or one
who
man who
American way of life. Only 23 per cent favored the man who
based his campaign on a discussion of pohtical and economic
problems (a finding which may do much to explain the ease
24
decade ago Julian Woodward and Elmo Roper reported
finding in a national sample that Republicans were much more
likely than Democrats to react to the personal characteristics of
U. S. Senators, but they could not explain why this should be.
See "Pohtical Activitv of American Citizens,'* American Political
Science Review, 44 (December 1950), p. 881. Our analysis sug-
178
When
first
place, those
two im-
who voted
for
figures
hower by
this criterion.
179
much more
whom we have
so
have
their
evidence.
our impression that in the period since the 1930s at
least, the Democratic Party has chosen to make its primary
appeal to the nation on the grounds of economic issues a.
It is
times of economic
Tm
together,
and
for
180
of
with
this
this
The
GOP.
we discussed in Chapter 2. We
and fourth-generation Catholics (and Protestants as well) tend to be more highly involved in their
churches than first- and second-generation immigrants. Our
data indicate that third- and fourth-generation Americans
may be differentiated from the first and second generations in
their pohtical behavior as well. The former show a much
greater preference for the Republican Party even when class,
socio-reHgious group, and place of birth are held constant, as
canization process which
found that
shown
in
third-
it
To
ized.
Table
2.7
PERCENTAGE OF THOSE PERSONS EXPRESSING A PARTY PREFERENCE WHO IDENTIFY AS REPUBLICANS, BY CLASS, SOCIO
RELIGIOUS GROUP, AND IMMIGRANT GENERATION (nON-SOUTHERN-BORN only)
Clasv.
Socio-religious
Generation
Group:
181
publicanism. Rather,
it is
Church
the Catholic
as
communal involvement
Among white Protestants no marked relationship was evident between communal involvement and party preference
except among those members of the working class who had
little
ment
(N=i8).
Among
who were
Among
interest in
more Catholics
view of our
earlier
the more likely they are to favor the Repubhcan Party. These
two aspects of the Catholic group, the church and the sub-
182
Why
puUs them in
between the associational and communal aspects of religious group involvement, using a national sample of respondents
(op. cit.). His measure of associational involvement was identical
with that used in the present study. His measmre of commimal
involvement was based on responses to the following questions:
tinction
people?
How much interest would you say you have in how ( Cathopeople as a whole are getting along in this country? Do you
have a good deal of interest in it, some interest, or not much in2.
lic)
terest at all?
recognition of the
communal
183
may
help resolve one of the interesting paradoxes of contemporary political sociology. As various observers have
noted, the political role which CathoHcs play varies consider-
pohtical influence
be hberal.
one compares those nations in which the Catholic vote
tends to be on the conservative side of the pohtical spectiiim
(e.g., Latin America, Poland, Italy, Himgary, etc.) with those
in which it is on the Hberal side (e.g., the U.S., England,
to
If
Austraha, etc. )
the Catholic
it is
community
name
was substituted.
While operationally these questions are quite different from
those used to measure communal involvement in the present study,
it is clear that they refer to the community rather than the church.
Furthermore, Converse found that wherever he was able to compare patterns of findings based on his measures, with patterns of
findings in the present study, the results consistently paralleled one
another. For example, he found Jews reporting the highest level of
identification
184
the
latter,
first
dif-
ple, secular
pohtically conservative;
when
it is
not,
it
becomes a
liberaliz-
ing influence.27
This suggests once again that it is both dangerous and misleading to suppose that theology provides the only basis for
explaining differences among rehgious groups. Such differences are often a reflection of the influence of very mundane
and materiahstic forces such as the position of the group in
the national hierarchy of status groups. Thus neither a materiahstic
nor an
idealistic interpretation
differences found
among
which we
is
a subject to
who
also
more
fikely to
is especially marked among workingwhere those who are marginal to the churches
are almost twice as likely to be non-voters as active members.
These figures call to mind Herberg's discussion of the "common religion' of Americans, their faith in Democracy, and
life
of the
in
national, faith.
The
manuscript, 1956).
185
Table 28
PERCENTAGE OF PERSONS NOT VOTING IN THE I956 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION, BY CLASS, SOCIO-RELIGIOUS GROUP, AND DEGREE OF ASSOCIATIONAL INVOLVEMENT
Class:
Socio-reltgious
Group:
Associational Involvement
186
Democracy,
"common
is
Earher
we found
those
who
between active white Protand Catholics was ehminated in the working class.^^
estants
Table 30
percentage of non-southern-born detroiters voting for
dewey in the i948 presidential election and for kelly
in the 1950 gubernatorial election, by socio-religious
group, and degree of associational involvement (l952
survey)
Degree of Associational
Jnvotvemsnt
Socio-retigious
Group
Highly Involved:
White Protestantf
White Catholics
t94^:
Dewey
Per cent
7950; Kelly
Per cent
187
An
attitudes
the
members
more
liberal stand.
is
much
mem-
it
as follows.
tions tap a
among
active churchgoers
social security.
188
jeopardized.
This
is
more strongly committed to the values of individual freeenterprise which are embodied in the spirit of
capitahsm than to the humanitarian values embodied in the
are
dom and
parable of the
Good
Samaritan.
Foreign
affairs
by
when we analyzed
an-
and
mean
net difiFerence between those whose primary relawere largely confined to their own subcommunity and
those with more extended relations was 8 percentage points.
The only segment of the population in which this pattern
was not observed was the middle-class segment of the white
Protestant group. Their deviation from the general pattern
may well be linked with their pecuhar position in the structure of the community and the nation. They are the most
privileged segment of the nation and its leaders, and are
therefore obhged to concern themselves with issues which
transcend the bounds of their own subcommunity. Thus,
members of this group may find that confinement to their
subcommunity does not have the same restrictive consequences which confinement to other subcommunities has. If
one excludes the middle-class white Protestants from the
analysis, the mean difference in interest in world problems
the
tions
189
between those who are more involved and those who are
involved in the various subcommunities
is
less
over 13 percentage
When we
mean
differ-
whom
this
high level of
involvement represented a change during the last ten or fifteen years. The latter were much more likely than the former
view on foreign aid, and not to limit assistance to other countries to that which is required by national
defense. The mean difference between the habitual church
to take a liberal
whom
is
moral
190
volvement
in the
whom
active in-
patterns of action.
Freedom
In the area of
civil rights,
of speech
dential
actions,
and speeches
who were
church more often expressed doubt that
speeches
espousing Fascism or
more
the
active in their
attacking religion,
Communism,
those Catholics
Bill
members
more
in-
strict inter-
communities.
relatively
2),
when
who were
those individuals
with those
who were
when
Among
Protestants, both
(see Ta-
of
Table 31).
white Protestants the difFerences were not very great,
Among
speeches
attacking
religion.
Here,
somewhat
make
surprisingly,
those who were more highly involved in the group more often
supported the rights of skeptics than did those less involved
in the group. It should be noted that this relationship seems
entirely due to the influence of the churches and not at all to
the subcommunity. With involvement in the churches held
constant, there
was no
relationship
between involvement
in
191
Table 31
PERCENTAGE OF DETROITERS SUPPORTING LIBERAL INTERPRETATION OF TEE BILL OF RIGHTS IN AREA OF FREEDOM OF
SPEECH, BY SOCIO-RELIGIOUS GROUP, AND TYPE AND DEGREE
OF GROUP INVOLVEMENT
Percentage Taking Liberal Stand
WITH Respect to:
S-r, group:
Associationa! tnv^
Communal
tnv.
Criticism
of President
Attacks on Fascisi
Religion Speeches
Communist
Speeches
If
White Catholics:
High-high
Low-low
68
83
34
85
23
62
50
4^
4A
3^
84
7a
63
47
4
41
32
49
3^
*39
'54
38
38
23
26
41
21
28
25
29
White Protestants:
High-high
Low-low
Negro
Protestants:
High-high
Low-low
Among Negro
Protestants
there
was
generally a
much
and hberal-
Angell, op.
cit.
if
we had based
our con-
192
elusions
we would have
compared with 49 per cent of the non-churchis not so different from the
of the non-southern population, and that the differences
as tolerant,
unfortunate.
Our
much more
liberal
much more
groups are
liberal
where the
rights of atheists
The
latter difference is
among
non-churchgoing Protestants.
Minority group rights
As noted
individual
is
we found
favor integration.
By
contrast, the
that
have
associational involvement
more involved he
is
the
is
to
in his
while those
who
some blurring
One cannot
that obtained
of the pattern.
when
88
194
On the
show
that the
closer to
demanding
position.
Table 33
OF RESPONDENTS STATING THAT FROM THE
MORAL STANDPOINT (a) GAMBLING IS ALWAYS OR USUALLY
WRONG, (b) MODERATE DRINKING IS ALWAYS OR USUALLY
ViTRONG, AND (c) BIRTH CONTROL IS ALWAYS OR USUALLY
V^^ONG, BY SOCIO-RELIGIOUS GROUP AND DEGREE OF ASSOCIATIONAL INVOLVEMENT
PERCENTAGE
Moderate
Croup:
Associationat Involvefnent*
White
Protestants:
White Cathdics:
Gambltng
Birth
Control
N**
49
26
18
41
17
35
18
40
15
150
Drinking
Activists
80
RegMlars
Irregulars
57
53
Maiglnals
44
23
s6
Marginals
33
18
18
Irregulazs
46
132
R^;ulars
31
29
i^
^3
Activists
26
81
40
^' Activists (attend services every week and cburdire!ated organizations at least
once a month) | Regtiian (attend sendees every iveel^ but are not acUve in
church*related organizations); Irregulars (attend services one to three tunes a
month) t Mar^tta!$ (attend services less than once a month, if at all). Theterm
"marginal" b used here
a more restricted sense than dsewhere in the text
where it is used to include irregulars as welL
The figures ^oWa in this column refer to the total number of persons in
each category. Since some respondents failed to reply to certain questions, the
bumber of cases on which percentages are based was slightly smaller.
&
However, on the
195
members
same pattern can be observed when the position of the irregulars, and even of the regulars, is compared with that of
the activists. In each case, the group with the less demanding
moral norm seems to exert a greater influence over the members of the other group. These are examples of what might
be called the principle of social hedonism: when two established and institutionalized rehgious groups support opposing
moral norms, the less demanding norm tends to win the less
committed members of both groups.
If this principle is vahd, one might well wonder how demanding norms come into existence in the first place. The explanation for this is indicated by the qualification in the formulation of the principle. It is suggested that this principle is
only valid "when two estabhshed and institutionahzed religious groups" come into conflict. Rigorous moral norms are
usually forged in the fires of sectarianism
and
crisis.
In times
may
munism, a nontheistic
power
because of
new
Modem Com-
faith,
sectarian
(this facet of
196
197
Table 35
PERCENTAGE OF PERSONS BELIEVING A SPECIFIC PRACTICE
ALWAYS OR USUALLY WRONG WHO ADVOCATE LEGAL SUPPRESSION OF THE PRACTICE, BY SOCIO-RELIGIOUS GROUP AND
DEGREE OF ASSOCIATIONAL INVOLVEMENT
Sunday
Birth
Group:
Associational Involvement
Socio-religious
White
Negro
Drinking
Control
Business
46
52
28
15
13
63
66
51
85
31
24
25
57
43
97
high
71
48
50
16
26
no
65
17
(14)
15
13
67
64
no
low
high
82
33
80
10
71
14
low
67
33
25
12
54
28
87
62
23
29
Protestants:
White Catholics:
Gambling
Protestants:
high
63
low
22
in his church
and Negro
on the
single issue of
Sunday business. ^^
were related
We
would do
little
more than
reinforce
the influence
of
in-
198
volvement
in the churches.
(N=35)
and gambhng,
as
shown
in Table 36. In
Table 36
PERCENTAGE OF WHITE CATHOLICS EXPRESSING THE VIEW
TH.\T (1) MODERATE DRINKING AND (2) GAMBLING ARE ALWAYS OR USUALLY WTRONG, BY DEGREE OF ASSOCIATIONAL AND
COMMUNAL INVOLVEMENT
Associational Involvement:
Communal Involvement
High-high
High-low
Low-high
Low-low
Moderate
199
is
The
clergy
and
politics
on this
members shared
more
active
matter, only
this view.
The explanation
for
ters. This,
however,
is
necessarily conjecture.
200
to play
ment by
law, not
to
who
interest of efiBciency.
who
ignores
them
in the
of each
to
was
with a
ofiBcials,
ginal
though
members
Among Negro
less
critical
in the Catholic
the
was 23 per
corresponding
cent.
figures
for
same
effect as
involvement
Negro
in the
lations stop
him (N=2o).
201
or no difference
among Negro
people,
erally.
By
who
feel that
discontent.
Finally,
we might
who
to,
democratic procedures
Town
II,
Labourer:
Chapter
1760-1832
13, pp.
107-8.
(London:
202
political
Involvement in both the white and Negro Protwas strongly related to this important type of
activity, while involvement in the Cathohc Church
was
Twice
to themselves.
estant churches
not.
as
many
III.
RELIGIOUS ORIENTATIONS
When
and orthodoxy
we found no
reli-
consistent re-
lationship
party.
trinal
communal involvement all held conmore orthodox respondents had a larger percentage of Republicans in six instances. ^^ The mean net diflFerence was 28 percentage points; the median difference was 26
points. Among working-class whites also there was some indication of a positive relationship between orthodoxy and
group, associational, and
stant), the
to
203
between devotionahsm, orthodoxy, and economic valChapter 3 we found that a high level of devotionahsm
was generally linked with a positive attitude toward the spirit
of capitalism and the values embodied in it, while doctrinal
orthodoxy was not. On the basis of this one might well expect
lations
ues. In
to find devotionahsm associated with support for the Republican Party, and doctrinal orthodoxy playing a more neutral
role. Clearly other factors are present which must be taken
into account.
difference was minus 1 percentage point, or in other words, on the average the more orthodox
were slighdy less often Republicans than the heterodox.
204
tants
of the devotionalists
(N=i6)
74 and 65 per cent (Ns=62 and 144), and among non-southand 55 per cent (Ns=i02 and 112).
em Catholics 65
Once again
Among
Prot-
both southern-bom and those raised elsewhere, doctrinal orthodoxy was unrelated to attitudes on the issue of
school integration. Among Catholics, only 56 per cent of the
more orthodox favored school integration whereas 66 per
cent of the more heterodox took this humanitarian view.^^
The imphcations of this for party preference became even
more apparent when we examined the responses given to the
question asking whether the government is doing too much
estants,
or too
little
education, and so
were more
likely
it,
devo-
that
is
role of government.
human
these
greater,
tion
and
problems,
this surely
or too
little
in this area.
strument of action,
of
205
Table 37
PERCENTAGE OF RESPONDENTS STATING THAT THE GOVERNMENT SHOULD DO MORE WITH RESPECT TO HOUSING, UNEMPLOYMENT, AND EDUCATION, BY CLASS, SO CIO- RELIGIOUS
GROUP, AND DEGREE OF DEVOTION ALISM
Class:
Group:
Degree of Devotionalism
Socio-religious
206
may
orientation linked,
secular
that
which
is
207
may be
that
where devotionahsm
is
is
dominant, a dynamic
is
to
lacking,
it
determinists.
One
and devotionalism
comment concerns
the rela-
is
linked with
208
IV,
A FOOTNOTE ON LIBERALISM"
'^
Class
In the
modem
and
liberalism
between
"liberals**
and "conworking
and conservatives with the upof the tasks which greatly conthe 1958 survey was that of testing the ade-
and the
classes
intellectuals,
cerned us in
One
we were
im-
between
liberals
basis of
who
favor
those
who
such
we
utilize the
to the stands
many
times
a hberal as one
bilities,
209
men
The
is
among members
of
upper
integration,
among members
of the
middle
class.
These
be. ^2
to
be conservative than
is
The
limited lib-
210
By
in
its
ultimate implications.
to in-
to sacrifice
classes
and
is
is
unwilling to gamble
much on any
gram.
It is
on the basis of
self-interest as
much
as
varieties of liberalism
and
socio-religious
if
any,
is
re-
it falls
is
On
three
it
in consistency.
so close to
as
and
aid,
The Negro
Protestants,
on the
other hand, are liberals with respect to the welfare state and
but conservatives on
211
civil liberties
and
for-
Religious liberalism
The
final
point requiring
and
political liberalism
comment concerns
the interrela-
tions
between
Our data
little
religious liberalism
we
have been discussing.^^ The one exception to this general pattern occurs on the issue of freedom of speech. Here there
appears to be a modest relationship between pohtical hberalism and rehgious hberahsm. In the other three areas, however, no relationship is evident, indicating once again the
dangers inherent in the asstmiption that "a hberal
is
is
a hberal
a hberal."
43
For a similar observation based on a very different methodoapproach see Samuel Lubell, The Future of American Polv(Garden City: Doubleday Anchor Books, 1956), revised edi-
logical
tics
tion, p. 122.
Chapter 5
The
kinship system^
tional systems of
tirely in
come such a
fact,
it
is
institu-
organized en-
is
modem
It
contains
have be-
political,
economic, religious,
men and
between the competing claims of kin groups and other groups. How do they
choose? How does religion affect the choices they make? Reand
women
modem
metropolis
and
their
home
in these matters, or
do
differ
1 The terms 'Tcinship system" and "kin group" are generic terms
which include both the "immediate family" ( consisting of married
couples and their dependent children) and the "extended family"
( consisting of a number of immediate families and unattached individuals who are related to one another).
The second
What
area
we
shall
examine
ment
ment
is
instill
213
What
Do
Finally,
we
shall
fertility.
How
is
what effect, if any, does religion have on the important problem of population growth?
In all of our discussions in this area we shall want to keep
in mind our earher findings concerning mobility differentials.
answer in
/.
this chapter.
and even
tional,
religious
activities
political,
life is
educa-
is
typically a
mod-
whom
system
tions,
is
and
only one
modem
among
in this setting
it is
214
loyalties of
individuals.
In Weber's classic comparison of Confucianism and Puritanism, he develops the thesis that one of the distinctive characteristics of
ism was
its
community
rise of capital-
community
This thesis
on our
is
earlier finding
concerning Protestant-Catholic
bound
If
light
differ-
be a significant
economic advantage. In an effort to determine what effect,
if any, religion has on the relations of men and women toward
the kin group in the modem American metropolis, we examined data from the 1952, 1953, 1955, 1956, and 1957 surveys,
as well as those from our 1958 survey.
tightly
MIGRATION
One
by
modem
Americans
is
their will-
community and
with
whom
he has the
closest ties.
