Behind the Brick Furnace

An Analysis of the Migration of Katkari Brick Kiln Labourers from Khalapur

Introduction
The demand for cheap labour has seen a significant growth parallel to the growth of the
construction industry. New construction sites have mushroomed all over the Mumbai Metropolitan
Region and so have factories such as brick kiln units which feed the construction industry multiplied
considerably. However, the growth witnessed by the massive construction industry has not trickled
down to the labour who has contributed to its expansion. Workers at the lowest rung in these
industries experience a stunted growth and are trapped in a vicious cycle of poverty and bondage.
This study was undertaken in an attempt to study the situation of the workers at their origins. This
bottom up approach to study migration has enabled us to draw evidence on different issues,
problems and concerns of brick kiln workers which would enable us to intervene and steer them on
a path of development which is not exploitative in nature. The survey undertaken as a part of this
research is an extension of a study conducted by YUVA in December 2012 on the profile of migrants
working in Navi Mumbai. The report titled, The City of Human Bondage: an Exploratory Study of
how Navi Mumbai Tramples on the Basic Rights of Migrant Workers discusses the issues faced by
three categories of migrant workers: Naka Workers, Construction Workers and Brick Kiln Workers. It
was found that brick kiln workers were the most vulnerable among these 3 categories of migrants
that we studied.
We narrowed our study down to study a specific tribal community called the Katkaris who have been
migrating to the brick kilns on the fringes of Mumbai for over several years. The Katkaris are one of
Indias poorest and most backward tribal groups in India. They have been left out of the
development processes of the state and have had sparse access to government services.
Traditionally, they were dwellers of the jungle, who lived, breathed, ate, and slept in the forest but
now have been pushed on the brinks of poverty and precarious living as a result of capitalist
globalization. The Katkaris have been classified as a scheduled tribe by the government of India.

Objectives of the Study

1.

Study the socio-economic characteristics of the Katkari migrant population in Khalapur and,

2.

To understand the migration pattern and the nature of their occupation.

Methodology
In order to gain a holistic understanding of the migration of the Katkari community to brick kilns it
was essential to use qualitative and quantitative research methods of data collection.
For the quantitative part of this study a survey of 737 households using the cluster sample
methodology was conducted across 70 villages (primary sampling units) in Khalapur which lies on
the outskirts of Mumbai in the Raigad district of Maharashtra. A survey is a research method used to
gather information from a particular group of people with the help of a standardized questionnaire.
A pilot survey was first conducted in a single village after which the questionnaire was altered based
on feasibility and practicality. The survey was carried out by local representatives of an NGO called
Academy of Development Science (ADS) led Bansi Ghevade.
The surveyors faced several hurdles in getting authentic information from the people. The Katkaris
were reluctant to share information of a sensitive nature such as the amount of advance that they
take or contact details of their employer. They think highly of their employers as they get access to a
lump sum some of money as required and found questions of such a nature irksome. The employers
middlemen, that is, those who pay the advance to the katkaris and take them to the brick kiln sites
are very often around the village and they questioned the surveyors on their authority to undertake
a survey of this kind. Eventually, the surveyors would take a rough note book and ask questions in as
informal an approach as possible so as not to arouse suspicions and fill in the questionnaires later.
Hence this was a long and time consuming process which took over two months.
For the qualitative part of the research, we used a technique call Social Analysis System (SAS)
conceptualized by Jacques Chevalier and Daniel Buckles. SAS is an extension of PRA (Participatory
Rural Appraisal) as it adapts techniques from other fields like anthropology and economics. SAS can
more specifically be described as, An act of interpretation that concludes a thinking process applied
with skill through the efforts of all the parties involved. In this study, we were not only interested in
estimating the number of katkaris who migrate to the brick kilns or the amount of advances they
take from their employer. We were eager to investigate what life as a katkari brick kiln worker
meant, whether they chose to work at the kilns by choice or were forced into it because of a certain
sequence of events and what were the implications of this source of livelihood on their lives.
Two methods called the Timeline and Problem Tree were then studied and used to gather this
information with the help of groups of Katkaris from selected villages. It was during the course of
these interactions with the Katkaris did we realize what life in a village truly was. People were aware
of the problems they faced on the other but also seemed to have left their condition of fate and
have in many ways accepted their precarious conditions. They live in the present and do not give
much thought about the future. The Katkaris were very warm and hospitable every time we visited
their house. Most of their houses were made of naturally available materials like mud and straw
while a few used brick and cement: an upgrade after taking an advance from their employer which
cost them a year of hard labour. All the households we visited had livestock like chickens, hens and
goats. After our discussion they would not allow us to leave without joining them for a meal and the
Katkari wives (with one child tucked at her waist) would serve us hot food from vegetables that were
grown in small patches outside their house.

Tracing the Journey of the Katkaris from the Jungle to

the Brick Kiln
This chapter discusses the findings of our research based on the data collected using the
methodologies discussed in the previous chapter.

Timeline
A timeline is used to help us identify events that have led to a particular problem or situation. This
exercise was conducted on the 14th of September 2013 at a picturesque village called Namrachi
Wadi(Naniwali) which is right beside the Morbhe Dam in Khalapur. A katkari called Ankush
Waghmare graciously allowed us to conduct this activity in his house and actively participated in it as
well.
We tried to study the Katkaris views, knowledge and understand of the events that led to them
migrating to brick kilns. This was important because in order to understand migration in their
context, it was important to get an overview of the roots of the situation and events that led to it.
We identified our core problem and wrote it down on a big card and placed it in the middle of a
group of 15 Katkari men. Women had not come for this exercise as this activity was conducted in the
middle of the Ganesh festival and they were busy with preparations. We lay down a long rope which
played the role of a timeline and placed small cards along the timeline to illustrate a certain event.
Core Problem: To understand the sequence of events which pushed the Katkari tribe to work in the
brick making industry.
The timeline which emerged from our discussion is given in the table below:
Date
1850

Event
The entire area was covered with jungles and forests. The katkaris lived a
primitive tribal life and derived their livelihood from the products of nature.
They would make arrows to hunt animals and for fishing and also eat wild
berries and fruits. There was hardly any contact with the outside world. They
would use leaves to cover their bodies and instead of slippers would tie betel
leaves around their feet.

