Policing the Gaze:

Gender and Violence in the Strike Against Penmans, Paris, 1949

It was a brutally cold winter when the Penmans workers went out on strike in Paris,
Ontario in 1949. Many of the strikers were women. While on the picket line, these women
negotiated, and sometimes contested, the gendered parameters and social meanings of being a
working class woman. Penmans, a textile company which was long-standing within the small
community, provided a somewhat unorthodox backdrop for labor militancy; in contrast to the
masculine theatres of industrial dispute it was a company, producing hosiery and sweaters, with
overtones of domesticity. Perhaps it was this incongruous backdrop to labor strife that made the
actions of the female strikers so explosive and provocative to the communitys social structures.
This paper will attempt an exploration of the visuality of the strike, examining three photographs
as well as the performance of gender and militance, both during the strike and in the courtroom.
Examining the reactions of community, state, and police power to expressions of the womens
solidarity that asserted the right to look, makes clear that a profound challenge to gender norms
was posed by the militancy of female strikers who re-imagined themselves as historical actors.
The challenge was visceral enough to trigger attempts by the state, represented through the courts,
neighbors, newspapers and laborers, to control and undo this female militance. The policing of
the gaze that sought to render the women strikers passive presence, will be the focus of this
analysis. While their experience was rewritten and ultimately subsumed into the distribution of
the sensible, the militancy of female strikers illustrates the conflict between the marginalization of
women and the ways in which women demonstrated agency.
Jacques Rancire provides a useful framework for analyzing the strike through his
distribution of the sensible, a set of norms that conditions what is possible to see and hear, to say
and think, to do and make. This policing of what is possible in the realm of perception itself
1

prescribes our reality, and creates a community that is included and a community that is excluded.
When those who are not allowed to speak contest their marginalization and insist on their right to
be heard, the political emerges in the transgression of the sensible order.1 In asserting the right of
political subjectivity through an act of dissensus, the individual can reframe the possible and
reclaim the real. This paper will also consider Nicholas Mirzoeffs argument that visuality is not
simply perceptual, but rather a weapon of authority that orders society and naturalizes power
structures. The media coverage of the strike reflects the policing of the gaze through visuality. In
response, strikers performed an act of countervisuality, asserting the right to look, reclaiming
the right of the real as the key to democratic politics. 2 The direct action of the strike, though
ultimately unsuccessful in its immediate goals, did have long term gains for union recognition at
Penmans, demonstrating how counter-visualizing resistance challenges the narrative of history
and representation, making cracks in the larger structures of power. 3
For many years, Penmans clothing company had been the largest employer in the small
town of Paris. The radical United Textile Workers of America-AFL (UTWA) began organizing
the hosiery and sweater workers in the post-war period but faced considerable local resistance. A
company union, Canadian Textile Workers, challenged the organizing drives of the UTWA, and a
campaign begun that attacked the union as a foreign labor invasion and an emissary from
Moscow.4 Among those who did unionize, there remained a persistent suspicion of the UTWA
as it was considered foreign.
Despite the considerable hurdles to unionizing, Local 153 of the UTWA was certified in
1948. Shortly after, unionized workers sought a new contract that provided better pay and more
job security. The average manufacturing employee took home more than 50% than the average

hosiery worker, who were among the lowest paid employees in the textile sector.5 UTWA asked
for a twenty-cent hourly increase to bring wages closer to average wages in the district. More
importantly, it was the request for a maintenance-of-membership clause, requiring members to
remain in good standing for the duration of the contract, which would help protect the UTWA
from the continued challenges by the company union. Penmans granted a five-cent increase then
refused to negotiate.6 On January 18, 1949, employees of Penmans Company in Paris and
members of the Local 153 of the United Textile Workers of America went on strike.
Women made up 56% of Penmans 693 employees, with most working in hosiery or the
sweater mills. The union had done little, however, to target these female workers. There was only
one female union organizer, Helen McMaster Muller, and she arrived only after the strike vote
was held. Not surprisingly, then, only 42% of 433 members of the Local 153 were women. Both
the power structures and community of Paris however, disproportionately scrutinized their
presence on the picket line. The post-war period was characterized by a reification of gender
norms, as governments promoted the reform of the nuclear family, placing female responsibility
and respectability firmly in the home. Contradictory roles were demanded of women during the
Cold War, with the promotion of family values that placed women in the home juxtaposed against
the emerging sense of a womens right to political activism. For working class women, this
contradiction was especially strong, as economic necessity took them out of the home and into the
workforce, but both their value and respect came from their roles as mothers and wives, not
workers. By taking to the picket line, the female strikers of Penmans advocated a different vision
of the role women would play in a post-war society.
The strike faced immediate challenges, as only two-fifths of Penmans employees actually
went on strike, allowing Penmans to continue production.7 The divided workplace served to
3