He may
all
take some of
A man usu-
of them.
economic or vocational
regard migration as an indicator
opportimities; hence
we may
compete
when
more money
its ties
or a better
job.
cit.,
Chapter
8.
The
White Catholics
(N= 153)
Jews
31 per cent
White Protestants
Negro Protestants
the interpretation of
215
would
(e.g.,
national
fig-
migrants
among Negro
cluded), there
is
Protestants
some reason
for
not typical of
all
3 Fred L. Strodtbeck, "Family Interaction, Values, and Achievement," in Sklare, op. cit., pp. 147-65.
216
Among members
class Jews.
of the
working
class,
20 per cent
on
vertical mobility
makes
it
abimdantly clear
that spatial mobility faciUtates or at least normally accomIf this is true, then people whose ties
with kin bind them to their community of birth are necessarily
at a disadvantage in the competition for advancement. This
factor
for
may
RELATIVES
VS.
NEIGHBORS
there
activity: the
tives,
Table 38
217
small
ily (e.g.,
immediate fam-
was
with 14 per cent of the Jews and 16 per cent of the Catholics.
If we had the data required to eliminate from consideration
those married couples
who had no
parents
still
larger.
we
Friends
2.
Teachers
3.
4.
Parents
5.
6.
Books
7.
TV
list
greatest
or radio
and
4.
1, 3,
or 4, 16 per cent
218
and 90 per cent. For Catholics they were 6 and 94 per cent;
for Jews 5 and 95 per cent.
Finally, in the 1957 survey, Detroiters were asked whose
political opinions had the greatest influence on how they
voted: their close friends, family members, religious leaders,
union leaders, business leaders, nationality group leaders, or
part>' leaders. Roughly one fifth of the sample cited either
close friends or relatives.
Of the white
Protestants
who
did
so,
way
in, and
where the
the Jewish and Negro
bond
of kinship
is
is
less clear,
ties
but seems to
in-
Not only are ties with the extended family weaker among
white Protestants than among Catholics, this is also apparently true of ties with the immediate family. For example,
Protestants, both white and Negro, were much more likely
to have been divorced than either Cathohcs or Jews. The
differences were not very great if we compared only persons
currently divorced, since divorced Catholics are much less
likely to remarry than Protestants. Fifty per cent of the Catholics in our sample who had ever been divorced (N = i6) had
not remarried, compared with 26 per cent of the white Protes5 In a study conducted in New Haven, Connecticut, sharp differences were found in the degree of familialism of Italian Catholics and Jews. Italian Catholics were much more likely than Jews
to say that even after marriage a young person's first loyalty is to
his parents, and that he should not move away from his parents.
See Fred L. Strodtbeck, op. cit.
219
tants
is
complicated
is
less
durable
of divorce
clear.
among
The
Protes-
work. This too must have some effect on the pattern of social
One would expect
Cathohcs (especially those who are better educated and
make
vigorous efforts
and threatening.
it is
neces-
and
vertical mobility. If
mobihty,
how
then
weak famihal
may we
ties facHitate
upward
This
is
Unfortunately, there
is
no obvious answer
to this problem.
realm despite their strong family ties, and this may well be
correct. However, it is not a very satisfying explanation it
seems too much of an effort to beg the question.
Happily, there is an alternative explanation which is more
satisfying and also more intriguing. This explanation is based
220
on the
who work
for firms
such
control. In contrast,
Attitudes toward
We
also
Catholic
homemaking and
in their attitudes
More
child raising.
women would
specifically,
its
It
child raising
we
Cathohc women.
to
women
expected Catholic
women
group, with
ties
activities.
By
for
contrast,
white Protestant women, especially, would be less enthusiastic about homemaking and child rearing, since their group
seems to orient its members, both male and female, to extrafamihal activities to a greater degree than other groups.
The best data to test this hypothesis were provided by the
women
These data from the 1953 survey were made available for this
by Professor Guy E. Swanson, to whom we express our
sincere appreciation. These data have been analyzed in a different
context by Professors Swanson and Miller and the findings reported
in their book. The Changing American Parent: A Study of the Detroit Area (New York: John Wiley, 1958).
6
analysis
221
white Protestant mothers, but only 47 per cent of the Cathomothers, felt that children were burdensome to a greater
lic
child with
By
fell
in
these categories.
Parental values
One
and
child rearing
we
you had
to choose,
which thing on
this list
would you
him
1.
to
2. to
3.
obey
be well hked or popular
4. to
5.
for life?
work hard
to help others
When
help
222
asked which item they would rank second, which third, and
which
last.
With respect
differences
no major
between
hard work
were foimd
either
between
classes
tended to
or
stress
somewhat more than other groups, and helping others somewhat less, but the differences were small. The reverse was
true of white Protestants. Jews were somewhat more concerned with popularity than other groups, but not enough
ahead of any of the other four values.
differences were all concentrated in the
relative ranking of two values: obedience and intellectual
autonomy. There were important differences in the ranking
of these two values both along class and socio-religious group
lines. For this reason we classified each of our respondents
according to whether he ranked obedience above intellectual
autonomy, or vice versa.
As Table S9 indicates, a high valuation of intellectual
autonomy is linked with the upper-middle class and with the
Jewish and white Protestant groups. Upper-middle-class Detroiters are far more likely than lower-working-class Detroiters to value intellectual autonomy above obedience,
and within all of the class levels, Jews and white Protestants
are more likely than CathoHcs to do this. Once again the
biggest differences between socio-religious groups occur at
to rank
it
The important
by
case,
however, as
we proved
ents
(i.e.,
Table 39
PERCENTAGE VALUING INTELLECTUAL AUTONOMY
OBEDIENCE BY CLASS AND SOCIO-RELIGIOUS GROUP
ABOVE
No. of
Class:*
Socia-reUgiotts
223
Croup
Upper-middle Class:
White Protestants
Jews
White Catholic^
Per cent
Cases
SO
Lower-middle Class:
Jews
Negro Protestants
White Protestants
White Catholics
Upper-working ClassS
White Protestants
White Catholics
Negro Protestants
Lower-working Classs
White Protestants
Negro Protestants
White Catholics
*The
trols
mean
difference
224
bility,
Table 40
PERCENTAGE OF URBAN-BORN DETROITERS VALUING INTELLECTUAL ALTTONOMY ABOVE OBEDIENCE, BY CLASS AND
MOBILITY STATUS
No. of
Class:
Per cent
Mobility Status
Cases
Middle: non-mobile
Middle: upwardly mobile
74
77
48
40
55
227
ment
it
is
difficult
downwardly mobile.
to
84
xi8
extend
this
argu-
It is
in
its
ranks.
Unfortunately,
the class
that year.
See, for example, R. H.
Knapp and H.
B. Goodrich, Origins of
225
demands
other,
intellectual
and
if
he achieves
this goal
is
less likely to
the selective
from childhood
What
is
make
a creative
At every turn
process favors the student who has been trained
field.
is
autonomy
almost a prerequisite for admittance and is clearly a requirement for success.^^ In other words, in virtually all
is
An
upper-middle class.
immigrant generation as related
analysis of
to intellec-
omy
was
226
than of the first and second generations (59 vs. 66 per cent).
Thus, while convergence was occurring in the working class,
the middle-class segments of these important groups were
diverging.il
These findings
political system.
also
dom
freedom of expression.
judge from the responses of Detroiters to our
question concerning the importance of intellectual autonomy,
Cathohcs and Negro Protestants are more likely than either
Jews or white Protestants to be responsive to appeals to
hmit individual freedom and increase authority. The latter
are more hkely to respond to appeals to hmit authority and
cially
If
we may
On
intellectual orientation of
nearly what
is
required of
stable
among
the socio-
religious
11
Among
first-
in the middle
was a
Use of
227
leisure time
We
are interested in
really
had
leisure
The range
(b)
productive or constructive
heading
we
activities.
Under the
first
to
eat.
as
we
or constructive activities
228
difference
was quite
women were by
small.
constructive activities
somewhat more
that Jewish
far the
forms of
likely
activity.
organizations
the latter
we
similar groups.
We
re-
Table 41
Class:
SodO'Teligious
Middle
Class:
Group
Per cent
Responses
No. of
Respondents
229
spondents were active,^^ 54 per cent were of a "serious" naThe same was true of 40 per cent of the organizations
in which white Protestants were active. However, this was
true of only 31 per cent of the organizations in which Catholics were active, and 32 per cent of those in which Negro
ture.
Protestants
were
active. ^^
it is
a serious matter
if
this
is
involved,
undoubtedly
world of work.
some worthwhile
Having made
plain
On
their choice,
to
something he (she)
as they did.
own
interests,
with 73
who
Among
13 A person
was classified as active in an organization if he reported attendance at at least half of the meetings of that group.
14 With class controlled,
the difference between Catholics and
Negro Protestants was increased somewhat. Whereas 28 per cent of
the active memberships of working-class Negro Protestants were in
"serious" organizations, the same was true of only 24 per cent of
the active memberships of working-class Catholics.
230
The important
why
explained
own
interests
when
Many
mothers
mothers
{or doing things with
we
classified as
whether the
On
many mothers
for-
justified
mothers.
Table 42
PERCENTAGE OF RESPONSES INDICATING AN ORIENTATION
TOWARD THE FUTURE IN CfflLD REARING, BY CLASS AND
SOCIO-RELIGIOUS GROUP ( IQSS SURVEY)
Cto
Per cent
Responses
No. of
Respondents
44
37
I17
81
95
70
No, of
^
^
Socio-religums
Group
Middle Class:
White Protestants
White Catholics
fVorking Class:
N^ro
Protestants
48
48
43
White Protestants
White C2atholics
41
xgo
35
164
140
130
15
Protestants, as indicated
we
is
231
coded with our problem in mind, the code categories employed were often ambiguous from our standpoint. Even so,
a statistically significant difi^erence was evident, indicating
i^At least two other studies have explored the relationship between religion and planning. In the Strodtbeck studies cited earlier,
op. cit., a substantial difiFerence was found between Jewish and
Italian Catholic boys in New Haven when they were asked for
their reaction to the statement "Planning only makes a person unhappy since your plans hardly ever work out anyhow." Ninety per
cent of the Jewish boys disagreed, but only 62 per cent of the
Italian.
In another study Orville Brim and Raymond Forer asked a sample of 2700 Connecticut high school students, "How far in advance have you planned your life?" Thirty-nine per cent of the
Jews responded with answers of five years or more. This compared with 30 per cent of the Protestants (apparently both white
and Negro) and 21 per cent of the Catholics. Without any control
for class the latter difference was significant at the .oi level;
though correlational measures indicate that over half of this variance remained when class level was controlled, the authors do not
say whether the remaining difference was significant at the .05 or
.10 level, or whether a one- or two-tailed value of P was employed.
They only state that the difference was not significant at the .01
level. In the case of the Jewish group, no tests of significance are
reported with class controlled, but the authors state they are confident that there is a real difference. The second sample is much
less meaningful, being based on 349 Yale undergraduates in an introductory political science course. Owing to the highly unrepresentative character of the sample, generalizations based on it
seem dangerous. Suffice it to say that once again the Jewish group
232
Discipline
is
of discipline
whole child-rearing process, and hence one of the most important. In the 1953 survey Miller and Swanson examined
this subject, asking mothers how they would discipline a tenyear-old child when he or she did something which the
mother thought was very wrong.
In every society a wide variety of disciplinary techniques
are customarily employed, and American society is no exception. However, for purposes of analysis we divided the
responses to this question into two categories: (a) those
modes
larly spanking;
more
ten-year-olds.^^
Further-
with our earlier discussion of intellectual autonomy and obedience), the use of physical sanctions where
older children are involved reflects an obedience orientation
on the part of the parent, and is likely to stimulate such an
orientation on the part of the child; on the other hand, symbolic sanctions are more consistent with an autonomic orientation. Hence, it was our hypothesis that white Protestants
and Jews would favor the use of symboHc sanctions and that
Cathohcs would be more inclined to use physical sanctions.
As predicted, white Protestant mothers relied much more
often on symbohc sanctions alone, while Catholic and Negro
Protestant mothers were more likely to employ physical sanctions either alone or in conjimction with symbolic sanctions.
As Table 43 indicates, the differences were substantial at
both class levels. It is especially interesting to see that the
disciplinary practices of i/;ar/:mg-class white Protestants con(in line
had the highest percentage of long-range planners, while no appreciable differences were found between Catholics and Protestants. See "A Note on the Relation of Values and Social Structure
to Lffe Planning," Sociometry, 19 (March 1956), pp. 54-60.
1'^
See Miller and Swanson, who develop this point more fully.
Op.
cit.,
9
s6
234
pick up his
own
toys; (c)
store;
and
We
earher age than white Protestants (2.9 vs. 3.1 years). On the
four items as a whole, the median age at which middle-class
Catholic mothers expected these responsibihties to be as-
sumed was
Cathohc mothers.
miming
On two
of the items
pected an earher assumption of responsibility than workingclass Cathohcs. On the other two items (picking up toys and
over-all
that his parents should decide this (Q. 137). On this quesas on the questions from the 1953 survey, Cathohcs
tion,
were more likely than Protestants to say that the child should
wait longer to assume responsibihty. Only 7 per cent of the
Cathohc parents in our sample felt that a twelve-year-old
child was old enough to assume this responsibihty, compared
with 21 per cent of the white Protestants, 23 per cent of the
Negro
Protestants,
shall
235
Family size
One
is
life
its
members
to
some
slight
degree through immigration, the vast majority of new members are added through birth, and through births to couples
who assume the major responsibihty for sociahzing and training their offspring. Although fertihty is a very private matter
in some respects, since Malthus' day scholars have recognized
that
it
In the
last
hundred
come
the
norm
six,
or more.
the other hand it is related to the issue of how long the period of
parental supervision shall continue. On logical grounds there seems
no reason for believing that those who think children should learn
to assinne responsibilities early should not also believe that the
period of parental supervision should continue for an extended period. The longer the period of parental supervision, the greater the
opportunity for the child to internalize his parents' values. If the
parent is committed to the value of self-reliance and personal responsibility it may well be that these values are best transmitted
to the child if the parent retains some meastue of supervision over
the child's activity for an extended period of time. Obviously this
can be overdone. However, it is also possible to put the child on
his own too early. In short, with the advantage of hindsight we felt
that this particular question was not a good measure of concern for
self-reliance
and independence
training.
236
boom
come quickly on
the heels
American
they were
In the
fertility rates
modem
which have a
at
work
however, is not
one of these. The influence of the churches has been in quite
different directions. The Catholic Church has opposed the
use of
many
of the
more
eflBcient
means
of contraception as
immoral and has encouraged the view that large families are
pleasing to God. On the other hand, the Protestant churches
have increasingly taken the position that there is nothing
immoral in the use of modem methods of contraception, and
the failure to limit family size can be immoral if parents continue to have children when they are unable to provide properly for the spiritual and physical needs of those they already
have.
The problem
is
to determine
how
bell,
237
whom
whites, most of
fertihty rates in
last.^^
Table 44
MARCH 1957)
Mean Nu mber
Socio-religious
Group
Women
aged 15 to 44
of Children:
Women
45 and over
Non-whites'
2.66
3.21
Catholics
2.28
3-o6
White Protestants*
Jews
a.13
2.69
1.75
2.22
Most non-whites
all
non-
238
all
women
limited to those
women
currently living
agreement
women have
women
are
dis-
more often
children ever
bom
to
as follows:
Negro
Protestants
members
of the various
and
Catholics.
239
bom.
The 119 comparable white Protestants reported only 1.9.
The most obvious explanation for this discrepancy between
the findings of our study and earlier studies was that of samphng error. Our sample was far smaller than those in either of
we
obtained might
be a spurious one.
However, the three studies were not all conducted in the
same year, and this suggested a second hypothesis. The differences in findings may reflect a trend sl trend producing increasing divergence between Catholic and Protestant birth
rates. The Freedman survey in 1955 showed no difference in
actual fertiHty among younger members of the two groups.
The Census Bureau's survey in 1957 showed a very smell
difference of 15 children per 100 famihes. Our survey in 1958
showed a hrger and more important difference of 43 children
per 100 famihes. While some part of this pattern of increasing
divergence might be due to sampling error in one or more
studies, or to differences in the composition of the samples,
some might
also reflect a
new
Freedman
fertility
is
also suggested
by
whom Freedman
By
contrast,
from 1931
to
240
To
test the
this period.
Table 45
M^HITE PROTES-
come
to
241
in-
creasing divergence.
46
Negro
Protestant rate has been smaller than that in any of the other
three major groups. In recent years the traditional differential
Table 46
AND BY YEAR
Catholics
Wk,
Prots.
N,
Prots,
Jews
Mean
Mean
Mean
Mean
1956 combined
1.9 1
3^
i.^
416
2.x8
158
1.59
27
and
1959 combined
240
341
1.97
391
2.38
136
2.13
38
Years*
J952> I954
and
957, 1958,
242
number
tion
we
In addition to asking
the 1958 survey
is
also
pected and wanted to have (Q. 135, 135c, and i35d). The
striking finding here was that yoimger Cathohcs (under
35) were much more likely than non-Catholics to desire a
substantial enlargement in their family. Young CathoHcs
expressed a desire for 2.0 more children than they already had.
most
By
wiU
is
very possible.
among
and Negro Protestant groups have undoubtedly contributed to the low rates of upward mobility in
these groups. Higher education has always been an asset in
the job world; today it is a prerequisite to entry into most of
the better positions. But higher education is expensive, and
fertihty in the Catholic
especially so at the better colleges and universities which provide entree to the best positions. Hence, children from larger
families are
tition for
bound
good
to
jobs,
What
more
is
often overlooked
is
left after
children.
Adding childien
to
243
a family inevitably results in the transfer of some of this "unto the basic necessities, imless the income
committed" residue
(which
is
not
common)
number
of children
may
return
is
likely to
are
still
Thus
it
effect
on
It is especially significant to
class.
in the
middle
77.
