Spondylus in South America Prehistory

Spondylus in Prehistory
New data and approaches

Contributions to the archaeology of shell technologies
Edited by
Fotis Ifantidis
Marianna Nikolaidou
BAR International Series 2216

2011
Spondylus in Prehistory
New data and approaches
Contributions to the archaeology of shell technologies
Edited by
Fotis Ifantidis
Marianna Nikolaidou
BAR International Series 2216

2011
Published by
Archaeopress
Publishers of British Archaeological Reports
Gordon House
276 Banbury Road
Oxford OX2 7ED
England
bar@archaeopress.com
www.archaeopress.com
BAR S2216
Spondylus in Prehistory: New data and approaches. Contributions to the archaeology of shell
technologies
Archaeopress and the individual authors 2011
ISBN 978 1 4073 0774 9
Printed in England by Blenheim Colour Ltd
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Hadrian Books Ltd
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free from Hadrian Books or may be downloaded from www.archaeopress.com
Table of ConTenTs
Lis of Contributors.......................................................................................................................................................................ix-x
List of Figures..........................................................................................................................................................................xii-xii
List of Tables.................................................................................................................................................................................xiv
InTroduCTIon
A Volume on Spondylus
Marianna Nikolaidou & Fotis Ifantidis
3-8
I spannIng spaCe and TIme In SpondyluS sTudIes: arTIfaCTs, symbols, IdenTITIes

CHAPTER 1
Spondylus Shells at Prehistoric Sites in the Iberian Peninsula.....................................................................13-18

Esteban lvarez-Fernndez
CHAPTER 2
Spondylus sp. at Lezetxiki Cave (Basque Country, Spain):

First Evidence of its Use in Symbolic Behavior during the Aurignacian in Europe....................................19-24
lvaro Arrizabalaga, Esteban lvarez-Fernndez & Mara-Jos Iriarte
CHAPTER 3
Spondylus gaederopus in Prehistoric Italy: Jewels from Neolithic and Copper Age Sites..........................25-37
Maria Angelica Borrello & Roberto Micheli
CHAPTER 4
Status of Spondylus Artifacts within the LBK Grave Goods........................................................................39-45

Jan John
CHAPTER 5
Reconsideration of Spondylus Usage in the Middle and Late Neolithic of the Carpathian Basin...............47-62
Zsuzsanna Siklsi & Piroska Csengeri
CHAPTER 6
Spondylus in South American Prehistory......................................................................................................63-89

Benjamin P. Carter
II VIews from The Threshold: SpondyluS TeChnologIes In The aegean

CHAPTER 7
Spondylus gaederopus in Aegean Prehistory: Deciphering Shapes from Northern Greece......................93-104

Tatiana Theodoropoulou
CHAPTER 8
The Neolithic Settlement at Makriyalos, Northern Greece:

Evidence from the Spondylus gaederopus Artifacts.................................................................................105-121
Maria Pappa & Rena Veropoulidou
CHAPTER 9
Cosmos in Fragments: Spondylus and Glycymeris Adornment at Neolithic Dispilio, Greece.................123-137

Fotis Ifantidis
CHAPTER 10
Personhood and the Life Cycle of Spondylus Rings: An Example from Late Neolithic, Greece............139-160
John C. Chapman, Bisserka I. Gaydarska, Evangelia Skaida & Stella Souvatzi
CHAPTER 11
Spondylus Objects from Theopetra Cave, Greece: Imported of Local Production?................................161-167

Nina Kyparissi-Apostolika
III reConsTruCTIng lIVes: arChaeomeTrIC and experImenTal analyses

CHAPTER 12
The Contribution of Archaeometry to the Study of Prehistoric Marine Shells........................................171-180

Katerina Douka
CHAPTER 13
Paleobiological Study of Spondylus Jewelry found in Neolithic (LPC) Graves

at the Locality Vedrovice (Moravia, Czech Republic)..............................................................................181-189
rka Hladilov
CHAPTER 14
Spondylus gaederopus Tools and Meals in Central Greece

from the 3rd to the Early 1st Millennium BCE..........................................................................................191-208
Rena Veropoulidou
CHAPTER 15
Pre-Hispanic Attire made of Spondylus from Tula, Mexico.....................................................................209-219

Adrin Velzquez Castro, Belem Ziga Arellano & Norma Valentn Maldonado
ConCludIng CommenTary
Lives and Journeys, of Spondylus and People: A Story to Conclude
Marianna Nikolaidou
223-237
lIsT of ConTrIbuTors
esTeban lVarez-fernndez
Departamento de Prehistoria, Historia Antigua y Arqueologa, Universidad de Salamanca
C. Cerrada de Serranos S/N, E-37002 Salamanca, Spain
E-mail: epanik@usal.es; estebanalfer@hotmail.com
lVaro arrIzabalaga
Departament of Geography, Prehistory & Archaeology, University of Basque Country
C/ Francisco Toms y Valiente s/n. 01006, Vitoria, Spain
E-mail: alvaro.arrizabalaga@ehu.es
marIa angelICa borello
Dpartement de Gographie, Facult des Sciences Economiques et Sociales, Universit de Genve
Uni Mail, 40 Bd du Pont-dArve, CH-1211 Genve 4, Switzerland
E-mail: borelloarch@yahoo.fr
benjamIn p. CarTer
Department of Sociology & Anthropology, Muhlenberg College
2400, Chew St. Allentown, PA 18104-5586, Pennsylvania, USA
E-mail: bcarter@muhlenberg.edu
john C. Chapman
Department of Archaeology, Durham University
DH1 3LE, Durham, United Kingdom
E-mail: j.c.chapman@dur.ac.uk
pIroska CsengerI
Herman Ott Museum
Grgey Artr u. 28, H-3529, Miskolc, Hungary
E-mail: csengerip@gmail.com
kaTerIna douka
Research Laboratory for Archaeology & the History of Art, University of Oxford
Dyson Perrins Building, South Parks Road, OX1 3QY, Oxford, United Kingdom
E-mail: katerina.douka@rlaha.ox.ac.uk
bIsserka I. gaydarska
Department of Archaeology, Durham University
DH1 3LE, Durham, United Kingdom
E-mail: b_gaydarska@yahoo.co.uk
rka hladIloV
Institute of Geological Sciences, Faculty of Science, Masaryk University
Kotlsk 2, 611 37, Brno, Czech Republic
Department of Biology, Faculty of Education, Palacky University
Purkrabska 2, 77140, Olomouc, Czech Republic
E-mail: sarka@sci.muni.cz
foTIs IfanTIdIs
Aristotle University of Thessaloniki; 16th Ephoreia of Prehistoric & Classical Antiquities Thessaloniki Metro
94, Theagenous Charisi str., 54453, Thessaloniki, Greece
E-mail: fotisif@hotmail.com; ifantidi@hist.auth.gr
mara-jos IrIarTe
Departament of Geography, Prehistory & Archaeology, University of Basque Country
C/ Francisco Toms y Valiente s/n. 01006 Vitoria, Spain
E-mail: mariajose.iriarte@ehu.es
jan john
Department of Archaeology, University of West Bohemia in Pilsen
Sedlkova 15, 30614, Plze, Czech Republic
E-mail: jjohn@kar.zcu.cz
ix
nIna kyparIssI-aposTolIka
Ephoreia of Palaeoanthropology & Speleology of Southern Greece
34b, Ardittou str., 11636, Athens, Greece
E-mail: nkyparissi@hotmail.com
roberTo mIChelI
Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici del Friuli Venezia Giulia
9, Viale Miramare, I-34135, Trieste, Italy
E-mail: roberto.micheli@beniculturali.it
marIanna nIkolaIdou
Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles
1748, Orangewood Ln, Arcadia, CA 91006, California, USA
E-mail: marianna@ucla.com
marIa pappa
16th Ephoreia of Prehistoric & Classical Antiquities
Megalou Alexandrou (opposite to Poseidonion) str., 54646, Thessaloniki, Greece
E-mail: mpappa@culture.gr
zsuzsanna sIklsI
Etvs Lornd University, Institute of Archaeological Sciences
Mzeum krt. 4/B, H-1088, Budapest, Hungary
E-mail: siklosizs@gmail.com; siklosi.zsuzsanna@btk.elte.hu
eVangelIa skafIda
Archaeological Museum of Volos
1, Athanassaki str., 38001, Volos, Greece
E-mail: eskaida@gmail.com
sTella souVaTzI
Hellenic Open University
2, N. Plastira str., 13561, Athens, Greece
E-mail: stellasouvatzi@hotmail.com
TaTIana Theodoropoulou
The Wiener Laboratory, The American School of Classical Studies at Athens
54, Souidias str., 10676, Athens, Greece
Equipe de Protohistoire Egenne UMR7041 (Archologie et Sciences de lAntiquit)
Maison R. Ginouvs, 21, alle de lUniversit, 92023, Nanterre, France
E-mail: tatheod@hotmail.com
norma ValenTn maldonado
Subdireccin de Laboratorios y Apoyo Acadmico del INAH
Moneda 16, colonia Centro, Mxico D.F. 06060, Mexico
E-mail: nvalentinm@hotmail.com
adrIn Velzquez CasTro
Museo del Templo Mayor
Seminario 8, colonia Centro, Mxico D.F. 06060, Mexico
E-mail: adrianveca@yahoo.com
rena VeropoulIdou
Aristotle University of Thessaloniki; Museum of Byzantine Culture, Thessaloniki
25, Solonos str., 54644, Thessaloniki, Greece
E-mail: verren@hist.auth.gr
belem zIga arellano
Proyecto Tcnicas de manufactura de los objetos de concha del Mxico prehispnico, Museo del Templo Mayor
Seminario 8, colonia Centro, Mxico D.F. 06060, Mexico
E-mail: belemzu@yahoo.com
F. IFantIdIs & M. nIkolaIdou (eds.), SpondyluS In PrehIstory: new data & aPProaches contrIbutIons to the archaeology oF shell technologIes
CHAPTER 6
SpondyluS in South AmericAn PrehiStory
benjamIn p. CarTer
The mollusk Spondylus was one of the most widely exchanged marine resources in Prehispanic Andean South America, yet we know
relatively little about the living shellish or its role within the cultures of this area. Since the original works of Paulsen (1974) and
Marcos (1977; see also 1995, 2002) only one review of the prehistoric use of Spondylus (Blower 1995) has been presented despite the
collection of signiicant data over the past three decades. While early works are invaluable and still heavily cited, new data contradict
many of the assumptions and conclusions within these works. This chapter makes several arguments based upon recent ecological and
archaeological data to reconstruct Prehispanic Spondylus use. First, it has often been stated that Spondylus is present only to southern
Ecuador; it is now clear that waters of modern-day Peru also harbor Spondylus. Second, while it has been oft-cited that Spondylus is
present only in deep waters, recent publications indicate that it resides in shallower waters as well. Third, it now appears that Spondylus arrived in the Central Andes (possibly as early as 2500 BC) before it arrived in the Ecuadorian highlands (at ca. 1400 BC) rather
than the reverse as was originally proposed. Fourth, it has been assumed that Spondylus consumption increased throughout prehistory
reaching a maximum during the Inka Empire, but, now there is evidence of a decline in Spondylus usage late in prehistory (after ca.
AD 1300). Fifth, I also present a complete and current cultural chronology of Spondylus in South America because, while the original
chronologies were very broadly accurate, recent inds illustrate a much more complex history. This work highlights the incorporation
of ecological and archeological data to produce a rich and interesting cultural history of the famous shellish, Spondylus.
InTroduCTIon
Marine bivalves of the Spondylus genus have been used by
South American peoples for a wide variety of purposes beginning ive thousand years ago. The exterior shell and margin of
this shellish is thick and durable, can be shaped into a variety
of forms, and presents a variety of colors, including purple,
red, orange, pink and white. As such, this shellish was used
as a semiprecious material and incorporated into the political,
economic and religious realms of many cultures in the Andes
and along the Paciic Coast of South America. This has been
recognized since before John Murras plea (1975, 1982) to
study the shellish. In response to that appeal, broad-ranging
chronologies of Spondylus were presented by Paulsen (1974)
and later by Marcos (1977). The latter also provided an initial
theoretical grounding for Spondylus exchange in South and
Central America. Since these original works, vast quantities
of archaeological information have been recovered throughout Andean South America. Spondylus research, however, has
been limited to studies of single geographic areas (Glowacki
2005; Hocquenghem & Pea Ruiz 1994) or speciic topics,
especially iconography (Cordy-Collins 1990, 1999, 2001;
Davidson 1980, 1981; Pillsbury 1996, 1999). Though valuable and insightful, many of these works are based uncritically
on early works. Recent archaeological and ecological data is
scattered through a wide variety of published and gray literature. This is an attempt to bring this material together to
provide a broader perspective of the use of Spondylus in Andean and Paciic South America.
Five major updates, two ecological and three archaeological,
are provided in this work that contradict the accepted story of
Spondylus. First, it is often stated that Spondylus recovered
from an archaeological site in Peru is an indicator of ancient
exchange with peoples from the region known today as Ecuador. In fact, Spondylus is present (and presumably was present
in the prehistoric past) along the coast of extreme northwest