1885

The British handed over Dali land plots to the Katkaris in order to protect the
forests. However, no written records were provided to them. As a result of this,
the Katkaris started cultivating crops and gradually began to rely on agriculture
for their livelihood.

1885-1926

The British started encroaching jungles and began to cut the forest cover. They
would then make the adivasis make Kath. That is where the Katkaris have
derived their name from.

1927

The first Forest Rights Act was passed. Restrictions on using forest land as a
means of livelihood. As a result of this the katkaris started working at charcoal
kilns. There was no electricity at this time and everything depended on charcoal.

Mumbai and Pune were connected by railways. The Katkaris were fascinated by
trains and would pack lunch early in the mornings and stand for hours by the
railway tracks just to watch the trains go by. This initiated the process of
migrations as the Katkaris, for the first time, began to move out of the jungle
and go to different places in search of work. The Katkaris would get food grains
for their labour. It has been only 60-70 years since they have been getting
money. Otherwise till then, they were paid in grains.
1930

Land rights struggles. Gandhi and other nationalists fought for the land rights of
the tribals.

1947

India attained independence and there were further struggles for forest land.
Initiation of government schemes. However, because the Katkaris did not belong
to any caste, they did not get the benefits of any of these government schemes
such as the one on Kul Kayada or Tenant act. Only 5% families got benefits of
the Land Ceiling Act. Hence, they migrated to charcoal kilns for employment in
larger numbers.

1980

The Conservation Act was passed which prohibited construction activities in the
jungles. In spite of movements such as the Chipko movement, the Katkaris lost
out on their livelihood and began to relocate on the fringes of the forests. They
also started moving more frequently from one place to another in search of
work. Because of previous experience in making kath as well as charcoal, they
picked up the skill of brick making fast and soon started working in brick kilns in
surrounding areas. With the advent of urbanization, there was an increase in
construction activities which led to an increase in the demand for bricks. Being
landless and uneducated, the katkaris were slowly drawn into the brick making
industry.

1991

In the light of the new economic movement and liberalization several

multinational companies started their operation in India. There was an entry of
goods such as computers, mobile phones, fashionable clothes, cars and other
consumables. Agricultural production also increased but there was more focus
on commercial/ cash crops.

1995

Lack of all kinds of education rendered them helpless in matters of keeping

written records of the work they had done. This was one of the main reasons for
them being bonded labour and subject to severe exploitation. However
migration to brick kilns increased manifold but the oppression of the employers
such that being beater for the slightest mistake continued. Katkaris did not get
access to any government schemes. As a Katkari family migrated to the brick
kilns as a unit, children lost out on education and were forced to learn to make
bricks at a tender age. This was the only skill that they hence picked up.

2005

The Katkaris began to get a taste of money and began to purchase goods like
motorcycles and televisions. This is when they first started taking advances from
their employers to purchase these consumables without thinking of the
consequences or strategies of repayment.

2014

As of now, while the boom in the construction industry is still strong, there has

been a decline in the demand for bricks as builders opt for machine made
cement bricks which are more economically feasible. There is lesser mud
available and several brick kiln owners are shutting down their business. There is
a need for the Katkaris to find new modes of employment. The Katkari workers
must organize themselves and form some sort of a collective. The only way out
of the poverty trap that has engulfed them is education and efforts must be
made to ensure that all the children from this community get access to good
quality education.

Post this session, we spoke to some of the Katkari men about their lives and here are some of their
narratives:
Pandu Kishan Jadhav has been working at brick kilns for only a year. Before that, he worked in the
sand mining industry. However, ever since the Morbe dam was constructed, his work suffered and
he eventually had to start working at the brick kiln along with his wife and two sons. He also has a
daughter who is married. He took an advance amounting to Rs 6000 before he started working to
celebrate the festival of Ganesh Chaturthi.
Narayan Laxman Pawar works at a brick kiln at Mohapada in Rasayani. He also worked in the sand
mining industry before this and been going to the brick kiln very recently. Narayan took a Rs 30000
advance from his employer to buy a motorcycle for his son this year. He said that everybody in the
village has a car so even I had to buy one. It was a question of status. Earlier, he had a small plot of
land on which he would grow vegetables but it was taken away when the dam was constructed.
Narayans accounts with his employer the previous year were foggy. He claims that he made
1,38,000 bricks last year and was paid Rs 300 for every thousand bricks(whereas the market rate at
other kilns is Rs 700). This amounts to Rs 41,400. He had taken an advance amounting to Rs 35,000.
Half his wage was given to him in instalments as kharchi to buy food grains and other essentials
over the year. At the end of the year, the employer claimed that Narayan owed him Rs 25,000.
Narayan claims that the employer did not calculate wages for 20,000 bricks. No written records of
these transactions anywhere.
Ram Pawar has been working at brick kilns for 6 years. He worked with an employer in Panvel for
four years but eventually left because of regular miscalculation of wages and cheating. He now
works in a brick kiln in Narangi at Khopoli. Previously he had taken a Rs 15,000 advance for his
brothers wedding and this year he took Rs 8000 to buy farming equipment as he was farming on a
plot of land owned by somebody else. Ram Pawar makes around 1200-1600 bricks in a day and gets
Rs 300 for every 1000 bricks. His wife and he make bricks while his daughter carries them.