GROUP INVOLVEMENT
AND FAMILY
In the
first
LIFE
we found
The white
Protestant churches
may
it
244
two
more often, or as
any other category of persons. Sixty-
active church-
churches
is
we
meant more
to
ciations. In the
them: their
ties
churches or unions) per 100 adults whereas marginal Protes28 per 100 adults. In both middle and
working classes there were approximately twice as many ortants reported only
tant churches
is
kin group, but positively correlated with involvement in volun23 Sixty-five per cent of the Catholics as compared with 63 per
cent of the white Protestants reported that their ties with relatives
to them than their ties with friends.
24 In part this difference reflects the participation of the church-
meant more
245
the kin group. But do these correlations indicate a causal relationship, with involvement in the white Protestant churches
who
people
Is it
among mobile
things?
Such may be the case in some instances, but the data indicate that more often than not the causal influences flow in
the other direction. For example, we found that church attendance rates are higher among native-bom Detroit Protestants than among those who have migrated to the community
from elsewhere. This is not what we would expect if involve-
ment
more,
in the churches
if
gration,
is
why
should
this
Catholic Church? As
we
is
in,
and valuation
of,
is
a consequence of mi-
involvement in
and
laity alike to
God with
letters
organizations.
The 1958 survey shows clearly that church-related organmuch more prominent role in Detroit Prot-
izations play a
246
v^dth only
24 per cent of
In this respect
modem
first
later amplified
and
as
"Come
From
call,
its
is
to bring peace
on
He
For
(Matthew 10:35-37)
This has long been a key element in the sectarian tradition.
Obviously present-day Detroit Protestantism is not a good
It
down
ning Protestantism was to a considerable degree a sectariantype revolt against the poHtically supported, socially respectable, worldly-wise, church-type organization. Though it has
ism
still
of these traces
may be found
in
its
its
247
To
extended family.
In brief,
great
body
of
evidence
both from
this
tended family
well)
divorce rate
among
Protestants
may
The
of,
relatively
and
high
is
by
The
be quite
different
(New
ica
248
1952 survey. A high degree of involvement in the Cathohc Church was positively correlated with a high degree of
involvement in the kin group. Whereas 60 per cent of those
who reported weekly attendance at Mass reported that they
visited with their relatives at least once a week, the same was
in the
true of only 45 per cent of those who reported irregular attendance at Mass. This was just the reverse of the white Protestant pattern. The difference between active white Protestants and Catholics in this respect was considerable. Sixty per
cent of the active Catholics, but only 43 per cent of the active
white Protestants, visited relatives weekly.
to in-
was
On
more
ac-
he had with coworkers off the job. Only 9 per cent of the
regular attenders at Mass reported weekly visits off the job
with coworkers, compared with 21 per cent of the marginal
Cathohcs. Again the pattern was just the opposite of the
white Protestant pattern (for white Protestants the comparable
figures
ties
was negatively
among white
corre-
Prot-
249
was the
reverse of the
ence
own and
are
poHcy
decisions.
The important
point
is
simply
group as an
as something of a competitor.
stated this principle baldly, it is necessary to
it
add
and churchly tendencies
are considerably intermingled in both Protestantism and CathoHcism. Neither is a good example of either of the ideal
types. Protestantism has gone a long way down the road of
compromise with existing institutions, so much so that leaders
of major secular institutions find it easy, even convenient, to
hold membership in one or another of the Protestant churches.
On the other hand, American Catholicism shows certain distinct sectarian tendencies. The ancient sectarian call, "Be ye
separate," has a strong appeal for contemporary American
Cathohc leaders, as evidenced by their encoin-agement of
parochial schools and a host of separatist organizations such as
the Catholic Youth Organization, the Knights of Columbus,
and so forth. Similarly, the intransigence of CathoHc leaders
Having
250
spirit of
spirit of the
in
common with
the
this blurring of
On
first
seem
ships of Cathohcs
member-
to contradict
CathoHc churchgoers
non-churchgoers to be active in
all Cathohcs, regardless of class, 34 per cent of the active
churchgoers were also active in voluntary associations other
than church or union, compared with 18 per cent of the nonanalysis.
and second-generation immigrants. Among the more Americanized, involvement in the Cathohc Church is only mildly
linked with increased involvement in voluntary associations,
two groups.
The Negro
We
Protestant churches
churches would have consequences similar to those of involvein the white Protestant churches, and that the consequences might be even more pronounced, owing to the
greater strength of sectarian tendencies in the Negro group.
ment
proved correct so far as organizational involvement was concerned. Active churchgoers among the Negro Protestants were much more active in voluntary associations than marginal members of the group (53 vs. 25 active
memberships per 100 adults). With class controlled, the figlues for white and Negro Protestants, both active and inacOiu: predictions
tive,
were almost
identical.^s
On
in the kin
251
group ran
valued their ties with relatives more than those with friends,
no relationship with church attendance was observed among
Negro Protestants. On a second measure based on frequency
of contact with relatives, active churchgoers in the 1952 survey reported weekly contacts with relatives more often than
marginal members, though the diJBFerence was only half as
great as in the case of the Catholic group. Finally, active
likely
same
all of the various bits of evidence together, it appears that the Negro Protestant churches occupy a position
Putting
intermediate between that of the white Protestant and Catholic churches in these matters. Why this should be so is not
clear.
By contrast with involvement in the churches, which produces differing attitudes toward the kin group depending
upon the church involved, involvement in the subcommunities
has a more uniform effect. Our evidence on this subject is
quite limited, since data on involvement in the subcommunities
were not obtained in any year other than 1958. Hence, we
are obliged to rely entirely on the question concerning the
in the
252
of the group.
Among
68 and 63 per
cent.
Personal values
The
relationship of the
time (as contrasted with self-indulgent uses), and for "serious" organizations (as contrasted vidth purely social organiza-
was positively
an orientation toward the future rather than a
concern with the present. However, contrary to expectations,
correlated with
253
same pattern was observed in all three of the major socioand what was most startling of all, it was
most pronomiced in the Catholic group. In the Cathohc group
the differences between those actively involved in the church
and those who were marginal tended to be substantial, ranging
from a i6-percentage-point difference on the use of leisure
time to a 29-point difFerence on the preference for "serious**
organizations. Among white Protestants the diflFerences were
quite modest, ranging from a 3-point difference on the preference for "serious" organizations to an 8-point difference on
this
religious groups,
These
facts
make
it
and
and
same frequency
is
as non-Cathohcs,
Discipline
and independence
training
ment
The
limited relationships
254
survey,
Family
In
all
size
who
who do
is
most marked
in the
who
By comparing
results
and 1956) with those of the later years (1957, 1958, and
1959), some insight into trends can be obtained. In the white
groups, the largest gains in family size were foimd among the
churchgoing Catholics, where, comparing the earlier
later, an increase of five children for every ten
families was indicated. Among marginal Catholics, and active
and marginal white Protestants, the increase averaged about
three children for every ten families. In other words, though
the recent rise in the birth rate has affected all segments of
active,
among
Catholics
who
it
seems
to
Among Negro Protestants, trend data yielded a rather surAmong active churchgoers there was a decline
prising pattern.
members
among mar-
subcom-
Among
size.
Catholics there
was a
difference
Why
there
is
255
this difference
one thing
is
certain:
what Lazarsfeld
III.
ORTHODOXY, DEVOTIONALISM,
AND FAMILY LIFE
him
By
Among
fits
256
tivist
view
those
who
who were
irregular in
autonomy. Ranking second in this respect were those unorthodox Protestants who were not active in the churches (66 per
cent, N=:i79). For the remainder of the membership of the
three major socio-religious groups only 51 per cent (N=252)
shared
this orientation.
positivism
This clearly
is
to expect.
movement within
The
greater
who
commitment
who
why imorthodox Protestants express
much more often than unorthodox
such a commitment so
Cathohcs.
We do not mean to suggest here that the Hberal Protestant
movement is the only force, or even the most important force,
promoting intellectual autonomy in contemporary American
society. Clearly other forces are at work, as indicated by the
257
The modem
scientific
movement has
also
influence.
Catholic orthodoxy
and
there
separate subsamples in which associational and communal involvement were varied (associational involvement high, communal involvement high; associational involvement high, communal involvement low, etc.), the more orthodox members of
the subsamples expressed a preference for their ties with rela-
tives
is
When
on
ties of kinship,
is
among CathoHcs
doxy
is
We
would
it
Finally,
larger
it
seems appropriate
socio-religious
258
trinal
both
class levels.
much
Furthermore,
at least
its
fall
importance
may be
more
greatly overrated,
why some
Our
socio-
findings
and
depend
as
importance. Success
much
(or
may
self,
as
on sheer ambition. In
may
fact,
those with
259
substantial.
on other
on ambition
is
traits of personality is
neg-
more
Chapter 6
RELIGION, EDUCATION,
In
modem
AND SCIENCE
an increasingly important role in the socialization of the individual. This trend has been inevitable. When occupational
specialization
work
is
is
carried to extremes,
and
it is
impossible
most children to learn many of the necessary skills required by the world of work within the context of home and
family. This is not to say that the family is no longer important in the preparation of the child for future employment.
Far from it. The family is still the source of basic personal
skills, values, and ideological commitments which are so
vitally essential for success. However, for many crucial technical skills the child is obhged to turn to the schools.
One of the distinctive features of the modem world of work
is the growth of large-scale enterprises directed by complex
bureaucracies. In these enterprises, which employ an ever
increasing percentage of the American labor force, something
for
last
twenty-
salaried
employees.
With the
increasing
bureaucratization
education
chance of advancing.
RELIGION, EDUCATION,
The system
261
AND SCIENCE
its
With
modem
and
amount
serves as
nomic
many
re-
modem
American society
a screening and evaluative mechanism for the eco-
institutions.^
what
How
does train-
and values
of
its
students?
Does
it
increase or de-
does
it
and
actions of
its
What
How
graduates in
effect does
it
answers in
hfe,
this chapter.
we
shall also
examine
Do
serious
iSee
Pitirim
Sorokin,
Social
Mobility
(New
York:
Harper,
I.
Somewhat
EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENTS
IN THE FOUR GROUPS
to our surprise, dUfferences in the educational
Table 47). Jews were the most likely to have received some
and CathoHcs were the most likely to have
received only a grammar school education. However, Cathocollege education,
have received some coland Jews were more hkely than Protestants
have received only a grammar school education.
lics
were
as likely as Protestants to
lege education,
to
Table 47
PERCENTAGE OF RESPONDENTS RECEIVING SPECIFIED AMOUNTS
OF FORMAL EDUCATION, BY SOCIO-RELIGIOUS GROUP
Amount
Protestants
* Classification
Protestants
0102
26
I2
51
tS
22
50
$6
loo
100
99
100
school
TOTAL
Negro
Jews
30
55
24
High school
work at
Catholics
20
6a
C!ollege
Giammar
None
White
White
of
Education*
not
mean
some
completion.
The group which differed most from the others was the
Negro Protestant, but even here differences were not as great
as had been expected. Differences in education were not
nearly as marked as differences in class. This suggests that
either the class position of Negroes in Detroit is affected by
occupational discrimination, or that the education which they
received was inferior to that received by whites, or both. This
last possibility seems quite likely in view of the fact that the
majority
of
Negroes
in
om:
RELIGION, EDUCATION,
AND SCIENCE
263
Dropouts
Although
diflFerences
among
when judged by the general level of educawere much larger differences in the frequency
relatively small
tion,
there
with which individuals dropped out of school before completing the unit of education on which they had embarked.
Jewish respondents were the most likely to have completed a
given unit, regardless of whether this unit was
grammar
Among
by
contrast,
this.^
may
of completion
rate of
vide any explanation for the difference between white Protesand Cathohcs. In our sample, the latter were actually
raised in middle-class families more often than the former.
tants
of the CathoHcs
of
dropouts occun-ed
much
less often
than
than Protestants to have dropped out of school without com2Weller obtained similar results. He found 51 per cent of the
white Protestants in his six-year sample completed their last unit
of education compared with only 38 per cent of the Catholics. See
Dissertation, Chapter 4.
3 If one includes only those of urban origin, 28 per cent of the
Catholics, compared with 24 per cent of the white Protestants,
were of middle-class
origin.
264
lics.
The
implications
of
this
pattern
for
subsequent career
Those who
fail to
com-
ahead
in the
compared with 43 per cent of the graduattended grammar school but did not
graduate only 8 per cent attained middle-class status, commiddle-class status,
ates.
Among
those
who
some explana-
tial for
this
Students
who drop
(May
23, 1949).
RELIGION, EDUCATION,
AND SCIENCE
265
denies them rewards which they seek, most notably (in the
We cannot be certain
whether the high frequency of Catholic dropouts is a function of "push" or "pull," or both. However, our data do procase of slower students) self-respect.
who
students.^
Research has also demonstrated that peris positively correlated with I.Q., that I.Q.
that those
weak
formance
is
in school
own and
other studies
have shown)
that
Catholics
have
would perform
less
we would
Among
Catholics who attended either high school or col54 per cent of those who received all or most of their
education in the public schools were dropouts, compared with
lege,
is
the
difiFerential
schools.
^For an
cit.,
pp. 238-43.
266
While
does not prove the hypothesis that the high dropis partly a result of competition encountered in the public schools, it is at least consistent with itJ
this
of recent research
To summarize
far,
pubHc
schools;
is
a result of the
un-
is
factor
sity of
Michigan, forthconung.
KELIGION, EDUCATION,
AND SCIENCE
267
Which
how
pubHc education,
it
may be
well to
diflPer in
back-
ground from those educated in pubhc schools. For this purpose we divided the Cathohc respondents in our 1958 survey
into two categories: (a) those who received more than half
of their education in Cathohc schools, whom we shall refer
to as those with a Catholic education, and (b) those who
received half or less in Cathohc schools, whom we shall refer
to as those with a public education. Thirty-five per cent of
class
class.
likely to
education compared with 34 per cent of those from workingclass families and 31 per cent of those from farm families.
These differences are not very great, and neither are differences great if we classify respondents on the basis of their
present class position. Thirty-nine per cent of the middle-class
268
variable.
some
Among
those Catholics
number
of Catholic
fewer are
From
CathoHc goes
in the educational
system the
served. Catholic
women were
a bit
very great.
When
Catholics
were
classified
(N=95)
ported
this.
The
was
so
little
re-
relationship be-
tween
may
survive.
Two
confounding factors
RELIGION, EDUCATION,
easily controlled
AND SCIENCE
269
sequences, so
we may hope
each other.
On the one hand, there has probably always been a selective process operating determining which Catholic young
people receive a Catholic education. For example, in our
present sample we found that 79 per cent of the respondents
who attended Mass every Sunday had at least some of their
children enrolled in Catholic schools, compared with 31 per
cent of the respondents
who were
who
Mass
or otherwise
this difFerence
Catholic schools.
On
among
who
is
a great
received a Catholic
who
who
lics
who
comes
generally,
and
differences
the
this
mode
of analysis,
we
270
many
The primary
for building
America
is
justification
its
norms
in
principles of the
Cathohc
faith.^
This
is
Not only
more
RELIGION, EDUCATION,
AND SCIENCE
271
pubhc education.
seems noteworthy in this connection that the larger difwere hnked with ritual and doctrine, and the
smaller diflFerentials with matters of personal devotion. It
It
ferentials
looks as
if
it
also
seems to
ties
but only 32 per cent of the latter, were highly involved in the
subcommunity.
This same tendency was also observed in the responses of
Cathohcs to the questions concerning the wisdom of marrying
and associating vdth those of one's own faith. In both in-
272
Stances those
more
who had
The
difFerence
and limit
between
was
this
was
Cathohcs, would have more unfavorable images of Protestants and Jews than those with a public education. "Prejudice,"
beheved
limited,
to
check
or
unfavorable
to flourish
intergroup
imagery,
is
commonly
reflects
RELIGION, EDUCATION,
AND SCIENCE
273
permit us to
ward
Protestants
We could also
schools
was. 12
Moral norms
Another area in which we expected differences was that
involving controversial moral issues such as birth control, divorce, drinking, gambling, and Sunday business openings.
On many of these matters the Cathohc Church has taken a
definite stand, and we expected this to be communicated
with greater effectiveness to those who had attended Catholic
schools. There church authorities have an excellent opportunity not only to present their church's teachings on these
matters, but also to develop the underlying rationale.
In two of the five areas of moral conflict which we explored, Cathohc schools apparently had a definite impact on
the values of Cathohc laymen. In a third area they seem to
have had some minor influence. In the two remaining areas
they had no appreciable influence.
The two areas in which Catholic schools had the greatest
influence concerned family fife. Sixty-eight per cent of those
Cathohcs who had received a Catholic education said that it
is always or usually wrong from the moral standpoint for
11
Op.
cit.,
pp. 120-24.
12 Ibid., p. 119.
274
Economic behavior
One
when we
RELIGION, EDUCATION,
AND SCIENCE
275
men
with a Catholic education had a negative attitude toof those with a public education shared this view. In short, among middle-class Catholic males with a CathoHc education, substantially more have
a negative attitude toward work than have a positive attitude,
but among those with a public education, more have a positive attitude than have a negative attitude.
Among
received had
those
who
much
less effect
(N=i8),
as
many
education
(N=42), 26 per
who
received a public
of occupation.
Our
study,
by
contrast,
is
types
how-
same basic
conclusion.
On
ter
lic
most of the other economic variables discussed in Chap3 differences between Catholics with and without a Cathoeducation were too small to deserve attention. The one
13
op.
cit.
276
Here we found
was greater among those
with a public education (42 per cent) than among those with
a Cathohc education (35 per cent).
Political
behavior
This
is,
probability
we found
of
somewhat more
Mass and
creases
the
probability
of
Catholics
being
Republicans.
from
however,
instance,
difference
From
on
this it
political preference
RELIGION, EDUCATION,
AND SCIENCE
277
seems
to the
Republican camp.
and
an enhanced sensitivity to such appeals acquired
through years of exposure to the CathoHc system of educa-
reflects
tion.
