Professional Documents
Culture Documents
The Kashmir Conflict
The Kashmir Conflict
The Kashmir Conflict
1. Introduction:
Today, the word Kashmir has become synonymous with death, destruction and religious
genocide in South Asia. Although the roots of the Kashmir issue lie in a territorial dispute
between India and Pakistan, it has evolved into a multi-faceted issue over the years. This
paper discusses this dispute, its history, its effects and potential steps towards a peaceful
resolution.
Kashmir is a landlocked region in South Asia, sandwiched between India,
Pakistan, Afghanistan and China. It is spread across an area of 86,000 square miles, an
area bigger than 87 sovereign countries. Kashmir is home to almost thirteen million
people. Though mostly Muslim, the state also has significant Hindu, Buddhist and Sikh
populations. Cradled by the mighty Himalayas and fed by rivers like the Satluj and Indus,
Kashmir, has often been described as a Paradise on Earth. However, terrorism and a
border dispute between India and Pakistan have given this very paradise the name Hell
on Earth. With a predominantly agrarian population, the per capita income of Kashmir is
less than 100 U.S. Dollars. Most of the population is forced to live under immense
squalor and oppression. This has made Kashmir one of the most controversial and hotly
debated topics in South Asia, a region home to almost a quarter of the worlds population.
In order to understand the current situation in Kashmir, it is necessary to
understand the history of the region. The British sold Kashmir to Maharajah Ghulab
Singh in 1846. Subsequently, Maharajah Ghulab Singh established himself as the
independent princely ruler of Kashmir. This was done through the famous treaty of
Amritsar. After Ghulab Singhs death, his kingdom passed on to his successors and was
ultimately ruled by Maharajah Hari Singh until 1949. These rulers were known to be
tyrannical and oppressive. In 1931, there was even a revolt and general unrest amongst
the majority Muslim population.
In 1947, the South Asian portion of the British Empire was divided between India
and Pakistan. Maharajah Hari Singh was advised to consider contiguous dominion,
religious and ethnic issues when deciding which territory to accede to. Both India and
Pakistan applied pressure to get Hari Singh to accede to them respectively. However,
Maharajah Hari Singh remained neutral and did not accede to either dominion. As a
result, Pakistan attempted to annex Kashmir and sent large number of tribesmen and
Pakistani army regulars to overthrow Hari Singh, and make Kashmir a part of Pakistan.
At this point, the Maharajah made an offer to accede to the Indian union in exchange for
protection by Indian forces. India agreed and sent its troops to Kashmir, sparking off the
first war between the two countries. This invasion by Pakistan and the subsequent war in
1948 lead to the creation of a highly unstable and dangerous rivalry in the Indian
subcontinent.
In 1948, Indian forces successfully thwarted the incursion by Pakistan and were
even ready to invade Mirpur and Muzaffarabad (now in Pakistan). However, Nehru, the
Prime Minister of India, recalled his forces and took the issue to the UN Security
Council. The UN Security Council passed a resolution saying that Pakistan must
withdraw all Pakistani citizens and tribesmen from the area and that a plebiscite be held
to decide the future of the state. However, due to a lack of interest from the international
community neither objective of the resolution was achieved.
allowed to link up their militaries at Siachen, Indias national security over the entire
northern frontier would be greatly undermined. Such a link up would create a very
powerful military force, consisting of Indias two biggest rivals. This force would be
capable of joint and potentially decisive military action against India.
an Islamic nation. The second objective is to neutralize a large part of the Indian military
forces by keeping them occupied and making them less potent in the event of a
confrontation with Pakistan.
Many techniques have been employed to achieve these two objectives. The most
important of these techniques is the establishment of a network of religious schools in the
valley. These religious schools reject secularism and the secular, scientific syllabus
prescribed by the government. Instead, these schools implant religious bigotry, communal
hatred and radical religious fundamentalism in thousands of impressionable young minds
throughout the valley. A network of hundreds of such schools has been established by the
terrorist organizations throughout the valley.
Behind the scenes, the I.S.I. and the Pakistani army are supervising, controlling
and supporting these terrorist organizations. They have armed the terrorists with the
latest weapons and provide cover fire to help them infiltrate the L.O.C. into India. The
I.S.I. coordinates between different terrorist organizations to effectively spread violence
and create communal tension throughout the valley. The terrorists, with help from
Pakistan, have created training camps in Kashmir, Pakistan and Afghanistan to
indoctrinate and further train recruits. It was estimated that there were as many as 5,000
terrorists in various camps located in Pakistani Punjab and the North West Frontier
Province.
6. Conclusion:
The first step to a solution must involve the cessation of violence in Kashmir. In
order to achieve this, there has to be action by all parties. On the Pakistani side there must
be an end to all support for terrorism in Kashmir. To achieve this, international pressure is
very important as it could put an end to the training camps and monetary assistance that
terrorist organizations have ample access to in Pakistan. There must also be a change in
the local mood in Pakistan and Kashmir that is seeking the establishment of Islamic rule
in Kashmir and the destruction of India rather than the betterment of the people of
Kashmir. This would restrict the popularity of these groups in Pakistan and would be
instrumental in putting an end to violence in Kashmir. This can only be brought about by
promoting education and secularism in Kashmir and in Pakistan. These concepts are
sadly quite contrary to the reality that governs Pakistan today.