Problem Tree
This technique is carried out to understand the first and second level causes and effects of a core
problem. In order to create an action plan to help the Katkaris, it was important for us as an
organization to understand the causes and effects of migration on their lives.
The problem tree technique was conducted on the 20th of September in Kandroli Vadi in Vinegaon
with a group of 8 Katkari men and women. Our core problem was the migration of the katkaris to
brick kilns for which we wrote down a few causes on a card and then made a list of factors which
were responsible for that cause. These causes formed the roots of our tree. A similar process was
used to then analyse the first and second level effects and implications of migration.
Causes
1. No source of employment at their villages
2. Reason: Because they do not have land and their ancestors did not have land as it was
usurped. The other tribes like the Thakurs have vast tracts of land as they stayed put and
did not migrate for work unlike the Katkaris.
3. Government should ensure that Katkaris get some form of work at the village. The main
reason the Katkaris gave for working at the brick kiln was to earn enough money to get
their children married
4. No facilities in the village. Until recently, they would have to fetch water from a river. Dont
have enough to build houses. Local politicians or leaders have not helped them in getting
access to any government schemes.
5. Never had an opportunity to study and get an education
6. This is the only skill they have learnt over the years because of which they dont work in any
other industry either
7. The brick kiln employers give them an adance. Our seth gives us money to eat and enjoy
festivals
Effects
1. Bonded to their employers and are subject to exploitation
2. Only those people who have taken an advance are called back to the brick kiln
3. In the event of an illness, the brick kiln owner takes the workers to a private doctor but
deducts the fees from their wages at the end of the year.
4. As there is no employement at the village, they have to migrate and children do not get
educated because they accompany their parents to the brick kilns and cannot leave them
behind as there is nobody to look after them. Therefore they also begin to work at brick kilns
and do not get jobs elsewhere.

5. Poor health
6. While they go to work at the brick kilns, there is no security of their home or belongings in
the village. They said that we find cats and dogs living here when we return.
7. If they had land then they couldve grown some vegetables and earned a decent amount of
income.
8. In spite of taking an advance their condition is still precarious.
9. There has been no scope of improvement in their standard of living over the years.
10. They do not get nutritious food or enough quantity at the brick kilns which leads to weak
health. Does not do justice to the amount of hard work that they put in.
11. They eat only once a day at night after working for 12 hours as a result of which they keep
falling sick and have to visit the doctor more often which adds to their debt burden.
12. Have to come back to the village to get ration. If they dont come back on time then they
lose it.
13. If they want to leave and go to work at another place then they have to give double the
amount of advance they have taken. Otherwise they are not allowed to and are subject to
threats from the brick kiln owner and police.
14. No written records of wages and work
15. Unorganized community and hence have no collective strength.

The Experience of Migration

This chapter discusses the findings of the survey carried out in 70 villages in Khalapur. From a policy
perspective, it is sad to learn that the movements of these migrants are not registered anywhere.
Information, especially on gram panchayats supplemented by information on the location of brick
kilns can help us create linkages between source and destination areas which would in turn help the
katkaris get access to government schemes.
Age Distribution

The table above, reflects the age distribution of our sample. It can be seen that most of the katkaris
are between 20 to 55 years. The Katkaris begin to work at the brick kilns at a very young age. Most
of the times, they accompany their parents and begin to assist them by the time they are 11 years
old. They get married at around 17-18 years of age and begin a family of their own at the kiln.

The above chart highlights that a majority of the daughters from Katkari households work with the
family at the brick kilns and a very small percentage of them are enrolled in schools from the 1 st to
the 9th standard.
The distressed seasonal migration of Katkari families along with their children is deprived of access
to education. The migrant children are assisted to enrol in schools nearly brick kiln find the syllabus
unfriendly and pushing them to drop out. Even the Integrated Tribal Development Programme
ITDP bypasses the development of Katkaris. Interestingly, the large number of Katkari hamlets are
not eligible to gain entitlements under ITDP as their hamlets are located either in forest land or Dali
land hence they dont get the benefits of the Tribal Sub Plan (TSP).
A study conducted by Bhukuth Augendra in 2005 claimed that in the interlinked labour and credit
market, employers did not directly employ children but have implemented a system that compels
parents to use their children in order to improve their productivity. In such circumstances, the
parents end up using child labour to improve their own productivity. The children are forced to work
for long hours and perform tasks for which they are not physically and developmentally prepared.
This has major impacts on their physical and social development.

10

Similarly a significant proportion of boys also work at the brick kilns along with their families but a
greater number of boys have been enrolled in schools than girls. It was also found that in a family
which had several children, the male child had a greater probability of being enrolled in a school
than a girl who would work at the brick kiln or look after her younger siblings.
Table: Presence of IDENTITY DOCUMENTS
Type of ID

11

Lack of identity cards is a critical problem that unables the katkaris to get access to basic services
such as health, education, varied government schemes or open bank accounts. The most common
identity documents with the katkaris were ration card and voting cards. But in spite of owning ration
cards, the katkaris who work at brick kilns far away from the city have to rely on purchasing food
grains from the open market which consumes a significant proportion of their income. Schools
normally require birth certificates for enrolment in schools but here 719 from our sample did not
possess birth certificates which indicates the reason for their inability to take admission in school.
Table: Reasons for migrating to brick kiln

The Katkaris are forced to migrate to brick kilns because of the lack of viable options in rural areas.
Most of the brick kiln workers said that they work at the kilns in order to earn money; they have
taken an advance which they mean to repay; and because they dont have land.
Table: No of years spent working at brick kilns

12

The above table shows that most of the workers in our sample have worked at the brick kiln
between 6 to 10 years. Migration is a livelihood strategy adopted by the Katkaris and hence they
spend a large portion of their lives mixing mud, moulding bricks and carrying them.

13

Table: % of people who chose to work with the same employer

82.09% of the sample said that each year they would return to work with the same brick kiln
employer. The reasons for working with the same employer have been given in the chart below.
Reasons for working at the same brick kiln

14

A majority of the sample stated that they returned to work with the same employer as they had
taken an advance which needed to be repaid which bound them to the employer. This chart shows
how the labour have been sucked into a system of bonded labour. The Bonded Labour System
Abolition Act of 1976 has stipulated that the monitoring of labour violations and their enforcements
are responsibilities of the state government. The Indian government has demonstrated a severe lack
of will to implement this ban on bonded labour. The pervasive factors of non-enforcement may be
attributed to several factors such as government apathy, caste bias, corruption, lack of
accountability, inadequate enforcement personnel and the governments unwillingness to alter
status quo.

Table: Distance of brick kiln from village

Several brick kilns are found at the peripheries of the village and the katkaris only have to travel for
1-4 kilometers. However, several katkaris do work in brick kilns further away from home in areas
such as Taloja, Panvel, Kharghar etc. A few of them also go to work in brick kilns at Chiplun in
Ratnagiri.