Of those
Catholics
differences
ing (Q- 95)- Forty-six per cent of the Catholics who had received a public education were willing to allow ministers of
other faiths to do this, but only 35 per cent of those who had
278
was
more pronounced among
Catholics;
furthermore,
middle-class
Catholics
that the
man who
one who got things done by never letting rules stand in his
way. Ninety-one per cent of the Catholics who had received
a Catholic education took this stand, compared with 81 per
cent of those
who had
Family
life
RELIGION, EDUCATION,
AND SCIENCE
279
means
some extent the relationship between being a native
Detroiter and having received a Cathohc education exists independently of any pecuHar afiBnity for family ties and simply
Catholic education seem greater than for migrants. This
that to
reflects differential
tion.
is more to this relamere opportunity to attend Catholic schools.
Those who had received a Cathohc education were likeher to
value ties with relatives more than ties with friends than were
those who had received a pubhc education. The differences
were not great, but pointed in the expected direction. Sixtyeight per cent of those with a Cathohc education and 63 per
cent of those with a pubhc education expressed a preference
tionship than
We
also
was not
it is
as large as
for themselves.
working-class Catholics.
Among
middle-
1* Unfortunately, it was not possible to test this relationship using the data concerning frequency of visits with relatives, since
these data were not obtained in the 1958 survey.
15 For an extended discussion of this subject, see Thomas F.
O'Dea, American Catholic Dilemma: An Inquiry into the Intellectual Life (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1958).
280
(58
55 per cent).
We also expected to find that those with a Catholic education would have larger families than those with a public educavs.
among
tion.
older Catholics.
Among
Among younger
Catholics
we were
famiaver-
age 2.1). In view of our other evidence concerning the commitment of the latter to normative standards of their church, it
seems hard to believe that in this area of behavior, to which
church attaches such great importance, they should defrom its standards more than those with a public education. Rather, we suspect that those with Catholic educations
postpone marriage longer than others, because of fear of
overly large families, and hence on the average have fewer
years of married fife. However, by the time they reach the
end of the child-bearing period, we predict that they will have
their
viate
III.
At various points
in this
and
earlier chapters
we have men-
scientific jobs as
among
the religious
scribed the
modem
scientific
It is certainly
RELIGION, EDUCATION,
AND SCIENCE
281
the institutionalization of the intellectual outlook which is precritically any proposition about the ob-
pared to re-examine
modem
we
live.
As a
result,
science has
Although it
and doubt are necessary elements in
members
of society.
social system,
embody
On
these
it
two contrasting
orienta-
to the
make
theory
clear, religious
and
scientific
institutions
may
Because of
this
it
seemed
religion.
survey
movement
We
who
to see
as
therefore asked
all
question:
respondent
felt
we then
asked:
Would you
somewhat
66a)
ous," with
282
for
In
all
moved on
to other
difficulties
which
their church,
compared
with 27 per cent of the white Catholics. In short, higher education seems to increase the sense of conflict betu^een science
and religion for CathoHcs, but to reduce it for white Protestants. This is imdoubtedly an added factor contributing to
the smaU number of Cathohcs choosing scientific careers, since
today scientists are recruited almost exclusively from among
college graduates.
As might be expected, the sense of conflict is more pronounced among those persons who are doctrinally orthodox.
In both the white Protestant and CathoHc groups 19 per cent
of the heterodox thought that a serious conflict exists. This
view was expressed by 31 per cent of the orthodox white Protestants and 34 per cent of the orthodox Cathohcs.
There was very httle relationship between devotionalism
and views on the relationship between religion and science.
This suggests that
tific
when
more Hkely
to
an orthodox
On
16
orientation.^^
For Catholics,
it
also
made
little
it
appears that
had
RELIGION, EDUCATION,
AND SCIENCE
283
modern scientific
movement), is only
movement
(itself
CathoHcs
Especially influential
is
more important.
which
Andrew
interesting.
( if indeed there ever was ) any basis for charges of "Catholic antiintellectualism" or "Catholic anti-scientism" which he imputes to
me and to others. (See Andrew M. Greeley, The Influence of
Personally, I
thesis of
my
I
had made
my
which
284
rela-
and subconscious
membership in the Catholic
the development of scientific
of thought
group
is
more
careers than
groups.
is
and
action,
likely to inhibit
membership
The impUcations
Jewish
American
and
Chapter 7
THE CLERGY
In socio-religious groups the clergy naturally play an espeimportant role. By virtue of their ofiBce they are the
cially
acknowledged leaders
not
mean
does
pendence of church and subcommunity, and the limited development of formal organization in most subcommunities, the
clergy normally exercise considerable influence there as well.
The power of the clergy stems from two main sources. In
and
and more devout laymen in particular, expect the clergy to be leaders,
and are prepared to take their ideas and proposals seriously.
Robert Merton quotes one Protestant minister as saying:
the
first
place,
it
Laymen
in general,
The advantage
to
which the
inclusive.
Robert K. Merton, "Patterns of Influence: Local and Cosmopolitan Influentials," in Social Theory and Social Structure, rev.
edit. (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1957), p. 400.
1
286
may be
identified
if
one examines
commu-
Both preaching
and
may have
subscribers
ever,
is
and
advertisers.
quite different.
dependent
The
by
virtue of
have been more confined to their own subcommunity than most of the laity, and thus more exposed
their office they
to
its
influences. In short,
if
it
1957)
Chapter
1.
287
THE CLERGY
modem
group
diflFerences
summer
had been completed and coded, a list was prepared of the churches which members of the sample attended.
From this list every third church was chosen at random and
the head pastor interviewed. Jewish rabbis and Eastern Orof Detroiters
1.
it
may be
well to
how
nomic position of the clergy compare with the laity? Are the
clergy a disadvantaged segment of the population, as is often
asserted, or are they one of the more prosperous segments?
Two
prominently
when
(N=49) seem
However,
3
We
in ethnic
atypical.
also
be
288
Of the 48 Catholic
pastors
who
occupation, 27 per cent reported some middle-class occupation. An additional 53 per cent reported a working-class occu-
Catholic laymen
When we
we found
that the
By
but only 10 per cent of the clergy, compared with the Irish,
who constitute 14 per cent of the CathoHc population but 47
per cent of the clergy.
289
THE CLERGY
One
of the
characteristic
final
comment, and
this
is
As we have already
troit,
category.
The same
is
this
born
clergy were.^
The white
If the
Protestant clergy
is
true of
Welsh back-
one
fifth of
cent of the
of the clergy.
of
Detroit
all
are
disproportionately
recruited
them were
from
raised in
Protestant
laity.
cent of the
laity,
may
now
staffed
also
290
by respondents
community-wide survey. This means that the sample
is
criterion,
These
we had
would not be
as large.
They
also
if
is
one adds
this
sum
to the
anything, this figure is too low since in the first place this
income on which the minister has to pay no tax, and in the
second place few parsonages could be rented for $80 a month with
5 If
is
utilities
estimate
We
provided, as
is
would probably be
291
THE CLERGY
Members of the clergy are in a unique posiThe question is: What is the nature
of their influence?
key leadership
roles in the
CathoHc clergy
is
group.
The
When
than average when compared with other families in the coun44 per cent classified their family as more prosperous
than average, and only 7 per cent as less prosperous than
average. A conscious awareness of their privileged position
in the community may to some degree influence the economic
try,
and
class bias.
it
them
However, one should beware of exwhich this is true.
from normal
community. Earher
natives of Michigan.
They
are even
their
292
laity,
31 per cent of
whom
By and
and 46 per
roots in neither.
The Negro
Protestant clergy
Negro Protestant clergy (N=2i) one is imand foremost by their striking homogeneity. All
but two said their fathers were either farmers or clergymen.
Over 80 per cent had spent some part of their lives on farms,
and over 60 per cent Hsted farming as their father's chief
occupation. Furthermore, over 80 per cent were bom in the
South. Only one was bom in Detroit, and two in Michigan.
In several respects the Negro clergy seem fairly representative of the group as a whole. Slightly over 80 per cent of the
laity were also bom in the South. Very few were from middleclass families. However, imlike the clergy, many of the laity
were raised in urban working-class families and were the sons
and daughters of manual workers. This was true of 40 per
cent of the laity, but none of the clergy in our sample.
The sharpest discrepancy between the Negro clergy and
laity was in current economic status. As in the case of the
white Protestants, the Negro clergy appeared to be a relatively
favored group. Ten per cent had an annual income of $8000
or more (if an allowance of $1000 is made for the value of a
parsonage), compared with only 2 per cent of the laity.
Eighty-one per cent of the clergy had an annual income of
$5000 or more, compared with 23 per cent of the laity. It
seems likely that the higher incomes of the Negro Protestant
clergy have some effect on their thoughts and actions, though
the fact that they were raised in families whose economic cirTurning
pressed
to the
first
that the Protestant clergy are simply typigenerally, who are also highly mobile.
However, our data indicate that the white Protestant clergy are
migrants far more often than other professionals. Of the 572 white
professional men on whom data have been gathered in Detroit
Area Study surveys since 1952, 38 per cent were native Detroiters
'7
cal of professional
men
THE CLERGY
293
unifying
tants.
11.
THEOLOGICAL COMMITMENTS
OF THE CLERGY
While our interviews with, the clergy were primarily concerned with their views on secular matters, a portion of them
dealt with matters specifically religious in character. Their
responses to these questions are not of central concern in this
study, but are reported here since they provide an additional
perspective on these men.
One of the first questions asked of all the Protestant ministers
was worded
On
as follows:
more
as a liberal
Among
liberals,
The
diFerences
afiBliation.
Among
294
Among Negro
had become more liberal,
and 8 thought there had been no
more
conservative,
shifts
toward
to this pattern
occurred in the case of the Lutheran group. Six of the Lutheran pastors described themselves as more liberal than in the
past, while only
is
We
circles.
their beliefs
how
we were
especially interested
to see
far they
in the next
Four
of the whites
and
1 additional
came
closest to his
(a)
own views:
it
says
is
true;
by God, and
and religious teachings are true, but because
the writers were men, it contains some human errors;
(c) The Bible is a valuable book because it was vmtten
by wise and good men, but God had nothing to do with it;
(d) The Bible was written by men who lived so long ago
(b)
its
inspired
basic moral
that
it is
of
little
value today.
THE CLERGY
295
were 4 and 17, which was quite surprising. For Cathohcs the
were 21 and 27, with one priest stating that none of
the categories came close to his view. The Lutherans were by
far the most strongly committed to literal inspiration, with 15
figures
was observed between the white Protestant and Catholic clergy. Each of the
priests and ministers in our sample was asked whether he had
ever doubted God's existence. No less than 39 per cent of
the white Protestant clergy admitted that they had, at some
time, doubted God's existence.
Not one
III.
THE CLERGY
all
The
clergy were
much more
hkely to report
members
of the
same group
as
clergy reported
were
this.
Protestants, but
or nearly
two
all
of
thirds of the
were
all
all
or nearly
all
of their close
96 per cent of the clergy reported this. Among the Cathohc laity, 44 per cent reported
that all or nearly all of their close friends were Catholics and
79 per cent reported that this was true of all or nearly all of
relatives
also Protestants,
Among
sponding figures were 84 and 98 per cent. Among Negio Protestant laymen, 61 per cent said all or nearly all of their close
296
Interfaith contacts
among
the clergy
of the
One white
Protestant minister
week.
Contacts between Negro and white Protestant ministers
were much more frequent occurrences. Approximately half
of both sets of ministers reported at least one conversation
with a minister in the other racial group. Roughly 15 per cent
reported at least weekly contacts with ministers across the
racial Hne, and 4 per cent had such contacts several times a
week or more. In two instances white Protestants regarded
one of the Negro ministers with whom they had contact as a
close personal friend.
On
do the
laity,
members
of other
work
of the
is
clergy,
it
is
a situation
297
THE CLERGY
on
close friendships,
of the clergy
came out
we
in favor of
should expect on
it
years ago,
He cites a
famous nineteenth century German party leader who said: "I
am their leader, therefore I must follow them." In many ways
"All leaders are also led [by their followers]."^
to
and
than personal
likes
and
dislikes;
lead.
more
Because of
p. 38.
298
and actions of the clergy are of special importance to everyone concerned with the American metropolis and with the
socio-religious groups which are such an important element
in
it.
Images
of other groups
Table 48
PERCENTAGE OF CLERGY AND LAITY EXPRESSING UNFAVORABLE
OR NONCOMMITTAL \TEWS OF OTHER GROUPS' TOLERANCE,
FAIRNESS, ANT>
POWER
Percentage Expressing Unfavorable
OR Noncommittal Views of Out-group:
Clergy
Laity
THE CLERGY
problem
is
Some
of the
of the Catholics.
This
difiFerence
probably
reflects
last
important changes
generation.
in
In recent
in a variety of forms.
Both take an
By
faith
contrast, the
activities
as
men have
ter 2.
11 Table 48 combines both the expression of unfavorable images
and noncommittal responses. The reasons for this are set forth in
Chapter 2. If we exclude the noncommittal responses, which are
somewhat more conmion among the laity, the pattern is altered
only slightly. The laity still express unfavorable images more
300
campaign than are the laity, and they are therefore more
abandon unfavorable images on secondary matters,
and on matters with which they have limited personal experience. In our opinion this is why the clergy were consistently
less critical of outgroups on the issue of fairness in business
dealings. From the standpoint of the church and its interests,
this is a secondary matter. Furthermore, the clergy have only
likely to
ests of the
(e.g.,
on the
issue of
power),
(e.g.,
IV.
Of
autonomy
clergy,
Protestant clergy.
The uniqueness
evident
all
when they
are
class Catholics
likely to
301
THE CLERGY
autonomy than
Protestants, this
is
not so
much due
to the
The
manifested
ters
on
this subject is
not a matter of
dogma
However,
many more
did not seem to have given the matter any personal thought, and instead simply fell back on the formula,
The Catholic
.'^
.
is
802
rules, regulations,
number
ofiFer
their clergy
minimum
of
CathoHc Church
in this
Word
that of the
way:
The Romanists
tiue
is still
undecided.^^
the
(Chicago:
303
THE CLERGY
or not they believed they
had the
Negro Protestants
and 89 per cent of the white were convinced they did. By
contrast, only 20 per cent of the Catholic clergy believed they
had this right.
When the views of the clergy are compared with those of
the laity, it becomes clear that the Protestant churches are
a force generating an autonomic orientation in our society.
Listed below are the percentages of various categories of Detroiters beheving they have the right to question what their
ings of their church. Ninety per cent of the
church teaches:
89
83
74
67
per cent
per cent
per cent
47 per cent
20 per cent^*
per cent
One might
intellectual
autonomy on
this
important question
is
in the
Economic values
The
it
economic
Members
of the
did Protestant
14 For Negro Protestants the figures were 90, 88, and 79 per
cent respectively, from clergy to marginal members.
304
On
clergy
were more
likely
members
of the
per cent of the Negro Protestants, but only 47 per cent of the
Catholic priests took this position.
On
God
prefers to see
men
strive
with what they have, differences among the clergy were generally small, though Protestants were more likely than Cathohcs to believe that God endorses striving. Seventy-four per cent of the Negro Protestant
ministers, 73 per cent of the white Protestants, and 67 per
to get
ahead or
to
be
satisfied
It
than the
especially
laity to
hold
this view.
only 34 per cent of the laity felt that God prefers to see men
74 per cent of the clergy held this view.
In the area of economic attitudes and behavior, the one
reversal in
install-
ment buying. Forty-three per cent of the Cathohc clergy condemned installment buying as unwise or wrong, compared
with 30 per cent of the white Protestant clergy, and only 14
per cent of the Negro Protestants. On this matter the thinking of the Cathohc clergy corresponded rather closely with
that of their more active laity, 37 per cent of whom also condemned installment buying. The same cannot be said of the
Protestant clergy. Forty-seven per cent of the active church-
opposed
to
the practice,
laity
than
so
that
among
305
THE CLERGY
Political values
and behavior
Apparently
many clergymen
tion.
Among
those
members
of the clergy
who were
willing to
Protestants
(N = ii).
was
possible to get
of even those
fact
who
some
professed to be independents.
The
striking
Cobo
By
contrast,
only 49 per cent of the laity in the 1958 survey who went to
the polls voted for Eisenhower, and only 30 per cent for Cobo.
The meaning of these figures becomes much more apparent
when we compare
306
group the clergy inclined even more to the Republican candidates than did their middle-class parishioners. For example,
75 per cent of the priests reported voting for Eisenhower, but
only 65 per cent of the middle-class
laity.
In the case of
Cobo
clergy
is
also
the
work
involves a great
bilities, so
many
administrative
and
financial responsi-
at
poHtical norms.
is
at
wide-spread
THE CLERGY
identification of the
307
On
much
or too
little in
doing too
is
None
The
bit
Catholic
more
clergy
came out
in favor of the
on the matter.
were more conservative in this respect
parishioners, but the same could not be said of the
The white
than their
clergy
Negro Protestant
Republican leanings.
compared with only 63 per cent of the laity. Howwhereas 38 per cent of the Negro Protestant laymen
little,
ever,
may be
pohtically liberal,
it is
CIVIL RIGHTS
Some
of the
most
striking differences
among
the clergy
on the subject
of free speech. As we observed earlier, the differences between Catholic and white Protestant laymen were generally
small in this area, especially if one included the marginal
members of these groups. However, when comparisons were
limited to the more active members of the two groups, the
disagreement became more pronounced, with an average dffference of 14 percentage points on the questions involving the
rights of atheists, Fascists, and Communists.
In the case of the ordained members of these two groups
the differences were extreme on aU of the questions involving
freedom of speech, with one exception: that dealing with the
right of Americans to criticize presidential actions. On this
question there was no appreciable difference between white
Protestant ministers and Catholic priests. On the other three
items, however, the difference between the two groups ranged
from 50 to 59 percentage points, with the mean being 54.
308
On
make speeches
attacking
religion,
tants, but only 29 per cent of the Catholics, felt that the
American Constitution guarantees the rights of Fascists to
speak in favor of their behefs. On the rights of Communists the
comparable figures were 75 and 16 per cent.
In general the diflPerences between the clergy are larger
than those between the laity because of the strong commit-
ment
Bill of Rights.
clergy were
As shown
much more
in
in the case of
nists,
is
evident in Catholic
ranks.