Similarly, there must also be a change in Indian foreign policy. India must attempt
to resolve border disputes, and develop a friendly relationship with China before it can
set about resolving the Kashmir issue. As long as Pakistan and China remain allies and
have India as their common adversary, the strategic importance of Kashmir will not allow
any solution to the issue.
Simultaneously, the Indian government must also display greater involvement in
the state. It must consider the needs and wants of the Kashmiri people to make the people
feel recognized and a part of India. This would go a long way towards ending the sense of
alienation and neglect that looms over most people in the valley. This can be achieved by
sending greater humanitarian assistance to people in the valley, ending corruption,
injustice and inefficiency in the local administration. Investment in Kashmiri
infrastructure, in general, would improve the life of the people and would lead to less
resentment against India. The government must also bring the wanton abuse of Human
rights by Indian security forces into check. Such violations not only add to the communal
tension but also create distrust against the security forces trying to protect the people.
Furthermore, the Indian government has vehemently opposed and prevented any
plebiscite or even unofficial polls regarding the desire of the people to accede to Pakistan.
This creates an impression of illegal occupation of the region by Indian forces. India must
change this policy and keep an open mind towards a plebiscite in Kashmir.
Furthermore, the territorial dispute should also be resolved. This is important as it
would lend a sense of identity to the people of Kashmir. These people sorely lack a sense
of identity which adds to feeling of resentment and hatred against India. There are many
proposed approaches to achieve each of the above steps. However, every option must be
reviewed carefully and an amicable solution between both countries must be found.
7. Bibliography :
http://www.wikipedia.com
http://www.ask.com
http://historyindia.com
http://planningcommission.gov.in/
http://kashmirportal.com
http://pakistanalert.pk
Whereas the Indian Independence Act, 1947, provides that as from the fifteenth day of August,
1947, there shall be set up an independent Dominion known as INDIA, and that the Government
of India Act, 1935, shall, with such omission, additions, adaptations and modifications as the
Governor-General may by order specify, be applicable to the Dominion of India,
And whereas the Government of India Act, 1935, as so adapted, by the Governor General
provides that an Indian State may accede to the Dominion of India by an Instrument of Accession
executed by the Ruler thereof:
Now, therefore, I Shriman Inder Mahander Rajrajeshwar Maharajadhiraj Shri Hari Singhji Jammu
and Kashmir Naresh Tatha Tibbet adi Deshadhipathi, Ruler of Jammu and Kashmir State, in the
exercise of my Sovereignty in and over my said State do hereby execute this my Instrument of
Accession; and
1. I hereby declare that I accede to the Dominion of India with the intent that the GovernorGeneral of India, the Dominion Legislature, the Federal Court and any other Dominion authority
established for the purposes of the Dominion shall, by virtue of this my Instrument of Accession
but subject always to the terms thereof, and for the purposes only of the Dominion, exercise in
relation to the State of Jammu and Kashmir (hereinafter referred to as "this State") such functions
as may be vested in them by or under the Government of India Act, 1935, as in force in the
Dominion of India, on the 15th Day of August 1947, (which Act as so in force is hereafter referred
to as "the Act").
2. I hereby assume the obligation of ensuring that due effect is given to provisions of the Act
within this State so far as they are applicable therein by virtue of this my Instrument of Accession.
3. I accept the matters specified in the scheduled hereto as the matters with respect to which the
Dominion Legislature may make laws for this State.
4. I hereby declare that I accede to the Dominion of India on the assurance that if an agreement
is made between the Governor-General and the Ruler of this State whereby any functions in
relation to the administration in this State of any law of the Dominion Legislature shall be
exercised by the Ruler of this State, then any such agreement shall be deemed to form part of
this Instrument and shall be construed and have effect accordingly.
5. The terms of this my Instrument of Accession shall not be varied by any amendment of the Act
or the Indian Independence Act, 1947, unless such amendment is accepted by me by Instrument
supplementary to this Instrument.
6. Nothing in this Instrument shall empower the Dominion Legislature to make any law for this
State authorizing the compulsory acquisition of land for any purpose, but I hereby undertake that
should the Dominion for the purpose of a Dominion law which applies in this State deem it
necessary to acquire any land, I will at their request acquire the land at their expense, or, if the
land belongs to me transfer it to them on such terms as may be agreed or, in default of
agreement, determined by an arbitrator to be appointed by the Chief justice of India.
7. Nothing in this Instrument shall be deemed to commit in any way to acceptance of any future
constitution of India or to fetter my discretion to enter into arrangement with the Government of
India under any such future constitution.
8. Nothing in this Instrument affects the continuance of my Sovereignty in and over this State, or,
save as provided by or under this Instrument, the exercise of any powers, authority and rights
now enjoyed by me as Ruler of this State or the validity of any law at present in force in this State.
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9. I hereby declare that I execute this Instrument on behalf of this State and that any reference in
this Instrument to me or to the Ruler of the State is to be construed as including a reference to my
heirs and successors.
Given under my hand this 26th day of October, nineteen hundred and forty-seven.
Hari Singh,
Maharajadhiraj of Jammu and Kashmir State.
Acceptance of Accession by the Governor-General of India
I do hereby accept this Instrument of Accession.
Dated this twenty-seventh day of October, nineteen hundred and forty-seven.
Mountbatten of Burma,
Governor-General of India.