Peru, as far south as Cabo Blanco (Carter 2008: 107-120;
Olsson 1961). Contrary to the accepted story, archaeological Spondylus recovered in Peru does not necessarily indicate
trade with Ecuador. Spondylus recovered to the south and east
of extreme northwestern Peru is a likely marker of long distance exchange, however.
Secondly, the shellish inhabits coastal waters that are much
shallower than previously believed. This is signiicant because it is often explicitly stated that, because of the depths
at which Spondylus lives, divers must have been specialists or
that acquiring Spondylus was particularly expensive; both
of which make Spondylus even more attractive to the elite. It
appears, however, that Spondylus may not have lived at such
depth, but were available in shallow waters (intertidally or below 3 meters for Spondylus calcifer and Spondylus princeps,
respectively). Diving for these shellish, especially the deeper
water resident Spondylus princeps, was likely not easy; strong
currents, turbid waters, natural camoulage, and strong attachment to substrate may have made these shellish dificult to
harvest even at shallower depths than originally thought.
The third update is that the dating of the initial signs of Spondylus exchange (i.e. appearance in archaeological sites beyond its natural range- into the highlands and south of Cabo
Blanco, Peru) needs to be modiied. It was originally thought
that exchange was initiated with the peoples of the Ecuadorian
highlands irst (by ca. 2500 BC; Marcos 1977: 108) and later
(ca. 1100 BC; Paulsen 1974) with those who lived in modern-day Peru. It is now clear, however, that these dates need
to be reversed. Spondylus arrived in coastal Peru irst, sometime between 2600 and 2000 BC (Shady Sols 2005, 2006;
Shady Sols, Haas & Creamer 2001), and did not arrive in the
Ecuadorian highlands until later, at approximately 1400 BC
(Bruhns 1989).
SpondyluS In PrehIstory: new data & aPProaches contrIbutIons to the archaeology oF shell technologIes
The fourth update is the recognition that, although it was

originally proposed that Spondylus consumption increased
through time peaking with the Inka empire (e.g. Marcos 1977;
Murra 1975, 1982; Paulsen 1974), current evidence suggests
that Spondylus use peaked on the north coast of Peru among
the Moche and Sicn (a.k.a. Lambayeque) cultures and decreased during the Inka Empire. This is quite understandable
since the Moche and Sicn were located on the North coast of
Peru relatively close to the Spondylus beds of extreme northern Peru and Ecuador.
characteristic used to identify Spondylus in iconography (e.g.

Cordy-Collins 1990, 1999; Pillsbury 1996). While there is
a high degree of overlap between species, Spondylus calcifer tends to have a larger (up to 249mm; Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: 102) and thicker shell with fewer, shorter spines
than Spondylus princeps, which tends to have a smaller (up
to 145mm; Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: 99) and thinner shell
with longer, more pointed spines. This generalization is complicated by the recognition that juveniles of both species may
have long spines and gerontic specimens may lack them completely (Abbot 1974; Keen 1971; Lamprell 1986, 2006; Olsson 1961; Skoglund & Mulliner 1996). In general, while there
is overlap, the two species are different in size and thornyness.
The ifth, and perhaps most important, update is to highlight

the great variability of Spondylus consumption by Prehispanic
South Americans through time and space.
Spondylid spines provide camoulage, not defense as was

originally believed (Feifarek 1987; Jones 2003; cf. Pillsbury
1996: 318). The spines provide a framework to which plants
and animals attach themselves, thereby camoulaging the
shellish. The creatures growing on the exterior of Spondylus, known as epibionts, differ between species; Spondylus
princeps tends to be covered with mainly sponges and coralline algae (Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: 99, ig. 27) as well as
marine worms, mollusks and more (de Len Gonzlez, Leija
Tristn & Salazar-Vallejo 1993; see also Lamprell 2006: 36;
Norton 1986: 133). Spondylus calcifer tends to have more invasive epibionts such as small boring clams, boring sponges,
and worms (Keen 1971: 96; Lamprell 2006: 36; Olsson 1961:
153; Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: ig. 28-29). This means that
archaeologically recovered Spondylus calcifer shells are more
heavily marred by boring and encrusted with calcareous epibionts, while prehistoric Spondylus princeps tend to be relatively free of epibionts because many of them lacked mineral
exoskeletons.
morphology and eCology of SpondyluS

In order to understand the cultural history and use of Spondylus,
we must irst rectify current conceptions about its morphology
and ecology. In the eastern Paciic, the term Spondylus refers
to bivalves of the genus Spondylus, which, in this region, contains three species: Spondylus princeps Broderip 1833; Spondylus calcifer Carpenter 18571; and Spondylus leucacanthus
Broderip 1833 (Skoglund & Mulliner 1996; see also Abbot
1974; Keen 1971; Lamprell 1986, 2006; Morris 1966; Olsson
1961). Spondylus leucacanthus is currently present at depths
much greater than the other two (ca. 18-90 meters below sea
surface Skoglund & Mulliner 1996: 96, Table 1) and has little
of the red/purple/orange shell so often used to make artifacts.
Since it is less likely that Pre-Columbian people used this species with any regularity, only Spondylus princeps and Spondylus calcifer are discussed below (see Fig. 1-3). Information on Spondylids of the eastern Paciic is mainly limited to
descriptions in shell compendiums (Abbot 1974; Keen 1958,
1971; Olsson 1961; Morris 1966; see also Lamprell 1986,
2006) with a few important exceptions (de Len Gonzlez,
Leija Tristn & Salazar-Vallejo 1993; Mata et al. 1990; Skoglund & Mulliner 1996; Villalejo-Fuerte & Garca-Domnguez 1998; Villalejo-Fuerte et al. 2002). The taxonomic work
by Skoglund and Mulliner (1996; see also Lamprell 2006) is
particularly helpful because they use both museum specimens
as well as detailed research at a single locale, Izla Danzante in
the Gulf of California, to study the taxonomy and ecology of
Spondylids. Although the distance between the Gulf of California and the coasts of Ecuador and Peru makes the direct
projection of information from this study to South America
dificult, much of the information presented by Skoglund and
Mulliner (1996) is supported by evidence from coastal South
America. Direct research on Ecuadorian and Peruvian Spondylids is still needed.
While spines clearly served a function, the bright coloration

of Spondylus shells does not appear to have a role in ecology. Spondylus shells have bright coloration on the interior
margin and much or all of the exterior of the shell. Although
coloration can vary between individuals and even within a
single specimen, a Spondylus calcifer shell tends to be purple
and orange, while Spondylus princeps tends to be orange and
red (Skoglund & Mulliner 1996; Lamprell 2006: 36, 80). Although signiicant overlap makes it dificult to identify Spondylus artifacts or fragments to species, it is most probable that
a red object is made from Spondylus princeps and a purple
object to be made from Spondylus calcifer; orange or pink objects may be from either species.
Though mobile as a juvenile, adult Spondylids are most often
cemented directly to bedrock or other hard substrate via its
right (lower) shell. Spondylus calcifer tends to inhabit rocky
areas and, therefore, is often attached by a large portion of
its right shell. On the other hand, Spondylus princeps is more
often found in sandy areas and, therefore, the attachment area
may be smaller or even absent due to its attachment to a small
object (e.g. a stone or other shellish) or not at all (Skoglund &
Mulliner 1996: 102; Lamprell 2006: 36).
Shellish in the genus Spondylus, known as the spiny or thorny

oyster, are marine bivalves more similar to scallops than oysters. They are moderately large and are strongly sculptured
with spinose radial ribs (Keen 1971: 96), which gives each
species differing degrees of thornyness (see Fig. 1-3). It is
these thorns or spines that are the principal, though not sole,
1
Lamprell (2006: 36) has proposed that Spondylus limbatus Sowerby,

1847 is the appropriate nomenclature for Spondylus calcifer.
64
benjaMIn P. carter SpondyluS In south aMerIcan PrehIstory
Figure 1. Immature Spondylus princeps from Salango [photo by the author]
Figure 2. Immature Spondylus calcifer from Puerto Peasco, Gulf of California. 7.8cm across [photo courtesy of Chris Brown]
VerTICal
horIzonTal dIsTrIbuTIon
SpondyluS calcifer
and
princepS and
of
been needed (e.g. Cordy-Collins 1990: 306; Marcos 2002: 28;

Paulsen 1974: 597). Marcos (1995, 2002) has made such specialization one of the keys to the rise of the Huancavilca (i.e.
Manteo) state of the Ecuadorian Integration Period (ca. AD
5001500).
SpondyluS
The depth at which Spondylus princeps and Spondylus calcifer

reside is particularly important because this information has
been used to suggest that harvesting Spondylus, especially the
red/orange Spondylus princeps, from deep water would have
been expensive and/or that specialized divers would have
Originally, it was thought that Paciic Spondylids resided between 20 to 60 feet (ca. 6 to 18 meters; Paulsen 1974: 597)
65
Figure 3. Gerontic Spondylus calcifer from just below low tide, Puerto Peasco, Gulf of California. 15cm across
[photo courtesy of Chris Brown]
or 80-200 feet (25 to 60 meters; Marcos 1977). Skoglund and