Table 4Q
PERCENTAGE OF DETROITERS EXPRESSING BELIEF THAT THE
AMERICAN CONSTITUTION PROVIDES FOR FREEDOM OF SPEECH
TO THOSE ATTACKING RELIGION, SPEAKING IN FAVOR OF
FASCISM, OR SPEAKING IN FAVOR OF COMMUNISM, BY SOCIORELIGIOUS GROUP, FOR CLERGY AND LAITY
White
White
Clergy
Issue
These
Laity
This
is
Clergy
94
tion in
Laity
THE CLERGY
dom
309
limited
much
stricter
interpretation
of
central
this
Constitutional
principle.
when we compared
the
view.!"^
segment to perform as
good citizens, the probabilities are increased that the first
group will try to take legislative action against the second,
since this is a very serious matter. Bitter controversy can be
tion doubts the capacity of another
expected to ensue.
Returning to the questions dealing more directly with the
subject of freedom of speech, the Negro Protestant group
issues of
for those
estant clergy
was
closest to the
position.
The Negro
Prot-
and
closest to the
Cathohc
1'^
Sixty-one per cent of the white Protestant laity, 63 per cent
of the Catholic, 27 per cent of the Negro Protestant, and 77 per
cent of the Jews believed that an atheist can be a good American.
310
clergy on the
it
modem
terviews
we found
that
it
was impractical
to
even question
The
sion of intellectual
autonomy
is
all
of
was
cally
issues,
among
the Protestants.
The
was
that of
THE CLERGY
tant clergy
demned
On
311
of the
the issue of birth control, 93 per cent of the white Protesbut only 75 per cent of the Negro Protestants agreed
tants,
standards. This
312
demned
two
who condemned
the
was
FOREIGN AFFAIRS
Protestant clergy were much more likely than
Negro Protestant or Catholic clergy to report having given much thought to world problems. Slightly over two
thirds of the white Protestant ministers reported this com-
The white
either the
pared with slightly less than half of the clergy of the other
two groups. Protestants, both Negro and white, were more
likely than Cathohcs to disagree with the proposition that we
should not spend a penny abroad except in the interests of
national defense. Seventy-nine per cent of the white Protes-
313
THE CLERGY
might be described as basically nationalistic grounds, compared with 5 per cent of the white and Negro Protestant
ministers.
Compared with
the
laity,
aflFairs.
much more
and Cathohc
clergy.
Although only 25
so.
49 per
per cent.
between clergy
and more inclusive social systems, and the clergy genhave college training while the laity do not. However,
our data indicate that the high level of interest in world affairs
expressed by the clergy was due to something more than mere
exposure to higher education. For example, among white
Protestant laymen who had attended college, only 31 per cent
expressed much interest in world problems. By contrast,
among the white Protestant clergy 68 per cent expressed such
larger
erally
Among
interest.
so
great,
preoccupations with
The
differences
laity,
and between
and
and hence are under some pressure to keep up with
the news, including news of events abroad. Such an expectation is likely to be especially strong in the case of Protestants
parishes,
314
in
Hence
to the preaching
social pressures
com-
tants.
The humanitarian
among
was
Catholics
also evident
laity,
felt
TEIE
315
CLERGY
cially true in
racial integration.
view.
Among Negro
95 and
'/6
per cent.
Among
were
46
per cent.
Differences were also substantial with respect to the re-
ofiice.
laymen
felt
public stands, 46 per cent of the clergy felt that this should
be done. Among Negro Protestants the comparable figures
members
to
on
Among Negro
Protestants the
316
we noted
others
relative
it
is
it is
more important
him to learn
for
for a child to
to
work hard.
This view was shared by only 52 per cent of the Negro Protestants and 46 per cent of the Catholic clergy.
it
it can hardly be a source of satisfaction. Perhaps even more startling is the fact that only 11 per cent of
the clergy of the three groups ranked helping others as the
most important thing for a child to learn to prepare him for
life. The comparable figure for the cross-sectional sample of
commitment
interesting to speculate
why
and race
phenomenon
is
that
the clergy here are merely following a middle- or upper19 See, for example, Jesus' response to the question of which is
the most important of the commandments of God, the parable of
the Good Samaritan, and the parable of the Last Judgment.
317
THE CLERGY
middle-class pattern of thought
it
and
action.
On
the basis of
will
and upper-middle
class to take a
racial integration
working
classes are
more
humanitarian stand on
and foreign
aid,
critical
likely
political issues
but are
less likely
such as
than the
it
be deeply disturbing.
We
found
significant differences
The Catholic
clergy were
much more
than the Protestants to indicate an awareness of conthough the majority of Catholic priests who expressed
There
is
no
conflict
teaching, since
are, of course,
individual scientists
two
relationships
we
between these
world today,
classified
such
On
were
this basis,
43
318
members
beheved that
which
really serious
paralleled
by
differences
among
the clergy.
The Catholic
Negro Protestant
clergy,
V.
Our
and
involvement.
chapter 8
CONCLUSIONS
What
they
we
does
it all
book mean
this
mean
for students of
for practical
men
human
findings presented in
society
and what do
shall
so that
trees.
we may
SUMMARY OF FINDINGS
I.
To begin
with,
it
seems clear
remain vigorous and influential in contemporary American society. Only in the case of the Jewish group is there any
evidence of serious organizational weakness, and this is limited
entirely to the religious associations. In fact, the vigor of Jewish communahsm more than compensates for the weakness of
tions
among
communal
vitahty at present,
the Catholics.
in rela-
churches
(e.g.,
first-generation immigrants
and members of
320
our evidence
is
it
is
ways
women
through
on
all
in the
its
modem
con-
that:
individuals
is
men and
staflF.
Hence the
community these
Depending on the
socio-religious
American
Dream, vote Republican, favor the welfare state, take a liberal
view on the issue of freedom of speech, oppose racial integrato achieve objectives far in the future, believe in the
community, maintain
commitment
to the prin-
we
constantly sought to
appreciably
aflPect
when they
321
CONCLUSIONS
did have a more substantial
eflFect,
As a second step
we
weaken
it.
which rehgious
sequence in
behavior appeared. For example, in examining the relationship between religion and vertical mobihty
we found
that in-
more
more
we were
able to
demon-
Repubhcan
lem
association.
also
correlation.
On many of the variables analyzed, the four major sociorehgious groups spht into two divisions: white Protestants and
Jews on the one hand; Negro Protestants and Cathohcs on the
other. This pattern is most evident in economic behavior.
White Protestants and Jews have a positive attitude toward
work more often than Negro Protestants or Cathohcs, especially in upper-middle-class jobs. They are hkeher to beheve
that abihty is more important than family connections; to be
self-employed; to beheve in intellectual autonomy; and to
have small families. However, in some respects members of
the Jewish group resemble Cathohcs more nearly than white
322
Protestants. This
is
and of
controls
between the Negro Protand Catholic groups are largely induced by the
uniquely unfavorable social and economic situation in which
the great majority of Negro Protestants find themselves.
findings suggest that the similarities
estant
groups,
we
gaining in strength.
among
the major
The
classical
own,
theory of urbanism
those segments of the population destined to decline in relative numbers. On the basis of such comparisons we can only
conclude that differences among the socio-religious groups are
not declining and are not likely to decline in the foreseeable
future. They are, at the very least, as sharply drawn as ever,
and there are numerous indications that they may become
more pronounced in the future. This possibility is especially
suggested by data based on interclass comparisons, which
323
CONCLUSIONS
among members
among members
of
men influenced by the sociowhich they belong; our evidence also indicates it is influenced by their religious orientations. Repeatedly
throughout this study we found that the orthodox and the
devotional orientations are linked with differing and even opNot only
is
the behavior of
religious groups to
is
rates
devotional
orientation
is
linked
with
life.
By
contrast, the
imified
Weltan-
life,
is
tarian orientation.
it
would be a mistake
to overlook
ex-
many
one
is
times
is
ff
to a certain char-
324
it is
modem
sociological
is
most un-
by
any single factor normally falls far short of that which would
be determinative. Hence, a much more realistic measure of
the influence of any single factor is a comparison with the
Table 50
COMPARISON OF THE RELATIVE DISCRIMINATING POWER OF
CLASS AND SOCIO-RELIGIOUS GROUP MEMBERSHIP FOR A SAMPLE
OF DEPENDENT VARIABLES ( WHITE PROTESTANTS AND CATHOLICS only)
Mean
Mean
Percentage
difference
Dependent Variable
1.
Happy working
2.
Installment
between classes^
(males only)
buying
wrong or
unwise
Multiple reasons for saving
4. Chances for upward mobility
3.
good (1952)
more important than
5. Ability
6.
family (1952)
preference
Republican
(1957
and 1958)
7.
on
religion
g. Constitution allows
Communist
speeches
Much
defense
s^regated schools
Disturbed if Negro moved ia
block
12. Prefer
13.
0.5
percentage
difference between
socio-religious
groups^
8.5
CONCLUSIONS
325
326
influence of
some other
be of major importance.
In this study we have repeatedly compared the differences
associated with socio-religious variables with the differences
associated with class position. Among the many variables
which sociologists customarily employ to account for behavioral differences, there is probably none which is generally
regarded to be of as great importance with respect to as wide
a range of variables as class position. Hence it provides a realistic and meaningful standard for judging the magnitude and
importance of the differences uncovered in this study.
Using such a standard, it seems clear that the differences
associated with religion are substantial. In general they are of
a magnitude comparable to the differences associated with
class
What
is
bles
mean
differences
ftuence.^
of
tlie
CONCLUSIONS
This
is
is
327
group and
group is sufficient to
whether he will be upwardly mobile, whether he will migrate from his native community, how often he will visit with relatives, and so forth.
religious
predict accurately
how he
will vote,
This
no
is
covered in
study makes
this
it
if
there
is
we found
as-
one
is
is
not only a
to
understand
modem
society,
and
it.
that contrary to
common
sense,
which individuals are involved in a formal religious associaand the degree to which they are involved in the corresponding subcommunity. Hence, the subcommunity is a
vehicle by means of which large numbers of persons are effectively indoctrinated with the norms of the group. This is
to
tion
However,
all
as
we
all
in the
working
class.
Simi-
comparisons of active Protestants with active Catholics normally yield larger differences than comparisons between all Protestants and all Catholics. Our evidence indicates that refinement of
tlie class measure has a somewhat greater effect than a refinement
of the religious group measure, but the difference should not be
larly,
exaggerated.
328
is
some evidence
among
level of
Protestants at least,
effect.
also linked
high
with a high
small populations.
The discovery
of socio-religious subcommunities is also sigfrom one other standpoint. Many of the critics of the
churches have often charged them with promoting intolerance, narrow-mindedness, and similar characteristics. Our
findings suggest that these critics have been a bit wide of their
mark, since it is the subcommunities rather than the churches
which seem to foster these traits. This is a subtle, but important, distinction. Obviously, if there were no churches,
there would be no subcommunities, and hence this particular
source of intolerance would disappear. However, there seems
good reason for believing that the development of subcommunities is a phenomenon which may not be dependent solely
on the existence of churches in the strict sense of this latter
nificant
329
CONCLUSIONS
there
is
a secularist
concept of communalism
is
one which
is
essential to
an ade-
and
finally,
tionalism,
which transcend
consequences of those
re-
group boundaries.
On
to,
We
these orientations
is
far
from
satis-
330
work
7/.
to this point
in this area.
THE FINDINGS
IN THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE
These, then, are our findings. But what do they mean?
do they
society
affect
and of
How
modem
How
do
The nature
of religion
others define
is
it
more broadly
definition,
while
so as to include non-theistic
faiths.
From
much can be
religion.
gained by a
The use
of a
more
back
to theoretical considerations.
331
CONCLUSIONS
With
we
be defined
as a
This definition
designed in such a
is
way
as to include under
the heading of religion not only the major theistic faiths such
Christianity,
faiths
as Bertrand Russell
diverse
phenomena under
all
classifying these
we do not claim
we do direct atten-
a single heading
many
but
striking
and important
among them.
similarities
To begin
with,
all
are social
of men.^ Second,
all
systems of behef accepted on the grounds of faith, not empirical or logical demonstration. Third, all are systems of faith
by means
the nature
4
We
rational fashion.
332
his faith
sufficiently
may have
habitual.
Even when
basic
difficulty articulating
present nonetheless.^
Religion as a social
phenomenon
there
is
unques-
heve, this can reduce one's anxieties about the vaHdity of one's
own beliefs. More than that, if some of the others who believe
are men of dem^onstrated competence and authority in some
sphere of human endeavor, such as President Eisenhower or
Lord Russell, this further relieves anxieties. In short, even
though the logic which underhes the social character of religion
is
faulty, the
psychology
is
soimd.
there
ists,
rehgious groups
is
the desire of
down
men
to propagate their
own
tions.
333
CONCLUSIONS
formal organization.
When new
possess spontaneity
tract converts
unexciting
who
older
faiths.
Spontaneity
is
an
inevitable
by-
Much
cial
of the
modem
movements
particular, stems
organization,
sociological understanding of
in general,
and new
religious
his
his
successors
make
clear,
so-
in
social
and
new
movements
Weber
dominance in social movements which survive for any period of time, and the processes
of institutionalization and routinization gain the ascendancy.
As a consequence, a formal association gradually develops:
an association characterized by officeholders, rituals, rules,
inevitably lose their position of
forms, structures,
all
modem
world,
leaders
of
newer religious movements intend to create only an association, and not a separate subcommunity. They expect members of their group to participate fully in the social, economic,
ganization, op.
cit.,
Part
III,
Sections 4-6.
334
and other institutional systems of the secular community, and only to separate themselves from the community
political,
This
find
it
is
The
intimate
In this
way
who
be established among the members of every religious asnetwork of primary relations, which we have
called the rehgious subcommunity, vastly increases the degree
of interaction among group members. It greatly facihtates the
indoctrination of the young in the norms and standards of the
association, and contributes to their enforcement among
to
sociation. This
adults. This
divided
so
is
modem
many
metropolis,
influences
church.
Failure to perceive the existence of these subcommunities
portant. It
335
CX)NCLUSIONS
do
this.
Subcommunities
foster
religious associations
other,
there are
present.
Socio-religious group subcultures
Just as there
is
more
most
there
is
more
to the subcultures of
rites,
is
not
all
so, since
of the problems of
many
human
ex-
by other
on how
to
toward
is
We
same
faith,
they
facilitate
the
336
distinctive political
and eco-
The subculture
is
always pro-
foundly affected by the social situation of the group. The social situation provides, in
vi^hich the
which
solutions
many
larly,
finds itself at
any given
time.
are
337
CONCLUSIONS
From
this
we might suppose
gious association
is
cases
we
is
when we
get
down
to
If, for example, we examine the theological heritage of contemporary Mormonism, we discover that while it reflects the
tuiy America,
it
environment as
else
we may
it
say
338
of Joseph Smith, he
Thus
it
of his day.
is
we
of this
human
personalities are identical transmitters of environmental influences, it is clear that a new factor has been added to the
equation a factor which cannot be reduced to social situational terms, however much we may wish it for the sake of
simplicity in analysis.
At the
risk of
it
may be
Human
Where organisms
of heredity
are involved,
we
all
modern
biologists
human
However,
ganisms,
it
in
is
human
and functioning
of a
environmental conditions which contradicts any simple environmental interpretation. When one examines human organizations from the standpoint of continuity (which is fully
as valid a perspective as that of change),
it
becomes evident
for those
339
CONCLUSIONS
that, just as in organisms, there are forces at
work which
limit
Many
organizations are
de-
even though
it
lost
many
quence. ^^
In plants and animals genes serve as the basic stabilizing
force giving continuity to the form and behavior of individual
What then are the sociological counterparts of genes in human organizations? Clearly there is no biological mechanism
at work producing stabihty and continuity in human groups.
However, there appear to be other types of "mechanisms'*
which have similar consequences. One of these is the pattern
of organizational staffing. In large and enduring organizations,
such as
ment
many
is
a constant replace-
may be quite
down to the
more
We
13
do not suggest that this is a sufficient explanation for the
reluctance of Catholic authorities to compromise with the Protestant Reformers, but we do maintain that this was one important
factor substantially reducing the possibilities of compromise.
340
and continuity
and functioning of the organizations which
these individuals create and staff. Older members of the group
which has
satisfied their
needs
mature
By
social organiza-
tions, the
to
is
especially
pragmatic organizations like the modem corporation. In pragmatic organizations, there is nothing sacred about the beliefs
of the founder or the organizational forms established
and
by him
immediate successors. However, in ideological organizationsof which religious organizations seem the best examplethe teachings of the founder and the organizational patterns established by him and his immediate successors are
of considerable importance and cannot readily be ignored.
Hence, Christian leaders today constantly find it necessary to
justify existing patterns of organization and action by reference to the Scriptures. In this way the first generations of
Christians exercise, through the written word, a continuing
impact on contemporary Christian churches. This influence
of earlier generations makes itself felt not only through the
Scriptures, but also through early church creeds and through
the writings of the early church fathers and later theologians
and church leaders such as Augustine, Aquinas, Luther, Wesley, and others. Thus the written records of the churches
perform a stabihzing and continuity-preserving function comhis
parable in
many
by the genes
in
biological organisms.
Finally, since the older generation socializes each succeeding generation, verbal communication serves as yet another
stabilizing force.
By
dependence
of
341
CONCLUSIONS
children on their elders for the basic satisfactions of
life,
par-
such as rehgion basic patterns of action are linked with behefs about the nature of the forces which ultimately control
human destiny. These beliefs are not subject to empirical
demonstration but are accepted on faith. Hence patterns of
action
one's parents,
The
even in
hostile environments.
it is
is
not only a
change
an organizational
also a source of
is
phenomenon
is
of maturation. In
almost always a
movement
gious
movements from
They may
also prevent
many
reli-
from charismatic infancy to institutionalized maBut current environmental factors are not the cause of
the maturation process in human organizations any more than
transition
turity.
enough
tions also
life
of the or-
342
much
less
sures
than
are
environmentally
oriented
theorists
usually
im-
agine.i^
adapt
to influences origi-
influences take
On
must adapt
so, too,
two
These
distinct forms.
associations
embark on campaigns
to
on secular
influence
1^
Not
all
aspects
little
institutions.
of
the
organizational
structure
of
socio-
On
since, as
we have
environmental influences.
343
CONCLUSIONS
This conclusion
is
it
ignores
more important
lesser
Although contemporary society encourages compartmentahzation of thought and action, the findings of psychology
is
equally
later:
Although
it
is
man"
new
litical
car,
pressures.
a difference.
inevitable in
What
who
staff
them;
344
and
Because of
this,
the
cratic" states
there
is
and
industrial-
ized societies.