exacerbate the highly controversial reception of both the strike and the union, with the town
divided sharply along pro-strike and anti-strike lines. Joy Parrs extensive study on the labor
strike in Paris reveals the wound left festering by the Penmans strike, as citizens can still name
which side people were on, block by block, and house by house. The Ontario Provincial Police
(OPP) arrived on the second day of the strike, escalating tensions and dividing the community
further. Although the spectacle of labor disputes were familiar to other communities, and the
script rather predictable in terms of the accusations and recriminations, the public behavior of
those involved with the Paris strike was unfamiliar to the community, and the town was horrified
by the angry assertions of rights and demonstrations of force by both sides.8 When the UTWA
brought in workers from nearby communities to boost the morale of strikers, many locals
including some of the strikers, were horrified by the spectacle, feeling it heightened the sense of
suspicion and danger rather than conveying a sense of solidarity as it was intended to.
Many of the strikes observers were mortified by the presence of women on the picket
line. The strike quickly became violent, with silent shaming, verbal intimidation and physical
force characterizing the relationship between the picketers and the police. Of these methods, only
shaming was considered womanly. 10 The female strikers of Penmans refused to follow the
narrow script that proscribed the appropriate gendered behavior of women in the public space,
especially a public space such as a picket line. Despite persistent assertions from organized labor,
employers, police and neighbors, felt that women did not have what it takes to be effective
picketers, women on the picket line continually contested this. When Gertrude Williams, 39, was
arrested for disorderly conduct on January 21, 1949, the UTWA representative William Stewart
responded why arent they out looking for [well known criminal] Mickey MacDonald? Why
arent they looking for him instead of arresting the wife of Charlie Williams, and shoving little

girls around on the picket line.11 The patriarchal indignation of Stewart, consigning Williamss
status to that of someones wife who had no real place on a picket line, reflects the continual
marginalization of women in the labor movement. Williams, [fig. 1] however, had no doubts in
her capacity for militancy, reflecting, there was some pushing and the next thing I knew I was
arrested. But I took some arresting. It took three of them to put me in a car. They tried to scare me
and say my place was at home. I told them my place is where I want to put it. My place is on the
picket line, and thats where Ill be, every day until its over. 12

Fig. 1: Gertude Williams (right) and Mary Higgins wearing picket ribbons after their arrest for
disorderly conduct on January 21, 1949.
A photograph depicts a smiling Williams after her arrest, proudly wearing her picket
ribbon. Sitting beside a young female striker, Mary Higgins, who had also been arrested,
Williams is assured and smiling, carrying the authority of her age and role as a mother to affirm
the rightness of her actions. Of those women who did join the picket line, female strikers were
typically six years older than the average female worker and married. Male strikers by contrast
tended to be young and single.13 Joy Parr argues that married; older women felt more
comfortable demanding respect in the public sphere. Respectability came from their roles as
wives and mothers, not as workers, but in the post- war period a womans sense of rights and
responsibilities increasingly extended beyond the domestic sphere. While others challenged her
contestation of gender norms, Williams is unashamed by her transgression of acceptable female
roles and proudly endorses her actions.
There is a knowing quality to Williams face that confirms she is on the right side of
history. John Berger imagines workers on the barricades facing down the oppressive power of the
state, The barricades are between the defenders and the violence done to them throughout their
5