Mulliners (1996; see also Lamprell 2006: 36, 80; VillalejoFuerte et al. 2002: 105) recent review, however, indicates
that, in the Gulf of California, Spondylus calcifer is available
at fairly shallow depths (intertidal to 18m), while Spondylus
princeps resides in slightly deeper waters (3 to 28m). These
depths are supported by the admittedly sparse information
available from Peru and Ecuador. Presley Norton indicated
that Spondylus calcifer was present as shallow as 3 meters,
but maintained, based upon his own diving experience near
Salango, Ecuador, that Spondylus princeps was present only
beyond 15 meters (Marcos & Norton 1981: 148, 1984: 14).
Anne Marie Hocquenghem (1999: 59), citing Philippe Barez
who also dove in waters around Salango, indicates that Spondylus calcifer was probably available in the intertidal zone but
is no longer due to recent overharvesting. More recently, Dan
Bauer, a cultural anthropologist sudying marine resource utilization in Salango, indicated that both Spondylus princeps and
Spondylus calcifer are currently available on reefs and rocky
outcrops between 4 and 20 meters (Bauer 2007; see also Fabara 2003: 25, 2008). While research on the modern Spondylids
of the coast of South America and critical application of modern data to the past are still needed, it appears that both species
may have been available in waters that were relatively easy to
access, especially for coastal peoples who were experienced
in utilizing a wide variety of marine resources. Spondylus calcifer was likely available intertidally and Spondylus princeps
probably began to appear somewhere between 3 and 5 meters
below the surface of the ocean. This may have changed in certain areas as the shellish may have been overexploited locally
(Hocquenghem 1999: 59, citing Barez 1996).
Although it is unclear under what conditions specialist divers

are needed, it now appears that both species may have been
available at depths accessible by divers with limited ability.
Therefore acquisition of Spondylus may not have been expensive or required a specialist. One must note, however,
that other factors suggest that knowledge may have been more
important than the ability to dive deeply. Experienced divers,
Norton (1986) and Barez (cited in Hocquenghem 1999: 5960), have suggested that the ability for Spondylids to be disguised by epibionts, the degree to which Spondylids (especially Spondylus calcifer) are cemented to the substrate as well as
other factors may have presented problems for divers. These
did not necessarily increase the cost in physical effort, but
may have required specialized knowledge, such as the ability
to identify Spondylus through the epibiotic camoulage and/or
speciic techniques to separate Spondylus from its substrate.
Archaeologically there is very little evidence for specialized
Spondylus harvesting, but such evidence would be particularly
dificult to identify. Even the diving weights regularly found
in the waters of Salango, indicate diving, not specialized diving for Spondylus as has been argued. It is possible that the images of Spondylus harvesting in Sicn and Chim iconography
(e.g. Cordy-Collins 1990; Pillsbury 1996; see below) suggest
specialization, but it may be that Spondylus acquisition was
the only pursuit performed by divers that the Sicn and Chim
regarded as important enough to enter into their iconography.
Although specialized diving cannot be eliminated as one of the
possible ways in which Spondylus was harvested, it also cannot be demonstrated that it was necessary. Spondylus divers
may have been maritime generalists whose submarine prey in-
66
Hocquenghem & Pea Ruiz 1994; Hocquenghem et al. 1993)

probably because the shellish was locally available. One can
now say that Spondylus lives in the waters of northern Peru
and should be considered a Peruvian, as well as Ecuadorian,
resource and, therefore, can no longer be seen as a necessary
indicator of ancient trade between the Prehispanic peoples living in modern-day Ecuador and Peru.
cluded more than just Spondylus, which may have been ished
on a part-time, as-needed basis. The collection of Spondylus
should be seen, not as a necessarily expensive and specialized
pursuit, but as one of many strategies used by coastal peoples
to obtain marine resources. Was the knowledge needed to
harvest Spondylus (and other prey) shared by all or restricted
to certain individuals? With current evidence we cannot determine this. If divers were generalists, costs would not be
great as long as Spondylids were present in relatively shallow
waters. Costs would have increased if Spondylus beds were
overharvested, but demonstrating prehistoric overishing, like
demonstrating specialized divers, is a dificult task.
It has been suggested that the shift southward of warm water

during an El Nio-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) event may allow Spondylids to temporarily survive hundreds of miles farther south than their natural range (Lumbreras 1987; Ravines
et al. 1982: 219; Sandweiss 1992: 152; Sandweiss & Rodrguez 1991: note 9; Sandweiss, Rollins & Richardson 1983:
283). Recent investigation of the movement of mollusks due
to ENSOs between 1972 and 2003 have yielded evidence for
the movement of twenty-ive species of mollusks outside of
their normal range, but no Spondylids were among them (Carlos Paredes et al. 1998; Carlos Paredes, Cardoso & Tarazona
2004; see also Daz & Ortlieb 1993). Cabo Blanco appears to
be the southern limit of Spondylids, even during the ENSO
events.
Our knowledge of the geographical distribution of Spondylus is based upon very general, and now outdated, shell compendia. Some early archaeological discussions of Spondylus
(Marcos 1977: 101, 1986a: 199; Norton 1986: 133) recognized
that at least one of the species of Spondylus was present in
waters off extreme northwest Peru (i.e. between the Ecuador/
Peru border and Cabo Blanco; see Fig. 4). And yet, Paulsen
(1974: 597) and later authors (Anawalt 1997: 52, 1998: 247;
Cordy-Collins 1990: 306, 2001, 35; Hocquenghem 1993: 702,
1994: 211; Marcos 1995: 101, 2002: 26; Pillsbury 1996: 313,
317, 1999: 151) contend that the southern extent of the natural
range of Spondylids is the tropical waters of Ecuador or the
Gulf of Guayaquil (although see Glowacki 2005: 258; Shady
Sols 2005: 112). Indeed, this idea has lead Peruvian oficials
to use Spondylus as the symbol of the renewal of an ancient
relationship between the two nations after the 1998 Peace Accords ended a decades long border dispute (Sandweiss 1999).
Interestingly, even some of the earliest shell compendia placed
Spondylids in the waters of extreme northwest Peru (e.g. Keen
1971: 96; Olsson 1961: 152-153; although Keen 1958, the edition cited by Paulsen [1974], indicated that Ecuador was the
southernmost extent of their range).
An increase in demand for Spondylus from cultures in modern-day Peru through time has been used to suggest that the
Spondylus beds of Ecuador were overished. This reduction
in supply drove Ecuadorians to sail farther and farther north
in search of the Spondylus beds. This has been used as the
driving force that caused Ecuadorians and West Mexicans to
interact (Anawalt 1997, 1998; Marcos 1977, 1986a, 1986b,
1995, 2002). However, there is no evidence for the overishing
of Ecuadorian (or Peruvian) Spondylus beds. Support for this
hypothesis might include a decline in the size of Spondylids
along the Ecuadorian coast through time, but such evidence
does not exist. Marcos has indicated that Spondylus beds are
fairly limited along the Paciic Coast of Central and South
America. While it is true that Spondylids prefer certain environments, Marcos has not indicated how he created his maps
of the distribution of Spondylus or why they have changed
(compare Marcos 1977: Map 1, 1995: Map 1). The natural
distribution, the quantity of Spondylus in a natural environment and the potential for overishing needs to be researched.
Until then, we cannot assume overishing because consumption increased.
Recently, multiple authors have indicated that Spondylus is

present in Peru. In a regional study for the Nature Conservancy, Tern et al. (2004: 147, 190) indicate that both Spondylus calcifer and Spondylus princeps are present in the Caleto
Mero/Caleto Sal area (Punta Sal, see Fig. 4), the same locality
as some of the specimens of Spondylus calcifer studied by Skoglund and Mulliner (1996: 102). Olsson (1961: 152-153) also
gives Zorritos and Caleto Sal as localities from which Spondylus princeps were recovered. At Punta Sal, the population
density of Spondylus calcifer is high enough (3-4 specimens
per m2 at 10-12 meters below the surface) that Robles and
Mndez (1989: 69) encourage commercial exploitation. At El
uro Spondylus calcifer is present, but density is signiicantly
lower (Robles & Mndez 1989: 69). Spondylus does not appear to reside in the Paita Buffer Zone (Olsson 1961; see also
Daz & Ortlieb 1993) which lies between the warmer waters
of the Panama Current to the north and the cooler waters of
the Peruvian (Humboldt) Current. Both species of Spondylus
appear to prefer waters with an average annual temperature
greater than 20 C (see Fig. 4).
The horizontal and vertical distribution of Spondylids along

the coasts of Ecuador and Peru is much clearer now than in
the 1970s. We have convincing evidence that both Spondylus
calcifer and Spondylus princeps are present at signiicantly
shallower depths (intertidally to 18 meters and 3 to 28 meters,
respectively) than originally thought. Although these data are
based upon recent records and extending this information into
the past is not without risks, recent patterns in oceanic currents and, therefore climate, appear to date to have begun approximately 5000 years ago (Sandweiss et al. 1996; see also
Daz & Ortlieb 1993). This suggests that this data is at least
approximately representative; more in-depth study of Spondylus habitat, modern and ancient, is needed. The relative ease
with which the shellish could have been acquired calls into
Archaeologically, it appears that a great deal of Spondylus

was worked in the Tumbes area (Hocquenghem 1993, 1999;
67
Figure 4. Map of Ecuador and Northern Peru showing average annual sea surface temperature from 2000-3
[based upon Tern et al. 2004: ig. 2.3]
68
question whether or not the harvesters of these shellish were

specialized. It is unlikely that specialized divers were needed
solely due to the depth at which Spondylus lives, but it remains
possible that specialized knowledge was needed for reasons
other than depth, including degree of fastness of the attachment to the substrate, camoulage by epibionts and other local
variables, such as turbidity and current. Either way, identifying specialized divers in the archaeological record is dificult.
Similarly, there is no archaeological evidence of purported
overishing of Spondylids driving merchant sailors outwards
from Ecuador in search of Spondylus beds.
nearly 1000 years after it was acquired by people living on the

Peruvian Coast to the south of the natural range of Spondylus
(i.e. south of Cabo Blanco).
Early Spondylus use has been recorded among the Valdivia
peoples of coastal Ecuador: by Valdivia III (ca. 29002600
BC; Zeidler 2003) people were using the shellish in dedicatory offerings at the site of Real Alto (site locations are shown
in Fig. 5) and this is supported by the presence of Spondylus
at the eponymous Valdivia site (Lathrap, Collier & Chandra
1975; Marcos 1977, 1988; Zeidler 1991; see also Blower
1995; Carter 2008; Meggers & Evans 1965). It has been argued that the absence of the colorful lip on some Spondylus
valves is evidence of external exchange, but, because little
data has been published, it is unclear if this is evidence for
long-distance trade or deposition away from the site (e.g. in
agricultural ceremonies in the ields).
prehIsTorIC uTIlIzaTIon of SpondyluS