111.
APPLICATION OF
own
345
CONCLUSIONS
elements,
we would
millions of persons
who
and
action of the
many
the point where they equally value a good job with high income, and are equally likely to aspire to such a position.
However, Catholics seem to he at a disadvantage in the competition because of a series of values to which they apparently become committed as a result of their involvement in
the Catholic Church and subcommunity. For example, they
seem to become more strongly attached to the kin group than
Protestants, and therefore less able to make the break with
home and
family that
is
required in
many
of the
more de-
None
group seem to
it is true that Catholics currently are located somewhat more often in the working class than white
Protestants, the differences are not great.^^ Even more im-
evidence presented in this study, see DonBogue, The Population of the United States (Glencoe: The
Free Press, 1959), pp. 688-709; Listen Pope, "Religion and the
Class Structure," in The Annals of the American Academy of
Political and Social Science, 256 (March 1948), pp. 84-91; and
1^ In addition to the
ald
J.
346
duce the
Bernard Lazerwitz, "A Comparison of Major United States Religious Groups," Journal of the American Statistical Association, 56
(September 1961), p. 574. Each of these reports summarizes the
findings of thousands of survey interviews gathered by The National Opinion Research Center of the University of Chicago, The
American Institute of Public Opinion (the Gallup poll organization), and the Survey Research Center of The University of
Michigan. All show that while there are substantial differences in
the class distribution of different Protestant denominations, there
are only modest differences in the class distribution of Protestants
as a whole and Catholics.
347
CONCLUSIONS
until the Protestant
movement
of the sixteenth
centmy. Then
the elect.
sectarian tendencies
had ap-
estant
to
older,
new
authoritarian
groups hope
to establish themselves.i'^
17 One might well ask at this point why the Buddhist break
with Hinduism, a movement with a number of significant parallels
with Piotestantism, did not have a similar effect and thus generate
a spirit of capitalism two thousand years earlier. Apart from technological difficulties, it must be noted that, as Weber and others
have indicated, the development of intellectual autonomy was a
necessar)', but not a sufiBcient, cause for the rise of capitalism.
Buddhism, unlike Protestantism, inherited from Hinduism a profoundly pessimistic view of this world and human activity in it.
Hence, Buddhist rationalism was harnessed to the task of fleeing
this world rather than transforming it. Protestantism, by contrast,
inherited from medieval Catholicism, and even more from the
Gospels, a more optimistic outlook on the world and human en-
deavor.
Whereas the
simistic
about
this world,
348
If
tonomy among
among
Protestants,
it
efiFect
made
their appeals to
came one
came "proof
to
its
position
Reformation be-
was the
right one.
which
As
we
more
ties,
thereby freeing
world of work.
By weakening
the hold of the family on the individual, Prothave undoubtedly gained a substantial advantage in
the competition for economic advancement.
Given the differences between Catholicism and Protestantism in intellectual autonomy and kinship ties, and given the
estants
much
longer exposure of Catholicism to agrarian environments, the probabihties were certainly greater that the Catholic
birth control
the Protestant churches. In most agrarian societies childlessness has long been viewed as a sign of divine disfavor.
childless peasant couple
was always
were
at a serious
By
The
economic
and surely
Chapter
lo.
at the least
it
as
ambivalent, a distinction
cit..
349
CONCLUSIONS
and as
were discovered, the
Catholic Church would oppose contraception, and the Protestant churches favor it. The present pattern was certainly not
inevitable, but from an actuarial standpoint it was far more
large families ceased to be an economic advantage,
new methods
likely
it
cism seems to contain too many elements which are incompatible with such a role. As an extension of this proposition,
it
as the
modem
world can be
classified
as
and
scientific fields,
them
Recently some Brazilian Catholic social scientists compared their country's progress with that of the United States
and concluded that the chief factor responsible for the differential rates of development is the religious heritage of the
two nations. Within the boundaries of the United States it
may even be that the rapid growth of Catholic population in
New England in the last century has contributed to the decline of that region as the center of economic progress and
advance, though clearly other factors have played the major
so.^
role.
From
case of West Germany poses a peculiar problem. Cathoconstitute a substantial percentage of the population of this
nation which is clearly in the forefront of economic development
and progress. However, the German cultural heritage since Lu18
The
lics
ther's
350
appear as a damning indictment of Catholicism. Howit should be recognized that the Catholic Chm-ch has
never claimed to be concerned primarily with materialistic
values. On the contrary, it has asserted that its chief concern
is with spiritual values: the worship and service of God, the
will
ever,
and
if
No social
progress.
system can be
criticizing
many
of religion
on the
scholar,
one
who
two
ideals in conflict.
is
anti-capi-
tahstic."
of Protestantism? Surely
it
does not
So far as can be judged from available evidence, the conof Protestantism to material progress have been
tributions
tant
traits.
many
of his critics
imable to understand
19
Op.
cit.,
it.^^
p. 159.
351
CONCLUSIONS
This same point was
made much
earlier
by John Wesley.
How
then
is it
possible that
Methodism
though
it
now as
life.
cism
to
be
Protestants,
and the
distinctive
especially evident
the left-wing Protestant groups, the Puritans, the German
Pietists, the Methodists, and so forth. They were much less evident
in the Anglican and Lutheran groups, except insofar as the latter
contained pietist groups which never split off from the mother
church.
among
352
tific
when
new
more
aid to capital
income
must be spent on consmner goods. The extrafamilial orientation of Protestants seems to facilitate the channeling of energies into the world of work. In short, although the primary
concern of Protestantism (like CathoHcism) is the attainment
of spiritual values, material advance continues to be a byformation, since
of the
effort.
many
of those earning
groups
is
many people
appear
analysis
become
so
to
is
have
of the clergy
it is
is
is
laity alike
If
our
and
correct, this
simple solution:
numbers
it
retains
its
basic
or ecclesiastical repression.^^
of
vironment the identification of Protestantism with economic success, respectability, and middle-class virtues is normally absent. In
the second generation, it appears, but is not dominant. But in a
353
CONCLUSIONS
The Negro
Protestant group
situation, sharing as
it
does
is
much
in
an especially interesting
By and
contemporary Negro Protthat of white Catholicism. Fertihty rates are high, obedience rather than intellectual autonomy is stressed, a restrictive approach to freedom
large, the subculture of
estantism has
much
in
common with
are different.
its
tional heritage to a
much
its
it
ap-
associa-
Negro Protestantism. By contrast, the subculture of contemporary Negro Protestantism seems to be shaped much more by
current environmental forces.
354
persist for
heritage of a group.
pened
to
It is
probable that
this
Protestants.
Even
if all
group were removed, it is unlikely that it would become identical with the white Protestant group. Three centuries of slavery and economic exploitation have almost certainly left their
mark, especially when those centuries were the first three in
the group's history. So long as Negro Protestants remain so-
will also
may
still
lation of influences.
One might
many
Jewish behavior patterns are distinctly middle class in character, a fact highly consistent with the present
argue that
were prevalent
in
many
this explanation
of these
imderstood
be
when
is
fully
355
CONCLUSIONS
by environmental
which eventu-
was
greatly magnified
ally
forces
destroyed the geographical unity of Jewish society. These developments seem to have stimulated Jewish interest in the
Scriptures,
as a
means
of explaining
and
as a source of
hope
Thus environ-
social her-
closed to
them
way
of
life.
Many
politics, military activity, and landowning. As a reJews were driven into urban vocations, notably those of
merchant and craftsman. Cut off from opportunities to rise in
the major institutional systems of the larger society in which
they hved, but of which they were not a part, the vocation
with the greatest prestige came to be that of the scholarrabbi, the man learned in Torah and Talmud. Learning and
scholarship rather than power or even wealth came increasingly to be the measure of a man in the ghetto communities. ^^
Life as a despised, and frequently victimized, pariah people
may also have fostered the rise of dual ethical standards, with
one set applicable to the in-group and the other applicable
to the out-group. 25 But this same experience seems also to
have developed an enduring concern with social justice.
These aspects of Jewish history, so briefly recounted, seem
to have played a major role in shaping the social heritage of
modem Judaism. They provided modem Jews with a set of
skills, values, and intellectual orientations hkely to maximize
their chances of upward mobility in modern urban-industrial
societies, once the economic and educational institutions of
ernment,
sult,
24
356
(i.e.,
made
religiously neu-
we
observed in Chapter 4, the economic suchave not been accompanied by a comparable rise in status, and this has important consequences
for the Jewish subculture. For one thing, it has kept alive and
However,
as
to
many
TV.
WEBER
IN RETROSPECT
357
CONCLUSIONS
As
is
evident,
we have
spirit of
modem
capitaHsm. Rather,
we have
of society.
number
eses
more
likely
than Catholics to
economic system, and these differences are especially pronounced at the level of the upper-middle class. Second, it indicates that Protestantism, unlike Cathohcism, tends
to weaken and undermine the extended family. Third, it indicates that Protestants view work differently from Catholics.
Finally, our study provides some indirect support for Weber's
hypothesis that Catholics are more inclined to adopt a trarise in the
S58
Although
earlier
we
and
of learning to obey.
autonomy,
it
all
By
the answers to
life's
important problems
known, but that they, or a reasonable approximation of them, can be discovered by rational means. In short,
our findings in this area are consistent with Weber's hyare not yet
pothesis.
In
some
ample,
we have
"the calling"
is
not found
much
ceticism. It should
refutation of
Weber, since he
Our
cept
is
one which
Protestant Ethic
is
on Weber's important
They suggest
was a
to say, the
constellation of characteristics
which
its
known
ments
26
of the calhng
Once again
see O'Dea,
cit.
359
CONCLUSIONS
picture. In
V.
society
tion
it
and
its
many
of the
American population
To begin
with,
it
should be noted that the religious comis constantly changing. At the begin-
ning of Washington's
first
population.28
fifth,
27 It
prises.
28 This is not to say that three quarters or four fifths of Americans were churchgoers or even church members. Then, as now,
large numbers of Americans were not active in religious associations.
360
^o
Of equal
significance
in
(i.e.,
the large
urbanized
cent,
cent. In short,
To
now
in
the intei-val between 1825 and 1925, the era of mass immigration from Europe. During this period large numbers of
came
context),
it
than in the period before the First World War.^^ For ex-
ample,
it
361
CONCLUSIONS
population has grown by about one percentage point per decade, due both to continuing immigration
fertility.
Since World
War
and high
rates of
fertility rates
indicates that
means
are hkely to
become
less
common. More
specifically,
we may
2.
3.
systems;
4.
5.
6.
8.
9.
10.
Narrowing latitude
speech;
11.
control;
32 It seems
in groups
much
we
who make
362
these developments will occur, but only that these are delikely to
many
of
which
largely cancel
some
of the
Among
cial
of
far-reaching implications
its
of these implications
have received so
is
little
in
by Herberg and
others.
number
was
of relatively small
363
CONCLUSIONS
group united by
ties of
own and
subcommunity hues are occurring v/ith increasing freis no trend toward increasing intermarriage
quency, there
marry
Irish
now
version of
ment
These
view of Weber's
all
By
this
is
and
rather that
In reacting against this theoiy of social change, Weber developed the thesis that societies are organized not merely in
terms of classes, but also in terms of status groups. These
units are difiFerentiated from one another on the ground of
social honor or prestige rather than (hke classes) on economic
grounds. Furthermore, Weber maintains that they are normally communal groups characterized by distinctive subcul-
relationship
tem
of status groups in
American
society.
Of the
four major
35 Karl
op.
cit.,
pp. 180-94.
Party, 1848.
of the
Communist
364
More
especially, they
modem
life
of indus-
have come
to rec-
industrial societies
the next.
If
our analysis
is
correct
up
to this point,
it
indicates that in
dents," Journal of
pp. 280-90.
Abnormal and
More
(referring to the racial cleavage), there is a growing literatripartite religious division among whites. In addition
to Herberg's classic analysis, there is Ruby Jo Reeves Kennedy's
pioneering work, op. cit., A. B. Hollingshead's article, "Trends in
Case Study," American Sociological ReSocial Stratification:
tem
ture
on the
365
CONCLUSIONS
will
seem
versies surrounding
well
the end as
The
many
people imagine.
societies
366
may
for
leading to
It
may
it.
we can hope
religious
group
which
is
lines
is
the best
is, if
for in a society
at the
same time we
However,
if
mentalization
Appendix
The sample used in the 1958 Detroit Area Study was basirandom sample of the population of the metropohtan area. Among the many advantages of this type of
cally a simple
sample
is
it
error. In
servations of a sample,
we can determine
made with
ease. This
is
not to say
total
population.
what
are
known
as tests of significance.
The term
is
the probability
is
368
many
and
if
it
more than
5 times
in 100, therefore
are:
it
and generalizabihty of findings based on observations of samples. At best, tests of significance are a poor substitute for the
test of replication. Judgments about social relationships are
far more reliable when based on the findings of two, three,
four, or more independent samples than when based on any
single sample of the same size and quality.
It is for this reason that in the text proper we have constantly cited the findings of other studies dealing with comparable relationships. It is also for this reason that we have so
often supplemented the findings of the 1958 survey with findby the Detroit Area Study.
When
three
or
four well-designed
surveys
yield
to a pattern predicted
findings
by theory,
Leslie
369
APPENDIX
even though the individual findings
some
may
it
may be
findings of separate
By
this
and independ-
term "patterns**
we mean
tude
(e.g., studies
estants are
invariably
much more
show
likely to
among
a goodly
many
mmi(cf.,
the
variables
.
when
in fact
statistically
significant,
In view of these facts, and also for the sake of making the
text
more readable,
it
was decided
to
statistical significance
for cal-
samphng errors in this appendix. The materials required for making the necessary calculations are provided in
culating
Tables 51 to 54.
Table 51 indicates the number of respondents in each of
the major subgroups in the four surveys examined in this
study.
Such
making
calculations of
Where
370
referring to the
number
of cases
NUMBER OF RESPONDENTS
1957. 1953.
Suhsample
total
1958 sample
Table 51
IN VARIOUS SUBSAMPLES OF I958,
371
APPENDIX
White
Subsample
'953 Survey:
White
Negro
Totd
Jews
372
probabilities
that
specific
tion
it is
differences
to
this
Table 53
SAMPLING ERRORS OF DIFFERENCES: ONE-TAIL P = .10*
Sample
size
ques-
373
APPENDIX
from 35
to
figure
Table 54
SAMPLING ERRORS OF DIFFERENCES: TWO-TAIL P = .10*
Sample
size
^oo
200
too
300
200
100
9
10
12
75
25
50
to
65 per cent
25
II
13
17
II
13
17
13
14
18
13
15
19
50
17
20
23
25
10
"
II
12
12
75
50
12
13
4567
567
300
200
100
When
findings
374
due
to sampling error),
it is
is
merely
of a multivariate
we
are often
mode
obhged
of analysis.
to
stances,
it
is
as
.90 level
much or more danger of rejecting sowhen small samples are involved and
to
375
APPENDIX
quired
and
if it
Catholics, a difference of 9 points would be rein the predicted direction and if it was in the
was
still
members
level. If the
comparisons involve
of these
required to reach the .90 level, with the former figure applying to predicted differences, and the latter to unpredicted.
One further point should be kept in mind in forming judg-
ments about
statistical significance.
When
a relationship ap-
to
make allowance
cases in the
An
exami-
376
seem
to leave in
points),
ship
is
it
In fact, a
differ-
The
we have
reader's benefit
we have
fig-
on
is
statistical significance as
to
be
substi-
dence
set forth.
Appendix
II
1.
work
of the
first
Detroiters do.
(if retired,
the kind of
time?
la.
2.
Do
you work for yourself or are (were) you employed by someone else or some company?
(if employed by someone else)
3a. About how many people are (were) employed by the
company you work(ed) for?
Sb. Are (were) you a member of a labor union?
3.
(did)
(if yes)
union
that?
a steward or held
Se.
any other
office?
of your
own
or
work
for yourself?
(if yes)
3/.
4.
now housewife)
full-time job outside the
home?
(if yes)
4a.
4b.
(all respondents)
us that they couldn't really be happy
unless they were working at some job (or keeping house).
But others say that they would be a lot happier if they didn't
5.
Some people
is
tell
tlie
schedule.
378
have
to
life
easy.
How
do you
feel
about
this?
Sa.
6.
tell
Why is
that?
Would you
me which
job (would
(show card
i)
and
want most
379
APPENDIX
(if yes)
bother you
if
you
it
even
if
police in that
didn't
pay the
fine?
Some people
14.
ment
not enough)
(if
14a.
to
Would you
government go so
far as
steel industry, or
would you
neither)
the parties?
iSd. Have you always considered yourself a (Republican-Democrat)?
16. When you were growing up, did your father consider
himself a Republican or a Democrat?
ly.
Many
people
dential election.
tell
Do you remember
if
last presi-
you happened
to vote
voted)
Eisenhower or Stevenson?
(if
17a.
for
Cobo
or
WilHams?
same
380
sort of
make speeches
criticizing
what the
President does?
22. In your opinion, does the right of free speech include
make speeches
against religion?
make speeches
in favor of
Fascism
or dictatorship?
24. In your opinion, does the right of free speech include
nism?
(i.e.,
make speeches
in favor of
Commu-
speeches only)
Personally, do
block?
(if yes
26a.
or unsure)
disturbed or unhappy?
(all respondents)
2^. How much thought have you given to world problems
things such as our country's relations with England, France,
Russia,
28.
Some people
say
we
we
much
shouldn't spend a
penny abroad
to help
381
APPENDIX
Do
it,
or not?
(if yes)
Why is that?
How much chance
30a.
do you think there is of our counan all-out atomic war with Russia
during the next ten or twenty years?
32. Here are several statements which you sometimes hear
people make, and I'd like to find out how you feel about
them. After each one you can tell me whether you agree with
it or not. You'll probably find you agree with some, and disagree with others. In each case, just give me your first reactiondon't spend any time on them. The first statement is:
Most public officials are not really interested in the problems
31.
man.
of the average
know whom he
own
flag.
32c. Children
look forward
bom
to.
CARD
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
33a.
33b.
II
To obey
To be well liked or popular
To think for himself
To work hard
To help others when they need help
Which comes
Which comes
next?
third?
382
S3C.