15

Location of Brick Kiln

LOCATION OF BRICK KILN

Frequency

Percent

Valid Percent

Cumulative
Percent

Aapta

.1

.1

.1

Aapti

13

1.8

1.9

2.1

Ambat

.4

.4

2.5

Anandnagar

.1

.1

2.6

Apta

.7

.7

3.4

Bhokarpada

.1

.1

3.5

Chavna

.1

.1

3.7

Dahisar

.4

.4

4.1

Dapoli

.3

.3

4.4

Dhamni

.5

.6

5.0

Dharni

.9

1.0

6.0

Dhighadi

.3

.3

6.3

Gaurmat

.1

.1

6.5

Gevrai

.3

.3

6.8

Gohe

.1

.1

6.9

Gorathan

.5

.6

7.5

Gorkamath

.1

.1

7.6

Gorkan

.9

1.0

8.7

Gotivali

.3

.3

9.0

Halivadi

.5

.6

9.6

Hathnoli

.1

.1

9.7

16

Hatnoki

.3

.3

10.0

honada

1.2

1.3

11.3

Horale

24

3.3

3.5

14.9

Horalewadi

.7

.7

15.6

Jambhiwali

.1

.1

15.7

Kahlapur

.1

.1

15.9

Kamote

22

3.0

3.2

19.1

Kamshet

.7

.7

19.9

Karivali

1.2

1.3

21.2

Karjat

1.1

1.2

22.4

Kelvali

.1

.1

22.5

Khalapur

139

18.9

20.4

42.9

Khanav

.1

.1

43.1

Kharpada

.9

1.0

44.1

Kharsundi

1.1

1.2

45.3

Khopoli

.4

.4

45.7

Khumbivali

.4

.4

46.2

Kopara

.1

.1

46.3

kopra

.1

.1

46.5

Mahad

1.1

1.2

47.6

Mohapada

.3

.3

47.9

Mohpada

.3

.3

48.2

Morva

.1

.1

48.4

Nadodhe

10

1.4

1.5

49.9

17

Nagar Parthadi

.1

.1

50.0

Nagurle

.1

.1

50.1

Narangi

.4

.4

50.6

Nera

.1

.1

50.7

Nere

.4

.4

51.2

Nigdoli

.1

.1

51.3

Noareji

.1

.1

51.5

Onghari Kokoru

.1

.1

51.6

Palibu

.7

.7

52.4

Panvel

165

22.4

24.3

76.6

Parkhande

.1

.1

76.8

Parli

1.1

1.2

77.9

Pavel

.3

.3

78.2

Pen

.7

.7

79.0

Pendhar

.1

.1

79.1

Pisara

.1

.1

79.3

Poypali

.1

.1

79.4

Pune

17

2.3

2.5

81.9

Raigad

.7

.7

82.6

Ranasayee

.5

.6

83.2

Ratnagiri

.5

.6

83.8

Roda Kalyan

.3

.3

84.1

Sajgavan

13

1.8

1.9

86.0

Sala

.1

.1

86.2

18

Missing

Sangdewadi

.1

.1

86.3

Sarang

.8

.9

87.2

Savroli

.3

.3

87.5

Shikali

.9

1.0

88.5

Sudhagad

.1

.1

88.7

Taloja

25

3.4

3.7

92.4

Tarapur Chawk

.1

.1

92.5

Targhar

.1

.1

92.6

Thane

11

1.5

1.6

94.3

Turade

.3

.3

94.6

Ujkoli

11

1.5

1.6

96.2

Umbre

.3

.3

96.5

Vadoshi

.1

.1

96.6

Vaijnath

.1

.1

96.8

Vanjarwadi

.1

.1

96.9

Vanve

.7

.7

97.6

Varsiae

.1

.1

97.8

Varsoli

.7

.7

98.5

Vashivali

.1

.1

98.7

vaveghar

.3

.3

99.0

Wawoshi

.8

.9

99.9

Zabivali

.1

.1

100.0

Total

680

92.3

100.0

99

.1

19

999

56

7.6

Total

57

7.7

737

100.0

Total

The most common brick kiln locations are Panvel (24.3%) and Kalhapur (20.4%). Others are Taloja
(3.7%), Horale (3.5%), Kamote (3.2%) and Pune (2.5%).
Table: Month in which work commences

Work at brick kilns generally commences in October after the festival of Ganesh Chaturthi and once
the monsoons are over. A small percentage of workers begin work in November post the festival of
Diwali.

Nature of work at the kiln

20

Most workers report making bricks (705) as opposed to carrying (157), transporting (103) or
assembling (73) them.
Brick kiln work is hard labour. Workers have to wake up early in the morning and work continuously
all day till the sun sets. Generally in the mornings, a mud mixture is prepared. Men are normally
involved in this process and stand waist deep in the mixture without any protection which leads to
skin allergies and infections. Their hands and feet are in a really bad shape. This mixture is mixed
with hay and it is a crucial process as the quality of the bricks depends on this. It is really sad that in
this age of technology, humans are involved in tasks such as these. The clay mixture is then
transferred to moulds and set to dry after which they are carried to the furnace to bake.

Table: No of bricks made per day

21

Most of the workers make 1000-1100 bricks in a day. The number of bricks made in a day depends
on the cumulative efforts of the number of family members working.
Table: Income per 1000 bricks

22

The wages of brick kiln workers are calculated on the basis of the number of bricks made by them.
Most of the workers reported that they earn Rs 300-350 per 1000 bricks. The rate varies according
to the location of the brick kiln. The brick kilns which are on the peripheries of urban areas pay a
slightly greater sum per thousand bricks made than the brick kilns towards and closer to the villages.
However, during our interactions with the workers they said that they were keener to work at brick
kilns closer to the village because the proximity allowed some of them to keep their children back in
the villages and they could also go back to their villages to purchase ration and that exploitation at
brick kilns closer to the village was lesser than the ones in urban areas.