The cultural history presented below provides a new archaeological view of Spondylus in South America that contradicts
some of the simpliied, all-encompassing interpretations of
Spondylus. The story is not simple, but intricate, multifaceted
and intertwining. I have retained Paulsens (see also Blower
1995) chronological framework, her Periods A and B (before
1100 BC and 1100100 BC, respectively have remained intact), but I have been able to subdivide her Period C into four
parts (C1-C4). During Period A, Spondylus use began among
cultures where the shellish was locally available (i.e. coast
north of Cabo Blanco), but quickly spread to Coastal Peru
(south of Cabo Blanco, around 2500 BC) and later into the
Ecuadorian highlands (ca. 1400 BC). In Period B, as Paulsen
indicated, Spondylus use and imagery is dominated by the
Chavn and Cupisnique traditions. During Period C1 the most
signiicant use of Spondylus is as tiny shell beads, known as
chaquira, among the Moche as well as in the Ecuadorian highlands. Period C2 shows a marked increase in production of
chaquira and other Spondylus artifacts, as well as the mass
accumulation of the whole shell, especially by the Sicn. During Period C3 Spondylus is being used primarily as inlay in a
variety of materials, especially wood, among the Chim. And
lastly, During C4, the Inka appear to restrict the use of Spondylus to the production of small igurines, some of which were
used in the ceremonies on the high peaks of the Andes. Also
at this time, whole Spondylus valves were deposited in burials
on the coast, especially the Central Coast. Lastly, I highlight
some of the mistakes that have been made in the interpretation
of ethnohistoric documents that have made Spondylus appear
more prevalent at Contact, when the Spanish arrived, than
it truly was. Speciically, the conlation of the terms mullu and
Spondylus has caused archaeologists and ethnohistorians to
think that the shellish was more prevalent than archaeological
evidence demonstrates. Spondylus is only one of many types
of mullu (Blower 1995, 2000).
Small fragments of Spondylus have been reported from Preceramic sites in Peru (e.g. Aspero and La Paloma) (Blower
1995: 95-96; Carter 2008; Moseley 1992: 104; Quilter 1989:
24; Zeidler 1991: 258) but these are often tiny fragments with
limited contextual information. The recent discovery of Spondylus at the site of Caral (ca. 29002000 BC; Shady Sols,
Haas & Creamer 2001; Shady Sols 2005, 2006) is the best
dated and clearest early evidence for exchange of Spondylus.
A Spondylus workshop has been reported at the site (Shady
Sols 2005: 110), but details have not yet been published.
Elsewhere in Peru, early dated Spondylus is found at La Galgada (ca. 2000 BC; Greider et al. 1988) and Los Gavilanes
(ca. 1750 BC; Bonavia 1982) as well as Initial Period sites
such as Garagay (ca. 1500600 BC; Burger 1992; Ravines et
al. 1982), Ancon (ca. 1200 BC; Matos Mendieta 1968), Monte
Grande (ca. 15001000 BC; Elera 1993; Tellenbach 1987) and
Punkur (Burger 1992: 89-90). It must be noted that Spondylus
does not appear at highland sites in Peru during this period,
only at coastal sites and at a few located between the coast and
the highlands such as La Galgada and Monte Grande.
The reassessment of dates from Cerro Narro in the Ecuadorian highlands indicates that the site dates to approximately
1400 BC rather than the original proposed date of 2500 BC,
(Bruhns 1989, 2003; see also Carter 2008). The material from
Cerro Narrio, however is quite signiicant and includes, complete Spondylus shells without spines, square and round cuentas, chaquiras, pendants, collars [i.e. necklaces], ear spools
and highly polished rim fragments (Blower 1995: 89; see
Uhle 1922: 236-238). Other Spondylus remains found at nearby sites (Chaullabamba, Monjashuaycu, Putushio, and others)
may also date to a similar time period (Bruhns 2003). The purported early dates of Spondylus in the Ecuadorian Amazon at
Cueva de los Tayos (ca. 20001500 BC; Marcos 1977: 114;
Porras G. 1978) are also highly problematic (Bruhns 2003:
158).
perIod a (before 1100 bC): InITIal exChange

Paulsen proposed that before 1100 BC Spondylus was used
mainly by people living within the natural distribution of
Spondylus and was also transported into the Ecuadorian
highlands. Not until after 1100 BC did Spondylus exchange
expand into modern-day Peru. However, it now appears that
this chronology was inverted. Spondylus did not appear in the
Ecuadorian highlands until much later, at around 1400 BC,
Spondylus consumption during Period A (prior to 1100 BC)

was at irst centered at coastal Ecuadorian sites (and possibly
at sites on the extreme northern coast of Peru). Spondylus appears at archaeological sites outside its natural range at Caral
69
Figure 5. Archaeological sites mentioned in the text from Period A and B

[based upon Moseley 1992: 34]
70
and La Galgada before 2000 BC, but was not consumed in

the Ecuadorian highlands until near the end of this period (ca.
1400 BC). There does not yet seem to be a pattern behind the
types of Spondylus artifacts and ecofacts being used, although
similar types of artifacts were found at Monte Grande, La Galgada and Valdivia sites (Zeidler 1991).
dence of Spondylus consumption includes beads from the Cupisnique Clsico (ca. 1000500 BC) site of Pumape (Elera
1993: 246), iconography of an eagle holding a Spondylus on
a Cupisnique Clsico stone vessel (Elera 1993: 249, ig. 10;
Lapiner 1978: ig. 118), layers of ground Spondylus around a
large stone (altar?) at Moro de Eten (Elera 1993: 252) and unprovenanced Cupisnique style stirrup-spout bottles that look
remarkably like Spondylus shells (Cordy-Collins & Giannoni
1999: 105; Paulsen 1974: 601).
perIod b (Ca. 1100100 bC): ChaVn and CupInIque

During Period B (ca. 1100100 BC; Paulsen 1974), Spondylus continued to be used on the coast and in the highlands of
Ecuador, while consumption by the Chavn and Cupisnique
cultures of northern Peru reaches new heights.
Beyond Chavn and Cupisnique sites only a few occurrences have been recorded during Period B. Spondylus has been
recovered from Cerro aaique (ca. 900400 BC; Guffroy
1989) and some individuals in the famous Paracas burial bundles wore Spondylus as necklaces (Blower 1995: 218; Paul
1990: 39; J. C. Tello 1959; J. C. Tello & Meja Xesspe 1979).
In Ecuador, this time period has not been well studied. Lunniss (2001) has reported on Spondylus from Salango (for site
locations, see Fig. 5) during the Engoroy Period (ca. 600100
BC). Spondylus artifacts and whole valves are buried as offerings in pits and post holes and with human burials (Lunniss
2001; see also Carter 2008: 131-132). Three Spondylus shells
were also buried beneath an Engoroy period water retention
structure (albarrada) in Achallan (Stothert 1995). In the Ecuadorian highlands, Spondylus decreases at Cerro Narrio and
associated sites (Bruhns 2003), but is present in the poorly
dated site of Chinguilanchi (Uhle 1922: 208). In the northern
highlands, small fragments of Spondylus were recovered from
all levels at La Chimba (ca. 700 BCAD 250; Athens 1995;
Stahl & Athens 2001).
In summary, during Period B (1100-100 BC) Spondylus consumption increased, but is mainly associated with the Chavn
and Cupisnique cultures. The occurrence of Spondylus at other
sites may be directly associated with the spread of Chavnoid
ideology and iconography.
perIod C1 (100 bCad 700): The age of chaquira
The major evidence for Spondylus consumption during Period
C1 comes from the elite burials of the Moche culture on the
North Coast of Peru and from the site of La Florida in the
highlands of Ecuador. At this time, Spondylus was most commonly fashioned into chaquira, tine shell beads that were assembled into composite artifacts. Although evidence of Spondylus artifact production is limited, it appears to be focused on
the coast of Ecuador.
In Peruvian territory, the story is quite different. Paulsens

(1974) initial suggestion that Spondylus use increases at this
time, especially as evidenced at Chavn de Huantar (Burger
1992), accords with new data (Carter 2008: 133-135). Spondylus iconography is particularly notable at this time. During
the Urabarriu phase (ca. 1000500 BC) at Chavn de Huantar
an anthropomorphic Spondylus, with characteristic spines, is
present on the Tello Obelisk. During the same time span, an
undisclosed number of cut Spondylus fragments were deposited within the Gallery of the Offerings in the Old Temple at
Chavn (Burger 1992). Spondylus imagery and consumption
increases during the Jannabarriu phase (ca. 400200 BC).
Spondylus is depicted in the left hand of the Smiling God,
in the hands of an individual on the cornice of the New Temple, and on the ceiling slabs in the Room of the Ornamental
Beams (Blower 1995; Burger 1992; Rick 2005; John Howland
Rowe 1967). Remains of Spondylus appear to be more broadly
spread across the site in the later phase; it has been recovered
from both elite contexts at Chavn de Huantar and at smaller
sites in the area (Burger 1992). It is quite clear that Spondylus
played a role in religious and sociopolitical spheres at Chavn
de Huantar and that its concentration at the site of Chavn de
Huantar marks that site as extraordinary in comparison with
other sites. The only ind comparable to those at Chavn is
a burial (ca. 750500 BC) at Kuntur Wasi that included 849
Spondylus beads and 3,653 fragments of Spondylus (Bruhns
2003: 160; Kato 1993: 216-224).
At Sipn (occupied between ca. AD 1300; for site locations

see Fig. 6) evidence is from three large tombs, Tomb 1 (known
as the Lord of Sipn), Tomb 2 (the Priest), and Tomb 3 (the
Old Lord of Sipn). Approximately ifty-six Spondylus valves
along with a wide variety of other inely crafted goods were
recovered in these tombs (Alva & Donnan 1993). The men
were buried with a total of nineteen shell pectorals, seventeen
of which were made from thousands of shell chaquira. Based
upon photos and illustrations (Alva & Donnan 1993) of these
beads, I conclude that the tomb of the Old Lord contained a
pectoral made of exclusively of purple beads, which are likely
Spondylus calcifer, and the tomb of the Lord contained four
pectorals with some red or pink chaquira and one that is completely red, which suggest Spondylus princeps. The Old Lord
was also interred with a non-chaquira pectoral made of white
shell inlaid with red shell and chaquira bracelets containing
some Spondylus beads (Alva & Donnan 1993). Finally, the
tombs of the Lord and the Priest each contained a sacriiced
individual both of whom wore a shell pectoral. Other tombs
excavated at the site contained shell pectorals (Tombs 7, 8, 9),
bracelets (Tomb 7), metal objects inlaid with shell (Tombs 5
and 9) and whole valves (Tomb 10; Alva 2001).
On the Peruvian coast, Spondylus appears mainly among the

people classiied as Cupisnique (a.k.a. Coastal Chavn). Evi-
Other Moche sites have also yielded evidence of Spondylus

consumption. The severely looted tomb at La Mina yielded
71
Figure 6. Map of archaeological sites mentioned for Periods C1 and C2

Note that Cerro Juan Diaz is off the map to the north
72
fragments of Spondylus and small shell beads (Narvez V.