Which
Do you
is
least
important?
religious preference?
Protestant)
(if
S4a.
you
that, if
any?
Jewish)
you consider yourseK Orthodox, Conservative,
(if
34b.
Do
3$.
no)
346.
34f.
34d.
What
is
(if
this change?
dead: was) the religious preference of your
35a.
Was
denomination)
which he was raised?
(if
What was he
35b.
previously?
no)
originally?
When
religious than
3'/b.
What was
she originally?
When
(card
m)
CARD in
1.
2.
Two
3.
Once a month
4.
5.
Never
or three times a
month
383
appendix
ever)
(if
3Qa.
Which
(card
iv)
the
is
CARD IV
1.
2.
To meet my
4.
it
8.
God expects it
To hear sermon
To learn how to be a better person
Makes me feel better
9.
Other (specify)
5.
6.
7.
3Qh.
friends
3.
usu-
ally attend?
SQc.
ti-avel
it
you
to
there?
this
one?
Do you
take part in any of the activities or organizations of your church (synagogue, temple) other than
3Qg.
attending services?
(if yes)
Sgh.
What
SQi.
How
often have
in the last
Would you
(if
40a.
change)
in-
fifteen years
(if
41a.
What
ago?
change)
384
How
do
no)
belief?
44.
Do you
believe that
God
not?
(if yes)
44a.
Do you
45.
believe that
God
will
How often
do you pray?
(if yes)
45a.
will
4Sh.
Do you
basis of
believe that
Do you
believe that,
people to worship
EVERY week,
47.
Some
Him
God
faith
lives
when
and
trust in
Him, or
they led?
in their churches
God
expects
and synagogues
or not?
world
is
soon
Why is
Do you
that?
think
385
APPENDIX
belief?
(if yes)
in
God
55.
life,
56.
Do you
feel that
to question
what
386
value today.
the Bible
64.
64a.
64b.
How
What
64c.
no)
(if yes)
65.
or listen to radio
Do you
what your
(if yes)
66a.
Would you
serious,
somewhat
serious, or not
very serious?
r employed)
67. Would you say that you talk about religion with any
of the people where you work often, sometimes, or never?
(if ever)
620. Have these talks ever had any effect on yoiu* religious beliefs in any way?
(if
(if yes)
387
APPENDIX
68.
Catholic, or Jewish?
6Qa.
Have
ever)
had any
effect
on your
reli-
way?
(if yes)
tant, Catholic or
yoa.
Would
in
Jewish?
(do) you prefer to have most of your neigh-
make
any difference?
(PROTESTANT RESPONDENTS ONLY)
yi. Of those relatives you feel really close to, what proportion are Protestants? (card vi)
CARD
VI
them
1.
All of
2.
3.
4.
About
5. Less
6.
half of
them
None
of
them
As a general rule, do you think it is wiser for Protesmarry other Protestants, or not?
73. As a general rule, do you think it is wiser for Protestants
72.
tants to
not?
74.
388
(if
no)
would
unhappy or disturbed about it, or not?
76. Compared with Protestants, do you think Catholics as
whole are more tolerant, as tolerant, or less tolerant of the
jS(i-
Do you
feel at all
as a
much power
yg.
as a
Compared with
ish people as a
Protestants,
fair, as fair,
business dealings?
81.
Do you
to get too
82.
82a.
82Z7.
(if yes)
82c.
At
Which groups
are these?
No question comparable to
Q.82 was asked of Catholics, but the following were added
propriate changes in wording.
true
389
APPENDIX
they be allowed to teach publicly that
is
it
never a sin to
do
this?
At
toms?
Do you generally observe any of the following cusOn the last Passover, did you have a Seder in your own
home
101.
102.
light
dles?
117.
On
with your
relatives, or
ties
your
ties
CARD
1.
2.
3.
4.
iiga.
Do
VII
Always wrong
Usually wrong
Sometimes wrong
Never wrong
against gambling?
(if
always or usually)
390
I20a.
Do you
I2ih.
Do you
never or sometimes)
think heavy drinking
is
always, usually,
From
how do you
feel
about
Here are
few more
of those statements
you some-
times hear people make, and I'd like to find out whether or
not you agree with each of them. The first statement is: Most
people don't really care what happens to the next fellow.
124a. It's hardly fair to bring children into the world
the
way
live pretty
much
for
itself.
12$. If
you had
12J.
try,
Compared with
less
for-
fortunate than
widowed?
single,
divorced,
separated,
or
891
appendix
(if
i2Qa.
i2Qb.
widowed or divorced)
including any
who
you had
altogether,
first
marriage?
(if
isoa.
How many
no)
first
husband (wife)?
iSob. Did your first marriage end by death or divorce?
131. Is this your wife's (husband's)
(if
first
marriage?
no)
How many
131a.
to
her
(his) first
in her
132.
How
wife (husband)?
133.
ing any
How many
who
children have
you had
altogether, includ-
(if yes)
135b.
How many
children do
you expect
to
have
alto-
gether?
^35<^'
(same as 135a;
IF
more)
(if married less than two years)
Now, if you could choose to have just the number
you want by the time you are 45, how many would that
i3Sd.
be?
392
your wife
(husband) give(n)
training at
home?
(will)
you and
of rehgious
(if yes)
136a.
What
kinds of training?
iSy. Do you feel that a 12-year-old child should be allowed to decide for himself whether he will go to church or
Sunday school, or should his parents decide this?
138. Do (did, will) you encourage your children to pray,
or not?
Do
13Q.
schools, or
(if yes)
140a.
How
often
is
this
done quite
often, or just
on
special occasions?
141. In
(did, will)
you
raise (d)
your children?
(if
141a. Are
of that
group?
(if no)
have changed, and what church
have they joined, if any?
(the following questions asked onxy
if r married, sep.aeiated or widowed
142. What is (was) your husband's (wife's) job?
(if spouse retired, LAID OFF, OR UNEMPLOYED)
141b.
How many
142a.
last job?
143.
144.
(if yes)
393
APPENDIX
own
or
(if yes)
i4Sa. How
schools?
146.
What
many
years
(she)
your husband's
(was)
is
did he
attend church
rehgious
(wife's)
preference?
(if
Protestant)
146a.
14J.
his
(her)
religious preference?
(if yes)
14 ja.
I4yb.
What was he
147c.
When was
Why did he
How
(she) previously?
(she) change?
that approximately?
attend
eye-to-
148.
religious services?
(herself) a
pai'ty
preference?
negroes)
152.
on
What
is
153.
Was
Was his
(her) mother
bom in the
(her)
U.S.?
family on his
394
3-
Age?
1.
4. Relationship of
5.
Marital status?
6.
7.
or
(if yes)
ya.
8.
(i.e.,
25.
26.
family on
28a.
APPENDIX
2Q.
ing
all
total family income in 1957, considersources such as rents, profits, wages, interest, and so
CARD
I.
395
VIII
Appendix
III
The
variables
ple of the
many
shown
in
there are
some
fall
into
For example, an examination of Column I reveals that middleLutherans advocate intellectual autonomy more often
than members of any of the other groups, but working-class
class
Column
Or, as
shown
in
of their
commitment
exist,
where
it
appeared that a
signifi-
would eliminate the difference entirely. For example, working-class Baptists had an unusually small percentage of Republicans in their ranks. However, the application of a control
for region of birth proved that most of this difference was
simply a function of the fact that so many Baptists were
southern-bom.
In short, with rare exceptions, the data failed to reveal any
APPENDIX
397
IntrorVrotestant Comparisons
Table 55
DENOMINATIONAL DIFFERENCES WITHIN THE WHITE PROTESTANT GROUP FOR SELECTED VARIABLES, WITH CLASS CONTROLLED, IN PERCENTAGES
Selected Variables:*
Class:
Denomination
Middle
No. of
Cases**
64
82
II
63
47
84
86
25
13
9
25
6
32
31
25
75
8i
16
36
30
45
55
"
54
39
56
78
13
18
57
36
40
64
28
89
65
70
69
50
25
73
18
10
12
80
28
19
59
63
"
45
E F
Class:
Episcopalian
Presbyterian
Lutheran
Methodist
25
47
40
31
Baptist
33
45
Working Class:
Episcopalian
38
33
58
50
42
32
38
28
-10
44
40
33
31
^3
67
27
36
43
17
40
28
44
49
Presbyterian
Lutheran
Methodist
Baptist
23
15
39
33
50
33
8
49
35
16
53
54
62
44
18
63
35
The
The number of cases shown in the right-hand margin is the total number of
members of each group in the class indicated. In some instances the number of
on which the percentages were calculated were smaller than this owing to
some respondents failing to reply, or to limitation of the respondents (e.g., item
cases
is
limited to males).
398
would emerge.
and
would reveal
Hfelong,
much
active,
members
differences not
Also,
who were
now
evident.
this.
Doctrinal orthodoxy
Table 56
PERCENTAGE GIVING ORTHODOX RESPONSES TO THE VARIOUS
QUESTIONS USED IN DEFINING DOCTRINAL ORTHODOXY, BY
SOCIO-RELIGIOUS GROUP
Question
Believe in
Negro
White
White
Catholics
Protestants
Protestants
98
97
99
95
85
97
90
87
97
72
93
45
8a
5
89
8a
54
71
God
like a loving
Heavenly
1 Among the exceptions one may note the following: (a) Lutherans were less critical of moderate drinking than other white
Protestants, while the Baptists were the most critical; (b) Episcopalians objected to gambling less often than other white Protestants; and (c) Lutherans are much less likely than members of
other groups to express the view that Catholics are trying to get too
much power, and somewhat less likely than other groups to say this
of the Jews.
APPENDIX
899
Table 57
PERCENTAGE OF RESPONDENTS DOCTRINALLY ORTHODOX AISTD
DEVOTIONALLY ACTIVE, BY SOCIO-RELIGIOUS GROUP AND SELECTED VARIABLES SUGGESTIVE OF TRENDS
Percentage in Each Category
Soclo-reli_Qwus Group:
Schctcd Variables
White Catholics:
Third generation
First and second generations
Middle class
Working class
College-educated
No college experience
White Protestants:
Third generation: non-southem
1st and and generations: non-southem
Middle class
Working class
College-educated
No
college "experience
Ne<yro Protestants:
Northern-bom
Southern-bora
Middle class
Working class
College-educated
No
college experience
Doctrmally
Orthodox
71
61
Who
Are:
Active
Devotibnally
Drake,
St. Clair, 39
Duncan, O. D., 79 fn.
Durkheim, Emile, 3-6, 331
Dykstra, John W., 365 fn.
fn.,
226
Eldersveld,
100
Samuel
J.,
16
fn.
fn.,
fn.
fn.,
363
fn.
fn.,
306 fn.
Raymond, 231 fn.
Freedman, Ronald, 15 fn., 165,
236, 237, 238 fn., 239
Fuchs, Lawrence H., 157 fn.,
Forer,
158
fn.
fn.
402
Hammond,
Hammond,
201
L.,
Herberg, Will,
11,
fn.
43, 44-48,
255
265
Hoult,
fn.,
364
Thomas
Miller,
fn.,
18
Daniel
15 fn., 220,
233, 235 fn.
R.,
fn.,
Warren, 141
fn.
Parsons, Talcott, 4
Plass, Evi^ald,
Seymour M., 43
80 fn., 84, 140 fn., 147
209 fn., 216 fn., 265
364 fn.
159
fn.
97 fn.
365 fn.
Seeman, Melvin, 258 fn.
Seligman, Ben B., 103 fn.
Schoffer,
I.,
fn.,
fn.,
Sharp,
fn.,
fn.,
93 fn.
Polanyi, Karl, 82 fn.
Pope, Liston, 345 fn.
Potter, Robert G., 97 fn.
Sagi, Philip,
fn.
Lipset,
146 fn.
340
fn.,
fn.
Key, V. O., 2
fn.,
285
fn.
fn.,
227, 232
Miller,
fn.
F.,
355
fn.
231
258 fn.
fn.,
fn.
Thomas Aquinas, 93
fn.
328
Toynbee, Arnold, 336
Troeltsch, Ernest, 6 fn., 246,
347
Van Doom,
J.
22,
403.
110,
S.,
Yellin,
Yinger,
113,
Seymour, 83, 84
J. Milton, 27 fn.
behavior,
89-92
American system of government,
attitudes toward, 171-73
group involvement and, 200-2
Americanization
involvement, 23,
36-53, 73-74, 115-23, 17581, 184-97, 198-202, 243-
Associational
56, 269-71
economic behavior and, 11523
success and, 115-18
party preference and, 174-81
integrity issue, 176-81
Involvement, group
Associational type religion, 11
Associations
religious,
19-21
307
Augustine,
St.,
be good Amer-
57.
See also Intellectual
autonomy
and heteronomy
Behavior. See Economic behavior; Political behavior
Bill of Rights, 160, 190, 277,
308
norms
Black Moslems, 61
347 fn.
CathoHc clergy,
287-89
of,
Catholicism,
340
255-
White Catholics
267-69
confounding factors, 268-70
economic behavior and, 27476
and, 278-80
images of other groups, 272-
family
life
73
loyalty to Catholic church
and
norms, 270-71
loyalty to Catholic subcommunity, 271-72
moral norms and, 273-74
political behavior and, 276-78
Organization,
Catholic Youth
its
249
of,
26-28,
140-42, 320-21
economic behavior and, 127
220-21
rights,
political behavior,
159-69
clergy on, 307-10
minority groups,
rights
163-64
group involvement
192-93
of,
and,
16469
group
involvement
and,
193-99
speech, freedom of, 159-62
group
involvement
and,
190-91
Class
liberalism and, 208-10
229-30
50
Cathohc schools and, 27071
economic behavior and, 11516
intergroup images and, 73-74
Protestant,
sects,
and
the
250-51
246-47, 249-50
79-
324-25
318
287
significance of,
source
family,
48-53
Class system, religion and,
81,
discipline,
and
socio-religious
Causation, problem
Negro
405
of, 17,
contacts
among,
296-98
interviews with, 17
moral norms and governmental restraint, 310-12
pohtical role of, 315
170-71, 305-15
involvement and, 199
politics and,
power
of,
relation to
285-86
subcommunity, 295
406
Clergy (cont'd)
Deists, 92
Democracy,
287-92
Catholic, 287-S9
Negro Protestant, 292
white Protestant, 289-92
social values of, 300-18
special interviews with, 17
subcommunities and, 295-300
commitments
theological
of,
293-95
struc-
200-2, 278
Democratic party, 134-38, 17678, 181, 182
Design of the study, 12-28
Determinism, economic, 3, 4,
327, 336-37, 338
re-examined, 128-33
Detroit, 1
for
Michigan
178, 306
governorship )
Collectivist orientation,
25
fn.
Communal
involvement, 23-24,
36-42, 53-55, 73-74, 18994, 198-99, 251-54, 271-
72, 295
economic behavior and, 12324
Subcommunities
Commimal-type
Communism,
79-81
28-30
rehgious groups, 21-22
spatial pattern, 75-79
today, 31-34
Detroit Area Study, 15-17, 44,
84, 100, 101, 137, 240, 367
class structure,
history of,
Devotionalism,
25-26,
57-58,
329
economic behavior and, 12526
family hfe and, 255-58
pohtical behavior and, 202-7
table on, 399
trends
in, 57-60.
See also Orientations, rehgious
religion, 11
Dewey, Thomas
E.,
145,
146,
186
331
Commimity,
class
structure of,
79
distribution of groups in,
75-
81.
Discipline,
methods
of,
child
re-
106
Distribution, groups in community, 75-81
class system and rehgion, 7981
ligious,
institutional
359-62
doxy
moderate,
164-69,
193-94, 207
Cathohc schools and, 273-74
Drinking,
clergy on,
310-12
Dropouts, 263-66
Eisenhower,
Eastern Orthodoxy, 21
Economic
407
behavior,
socio-re-
Life, The, 4
Entrepreneurial spirit, the, 1024.
362-65
Extended family, 212
fn.
98-102
83-88
1958 survey, findings of, 8486
mobility, vertical,
rehgious
and,
orientations
125-27
causation, problem of, 127
devotionalism, 125-26
doctrinal orthodoxy, 126-27
savings, 110-12
self -employment,
102-4
spending, 107-10
possibihty
success,
in,
of,
belief
terminism, economic
progress,
child
attitudes
to-
methods
253-54
discipline,
33,
family
of,
232-
235-43, 254-55
and vertical mobility, 242-43
homemaking, attitudes toward, 220-21
independence training, 23335, 253-54
involvement and, 243-55
size,
349-51
4
Education
church attendance, 51
level of, rising, 51
relation to job world,
rearing,
ward, 220-21
fertility
104-7
Economic
Family
260-61
50
253-54
254-55
independence
training,
253-54
Negro Protestant churches
and, 250-51
personal values, 252-53
subcommunities and, 251discipline,
family
size,
52
white
Protestant churches
and, 243-47
kin group, loyalty to, strength
of,
213-20
408
Family
life (cont'd)
divorce and, 218-19
migration, 214-16
relatives vs. neighbors, 216-
17
solidarity, indices of,
227-29
orientations, religious, 255-58
present vs. future, 229-31
orthodoxy and, 255-57
socio-religious group membership and, 213-43
leisure time, use of,
vertical mobility,
257-58
242-43.
See also Family size
Findings of study, future, impli-
in
tlieoretical
perspective,
344-56
intellectual.
See In-
autonomy
tellectual
Homemaking,
and
attitudes toward,
272298-
subcommunities,
157-59
312-14
clergy on,
Future
implications of study for,
359-
churches
and, 73-74
terminology, 74-75
66
orientation toward,
229-31
Heteronomy,
religious
300
338-41
Heritage, social, of
groups, 344-56
73
330-44
applications of,
359-66
319-29
cations for,
of,
summary
73
group involvement and, 200-2
220-21
attitudes toward,
heteronomy
Hinduism, 347 fn.
and
of,
217-
18
fertility
American system
171-
Government,
long-range,
saving
for.