lives. There is nothing to regret because it is the quintessence of their past which is now
advancing against them. On their side of the barricades it is already the future.14 William faces
the gaze of the state and of the patriarchy, and asserts her right to look back. While the strike
eventually failed to win gains for the female workers of Penmans, by challenging the distribution
of the sensible, the female strikers challenged the possible ways of perceiving, engaging with and
conceptualizing the world. In their act of dissensus against the state police and the gender norms
that held them to be passive victims, female militants like Williams asserted autonomy, thus
affirming equality.
There is exuberance to their expressions; both Higgins and Williams appear to relish this
transgression of norms. The behavior of some women on the picket line was transgressive to
community members; a non-striker recalled, One girl was very mouthy. She yelled all kinds of
things at workers who were entering the mill. She even yelled at a relative of hers. Finally the
sergeant in charge of the police at that gate said to one of the relatives, The next time she yells at
you, Ill turn my back and you slap her face Some of the women used hatpins, even jabbed the
police in the rump. They carried them in their purses. Theyd stick them into the cops when the
cops were in line ... One cop had to go to the hospital for an infection in his rump. He was there
for a few days. The stabbing was worse at night when the light was poor.15
While Williams and many other women proudly challenged the expectations of their
gender, others did back off in the face of public pressure and the necessity of societal
transgressions. Doreen Pike, a finisher in the sweater mill, began as an enthusiastic supporter of
the strike, with her family picketing alongside her. Her husband, Arthur Pike was arrested in a
larger sweep of picketers. The next day, three hundred protesters marched to the Mayors house,
attacking the police as outsiders and demanding the Mayors resignation. Horrified by the fuss,
6

Pike withdrew from picket line, There was no excuse to make all that noise and disturbance.i
Joy Parr notes that to some the sensation of being out of bounds could be exhilarating and
empowering, drawing women back again and again to savor its exotic pleasures; it could also
cause them to retreat from the very possibility, or having glimpsed its fascinations, to draw back
in self-revulsion.17
The social control exercised by the neighborly gaze is as relevant here as the gaze of the
state or the police. The oligoptic is a useful structure in understanding the policing of the gaze that
occurred during this strike. This splintered panopticon lacks central, dominant gaze, but is
rather an area of mutual oversight where the viewer can return the gaze and is aware they are
being watched.18 Rather than the singular, omniscient gaze of the state, different gazes that
intercepted and overlapped characterized the strike; the outrage of neighbors supplemented the
male gaze that sought to police femininity, and reinforced the state that sought to police working
class militancy. The strikers were viewed with considerable suspicion, with one Penmans worker
recalling, My father went to work every day. He thought the strikers were a dirty bunch of
Communists and bums.19 Yet in the face of this policing gaze, strikers frequently asserted the
right to look back.
An analysis of two photographs taken on February 4, 1949 demonstrates the profound act
of resistance women undertook on the picket line. Women far outnumbered men on the picket
line, despite making up a lower percentage of union membership.20 After weeks of heightening
tension, a hundred pickets massed at the gate to Penmans on the evening of February 4, and there
were four arrests. 21 What is most striking about the images that were run in newspapers
nationwide, however, was that they were altered versions of the original photographs. A
7

comparison between the original images [fig. 2, 3] and the cropped photographs [fig. 4,5] that
circulated through wire services illustrates how meaning was reconstituted in the circulation of
the image. The producer of the images isnt identified, but it was circulated through the press in
the altered form. The formatting of reality produced by state-controlled media is very clear
here, as the relations between the visible, the sayable and the thinkable are reified.22 What is
permitted to be visible and what is rendered invisible is of profound political significance,
shaping conceptions of what is real, and most significantly, what is possible.23 In the
appropriation and recontextualization of the image, women lose the right to speak that their
presence on the picket line asserts.
The manipulation of these photographs is striking, for in assessing the value of photographs
as historical evidence, the issue that frequently emerges is that of framing. The objectivity of the
photograph is called into question, as the photographer depicts a selected reality. However, by
cropping these images, newspapers performed a very literal act of policing the gaze, reflecting the
political importance of who could see what, whom, where, and how. John Berger reminds us
photographs are irrefutable as evidence but weak in meaning, allowing for considerable
manipulation and reinterpretation.24 This manipulation removes the wound from the photograph,
and makes the claim that women have no role as militants.
Fig. 2: Leta Morrison just as she was struck by a car while on picket duty.
The first photograph shows Leta Morrison, 37, just as she was thrown to the ground
when struck while on picket duty on the morning of February 4th.25 [Fig. 2] The photograph
shows Morrison knocked down on the ground as she puts up a mittened hand, appearing to try to
stop the car, while police officers and other strikers stand nearby. A police officer runs towards
8