1994). Extensive excavations of eighty-four burials at the
Moche III cemetery at Pacatnam produced possibly 218
Spondylus beads that seem to be associated with women and
children, not men (Donnan & McClelland 1997; see also Carter 2008: 144-145). The evidence of Spondylus consumption at
the supposed capital of the Moche, the site of Moche (Huaca
de la Luna and Huaca del Sol), is curiously absent at this time,
although it does appear in more recent levels.
Spondylus consumption in the Peruvian highlands appears to

be centered in the Condebamba Valley at Cerro Amaru and
Marcahuamachuco (ca. AD 350800) and among the imperial
Huari (ca. AD 540900). Because these time periods overlap
the boundary of Period C1 and C2 (AD 700) it is possible
that consumption discussed here may fall into either period,
but with current data their precise chronological placement is
dificult to determine. At Cerro Amaru, part of a mausoleum
loor was covered with burnt cut pieces of Spondylus (Topic
1991: 159; Topic & T. Lange Topic 2000: 197). Also at Cerro
Amaru, nearly 3,000 chaquira and approximately 90 rectangular plaques were dredged from a well in 1900 (Topic & T.
Lange Topic 2000: 197; T. Lange Topic 1991: 243). Within
the Castillo at Marcahuamachuco, 9.6kg of Spondylus shell
were recovered from a shallow pit, including a minimum of
20 valves with edges and exterior ground, a minimum of 270
broken rectangular pieces (ca. 10% perforated) as well as fragmented miniatures (<2cm) in blue-green stone representing
Spondylus. Between eleven and twenty-six of these objects
are shaped like Spondylus valves (T. Lange Topic 1989; see
also Carter 2008: 151-152).
During Moche V (ca. AD 550650/700) evidence for Spondylus consumption was recovered from Pampa Grande and San
Jos de Moro. At Pampa Grande, Spondylus remains come
from two locations, atop the immense Huaca Fortaleza (or
Grande) and workshops dedicated to working Spondylus. One
articulated Spondylus shell was located beneath the loor of
a checkpoint and another was found beneath a ramp atop
Huaca Fortaleza (Haas 1985: 397). A Spondylus necklace was
placed on top of the burial of a child and immature llama beneath the access ramp to the complex of rooms at the top of
the structure and another necklace was found just beyond the
ramp in a pit in the loor. In total, these necklaces contained
nearly 100 large trapezoidal beads and smaller cylindrical
beads made of Spondylus along with turquoise and sodalite
beads (Haas 1985: 404; Shimada 1994: 214; see also Carter
2008: 145-146). Another necklace was located atop the second largest mound, Huaca 2. The Spondylus workshop at
Pampa Grande, in room 1 of compound 15, contained a scatter of thirty-two whole and numerous fragments of Spondylus
shells (Shimada 1994: 213-216; see also Anders 1981). Some
of the fragments were trapezoidal, suggesting they were uninished versions of the trapezoidal beads from Huaca Fortaleza.
The only tool found here was a large cobble. It is surprising
that no tools used in the perforation of beads were present at
Pampa Grande or any other Moche site.
While the development and expansion of the Huari overlaps

Periods C1 and C2 (ca. AD 540900, Glowacki & Malpass
2003), much of the material is likely before AD 700. Early
Spondylus inds, possibly belonging in the previous period,
include material from rooms 133, 135 and 148 of the Moraduchayuq compound at the site of Huari: two pieces of worked
Spondylus, two Spondylus artifacts and eighty-two pieces of
worked Spondylus were recovered from these three contexts,
respectively (Isbell, Brewster-Wray & Spickard 1991). Early
Huari phase contexts from the Cheqo Wasi sector of Huari
yielded Spondylus artifacts, including trapezoidal pendants,
larger pieces of worked Spondylus and discoid beads (Benavides 1991). Spondylus was also recovered in the backill used
to seal the Vegachayoq Moqo sector of Huari when it was
abandoned (Bragayrac 1991).
Finally, the Sacerdotistas (Priestesses) found at Moche V San

Jos de Moro appear to have held Spondylus shells in their
hands (Cordy-Collins 1999, 2001; Donnan & Castillo 1994).
Cordy-Collins (1999, 2001) has suggested that the Sacerdotistas, both those from San Jos de Moro and those portrayed in
the Sacriice Ceremony painted on Moche pots, are intimately
connected with Spondylus. While her argument is interesting,
there is no direct iconographic link between the Sacerdotistas
and Spondylus. Of course, Spondylus in the hands of the skeletal remains of the Priestesses does indicate a connection, but
since other burials also have Spondylus, it is a relationship not
limited to the Sacerdotistas.
At the Huari site of Pikillacta, occupied between approximately AD 600800 (Glowacki 2005), Spondylus was recovered from two sand-illed pits that included 80 (40 in each)
elaborately carved turquoise igurines (Cook 1992: 344). One
of the two collections was buried with Spondylus (2 whole
valves, 8 worked pieces [some with intentional perforations],
and 5 worked rectangular fragments) (Cook 1992: 344).
Other Spondylus inds at Pikillacta include a single Spondylus
shell (Unit 47) and ive Spondylus princeps valves (Unit 36)
from which the ball and socket hinge, as well as the exterior
spines, were removed (McEwan 2005: 30-32, 47-48). Spondylus has been recovered from other Huari sites, including
Conchopata, Maraniyoq, Jinkamocco, Azngaro (six beads
and twenty-four fragments), and Aqo Wayqo (12-13 plaques)
(Anders 1981; Ochatoma & Cabrera 2001; Pozzi-Escot 1991;
Schreiber 1991; Valdez, Williams & Bettcher 2006), but many
details are lacking. At the Huari outpost/embassy of Cerro
Bal, Spondylus was recovered in the palace and the brewery (Moseley et al. 2005: 17271). No Spondylus has been recovered from contemporaneous Tiwanaku sites (e.g. Janusek
1999; Kolata 1986).
While the Moche elite appear to be the major consumers of

Spondylus in coastal Peru, limited evidence is available beyond the Moche area. At Cerro de Trinidad, occupied during
the contemporaneous Lima period, a burial contained whole
Spondylus shells and beads (Paulsen 1974: 602). Similarly, a
Lima period ceramic vessel depicts a person seated on a reed
boat holding a Spondylus shell (Cordy-Collins & Giannoni
1999: 107). Middle Horizon Nievera sites also yielded Spondylus artifacts (Gayton 1924: 320-321; see also Menzel 1964),
but dating is imprecise.
73
Figure 7. Map of archaeological sites mentioned for Periods C3 and C4

Note that Huarancate and Uhles site D are not on this map and the Calchaqui Valley, Aconcagua and El Plomo are to the south off this map
74
While the Peruvian evidence indicates relatively large scale

consumption, a single site in the highlands of Ecuador is
simply staggering. At La Florida, a Chaupicruz phase (ca.
AD 100450) site, six extremely deep shaft tombs produced
674,643 shell chaquira, the majority of which were purple
or red (310,961 and 79,014, respectively; the remaining 42%
were white) suggesting the use of Spondylus (Doyon 1988,
2002). Considering the thousands of beads recovered from
extremely rich tombs of the Moche, this quantity of beads is
astounding.
colored rim is removed) and fragments of red, purple, orange

and pink shell. At Loma de los Cangrejitos, people were buried with their tools for making shell beads, including small
chert drills, margins of Spondylus princeps, some in-process
Spondylus, sandstone saws, and copper chisels (Marcos 1981;
Zevallos 1995). Spondylus was the main raw material: 86.3%
(458 of the 531 beads from Loma de los Cangrejitos) and
55.9% (1,567/2,805 from Lpez Viejo) were red, orange, pink
or purple or bore these colors in part (Carter 2008) signifying
more careful color selection during this period compared to
the previous.
Spondylus was being consumed farther north at this time as

well. Spondylus beads were also being used at Malagana (ca.
200 BCAD 200; north of La Florida) sites in the Colombian
highlands (Bray et al. 2005). Spondylus was also being consumed at this time in Panama, during the Tonos (ca. AD 300
550) occupation of Cerro Juan Diaz (Cooke & Snchez 1997).
A total of 1,200 Spondylus artifacts were recovered from the
site, including Spondylus beads and other Spondylus artifacts
unlike those in Ecuador, suggesting local manufacture.
Production was not limited to the Manteo area. Evidence

from northern coastal Ecuador comes from Atacames where
1,581 discoid shell beads were recovered, of which 68% were
red or orange (i.e. Spondylus). Most of these beads were recovered from Tola 69 (Cabada 1989: 97-98), which dates to Early
Atacames (ca. AD 7001100; Guinea 1989: 139). In-process
beads were present, though no data has been published, and,
surprisingly, no lithic microdrills were recovered from the site
(Cabada 1989; Guinea 1989, 1995; see also Galvn Garca &
Barriuso Prez 1986).
Important evidence for the production of chaquira during Period C1 comes from Site 47 and other sites near El Azcar in
coastal Ecuador. Here, Masucci recovered 597 in-process and
37 inished beads along with 1,257 lithic microdrills. The later
were used for perforating the shell beads. Masucci also identiied two distinct sizes: small beads, (i.e. chaquira) and large
ones (Masucci 1995). Only seven percent of the beads contained coloration suggesting Spondylus. Therefore, although
chaquira were clearly produced at this site, they do not appear
to have concentrated highly upon Spondylus. It is not clear,
therefore from whence the beads used at La Florida and Sipn
came.
Farther north in Panama, people were working Spondylus at

the site of Cerro Juan Diaz during the Cubit phase (ca. AD
700900): artisans made a variety of beads including discoid
ones suggestive of chaquira (n=82 or 28.6% of all beads).
Spondylus made up 12% of shell fragments by count. Shell
fragments and style of beads different than those from Ecuador suggest local production, but the absence of lithic microdrills is curious (Mayo 2004; Mayo & Cooke 2005).
Consumption of Spondylus artifacts on the Ecuadorian coast
reached new levels during this period. At Puerto de Chanduy
excavations uncovered 774 beads of which 119 (15.4%) had
some red, orange, pink or purple (Carter 2008). At Ayaln,
5,243 shell chaquira were located amongst numerous burials;
most beads were white, but 1,090 (20.8%) were categorized
as solid colored (black, red, orange, lavender, pink and yellow) or partially white by Ubelaker (1981). Further to the east,
the Guayas Basin was occupied by people utilizing a material
culture known as Milagro-Quevedo who were also consumers
of Spondylus, but their Spondylus artifacts have been neither
analyzed nor dated adequately (Delgado Espinosa 2002; Muse
1991; Zevallos 1995: 261-290).
During Period C1 (100 BCAD 700), Spondylus consumption increased dramatically. The most signiicant consumption
was in the form of tiny shell beads, centered largely upon the
Moche on the North Coast of Peru and at La Florida in the
highlands of Ecuador. Consumption has moved into the southern highlands, and though signiicant the absolute quantities of
consumption are much more limited than among the Moche.
Production appears to be somewhat limited with signiicant
production only at the Guangala site of El Azucar.
perIod C2 (ad 7001100): The spread of produCTIon
Production of shell chaquira on the coast of Ecuador intensiied drastically during this period. The main evidence for
production of Spondylus artifacts comes from the Manteo
sites of Loma de los Cangrejitos (for site locations, see Fig.
6) and Lpez Viejo (Carter 2008). Archaeologists recovered
over 10,000 shell beads during excavation of the latter (Currie
1995a, 1995b, 2001). I have studied 2,837 shell beads and 460
lithic microdrills from Lpez Viejo and 573 beads and 444
lithic microdrills from Loma de los Cangrejitos. Many of the
beads from these sites were in-process (1587 [56%] from
Lpez Viejo and 392 [68%] from Loma de los Cangrejitos).
Both sites also contained a wide variety of Spondylus cores
(the portion of the valve, including the hinge, after the outer
The main consumers of Spondylus during this period were

the Sicn (a.k.a. Lambayeque), a people of the North Coast
of Peru. While their culture dated to AD 750/8001375, the
Sicn culture reached their apogee during the Middle Sicn
Period (ca. AD 9001100; Shimada 1990). Evidence for Spondylus consumption comes from elite burials, dedicatory offerings on the tops of mounds and iconography.
Two large elite tombs have been excavated near the base
of Huaca Loro in the Batn Grande area: the East and West
Tombs. The East Tomb contained a group of 179 whole
Spondylus princeps shells, the largest offering of Spondylus
yet uncovered. These shells are particularly large specimens,
75
more than 50% larger (16-17cm in diameter) than the norm