29,
252-53
304
26
impact on, 2, 342-44
Institutions, secular,
religious
176-81
Intellectual
345
Interf aith contacts
among clergy,
296-98
International relations. See Foreign aflFairs
Internationalism, 158
409
and, 250-51
personal values, 252-53
subcommunities and, 251-
52
white
Protestant churches
and, 243-47
political behavior and, 174-
202
Catholic
candidate,
influ-
93
moral norms and
hedonism, 193-99
social
377-95
81
political
toward, 200-2
speech, freedom of, 190-92
associa-
22-23
economic behavior and,
115-23
integrity issue, 176-81
party preference and, 174tional,
81
success and, 115-18
voter turnout and, 184-86
communal, 23-24
economic behavior
123-25
attitudes
in-
volvement
Islam, 331, 347 fn.
Jews, intergroup images, 68-71
and,
84
degree of, 22-24
economic behavior and, 11525
associational, 115-23
communal, 123-25
other types of, 1 18-23
family life and, 243-55
Catholic
churches
and,
247-50
253-54
family size, 254-55
independence
training,
253-54
Negro Protestant churches
discipline,
system,
merchant-customer
ship, 68-71
relation-
354-
56.
See also Socio-religious groups
fn.,
354-
56
Kelly, Harry, 145, 146, 186
Kennedy, John F., 145, 146, 365
Kin group, 2i2fn.
divorce and, 218-19
of,
217-18
loyalty to, strength of,
213-20
migration, 214-16
relatives vs. neighbors, 216-17
valuation of, Cathohc ortho-
410
Labor movement,
98-102
religion and,
Liberalism, 208-11
class and, 208-10
religious
and
varieties
of,
211
group member-
political,
341-42
Merchant-customer relationship,
69-70
Methodism, 5, 2>47, 35^
Migration, 45-4^, 214-16, 245,
250, 257, 279
Minority groups, rights of, 163-
64
group involvement and, 19293
views on, 163-64, 192-93,
203-4, 314
Mobihty, vertical, 83-88, 115123-24, 214, 216, 24243, 258-59, 275, 344-56
family life and, 258-59
fertihty and, 242-43
18,
Mormonism, 337-38
Moslems, 21
Mothers, working, 51
of Islam,
187 fn.
Negro CathoHcs, 40
Negro Protestants, socio-religious
group, 21, 353-54
clergy, social origins of, 292
group ties, strength of, 39-40
intergroup images, 71-73
orthodoxy and devotionalism,
57-58
trends
in, 59.
216-17
Niebuhr, Reinhold, 32
Nixon, Richard M., 145
Orientations, religious,
18,
24eco-
399
56-
57
Catliolic,
and valuation of
economic
126-27
family
behavior
and,
and, 255-58
behavior and, 202-
life
political
8
table on, 398, 399
trends in, 58-60
civil rights,
0.7
political
political philosophy,
science,
163-64, 192-93
morality,
147-49
Party preference, rehgion and,
138-44, 276-77
associational involvement and,
174-82
conmiimal involvement and,
181-84
integrity issue, 176-81
1956 vote, the, 144, 277
trends in, 143-44
Pearsonian r, 24, 58
Perceptions, 75
Personal values, family life, 25253
Physical
legislation
punishment,
232-33,
253
Pietism, 25, 347, 351 fn.
Political behavior, socio-religious
group
membership and,
134-211
American system of government,
attitudes
toward,
171-73, 200-2
Catholic candidates and the
vote, 144-46, 186
Catholic schools and, 276-78
of,
164-69, 193-99
speech, freedom of,
159-
190-92
63,
27
family
159-69
202-8
282
411
foreign
aflFairs,
315
157-59, 188-
90
clergy and, 312-14
Catholic
influ-
93
moral norms and social
hedonism, 193-99
party preference and, 17482
political
system,
toward, 200-2
speech, freedom
attitudes
of,
190-
92
voter turnout and, 184-86
welfare state, attitudes to-
ward, 187-88
208-11
208-10
religious and political, 211
liberalism,
class and,
varieties of,
group member-
religious,
and,
202-7
devotionalism, 202-8
doctrinal orthodoxy,
political philosophy,
partisanship,
202-7
202-7
147-49
412
behavior (cont'd)
involvement and, 174-81
communal involvement and,
181-84
1956 vote, the, 144
religion and, 138-44
trends in, 143-44
Republicans and Democrats,
134-38
Political
status
groups,
groups
as,
socio-religious
173
involvement
and, 184-85
welfare state, attitudes
to-
210-11
Politics.
composi-
359-62
Positivism, 2-3, 4, 319
tion of,
358
348
tants;
White
Protestants
20
system and, 79-81
communal-type, 11, 20, 362
class
defined,
330-32
impact on secular
institutions,
342-44
labor
social
phenomenon, 332-35
Prejudice, 75.
Protestants.
216-17
Poole, Elijah, 32
Population, changing
53,
life,
2,
357-58
Reformation, 339
Relatives vs. neighbors, family
Rationality, 5,
fn.,
351
fn.
307
Residence, rehgion and, 76-79
Revival, reHgious, 43
Richard, Father Gabriel,
Russell, Bertrand, 331,
Secularism, 9, 347
Security, economic,
Racial groups, 21
Radicalism, American, 173
29
332
303
396-99
102-4,
Self-employment,
21, 321
367-76
93
Catholic, 287-89
Negro Protestant,
wliite Protestant,
292
289-92
phenomenon,
332-35
Social
134-
80
spatial distribution,
75-79
173-74
subcultures, 335-36
forces shaping, 336-42
ties, strength of, 35-55
status groups,
ment, 42-53
religion as,
SoHdarity,
family,
indices
of,
217-18
300-
18
316-17
autonomy, 30Q-3
315
political role,
political values
behavior and,
political
211
intellectual
413
and behavior,
Specialization, 10, 11
Speech, freedom of, political behavior, 159-63, 277-78
clergy and, 307
group involvement and, 190-
92
Spending,
economic
behavior,
107-10
305-15
Status
307-10
foreign aflFairs, 312-15
moral norms and governmental restraint, 310-12
civil rights,
Socio-religious groups
79-81
of Detroit, 21
economic behavior, 83-114
determinism, 128-33
group
involvement
and,
115-24
orientations and, 125-27
class system,
educational
attaiimients
in,
262-80
endogamous nature of, 18-19
family life and, 212-43
group ties, strength of, 35-42
images, intergroup, 60-75
subcommunities,
and, 73-74
involvement, degree
churches,
of,
22-
24
liberalism and, 210-11
membership, 18-22
orientations,
religious,
56-60
groups,
socio-religious
66
Stevenson, Adlai, 138, 145, 178
20,
271-72,
335-
36
Subcultures,
socio-religious
group, 21, 335-36
forces shaping, 336-42
Success, economic, associational
involvement and, 115-18
possibihty of, belief in, 104-7,
121-22
414
300-18
Vitality,
Taub, 24, 58
Theological commitments of the
clergy,
of
system,
184-86
344-56
35-56
transformation
48-50
evidence relative
Jews, 36-37
Negro
Protestants,
to,
44-47
39-40
religious revival?,
change,
to Authorities Cited
Welfare state, attitudes toward,
149-57, 204, 306-7
group involvement and, 18788
Wesley, John, 340, 351, 352 fn.
West Germany, 349 fn.
Catholics, socio-religious
group, 21
43
associational
White
social
293-95
Theology
applications of,
associational,
group
287-89
57-58
52-53
in, 58-60.
See also Socio-religious groups
White Citizens* Councils, 61
trends
White Protestants,
socio-religious
group, 21
Tolerance, 9
TraditionaHsm, 357-58
Truman, Harry
group
S.,
289-92
145
ties,
98-
8-12,
in, 58-60.
See also Socio-religious groups
Williams, G. Mennen, 135, 145,
Unions,
relationships
to,
102, 119-20
United Nations, 158, 209
Urbanism, theories of,
57-58
trends
322
178,
4
parental, child rearing,
26
221-
277
274-75
Work
303-4
ANCHOR BOOKS
PHILOSOPHY AND RELIGION
ALBRIGHT, WILLIAM FOXWELL From the Stone Age to Christianity, AlOO
ARENDT, HANNAH The Humaxi Condition, A182
BARRETT, WILLIAM IiTational Man, A321
BARTH, KARL Community, State and Church, A221
BENZ, ERNST The Eastern Orthodox Church Its Thought and Life, trans.
Winston, A332
BERENSON, BERNARD Aesthetics and History, A36
BERGSON, HENRI Laughter (with Meredith's Essay on Comedy) in
edy,
Com-
A87
A 185
MEREDITH, GEORGE
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Essay OH
Comedy
Com-
A87
A81
ORTEGA Y GASSET, JOSE The Dehumanization of Art and Other Writings
on Art and Culture, A72
PAOLUCCi, HENRY & ANNE, eds. Hegel on Tragedy, A276
PEiRCE, CHARLES s. Values in a Universe of Chance, A126
RATHMELL, J. c. A., ed. The Psalms of Sir Philip Sidney and the Countess
of Pembroke, A3 11
REPS, PAUL, ed. Zen Flesh, Zen Bones, A233
ROSE, MARTIAL, ed. The Wakefield Mystery Plays, A371
RUSSELL, BERTRAND Mysticism and Logic, A104
SANTA YANA, GEORGE Three Philosophical Poets: Lucretius, Dante, Goethe,
A17
7a
SANTONi, RONALD, & soMERviLLE, JOHN, eds. Social and Political Philosophy: Readings from Plato to Gandhi, A370
SCHRODINGER, ERWIN What Is Life?, A88
sciAMA, D. w. The Unity of the Universe, A247
SENECA The Stoic Philosophy of Seneca, trans. & ed. Hadas, A148
SIBLEY, MLiLFGRD Q., ed. The Quiet Battle: Writings on the Theory and
Practice of Non-Violent Resistance, A317
SIDNEY, SIR PHILIP The Psahns of Sir Philip Sidney and the Countess of
A334
STRAWsoN,
SUZUKI,
D.
Barrett,
P. F.
T.
Individuals:
An
Essay
in Descriptive
Metaphysics, A364
ed.
A90
TAYLOR, A. E. Socrates, A9
TAYLOR, RICHARD, ed. The Will to Live: Selected Writings of Arthur
Schopenhauer, A266
viDiCH, ARTHUR J., & BENSMAN, JOSEPH Small Town in Mass Society:
Class, Power and Religion in a Rural Community, A216
WALEY. ARTHUR Three Ways of Thought in Ancient China, A75
WILSON, EDMUND To the Finland Station, A6
WRIGHT, G. ERNEST, & FREEDMAN, DAVID NOEL, cds. The Biblical Archaeologist Reader, A250
& FULLER, REGINALD The Book of the Acts of God, A222
,
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ALLPORT, GORDON w. The Nature of Prejudice, A149
BARTH, KARL Community, State and Church, A221
BELL, DANIEL The Radical Right, A376
BENDix, REiNHARD Max Webet: An Intellectual Portrait, A281
BERGER, PETER L. Invitation to Sociology: A Humanistic Perspective, A346
BROWN, ROBERT MCAFEE, & WEIGEL, GUSTAVE, S.J, An American Dialogue,
A257
CABLE, GEORGE w^. The NegTO Question, A144
CHEVALIER, MICHAEL Society, Manners and Politics in the United States,
A259
DOLLARD, JOHN Castc and Class in a Southern Town, A95
FORTUNE, EDITORS OF The Exploding Metropolis, A 146
GOFFMAN, ERviNG Asylums: Essays on the Social Situation of Mental
Patients and Other Inmates, A277
The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, A174
GRANiCK, DAVID The Red Executive: A Study of the Organization Man
in Russian Industry, A246
HANDLiN, OSCAR The Newcomers, A283
Race and Nationality in American Life, AllO
HERBERG, v^aLL Protestant-Catholic-Jew, A195
HOOVER, EDGAR M., & VERNON, RAYMOND Anatomy of E Metropolis, A298
HUNTER, FLOYD Community Power Structure, A379
JONES, ERNEST The Life and Work of Sigmund Freud, ed. & abr. in 1
vol. Trilling & Marcus, A340
LENSKi, GERHARD The Religious Factor, A337
LiPSET, SEYMOUR MARTIN Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics,
A330
MARTiNEAU, HARRIET Society in America, ed. Lipset, A302
JOHN STUART John Stuart Mill: Essays on Politics and Culture,
ed. Himmelfarb, A373
NEGLEY, GLENN, & PATRICK, J. MAX, eds. The Qucst fot Utopia, A326
PETERSEN, WILLIAM American Social Patterns, A86
RAAB, EARL, ed. American Race Relations Today, A3 18
RIEFF, PHILIP Freud: The Mind of the Moralist, A278
RIESMAN, DAVID Constraint and Variety in American Education, A135
Selected Essays from Individualism Reconsidered, A58
SCOTT, GEOFFREY The Architecture of Humanism, A33
SIGAL, CLANCY
Weekend in Dinlock, A269
SMITH, LiLLUN Killers of the Dream, A339
soMERs, HERMAN & ANNE Doctors, Patients and Health Insurance, A309
SOMERVILLE, JOHN, & sANTONi, RONALD, eds. Social and Political Philosophy: Readings from Plato to Gandhi, A370
TAYLOR, WILLIAM R. Cavalier and Yankee: The Old South and American
MILL,
VERNON, RAYMOND
ANCHOR BOOKS
PSYCHOLOGY
ALLPORT, GORDON w.
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from
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A237
Rickman, A115
FROMM, ERICH May Man
Prevail?,
ed.
A275
JUNG,
c. G.
Freud: The
RiEFF, PHILIP
vico, GiAMBATTisTA The
& Fisch, A254
10
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Speeches,
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CHEVALIER, MICHAEL
Socicty,
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A259
FRANK, JEROME
FROMM, ERICH
HAHN, WALTER
Community Power
HUNTER, FLOYD
Structure,
A379
T.
Tropical Africa: Land and Livelihood, Vol. I, A303a
Tropical Africa: Society and PoUty, Vol. II, A303b
KISSINGER, HENRY A. Necessity for Choice, A282
Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy, A152
LENSKI, GERHARD The Religious Factor, A337
LETwiN, WILLIAM, ed.
Documentary History of American Economic
Policy Since 1789, A280
LiPSET, SEYMOUR MARTIN Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics,
KIMBLE, GEORGE H.
A330
,
TROW, M.
A.,
& COLEMAN,
J. s.
Himmelfarb, A373
MILLER, PERRY, ed. The Legal Mind in America, A3 13
NEGLEY, GLENN, & PATRICK, J. MAX, eds. The Quest for Utopia, A326
NEHRU, JAWAHARLAL The Discovery of India, A200
PIERSON, GEORGE w. Tocqueville in America (Abridged), A189
ROOSEVELT, JAMES, cd. The Liberal Papers, A290
SERGE, VICTOR The Case of Comrade Tulayev, A349
SIBLEY, MULFORD Q., ed. The Quiet Battle: Writings on the Theory and
Practice of
SOMERVILLE, JOHN, & sANTONi, RONALD, eds. Social and Political Philosophy: Readings from Plato to Gandhi, A370
TOCQUEVILLE, ALEXIS DE The Old Regime and the French Revolution, A60
VERNON, RAYMOND Metropolis 1985, A341
WASKOW, ARTHUR
WILSON, EDMUND
To
11
to
A6
DOLPHIN BOOKS
Gautama,
C289
MARCUS
AURELius,
The Meditations
of
Marcus Aurelius,
trans.
Long,
C68
BENTHAM, JEREMY, & MILL, JOHN STUART The Utilitarians, C265
(bentham: Principles of Morals and Legislation; mill: On Liberty
and Utilitarianism)
BERKELEY, GEORGE; LOCKE, JOHN; & HUME, DAVID The Empiricists, C109
(LOCKE
An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (Abridged);
BERKELEY: A Treatise Concerning the Principles of Human Knowledge
and Three Dialogues; hume: An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding and Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion)
DESCARTES, RENE; SPINOZA, BENEDICT DE; & LEIBNIZ, GOTTFRIED WILHELM
FREiHERR VON The Rationalists, C82
(DESCARTES: Discoursc on Method and Meditations; spinoza: The Ethics;
LEIBNIZ: Discourse on Metaphysics and The Monadology)
FOX, FREDERIC, ed. A Calendar of Hymns (Magnum), C357
Songs of Two Christmases, C356
GRANT, ROBERT M. with FREEDMAN, DAVID NOEL The Secret Sayings of Jesus,
:
C163
HUME, DAVID
;
(LOCKE
An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (Abridged);
BERKELEY: A Treatise Concerning the Principles of Human Knowledge
and Three Dialogues; hume: An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding and Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion)
JAMES, WILLIAM The Varieties of Religious Experience, C71
KANT, IMMANUEL Critique of Pure Reason, trans. Muller, C340
LEIBNIZ, GOTTFRIED WILHELM FREIHERR VON; DESCARTES, RENE; & SPINOZA,
BENEDICT DE The Rationalists, C82
(DESCARTES Discoursc on Method and Meditations; spinoza: The Ethics;
LEIBNIZ: Discourse on Metaphysics and The Monadology)
LEWIS, c. s., ed. George Macdonald: An Anthology, C373
LOCKE, JOHN; BERKELEY, GEORGE; & HUME, DAVID The Empiricists, C109
(LOCKE
An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (Abridged);
BERKELEY: A Treatise Concerning the Principles of Human Knowledge
and Three Dialogues; hume: An Enquiry Concerning Human Understanding and Dialogues Concerning Natural Religion)
LONG, GEORGE, tTans. The Meditations of Marcus Aurelius, C68
LUCRETIUS On the Nature of Things, trans. Munro, C80
MILL, JOHN STUART, & BENTHAM, JEREMY The Utilitarians, C265
(BENTHAM Principles of Morals and Legislation; mill: On Liberty
:
and Utilitarianism)
NEiLL, STEPHEN, ed. Twentieth Century Christianity, C426
PASCAL, BLAISE The Thoughts of Blaise Pascal, trans. Trotter, C231
PLATO The Republic and Other Works, trans. Jowett, C12
RENAN, ERNEST The Life of Jesus, C59
SCHOPENHAUER, ARTHUR The World As Will and Idea, trans. Haldane
23
is
and
development.
an
influential 'factor'
Quarterly Review
"... a first-rate empirical study of the functional roles of sociorehgious groups and of the impact of religious attitudes on social
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The chapter on 'Religion and Politics' is of particular
interest to students of pohtical behavior." Journal of Politics
.
[this
an authentic contribution to the sociology of religion
work] is both imaginative and characterized by an admirable sense
".
Sociological
Quarterly
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