Table: Correlation between land owned and advance taken

LAND OWNERSHIP * ADVANCE TAKEN Crosstabulation
Count
ADVANCE TAKEN

Total

23

LAND OWNERSHIP N

719

721

13

13

732

734

Total

In the table above there is a clear relationship between land ownership and advance taken. 719 out
of 721 workers do not own land, and 719 out of 732 also take an advance.
The Katkari hamlets are situated at the periphery of the non-tribal villages. Partially their livelihoods
depend on these non-tribal villages by selling their labour. Katkari hamlets are very often located on
Dali land or forest land as forest villages. As a result, Katkari tribes victimised by mother villages or
forest department. The forest department does not permit to dig wells under development schemes
of the government. The dominant groups of Gram Panchayat create hindrance to get their housing
entitlements (Indira Awas Yojana). Their generations old settlements are claimed either by the forest
department or powerful groups of the village. Katkaris hence always live under psychological
pressure and fear. The issue of land ownership in Katkari settlements needs to be addressed on a
priority basis
A majority of the Dali and Eksali plot holders are landless tribal families. There is lack of
comprehensive data to establish a correlation between the lease and the socio- economic and other
well-being indicators of the plot holders.
By the ever-expanding cities like Mumbai, Pune, Nashik etc the issue of land ownership assume very
critical importance today the poor farmers are depend on their livelihood mainly on land for their
livelihoods. For the original inhabitants of Khalapur, the source of livelihood is undergoing a radical
shift from the forests-agriculture-wage labour to wage labour-agriculture-forests. In the Adivasi
region land are important issue to fight against the poverty. Poor are forced to part with their land,
only migrate to the slum Mumbai option has been kept in front of the people for their survival. The
city population has been entered in fancy cars into the Karjat block to unwind and to rejoice during
the weekend. In this modern civilisation the Katkaris are losing their traditional footpaths, grassing
grounds, lands and livelihoods.
So, there is immediately actions have to taken against the illegal and forced land alienation in Adivasi
regions. According the fact around more than 80 per cent Katkari families are become landless and
those who own the land they are also faced various problems relating to the land ownership, it was
decided to focus on the land issues of the Katkari people.For cultivation of crops Dali and Eksali plots
are legally given on lease to landless people by the forest department in Raigad and Thane Districts
of Maharashtra. This practice was done during the rule of Peshwas in the period 1875 as an attempt
by the British Government to prevent shifting cultivation by tribals in forest areas. Tribals were
encouraged to pay a tax to the government. The ownership of Dali and Eksali lands were retained by
the Forest Department. Dali lands are given to the farmers on lease. The Pass Book gives of the Dali
Plot in terms of the survey number, total area, name of the village,name of the Dali Naik, names of

24

other tenants, number of members in each tenant family, amount of tax payable rules and
regulations applicable to the Dali Naik, etc. Dali plots are in larger size (at times above 100 acres).
The Dali system mainly found in the Raigad District. The area of Dali land in Raigad District is about
33,000 acres. In the period of 1969- 1971 the State Government has issued GRs which is stating that
ownership should be legally handed over to tribal cultivators of Dali land. But, with indifferent
attitude of government agencies the transfer of Dali plots could not handed over to the tribal
cultivators. Fate of Dali plot holders seems elusive even 30 years after the government orders. Most
tribal families who have been cultivating Dali plots for decades are still landless.
According to a GR passed on March 22, 1969 by the Government of Maharashtra tribal farmers were
to get ownership of Dali lands.The Government Resolution of 1971 states that Government has
decided that all the available Dali lands should be disforested and granted to these Dali plot holders.
All the 29,000 acres of Dali land should be distributed among the 6,500 plot holders. The Chief
Conservator of Forest should now take further immediate steps regarding disforestation, removal of
tree growth, survey and demarcation of these lands and grant of these lands on permanent basis.
Around 1,000 Ha of the disforested Dali land was handed over to the Revenue Department for
further transfer to Dali plot holders. However, Dali land did not give ownership to the cultivators by
the state government. So, activists, NGOs, CBOs and other civil society groups came together under
the leadership of Shoshit Jan Andolan to fight for the cause of Dali plot owners in Raigad District.
During this period the Forest Conservation Act came into being in 1980 and subsequently the state
government began citing the need for permission from the Ministry of Environment and Forests for
transferring forest land to a non-forest purpose. The campaign by Shoshit Jan Andolan make
stronger during this period. NGOs/ CBOs make a lot of pressure at the state and central government
levels. On September 1990 the Ministry of Environment and Forests were stated that the provisions
of the Forest Conservation Act, 1980 would not be binding on the decision taken by the state
government before its enactment. The fate of Dali plot owners is still uncertain ever 30 years after
the government order to hand over legal ownership of land to tribal farmers. On the contrary, the
state government has given an indication resisting moves for handling over ownership of land to Dali
plot owners. The Forest department officials have instead suggested using Dali lands for Joint Forest
Management (JFM) programmes. Over 30,000 poor tribal families will be displaced from their native
land which they cultivating from decades if the government succeeds in its plan to divert Dali and
Eksali lands to other uses. Over 100 years the ownership of Dali plots is with the forest department.
There are some differences among the Dali and Eksali system. The collective ownership called dali
system while Eksali plots have individual ownership. Dali plots mostly find in the Raigad while Eksali
plots are found in the Thane and some other Districts of Maharashtra. Alone in Raigad and Thane
district more than 30,000 tribal farmers are cultivating 60,000 acres of Dali and Eksali lands. Most of
these tribals are landless and they are belonging from Katkaris. In the year 1969, 1970 and 1971 the
state government has issued GRs that the ownership of Dali land or Eksali land should be legally
handed over the Katkari people. However, Adivasi people have not become owners of Dali/Eksali
lands due to the indifferent attitude of state and central government agencies. Under the Shoshit
Jan Andolan the civil society groups from Raigad and Thane have been campaigning for the
implementation of the 1971 order. But a final decision of the fate of Dali/ Eksali plot holders seems
elusive even 30 years after the State Government order to hand over legal possession of the land to
the Dali/ Eksali holders.