(ca. 10cm) and weighing nearly 1kg each. Other evidence for
Spondylus use comes from groups of beads. Unlike the Moche
pectorals, these contained more large beads, not diminutive
chaquira, and these beads were fabricated from a greater
variety of materials, including turquoise, sodalite, amethyst,
transparent quartz crystal, calcite, luorite, agate, amber, and
Spondylus shell. It is dificult to know how many beads were
deposited in each bundle have not yet been analyzed and only
the exterior layers can be seen (Shimada 1995, 2000).
contain the Sicn Diety (or Lord) and therefore have been attributed to Middle Sicn Phase.
Spondylus use on the coast of Peru was not limited to the Middle Sicn, but inds outside the La Leche and Lambayeque
Valleys are limited. Spondylus was recovered from Cerro
aaique (Guffroy, Nigueras & Caldo 1989), Pachacamac,
(Franco Jordan & Ponciano Paredes 2000: 613), Nievera (see
above), Pinilla (Paulsen 1968: 3; ca. AD 1000, Menzel 1964:
Plate I) and Cahuachi (del Carmen Rodriguez de Sandweiss
1993; Silverman 1993; Silverman & Proulx 2002: 66-67).
The only large deposit was observed in three Middle Horizon
pits at Pachacamac which contained a total of 106 Spondylus
valves (Franco Jordan & Ponciano Paredes 2000: 613). The
other inds consisted of small fragments or unspeciied material.
In the West Tomb, the principal individual was buried wearing an unspeciied number of pectorals that included Spondylus, amber, turquoise and sodalite beads. He wore bracelets of
beads of unreported composition. The two women buried in
the central chamber were associated with beads as well: one
apparently was wearing a beaded pectoral and the other was
buried beneath a bead bundle. Compared to the large piles of
Spondylus shells from the East tomb, the central chamber of
the West Tomb contained only two shells, along with a line
of eleven more connecting the principal individual with a juvenile male in niche 6 (Shimada 1995; Shimada, Grifin &
Gordus 2000; Shimada et al. 2004).
As previously indicated, it is possible that much of the material discussed for the Peruvian highlands during Period C1
may belong here. Only future clariication of chronology will
clarify this issue.
The single most important development of Period C2 (AD
7001100) is the broad expansion of Spondylus chaquira, especially at Manteo sites on the Ecuadorian coast. Production spreads north to include Atacameos and even residents
of modern-day Panama. Consumption of Spondylus becomes
more diverse as chaquira retain their popularity, but are accompanied by whole shells and inlay. The Sicn appear to be
the largest single consumer, though many other cultures show
signs of consumption on smaller scale.
Beyond elite burials, Spondylus shells were also used in dedicatory offerings in large ceremonial mounds constructed of
columnar boxes of adobe bricks containing ill. Shimada estimates that 400 whole Spondylus shells served as dedicatory
offerings in the columnar boxes, seven of which he excavated
atop Huaca Rodillona (Shimada 1990: 341, 366, ig. 24-25).
Our understanding of Spondylus consumption at Sicn sites
outside of the Batn Grande area is still limited. Three inds
at Pacatnam contained Spondylus: 1) a woman was buried
with a Spondylus valve tied to each hand with a sheer fabric,
2) a 12-14 year-old was buried with four Spondylus beads ive
meters in front of a U-shaped audiencia, and 3) the remains
of four youths beneath another U-shaped structure were found
with broken and charred Spondylus (Bruce 1986; Verano &
Cordy-Collins 1986).
perIod C3 (ad 11001470): ConTrol shIfTs souTh

After the disappearance of the Middle Sicn (ca. AD 1100),
the coast of Peru was dominated by the expansionist Chim,
whose control of the north coast is cut short by the Inka at
approximately AD 1470. These two cultures were also the primary consumers of Spondylus during their respective periods,
but in ways different from their predecessors and each other.
Sicn imagery includes representations of Spondylus (CordyCollins 1990; see also Cordy-Collins & Giannoni 1999). Excavations of a partially looted elite tomb at Huaca Las Ventanas
in the Batn Grande area revealed a painted mural called the
Sicn Cosmovision (Shimada 1995: ig. 121). This mural
contains numerous three-, four- and ive-pronged crescents,
some of which bear their original red paint. By themselves,
these images are not convincingly Spondylus, but as Alana
Cordy-Collins (1990, 1999, 2001) and Joanne Pillsbury (1996,
1999) have argued, it is likely that these pronged crescents
represent Spondylus. Sicn imagery on museum objects convincingly depicts scenes of Spondylus diving (Cordy-Collins
1990). These scenes often contain a stylized boat upon which
a single or several individual oversee the ishing. Divers are
attached to the boat via cords tied to their waists and they appear to be collecting three-pronged crescents. Although the art
objects studied by Cordy-Collins have limited context, some
In Ecuador, the Manteo of Period C3 stop making the tiny

chaquira beads of Spondylus and transition to larger, more
irregular beads made from conchilla, sea-worn bits of shell
(Carter 2008). Sites dating to this time period, such as Mar
Bravo and Salango-140 (for site locations, see Fig. 7), have
few lithic microdrills (24 at each; Carter 2008) but have likely
in-process beads, suggesting that these expedient beads may
have been drilled with a perishable material (cactus thorn,
wooden drill with abrasive, etc.). These sites do show some
use of tiny Spondylus chaquira, but the presence of very few
in-process beads hint that they are curated (or recovered) artifacts from the previous time period. Shell bead production at
Japoto, another Manteo site, appears to be similar, but more
regimented. There appears to be a clearer production chain,
more like beads from the earlier period (Carter 2008), than at
Mar Bravo and Salango, but no lithic drills are present (Guinea 2006). However, few of the beads from Japoto appear to be
made from Spondylus.
76
looked like. Huaca El Dragon produced 1,563 shell objects,

520 (33%) of which were Spondylus (Schaedel 1966). In Cell
11, one of the well-preserved contexts, archaeologists recovered 200 pieces that were cut, in preparation, ive valves
and ifteen whole shells. The objects that were cut, in preparation were deposited while in the process of becoming
rectangular pendants and other objects for inlay. The ifteen
whole shells were wrapped in textile along with twenty-four
Strombus (probably Conus) shells (Schaedel 1966). Huaca
Tacaynamo revealed similar use of Spondylus. Twenty whole
Spondylus pictorum (probably Spondylus princeps), 1983
fragments of Spondylus and ifty-four complete Spondylus
objects were recovered from the site (Iriarte B. 1978). The
inished artifacts present a wide variety of forms similar to
those used as inlay on wood and other materials (Jackson
2004; Cordy-Collins 1990: ig. 13). Iriate (1978) notes that
many of these inished objects had bitumous glue on one side
suggesting that they served as inlays. Margaret Jackson (2004)
has studied the wooden sculptures recovered from Tacaynamo
and El Dragon, which include a wide variety of human forms,
most containing some sort of inlay, including white, iridescent
and red/purple shell.
While the production of Spondylus chaquira on the coast of

Ecuador appears to drop off signiicantly, it is nevertheless
clear that the shellish remained an important raw material.
The single most spectacular discovery in Ecuador from this
time period is a cache of approximately 600 Spondylus princeps valves at OM-PL-IL-14 on La Plata Island (Marcos &
Norton 1981, 1984). The presence of a grave containing an
Inka oficial also suggests direct involvement of the empire
in the acquisition of Spondylus (Dorsey 1901). At nearby
Salango-140 (ca. AD 13001600), which has few Spondylus
beads and lithic microdrills, excavators recovered 15 whole
Spondylus shells, 153 valves and over 16kg of fragments of
Spondylus shell (Allan 1989; Carter 2008; Norton, Lunniss &
Nailing 1983). Spondylus was being processed at the site, but
it is unclear whether the lips were being removed for export,
as is often suggested (Norton, Lunniss & Nailing 1983): One
researcher lists only nine Spondylus shells with their colorful
lip missing (Allan 1989). At Loma de los Cangrejitos, burials from Marcos phase C, ca. AD 15001600, do not contain
Spondylus artifacts as did earlier burials (Marcos 1981: 54).
The Ecuadorian highlands show even less evidence of Spondylus consumption than previous periods. Approximately 2800
chaquira were recovered from imprecisely dated pre-Inka
contexts at Ingapirca, but only some of these were purple
(Fresco 1984: 143). These appear to have come mainly from
Tomb 1 and Room D which contained chaquiras of mullu
(Fresco 1984: 89).
The excavations of tomb 7 on Platform I at Huaca de la Luna

at the Moche site, which date to the Chim occupation of the
site, provide more context for the materials found at Tacaynamo and El Dragon. Tomb 7 produced 45 valves of Spondylus
(and 287 Conus shells) and a textile bag containing more than
700 worked fragments of unidentiied shell (Ricardo Tello
1997; Uceda 1997). While the fragments and whole shells of
Spondylus in Tomb 7 are similar to the material from Huacas
Tacaynamo and El Dragon, it is the inlay and wooden igures
from Tombs 6 and 7 that provide an analogy for the shell and
wooden artifacts from Tacaynamo and El Dragon (Jackson
2004; Uceda 1997). Two maquetas (wooden miniatures of architecture) in the form of a ceremonial plaza were recovered
from these tombs in which numerous wooden individuals and
objects, 13 from Tomb 6 and 39 from Tomb 7, depict a ceremony for a deceased individual (Ricardo Tello 1997: 32-33,
35). These architectural models may represent ceremonies in
miniature that were represented at Tacaynamo and El Dragon
in larger, though smaller than life-size, form. The most important aspect of these maqueta to the present research is their
association with quantities of whole and fragmentary Spondylus and the inclusion of Spondylus inlay on the wooden sculptures.
During C3, the Chim dominated the coast of Peru and Spondylus trade as well. The evidence for Spondylus consumption
at the Chim capital of Chan Chan is very scattered due to
severe looting; few intact contexts remain. Ground Spondylus
has been recovered from stone-lined bins in three of the cuidadelas (large elite constructions), including Cuidadelas Bandelier, Liberinto, and Tschudi (Conrad 1981; Pozorski 1979:
123). Quantities of Spondylus have also been recovered from
the walk-in well at Cuidadela Tschudi (Pillsbury 1996: 323
citing personal communication from Arturo Paredes). Burials in front of U-shaped structures within Gran Chim also
contained shell beads and a whole Spondylus princeps shell
(Andrews 1974: 252). Within the Las Avispas burial platform
of Cuidadela Liberinto, carved and whole shells (including
Spondylus and Conus fergusoni) were found in and immediately around the chamber area of the platform (Pozorski
1979: 134). Within Cuidadela Rivero, a half centimeter thick
layer of ground Spondylus was found at the north end of a
bench along the west wall of the burial platform. In the areas
between and around the cuidadelas, known as SIAR (Small
Irregularly Agglutinated Rooms), a cobble-lined pit from beneath the intersection of two walls contained six complete
Spondylus shells (Topic 1981).
Also on top of Cerro Blanco, which overlooks the Moche site,