her, with his arm raised as if he is about to strike. The Toronto Daily Star reported that after
Morrison was struck by the car, I screamed and someone dragged me away. Then an officer
turned around and struck me in the face.26 The visual structure of the photograph reinforces the
violence of the scene; Morrison is illuminated in the white snow, while the darkness of top half of
the image appears to be closing in on her. The lone female in the image, Morrison appears to be
the victim of violence as men watch. The photograph is quite unsettling; there is a voyeurism to
the framing, as the viewer is made complicit in the violence.
Fig. 3: The cropped photograph of Leta Morrison that circulated nationally.
The photograph that was carried by the wire service presented a very different reality,
altering the meaning of the photograph. Newspaper readers nationwide saw the image cropped a
third of the way from the top, so that the other strikers, the police and the occupants of the car
were excluded, leaving Morrison alone in the frame, raising her mittened hand against the shining
grill and headlights of car. [fig.3] The picture that readers saw showed a woman appearing to
have slipped in the snow. Isolated and vulnerable, Morrison looks alone and inept, but not
victimized by men. By cropping the photograph, newswire services affirmed that women had no
place on picket lines, that they were simply too weak to cope with the demands of a picket line. In
her own recollections and according to the testimony of witnesses, Leta Morrison was run over by
a car filled with non-strikers, and taken to the hospital.27 Cropping the image removed the
violence of the photograph, absolving the non-strikers that hit Morrison, and the police watching
nearby. Those who had been following the strike would have been well aware of the incidents of
violence caused by the police on the picket line, and the removal of them from the frame is
significant.

In The Globe and Mail the next day they described the events as Leta Morrison, 35, was
pushed in front of a non-strikers automobile as pickets attempted to break through police lines
and blocked entrance to the plant. The car appeared to catch her with its fender and knocked her
to the ground. She suffered a bruised leg.28 Placing the responsibility on picketers, The Globe
and Mail leaves out that the car of the non-strikers was moving through the picket line. The text
anchors the meaning of the photograph, creating a link between the image and its context,
allowing the viewer to understand the connoted meaning of the image. The text neutralizes the
violence in the frame, reducing Morrisons experience to a bruised leg, inferring it was probably
caused by her own error or pushiness.
The second photograph has become the most famous of the images that circulated
nationwide. [fig.4] In it, Gladys Burtch, a twenty-four- year-old finisher at the hosiery mill, is
shown being carried from the picket line by two men: her father (left) and Val Bjarnason, in the
fedora with a cigarette in his mouth. Burtch had been kicked in the stomach and, clearly in pain,
is unable to walk. Helen Murphy, a UTWA union organizer is behind at the left and William
Horsfall, behind at the right, were both arrested that evening for intimidation and obstruction. The
concern on the face of Murphy reaffirms the seriousness of the situation.
Fig. 4: Gladys Burtch being carried from the picket line.
Like the photograph of Morrison, the photograph was presented cropped to show only
three central faces. [Fig. 5] In this alteration, Burtch appears to have collapsed in the mens arms.
She appears to still be standing, though hysterical. A shocking

image of profound

violence becomes a classic image of female weakness, with

Burtch reimagined as a

fainting Victorian lady. The men around her do not seem overly

concerned with her

10

hysteria, though in the uncropped photograph, it appears that her father is looking to the snow to
avoid slipping, while the other man stares at the camera.
Fig. 5: The cropped image of Gladys Burtch that circulated nationally.
As The Globe and Mail described, Gladys Burtch, 24, was surrounded by a group of
pickets as she lay screaming on the ground. She said she had been kicked in the stomach but was
unable to identify her assailant. Dr. T.R. Jarrett said her stomach was bruised.29Again the use of
text to alter the connoted meaning of the image becomes clear, with The Globe and Mail leaving
out a critical detail in their reporting: Burtch reported that a policeman had kicked her in the
stomach.30 Through the selective reporting of The Globe and Mail, Burtchs claims are
undermined by her perceived hysteria and inability to identify her assailant. In the cropped image,
Burtch appears infantilized, resembling a crying child being held by a parent, again confirming
that a picket line is no place for a young woman.
Fig. 6: A strike at Penmans No. 1 mill, October 14, 1907
Fig. 7: The picket line outside Penmans in 1949
The two images of February 4 are the most circulated images of the Penmans strike,
though both images lack the traditional iconography of picket-line imagery. A photograph of an
earlier strike at Penmans in 1907 [fig. 6] seems much more reflective of typical labor or union
visuality. A respectable collective of men, women and children standing in solidarity, the image is
of a community coming together against oppression. Confidently facing the camera, these strikers
reflect the ideal of labor, and remind us that the strength of labor comes through numbers and
solidarity. The lasting divisions within the community that Joy Parr identifies are clear in the
1949 photographs, as the women are photographed appearing isolated and vulnerable. As
11