25

As mentioned earlier the Katkaris do not own any land as they have been primarily a huntergatherer and wage labour community. The British Government gave them forestland on lease, which
are called 'Dali' or 'Eksali' land. The Colaba District Gazetteer informs that 'Dali assignments to the
extent of 28,960 acres have been granted to mostly Thakurs, Dhanayars, and Katkaris with the chief
purpose of weaning them away from their nomadic life and settling them to a permanent mode of
life, by providing them with a suitable means of livelihood in the form of lands for cultivation. As
most of the land is situated on slopes and as there is heavy rainfall and poor soil quality, cultivation
is limited to small bits of land capable of yielding lesser millets like Nachni, Varai, Teel, Mangla etc.
(GoM, 1964:609, Bokil, 97).
The distinctive aspect of the all land was that they were given to a community and the actual land
title was in the name of local headman (called as Naik). The Dali lease was renewed annually and the
forest department issued regular passbooks. This practice continued even after independence. In
1971 the Maharashtra Government passed a resolution to give this land permanently to the tribal
cultivators. In order to implement this decision, the forest department deforested the Dali land. But
in actuality the lands were not transferred to their rightful owners. Since then, action groups have
been jointly fighting for the restoration of Dali land rights to the Katkaris. After the very long struggle
and with repeated agitation year after year, the government has taken the decision to survey the
land and transfer the same to the beneficiaries. However, the survey which was carried out in late
1996 has been faulty and superfluous. Finally Shramik Mukti Sanghatana of Murbad has filed a writ
petition in the Mumbai High Court and the court has given its decision in favour of owners.
The state government distributed surplus revenue lands, under the tenancy and ceiling acts. A good
number of Katkaris were employed as tenants by the landlords (called khots in the Konkan). But
when tenancy act was passed their names were not registered owning to their illitercacy and
ignorance. Thus very few Katkaris were benefited. The other surplus land was also taken away by the
powerful non-tribal section. Even where these titles were conferred actual possession was not
granted. The land holdings in any case were small and degraded. As a result the Katkaris could never
truly become agriculturists.
The process of land alienation has also started. Tribal lands are protected under the Tribal Land
Holding Act, non-tribals cannot purchase this land, and exchange of land is possible among the
tribals themselves. However in recent years the State government has been circumventing this act
with vested interest facilitating the entry of industry and tourism. Newspaper reports indicate that
powerful politicians have been buying tribal lands in Thane and Raigad districts. The recently
notorious Sahara case' which is the best example of alliance between politicians and neo-rich
from all over India, in which many so-called big personalities are involved. All over the Konkan
region, land is being purchased by neo-rich of Mumbai for setting up resorts and farmhouses. The
Mahal Mira Holiday Resort was planned on a hilltop surrounded by good forest and tribal land. The
local tribals, were pressurised to give up their land to build up an approach road. The local
organisations protested and hence the project has been temporarily started. Similar ventures under
the pretext of constructing an amusement park are nearing completion on the Uddar-Kameshwar
hill near Pali. There the permission of State Cabinet was obtained to purchase tribal lands, smaller
instances of this nature have been numerous in the Panvel-Khalapur- Karjat regions.

26

Table: Average amount of advance taken

The average advance is Rs.21,195. However, there are a few outliers in the data set that inflate the
mean, so it would be better to look at the median as more accurate. The most common advance
amounts are 20,000, 10000, 15,000 and 12,000.
ADVANCE AMOUNT

Frequency

Percent

Cumulative
Valid Percent Percent

1000

.1

.1

.1

1500

.1

.1

.3

2000

.9

1.0

1.2

2500

.4

.4

1.7

3000

.3

.3

1.9

4000

.8

.8

2.8

5000

15

2.0

2.1

4.9

6000

1.1

1.1

6.0

7000

1.2

1.2

7.2

7500

.1

.1

7.4

8000

26

3.5

3.6

11.0

9000

19

2.6

2.6

13.6

10000

90

12.2

12.5

26.1

11000

18

2.4

2.5

28.6

12000

55

7.5

7.6

36.2

12500

.3

.3

36.5

13000

.8

.8

37.3

13500

.1

.1

37.4

13600

.1

.1

37.6

27

14000

1.1

1.1

38.7

15000

88

11.9

12.2

50.9

16000

.8

.8

51.7

17000

15

2.0

2.1

53.8

18000

23

3.1

3.2

57.0

19000

.4

.4

57.4

20000

100

13.6

13.9

71.3

21000

.4

.4

71.7

22000

29

3.9

4.0

75.7

23000

.3

.3

76.0

24000

.3

.3

76.3

25000

45

6.1

6.2

82.5

26000

.1

.1

82.7

27000

10

1.4

1.4

84.0

28000

.4

.4

84.5

29000

.1

.1

84.6

30000

32

4.3

4.4

89.0

32000

11

1.5

1.5

90.6

33000

.1

.1

90.7

35000

14

1.9

1.9

92.6

40000

15

2.0

2.1

94.7

42000

.3

.3

95.0

45000

.1

.1

95.1

50000

12

1.6

1.7

96.8

28

Missing

Total

51000

.1

.1

96.9

55000

.1

.1

97.1

57000

.1

.1

97.2

60000

.4

.4

97.6

70000

.1

.1

97.8

72000

.1

.1

97.9

80000

.1

.1

98.1

85000

.1

.1

98.2

100000

.1

.1

98.3

150000

.9

1.0

99.3

200000

.3

.3

99.6

220000

.1

.1

99.7

250000

.1

.1

99.9

350000

.1

.1

100.0

Total

721

97.8

100.0

99

.7

999

11

1.5

Total

16

2.2

737

100.0

29

The primary reason why brick kiln workers are bonded labourers is because of the varied amount of
advances taken by them. Bondage occurs through several sources among brick kiln workers. The
advances issued to the workers before the season connects workers and Secondly, the withholding
part of payment of workers till the end of season creates binding as the workers cannot leave the
workplace or the payment is not made.

30

Table: Reasons for taking an advance

The above table highlights that a majority of workers took an advance to celebrate festivals, buy
food and clothes. Most of the katkari workers we spoke to said that the advance was spent during
the festival of Ganesh Chaturthi when there were large scale celebrations in the village. Feasts are
organized and large sums of money are spent on food, alcohol, purchasing new clothes. These
consumption patterns have evolved in recent years as the katkaris are getting into contact with the
contemporary urban world through mediums like televisions. This is partially to blame for them
taking greater advances year after year and hence falling into greater debts. A lot of Katkari houses
are made out of natural materials like mud, straw and grass.