quantities of Spondylus princeps (and Conus fergusonii) were
recovered (Cordy-Collins 1990: 396, citing Uhles unpublished notes; Menzel 1977: 41). This ind appears to be related
to the Chim occupation of Huaca de la Luna at the foot of
Cerro Blanco (Bourget 1997).
The evidence for Spondylus use is more interesting at the outer huacas of Chan Chan, including Huacas El Dragon (Arco
Iris) and Tacaynamo. These were probably burial mounds like
those in the cuidadelas of Chan Chan, but the preservation
of these sites is greater and, therefore, can provide insight
into what the severely looted tombs of Chan Chan may have
Spondylus imagery is present at Huaca Tacaynamo. A miniature wooden backrest contains imagery reminiscent of Spondylus diving (Cordy-Collins 1990; Pillsbury 1996, 1999),
though pronged crescents are not visible (Jackson 2004:
ig. 5). Jackson (2004: 310-312) has interpreted three of the
77
wooden male sculptures from Tacaynamo as prisoners and

sacriicial victims, all of whom have three-pronged crescents
painted on their bodies. This is the most convincing evidence,
from any time period, of an association between Spondylus
and sacriice.
gested. Little Spondylus has been published from large Inka

sites, such as at Cuzco (for site locations, see Fig. 7) (Bauer
1998; Isbell 1997), Ollantaytambo (Protzen 1993), Hunuco
Pampa (Morris & Thompson 1985), or Machu Picchu (Burger
and Salazar 2004). Valcrcel (1946: 181) did locate a small
anthropomorphic igure, also of shell, red on the front side
and white on the back from the fortress of Sacsahuaman
above Cusco. Little Spondylus is present at smaller Inka sites
in the highlands. The Mantaro Valley project recovered a total
of ive fragments of Spondylus, only one of which dated to
the post-Inka Wanka III. A single Spondylus valve and an unspeciied number of Spondylus beads were recovered from the
chullpas at Cutimbo (Tantalean 2006). A small llama igurine
of Spondylus was recovered near the surface with Inka period artifacts at Pampa Koani (Kolata 1986: 751) and a single
tubular bead was recovered from Inka period contexts in the
Calchaqu Valley of northwest Argentina (Earle 1994: 450).
A single fragment of Spondylus was recovered from the Lluta
Valley in northern Chile (Santoro et al. 2004).
Chim consumption of Spondylus can be seen outside the

Moche Valley at the sites of Tucum (El Purgatorio), Cabur
and at Site V-124. A Shell-Bead Workshop at Tucum contained beads similar to the rough, irregular Manteo beads
of this time period (Carter 2008) and, curiously, lacks lithic
microdrills. Chaquira, however, were recovered from Cabur,
where three Chim burials of young children (6-9 years old)
each contained a single Spondylus princeps near their hands
or heads (Sapp 2002). Two of the burials contained a total of
6,400 small chaquira (2-5mm in diameter) which Sapp (2002)
suggests are made of Spondylus. Twenty-two whole and 152
pieces of Spondylus were recovered from the Huaca Quadrangle at Cabur, but because of looting activities it is unclear
if these belong to the Sicn (Lambayeque), Chim or Inka occupations at the site. At V-124 in the Vir Valley twenty-ive
Spondylus shells were recovered from the ill near the loor of
a U-shaped structure, as at Chan Chan (Andrews 1974; Collier
1955: 44). Approximately 500 meters west of V-124, Burial 1
at V-304 was recovered with a Chim pot and two articulated
Spondylus shells (Collier 1955: 47).
Other than these fairly limited and minor inds, all of the major Inka period Spondylus inds in the highlands are from capacocha sacriices on the highest peaks. Nearly all of these
are llama or human igurines made from Spondylus. The child
mummy on Cerro Aconcagua was recovered with two llama
and an single human igurine of Spondylus (Schobinger, Ampuero & Guercio 2001) and a necklace with 47 Spondylus
beads (Brcena 2001). At a nearby Inka tambo (way station)
along the Quebrada Horcones, another small human igurine
made of Spondylus was found (Schobinger 2001). Similarly,
the child mummy from El Plomo, Chile was interred with
Spondylus igurines of a llama and a woman (Mostny 1957).
A Spondylus igurine of a man was recovered from Taapac
Volcano (Reinhard 2002: 85) and another, along with a llama
igurine of Spondylus, were recovered from Cerro Copiap
(Iribarren Charln 1978; Reinhard 2002). Other Spondylus
igurines have been recovered from the southern Peruvian
high peaks of Huarancate, Pichu Pichu, Sara Sara and Ampato
(Chvez Chvez 2001).
Beyond the wooden sacriicial victims from Tacaynamo,

the most convincing Spondylus iconography comes from
Chan Chan and nearby Huaca Esmeraldas (Pillsbury 1996).
The imagery from the Los Buceadores (the Divers) frieze in
Cuidadela Uhle is clearly reminiscent of the imagery from
Cordy-Collins (1990) study of Spondylus diving. Divers beneath a boat are surrounded by three- and four-pronged crescents. Four-pronged crescents are also seen on the relief on
the Platforma de las Virgens, in Cuidadela Uhle, but without
any diving imagery. Finally, at the outer Huaca Esmeraldas, pronged crescents can also be seen along the base of the
mound (Pillsbury 1996: ig. 13).
Finally, Anne Pollard Rowe (1984; see also Carter 2008: 182183) has presented a wide variety of artifacts that are believed
to date to the Chim period, although some may be Sicn. In
many cases tiny chaquira were woven onto textiles in a variety of ways. However, since these artifacts lack any but the
most general context, it is dificult to identify the time period
or archaeological culture to which they belong.
Chile has been cited as the southern extent of Spondylus trade

(e.g. Marcos 1977), but, outside the Inka capacocha sacriices
on the high peaks, Spondylus remains in Chile are minimal.
The dating and context of the quantity of Spondylus beads
recovered from Alacrn Island in northern Chile is questionable (Bird 1943; Carter 2008: 187). Bird did, however, ind a
single similar bead from Inka contexts at Playa Miller (Bird
1943). The limited presence of Spondylus on the coast of
Chile has more to do the vast networks of trade and transportation that developed with Inka imperial expansion than
with Spondylus exchange per se. Although Spondylus can be
found farther aield than during previous periods, this apparent expansion, at least geographically, of Spondylus consumption does not necessarily indicate an increase in demand, but
may be more indicative of an increase in the importance of
long-distance trade. In this sense, Spondylus would have been
traded along with a vast array of Inka imperial goods.
Period C3 (AD 11001470) saw a dramatic shift from the

consumption of chaquira to a primary concentration on inlay
for wooden statues, especially those associated with the representation of funerary ceremonies. Most Spondylus is being
consumed by the Chim at this time.
perIod C4 (ad 14701532): Inka domInaTIon
When the Chim were defeated by the Inka around AD 1470,
Spondylus usage changed dramatically. Spondylus was not
nearly as ubiquitous during Period C4 as many have sug-
78
The southern and central coast of Peru, however, presents a

local expansion of Spondylus consumption at this time. In the
Ica Valley of South Coastal Peru, a Late Horizon youth was
buried with parts of necklaces of Spondylus shell pendants
along with whole Spondylus valves (Menzel 1977: 12-13).
Farther north, three of eight graves at Pampa de los Canelos
contained two to ive Spondylus shells (Kroeber & Strong
1965: 30). Uhles Late Horizon Site D (not shown on map)
produced regularly rounded oblong pendants and ine beads
(chaquira?) of Spondylus (Kroeber & Strong 1965: 51-52).
Only a single Spondylus fragment was recovered from the
nearby ishing village of Lo Demas (Sandweiss 1992: 152).
artisan at the local Inka administrative center of La Via (Shimada & Samilln Torres 2008). This artisan was buried with
his tools (large shale tablet and shale saws) and inished and
in-process artifacts. In-process artifacts include a Spondylus
shell with its spines removed, shells with etched lines outlining rectangular or trapezoidal plaques on the exterior of the
shell that would have been removed by breaking along the
etched lines and a shell with the plaques removed leaving only
the hinge core. These rectangular, trapezoidal and triangular
plaques were then used to make a variety of small artifacts
including ish, crops and human forms. There is no evidence
of bead production; no inished or in-process beads or lithic
microdrills. This burial provides deinitive evidence of Spondylus artifact production similar to the undated material from
the Tumbes area (Hocquenghem 1993, 1999; Hocquenghem
& Ruiz 1994). Spondylus artifacts have been recovered from
both Cabeza de Vaca and Rica Playa. Cabeza de Vaca (or
Tumbes Viejo) sits on a heavily occupied hill above the city
of Tumbes. Shell artifacts, including those made from Spondylus, litter the site. Signiicantly, a wide variety of in-process
and complete shell artifacts are present along with slate tablets
and saws and hammer stones. Spondylus artifacts included human, llamas, ish and vegetable igurines similar to those from
La Via (Hocquenghem & Pea Ruiz 1994).
Around modern Lima, Spondylus has been recovered from

Late Horizon contexts, generally in the form of whole shells.
The pattern is best seen at Puruchuco, where 1,286 burials
have been excavated (Cock 2002; Cock & Goycochea Daz
2004), and Huaquerones (Farfn Lobatn 2000). Melissa Scott
Murphy (2004) has studied 207 burials from these sites. One
to fourteen Spondylus shells were found with 68% (15/22) of
the high status, false head mummies. Only 6.5% (12/185)
of the lower status mummy bundles contained any Spondylus
shells. This pattern appears to be similar at other Late Horizon
cemeteries in the area (Daz Arriola & Vallejo 2004: 297-298),
including Armatambo (Daz Arriola 2004: 590-591), Ancn
(Ravines & Stothert 1976: 158, 164), Rinconada Alta (Frame
et al. 2004) and Pachacamac (Eeckhout 2004: 28-29, Table
7; Franco Jordan & Ponciano Paredes 2000; Shimada 1991;
Uhle 1991: 37-39). Also, the door to a temple at Pachacamac
was reportedly adorned with whole Spondylus shells attached
to a cloth background (Paulsen 1974: 603; Shimada 1991:
XXXIV).
There is very limited evidence from the Ecuadorian highlands

during Period C4. At Tomebamba, an Inka-period construction in modern-day Cuenca, four tombs contained an unspeciied number of mullus of Spondylus (i.e. Spondylus beads),
a single Spondylus pendant and a fragment of a possible human igurine made from Spondylus. A llama igurine, of the
type known amongst the Inka, was also found in a pit (Idrovo
Uriguen 2000). The possible human and the llama igurines
clearly indicate an Inka presence.
North of the Lima area, there are few sites with Spondylus
during the Late Horizon, perhaps because of the loss of much
political and economic might in the area due to the Inka conquest of the Chim (Hyslop 1984, 1990). Aside from the Lambayeque Valley, Spondylus was recovered at only one site,
Late Horizon Chiquitoy Viejo (Conrad 1977).
Consumption of Spondylus appears to decline during Period