previous strikes in Paris had been peaceful, and employers were generally regarded as benevolent,
the 1949 Penmans strikers received very little support from fellow workers.31 The direct gaze of
the 1907 strikers forms a stark contrast to the framing of the picket line photographs of Burtch
and Morrison, where the women are seemingly unaware they are being photographed,
undermining their ability to control the creation and use of their own image. This tone is carried
through to another photograph of the picket line in 1949 that shows strikers with hunched
shoulders, marching in line, unaware they were being photographed. [Fig. 7] The strength and
surety of the 1907 image seems to have been replaced by a sense of impending defeat.
The two photographs of the women injured on the picket line are shocking in their
violence. Women had mixed reactions to the strike and its aggressive rhetoric and physicality, and
the demands on behavior both enhanced and limited womens ability on picket line. The cropping
of the photographs serves to sanitize the image of the young Burtch being carried from a picket
line and the older Morrison lying in the snow. In the circulation of the images, the photographs
become more ambiguous, removing the figures that contextualize the image within the strike. The
women appear weak and incapable, reaffirming that their place is in the home.
Even female union activists struggled to defend womanly militance. A local member and
recruiter for UTWA, Jessie Bragg, recast the dispute in the press, In looking over the picket
lines, I have noticed at least 90 percent of the pickets are veterans from the last two wars and
some veterans of both wars. We, as war workers... were sure that those boys had the best during
the war, so why dont we, as citizens of this town, whether it be the town fathers, Board of Trade,
merchants or ministers of all denominations, get behind this affair and see that these boys have
the best now?32 In this re-imagining of events, the organizer attempts to deflect the
communitys gaze from the current challenge to its norms as represented by the striking women,
back towards a heroic past where the strikers are redeemed by their masculine wartime sacrifices.
12

To detractors, the resort to violence compromised the acknowledged respectability upon

which female claims to militancy had been based, while the strikers argued the profoundness of
the anomaly only highlighted the urgency and justice of their cause. Respectable womanhood
would be claimed by both sides; those who were on strike argued their virtue as wage earning
mothers gave them an authority to demand higher wages and respect from employers, while those
who were against the strike attacked it as breaking down notions of female respectability.33 In the
press, gender identity was constantly reaffirmed, with altercations between women frequently
described as cat-fights.34
This struggle between the right to look asserted by female militants and the policing gaze
of the community and the state culminated in the trials of the twenty-three arrested individuals
that began shortly after February 4th. Though women had asserted their autonomy throughout the
strike despite considerable opposition, the official marginalization and disempowerment of female
militance was completed in the courts.
While women had repeatedly asserted their capacity to militance, their attempts were
frequently undermined. Police, journalists, employers and laborers all reframed female militancy
in the imagery of feminine wiles, sanitizing the aggression women displayed. Hatpins became
caricatures of weapons, and the strikers screeching, rendered their documented picket line
violence as gender specific and silly.35 The aggression of females was whitewashed in court
testimony, rewriting the reality of the strike to fit prescribed gender roles.
Joy Parr has shown that the Magistrate R.J. Gillen of Brantford viewed both the witnesses,
and the behavior required for a conviction, through gendered expectations. Both sides legitimated
their behavior with presuppositions about manly and womanly conduct. Gender stereotypes
figured heavily in rulings, as to get a conviction, the accuser had to acknowledge before the court
13