31

Table: Record of advance

A majority of our sample said that there was a written record of the advance taken by them.

32

Table: Who maintains record of advance?

However this advance is normally with the employer only as the katkari worker is uneducated and
cannot read or write. Only 16 households from our sample said that they had a written record of the
advance taken by them.

33

Table: Written record of work

The table highlights that both the employer and the labourer maintain a record of the amount of
work. i.e. the number of bricks made by the Katkari in a day. However, total calculations are done
only at the end of the year and very often, the katkari calculations do not match those of their
employer.

34

Table: Services available at brick kiln

The above table highlights that there is a severe need for services at the brick kiln sites where they
also stay. While most employers provide electricity, water and shelter, the payment for these
services is deducted from their wages at the end of the year. In spite of several children on the sites,
there are no educational or crche facilities such as a balwadi because of which children lose out on
the precious formative years of their childhood.
The hazardous nature of their occupation also makes the katkaris prone to several health problems
such as breathing and lung problems, skin diseases as a result of mixing mud with bare hands and
feet, back injuries from bending for long hours. In spite of this there are is no first aid or medical help
available at brick kilns. In case of unbearable trauma, the employer takes the worker to a private
clinic who gives him painkillers for temporary relief. Again the high charges of the private doctor are
deducted from the wages of the workers.
Municipal governments should ensure that health services reach the katkaris by implementing their
mobile health check-ups where a health van visits these sites and provides free medicines and
treatment to workers for their health issues.

35

Two social service organizations, one from Pune known as Masoom and another from Satara town
known as Shramajiveee Janata Sahaayak Mandal recently carried out a survey of Katkari women.
The results of this survey are not only shocking but mind disturbing. Some of the observations of this
survey are as follows.
Out of every three babies born, one would die in infancy itself.
The survey observed 139 tribal mothers. Out of these at least 129 mothers have lost at least one
child.
The tribal areas in the vicinity of Mumbai Pune expressway do not have even a single hospital and
100% deliveries are made by midwifes without proper training and equipment.
The girls are still married off by age of 9 or 10
The first baby is usually born around age of 12. The mother herself is so much malnourished that the
chances of babys survival are minimal.
The situation is now becoming serious and critical with the result that the total number of Katkari
tribals has actually started dwindling. Most of the Katkari women have a severe anemic condition
due to malnutrition. This naturally affects their pregnancy and motherhood badly. Due to lack of
hospitals or trained medical staff the percentage of infantile deaths is very high.
In general, these Katkari girls, because of their illiteracy and ignorance, have scanty knowledge of
proper information about personal health and diseases in the first place. When dark age social
customs like child marriages and early pregnancy are imposed on these unfortunate girls, their
health gets so badly affected that most of the young women appear sickly and weak all the time.
A report of the standing committee on social justice and empowerment on the working of Ashram
schools in tribal areas published in 2014 claims in spite of funds being available with the central
government, the Maharashtra government failed to write any proposals to the central government
since 2008 to release funds for building schools for tribal children which reflects the neglect and
apathy of the tribal welfare department. These schools would have been a source of shelter and
education for children of katkari families whose parents work at brick kilns. Another astonishing fact
revealed by the report claims that 793 children died at the existing schools for tribal children within
Maharashtra from 2001 to 2013 due to snake bites, scorpion bites, fever and minor illnesses.
Parents would hesitate to put their children in these schools if they are not guaranteed of the safety
of their children.

36

Table: Cheating or exploitation

A majority of the sample reported that they were routinely cheated by their employers with respect
to wages. The cheating was discovered at the end of the year when payments are made where the
employer gives them less money than the actual number of wages they have taken or deducts a
greater amount of money than the workers have taken as an uchal or kharchi.

37

Table: Supportive Employer

When asked whether the brick kiln employers were supportive or not, 49.80% said that their
employers always supported them, 35.74% said that they were occasionally supported while 14.46%
said that their employer was not supportive. When asked the different ways in which the employer
would support them, the workers said that their employer would give them their kharchi or
weekly allowances on a timely basis, take them to a doctor whenever they fell sick and give them
medicines, allow them to go back to their village to get ration and give them travel allowances, give
them money whenever they needed to buy clothes and so on. This support is very generously
deducted at the time their wages are calculated at the end of the year.

38

Table: Relationship between ration card status and advance taken

RATION CARD * ADVANCE TAKEN Crosstabulation
Count
ADVANCE TAKEN

RATION CARD

Total

141

141

590

592

731

733

Total

A clear relationship is seen between ration card status and advance taken. 590 workers out of 731
who took an advance also have ration cards.
Table: Relationship status between ration card status and advance taken for food
RATION CARD
Crosstabulation

ADVANCE

TAKEN

FOR

FOOD

Count
ADVANCE FOR FOOD

RATION CARD

Total

Total

139

140

590

595

729

735

A clear relationship is seen between ration card status and advance for food. 590 workers out of 729
who took an advance for food also have ration cards.
The food security scenario of the katkaris is very grim. They would initially derive their nutritional
requirements from the jungle but every since they lost the rights under the guise of laws such as the
Forest Rights Act it drastically affected their food security. The loss of agricultural land, forest
degradation and weakening of forest rights hindered their access to food. In spite of a GR stipulating
all tribals to be covered under the Antodaya Yojana, our survey revealed that most of them had

39

yellow ration cards. Also, families whose brick kilns are far away from their villages cannot afford to
make monthly trips to the village to get it from the ration shop and have to rely on the high priced
grains from the open market.