C4 (AD 14701532). Evidence for Inka consumption of Spondylus is largely limited to the capacocha sacriices on high
peaks. The La Via burial appears to indicate that shell artifact
production was an important, perhaps specialized, occupation.
In the Lambayeque Valley, however, Spondylus reappears. Remains at Tucum, the capitol of the Late Sicn polity with signiicant Inka period occupations, combine both of the patterns
discussed above. Two small human igurines, similar to those
from the high peaks, were buried to the east of the doorway
at the Temple of the Stone (Heyerdahl, Sandweiss & Narvez
1995: 109, ig. 78-80). Inka mummy bundles from the South
Cemetery often clasp Spondylus valves in their hands (Heyerdahl, Sandweiss & Narvez 1995: 177, ig. 156) and, in a ind
reminiscent of Moche and Sicn pectorals, a mummy bundle
in Room 1 of the Huaca Larga had 16 strings of Spondylus
shell beads (Heyerdahl, Sandweiss & Narvez 1995: 96).
Upon La Raya, the mountain towering over Tucum, Spondylus occurs more frequently than anywhere else at the
site, except in the burials (Heyerdahl, Sandweiss & Narvez
1995: 186).
eThnohIsTorIC eVIdenCe
There has been much discussion about the use of Spondylus
in the Andean area at the time of contact with the Spanish.
The largest single problem has been the conlation of the term
mullu with Spondylus. David Blower (1995, 2000) has explicitly shown that mullu is a broader term that includes objects
made from Spondylus, but which cannot be reduced to, nor
translated as, Spondylus. Mullu, according to Blower, is 1) a
multi-colored concept that includes Spondylus colors (i.e. red,
yellow, orange and purple) but also includes white, gold and
blueish-green (Blower 2000: 213-215); 2) may include herbs
and other food items as well as shell, including but not limited
to Spondylus, stone, bone and turquoise (Blower 2000: 215217, 222) and 3) is often related to water, sacriice/offering
as well as women (Blower 2000: 218). The recognition that
mullu > Spondylus, is extremely important because many of
the most important citations of Spondylus use in ethnohistoric
The most important ind of Spondylus in the Late Horizon

Lambayeque Valley is the burial of a Spondylus and Conus
79
The apparent decrease in the use of Spondylus after ca. AD

1100 according to the archaeological record does not accord
with the current interpretation of ethnohistoric accounts.
However, the purported use of vast quantities of Spondylus
at contact is not so obvious once one realizes that those vast
quantities are of mullu, which is not necessarily Spondylus.
Spondylus, however, was still being used and may have been
one of the more important types of mullu. At this point, however, we simply do not know how prevalent Spondylus was
after the arrival of the Spaniards.
documents are based upon translations of mullu as Spondylus.

For example, Murra (1975: 257, 1982: 266; see also Marcos
1977: 119) states that millions of humans, Andean farmers,
needed quantities [of mullu] that we can consider industrial.
He bases this upon a quote from Cobo (1653) that refers to
the vast use of conchas del mar or seashells in the highlands, but does not specify Spondylus. And while Spondylus
was certainly used, did millions of farmers require industrial
quantities? The archaeological evidence discussed above does
not support the interpretation of the industrial use of Spondylus by the Inka.
ConClusIon
It is often stated that Spondylus was a favored food of the gods

(e.g. Blower 2000: 215; Glowacki 2005: 260; Murra 1975:
258, 1982: 266; Paulsen 1974: 603; Pillsbury 1996: 318; Rostworowski de Dez Canseco 1999: 36), but again this is based
upon the translation of mullu as Spondylus (Murra 1975: 258,
1982: 266; Saloman & Urioste 1991: 116). There is no other
information, except for the cap, cap of the jaws of Maca
Huisa as he eats the mullu, to suggest that Spondylus, or any
shellish, was being eaten as mullu. We have little evidence
therefore that gods ate Spondylus, though we can be fairly
conident that they did consume mullu.
Prehispanic Spondylus use was dynamic varying through time

and space. This work provides ive key updates to the innovative works of Paulsen (1974) and Marcos (1977). First, I
have demonstrated that Spondylus may not have been dificult
to acquire because it was present in waters much shallower
than originally believed. This means that it may not have been
dificult to collect Spondylus shells, especially for a people
accustomed to harvesting other resources from the ocean. Second, Spondylus was also available as far south as Cabo Blanco, Peru, hundreds of miles south of the oft-cited border of
Ecuador. Therefore, we can no longer say that any Prehispanic
Spondylus recovered in Ecuador is evidence of trade between
the two regions and we must refocus archaeological efforts
on the extreme north coast of Peru in order to better address
questions regarding Spondylus acquisition, industry and consumption. Third, archaeological evidence now indicates that
Spondylus was exchanged beyond its nature environment (i.e.
South of Cabo Blanco) irst into Peru (ca. 2500 BC at Caral)
and later into the Ecuadorian highlands, the inverse of what
early research suggested. Fourth, early works all intimated,
based at least partially on the work of John Murra (1975;
1982), that the use of industrial quantities of Spondylus by
the Inka was the end result of a constant increase in the utilization of Spondylus. This now appears to be false. Maximum
utilization may have occurred during the peak of the Moche,
Sicn and Chim states on the North Coast of Peru and decline
during Inka domination.
The value of Spondylus is often indicated by an account by

Pablo Jose de Arriaga, a seventeenth century Jesuit missionary
in Peru, who states that a piece of mullu the size of a ingernail is worth four Spanish reales (Arriaga 1968: 45; see also
Blower 2000: 210; Murra 1975: 260). While this does suggest
that mullu is quite valuable, he indicates that mullu is a small
fragment of a large seashell from which people make beads.
This may or may not be Spondylus, but it does suggest the
high value of sea shells in the Andean highlands.
Perhaps the most convincing piece of ethnohistoric evidence
of the importance of Spondylus at the time is the Samano-Xerez Relacin (Samano 1844), the account of Francisco Pizarros captain Batolomeo Ruiz, which records the capture of a
large indigenous balsa raft off the coast of Ecuador in 1525.
The raft, carrying 20 men, had a capacity of approximately 25
modern tons (Currie 1995a: 511) and carried a large collection of valuable goods. All this they brought to exchange for
some shells from which they make coral red and white beads,
and they had the vessel almost laden with them (Currie
1995a: 511). Unfortunately, we know little about from where
this vessel came or where it was heading and the identiication that people made beads from these same shells must be
seen in the light that the two foreign peoples had little means
of communicating. Were the shells for making beads? Were
they for trade with the coastal Late Horizon peoples who used
them in mummy bundles? Were they trading them with Inka
artisans who fashioned igurines? Were they making objects
themselves? The current interpretation is that the voyagers inhabited the coast of Ecuador, speciically Calangome, where
evidence for the production of Spondylus artifacts at this time
is relatively limited. This should not make light, however, of
the fact that this large capacity vessel was almost laden with
Spondylus shells.
The inal update provided herein is the most important. The

new chronology highlights the variability in time and space
of the forms of Spondylus artifacts and the way in which they
were used. While I have made some general conclusions about
trends during these times, there is also variability within those
trends. It is both the change in general trends and the variability within those trends that makes it dificult to fashion
all-encompassing statements about how Spondylus was used
by Andean societies. For example, Spondylus may have been
used to encourage rain by some cultures, but not necessarily
by all. The most fascinating part of Prehispanic use of Spondylus is the complexity of the story, not the simplicity.
80
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Spondylus in Prehistory

New data and approaches

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I spannIng spaCe and TIme In SpondyluS sTudIes: arTIfaCTs, symbols, IdenTITIes

Spondylus Shells at Prehistoric Sites in the Iberian Peninsula.....................................................................13-18

Spondylus sp. at Lezetxiki Cave (Basque Country, Spain):

Status of Spondylus Artifacts within the LBK Grave Goods........................................................................39-45

Spondylus in South American Prehistory......................................................................................................63-89

II VIews from The Threshold: SpondyluS TeChnologIes In The aegean

Spondylus gaederopus in Aegean Prehistory: Deciphering Shapes from Northern Greece......................93-104

The Neolithic Settlement at Makriyalos, Northern Greece:

Cosmos in Fragments: Spondylus and Glycymeris Adornment at Neolithic Dispilio, Greece.................123-137

Spondylus Objects from Theopetra Cave, Greece: Imported of Local Production?................................161-167

III reConsTruCTIng lIVes: arChaeomeTrIC and experImenTal analyses

The Contribution of Archaeometry to the Study of Prehistoric Marine Shells........................................171-180

Paleobiological Study of Spondylus Jewelry found in Neolithic (LPC) Graves

Spondylus gaederopus Tools and Meals in Central Greece

Pre-Hispanic Attire made of Spondylus from Tula, Mexico.....................................................................209-219

SpondyluS in South AmericAn PrehiStory

in the prehistoric past) along the coast of extreme northwest

The fourth update is the recognition that, although it was

characteristic used to identify Spondylus in iconography (e.g.

The ifth, and perhaps most important, update is to highlight

Spondylid spines provide camoulage, not defense as was

morphology and eCology of SpondyluS

While spines clearly served a function, the bright coloration

Shellish in the genus Spondylus, known as the spiny or thorny

Lamprell (2006: 36) has proposed that Spondylus limbatus Sowerby,

benjaMIn P. carter SpondyluS In south aMerIcan PrehIstory

Figure 1. Immature Spondylus princeps from Salango [photo by the author]

been needed (e.g. Cordy-Collins 1990: 306; Marcos 2002: 28;

The depth at which Spondylus princeps and Spondylus calcifer

or 80-200 feet (25 to 60 meters; Marcos 1977). Skoglund and

Although it is unclear under what conditions specialist divers

benjaMIn P. carter SpondyluS In south aMerIcan PrehIstory

Hocquenghem & Pea Ruiz 1994; Hocquenghem et al. 1993)

It has been suggested that the shift southward of warm water

Recently, multiple authors have indicated that Spondylus is

The horizontal and vertical distribution of Spondylids along

Archaeologically, it appears that a great deal of Spondylus

benjaMIn P. carter SpondyluS In south aMerIcan PrehIstory

question whether or not the harvesters of these shellish were

nearly 1000 years after it was acquired by people living on the

prehIsTorIC uTIlIzaTIon of SpondyluS

perIod a (before 1100 bC): InITIal exChange

Spondylus consumption during Period A (prior to 1100 BC)

Figure 5. Archaeological sites mentioned in the text from Period A and B

benjaMIn P. carter SpondyluS In south aMerIcan PrehIstory

and La Galgada before 2000 BC, but was not consumed in

perIod b (Ca. 1100100 bC): ChaVn and CupInIque

In Peruvian territory, the story is quite different. Paulsens

At Sipn (occupied between ca. AD 1300; for site locations

On the Peruvian coast, Spondylus appears mainly among the

Other Moche sites have also yielded evidence of Spondylus

Figure 6. Map of archaeological sites mentioned for Periods C1 and C2

benjaMIn P. carter SpondyluS In south aMerIcan PrehIstory

fragments of Spondylus and small shell beads (Narvez V.

Spondylus consumption in the Peruvian highlands appears to

While the development and expansion of the Huari overlaps