that they had been made afraid, which framed court proceedings through patriarchal relations.
Charges of intimidation by younger women against older women were treated seriously, as
eighteen-year-old Margaret Higgins was charged for intimidating fifty-year- old Rose Lewis, but
no charges of intimidation by women against men were maintained, as no man would admit to
being afraid of a woman on the picket line.36 Men who claimed to be acting to protect women
were also viewed more favorably. However, any accusation of communism, either against men or
woman, resulted in an immediate conviction.
The visuality that reasserted control in the courtroom reaffirmed the role of visuality in
writing history. The strike became rewritten through the testimony of participants and witnesses,
as individuals recast their actions and motivations with the knowledge that their testimony would
impact their reputations. However, the history of the strike still divides the town, necessitating a
smoothing over of the narratives and recollections of the strike for the sake of social peace. This
whitewashing of the strike reflects how politics and art construct fictions, building a framework
for how people remember and understand what has been seen and what has been said.
This social pressure to sanitize behavior and beliefs was acutely felt by women. The right to
look was superseded by the distribution of the sensible in the courtroom, as women recognized
the transgressive nature of their actions would be judged not simply by the courts, but also by
their neighbors, and resultantly recast their recollections, refashioning their actions to become
appropriate for their gender. Women were largely let off by the courts but were harshly tried in
the court of public opinion. Reputations became the subject of public speculation, as rumors and
gossip became weapons to police female behavior. Accusations in the letter pages of newspapers
that women left children home alone were common and undermined the authority of female
respectability female strikers had claimed. The harshness of the neighborly wrath that female

14

militants faced reflected attempts to restore traditional gender roles in the face of a militant
challenge.
The strikers of Penman were not simply performing an act of dissensus against capitalism
and the power of their employers; they also challenged the social parameters prescribed for
working class woman. However, facing the discipline of the law in the courtroom, female
militants recast their experiences, performing femininity in the courtroom. Despite this
undermining of the experience of female strikers, the neighborly and familial connections that
allowed for and sustained the strike demonstrated the communal power of working class women.
Many of the women found strength through their resistance, and as one striker remarked, The
strike didnt fail, not really. Penmans knew they had to smarten up because a lot of people got
other jobs and so the company lost a lot of experienced help.37 Within a year, Penmans granted
the almost all strikers demands to a CIO union. For authority to function, it requires constant
reaffirmation that is normal or every day, and by calling social roles into question the strikers of
Penmans challenged the perception of what was considered possible, and made cracks in the
structures of power. Most significantly, however, was that as the policing gaze of the state and
community looked down on the women strikers, they were looking right back.

Endnotes
1
Jacques Rancire, The Politics of Aesthetics, Translated by Gabriel Rockhill. (London:
Continuum, 2006) 90.
2
Nicholas Mirzoeff, The Right to Look: A Counterhistory of Visuality, (Durham, NC: Duke
University Press, 2011) 4.
3
Mirzoeff, The Right to Look, 84.
4
Douglas Smith, Strike Against Penmans, Paris, 1949, (Brant County Library, 1981) 58. 5
Joy Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners: Women, Men, and Change in Two Industrial Towns,
1880-1950, (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1990) 97.
6
Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners, 100.
7
Smith, Strike Against Penmans, 45.
8
Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners, 110.
15

9
Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners, 103.
10
Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners, 111.
11
Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners, 106.
12
Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners, 106.
13
Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners, 100.
14
John Berger and Jean Mohr, Another Way of Telling, (New York: Pantheon, 1982) 105.
15
Smith, Strike Against Penmans, 57.
16Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners, 106
17
Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners, 111.
18
Chris Otter, The Victorian Eye: A Political History of Light and Vision in Britain, 18001910, (University Of Chicago Press, 2008) 74.
19
Smith, Strike Against Penmans, 34.
20
Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners, 112.
21
Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners, 114.
22
Rancire, The Politics of Aesthetics, 65.
23
Rancire, The Politics of Aesthetics, 13.
24
Berger, Another Way of Telling, 92.
25
This paper draws heavily from the research of local schoolteacher Douglas Smith in his
Strike Against Penmans, Paris, 1949 which is primarily oral history and collected newspaper
clippings and Joy Parrs monograph on Paris, ON. There are some discrepancies with ages and
dates between the oral history interviews conducted by Smith and the newspaper reports.
26
Toronto Daily Star, February 3, 1949.
27
Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners, 4.
28
The Globe and Mail, February 5, 1949.
29
The Globe and Mail, February 5, 1949.
30
Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners, 114.
31
Smith, Strike Against Penmans, 67.
32
Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners, 112.
33
Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners, 116.
34
Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners, 113.
35
The Financial Post, February 19, 1949.
36
Parr, The Gender of Breadwinners, 117.
37
Smith, Strike Against Penmans, 68.

16