Case study
Laxman Balu Barap
On the other side of Khandeshwar railway lines one can see vast stretches of land with piles of bricks
lying here and there. There are some small vegetable plantations too. Here people work rigorously
on brick kilns. In extreme and scorching heat, these people are engaged into this hard manual
labour. The process in which the brick is made is interesting. There are four components of the brick,
the mud/clay, the cover of the rice grain, water and ash. The cover and mud are mixed, for this the
big pieces are broken into minute pieces by means of hitting them with an axe kind of a tool. The
wife and children take out the big pieces of hay which will be difficult to mix, the pipelines are layed
underground which consistently pour water in the big ditches just next to where this mixing is going
on. The water is then utilized to turn the soil/mud mix into a thicker liquid. Then they are roasted. All
this process is carried out in scorching heat as summers are the time when these brick kilns run fullfledged. Summers are the time when the Kathkari tribal groups come to peripheries of the cities for
work. The entire process means working every day in harsh heat, mostly with bare bodies or minimal
clothes, being exposed to harmful gases and unhealthy conditions. Around these brick kiln areas the
people live in small settlements occupying small spaces not even enough to live, with no electricity.
Children are in extremely dirty and unhygeinic situations. The makeshift arrangements that they
make for their stay are in deplorable conditions without adequate electricity supply. This place is
also quite unsafe for women and lacks any safety measures . Sanitation facilities, as expected are not
available, leading to open defecation alongside track areas exposing them to further risks.
32 year old Laxman has been working in a brick kiln opposite Khandeshwar station for a year. He
works at the brick kiln along with his wife, Kamal and six children: Lalita, Savita, Sharad, Sonali,
Reshma and Nirmala. Lamans brothers and other relatives also work at this brick kiln. Laxman and
his family, like most other workers in brick kiln units are from Maharashtra itself. They come from a
village called Gonda in the Mokhada Tehsil of Thane. Prior to working in the brick kiln, Laxman and
his family worked in a stone quarry. This year, there was no work at the quarries and so along with
other families in Gonda, he came to work at the brick kiln.
Laxman, his wife and 3 eldest children are involved in the brick making process. The family as a unit
is paid Rs 900 for every 1000 bricks that they make. Laxman and his family make around 1200 bricks
in a day. They employer will not count bricks that are broken or cracked. Kamal said, Even if dogs
run over the bricks and night and break them, the employer will not include them in his count. But
we need to sleep at night so invariably end up losing 20-25 bricks a day. They have taken an
advance from the brick kiln employer amounting to Rs 12,000. Every week, the employer gives them
Rs 700- 800, an amount known as Khauti to buy basic necessities such as grains, soap, oil etc. Their
employer will give them their due at a time when work at the brick kiln has finished and the workers
are ready to go back to their village. He deducts the advance and khauti from their due hand hands
over their remaining earnings.

40

Life at the brick kilns is difficult. The entire family wakes up at 5 am and prepares a mixture of water
and mud. They put this mixture in moulds and let them dry. In the afternoon, the bricks are taken to
the furnace for baking. Since there is absolutely no electricity or light at the brick kilns, they retire
and go to sleep early by around 7 or 8 pm. The employer has provided small grass huts right next to
the trenched that have been dug to mix mud and water where the families live. These houses are
susceptible to catching fire very easily. Recently, the Baraps neighbors were cooking rice outside
their house when the grass caught fire and their entire house along with their sparse belongings
turned to ash. The brick kiln employer compensated them and gave them money to make a house
again. There are no toilets at the brick kiln either and the workers are forced to defecate and shower
in the open in fields a little away from the kiln. There is a large moat of water besides the kiln, which
is not very clean but is used by children as a swimming tank. Water from this moat is also used for
cooking and washing.
Laxman has no choice but to bring the children from the village to the brick kiln because there is
nobody to look after the children in the village in their absence. Also, he mentioned that the
ashramshala(school) next to his house did not give his children admission and preferred to admit
students who were not from their village. He does not like working at the brick kiln but there are no
other opportunities to earn a livelihood back kin their village. He has a MGNREGA job card but
claimed that they get work for only one week in a month which is not sufficient to meet the needs of
his family. Besides a job card, the only other identity proof that Laxman has is a ration card and a
voter card. However, the ration card is of no use to them at the brick kiln because they purchase
their goods from a shop close where goods are not given to them at subsidized rates but general
market prices. Almost all their earnings are spent on buying grains and hence they barely end up
saving any of their earnings.
Working at the brick kiln has left them with a chronic ache in their back, feet and joints. When the
pain gets unbearable, they approach the brick kiln owner who takes them to a doctor and gives
them pain killers. Laxman stated that almost all the men would spend Rs 20-30 on alcohol every day
in an attempt to easy their pain and suffering. He said that while women would not drink alcohol,
they would eat mutton and fish to get energy.
PHOTO ESSAY OF KATKARI BRICK KILN WORKERS

41

42

43

44

45

46

47

48

49

50

51

52

53

54

55

56

The Future of the Katkaris and Way Forward

The demand for bricks is not going to witness a drop in the near future with increasing aspirations of
the rural population who do not want to live in kuccha houses any more. This implies that several

57

Katkaris are going to be stuck in a system of bondage and exploitation in the years to come if steps
are not taken to break this cycle. With the advances in technology it is sad to see human bodies toil
where machines could have easily done the job. Also, government apathy towards the tribals is
alarming. After more than 66 years of Indian independence, there are clusters of the population
which are bonded and have no freedom.

Creating an enabling environment

There are several large industries which dot the belt around Khalapur. The strongest reason why the
Katkaris have not found employment with them are because they are uneducated. However, as per
government regulations, it is mandatory for large companies to participate in CSR activities. If some
of their profits are channelled into uplifting these tribes who live on the margins of society by
conducting skill development programs, building schools, setting up small scale cottage industries
etc. for the locals, the katkaris may begin to attempt to find alternate means of livelihood.
So far, the katkaris are so used to taking an advance from their employer every year that the find it
difficult to move on to occupations which may not offer such visible benefits. Hence attempts
must be made to encourage the katkaris to refuse to take advance and demand wages regularly. This
can be experimented on a pilot basis where an organization can assist a few families to get out of
the debt trap by repaying their debt and ensure that they do not take an advance again by
monitoring their payments and expenditure.
The survey highlights the immediate concerns and needs of workers and will enable MRC to act as
facilitators which would help the migrants move onto a path of upward mobility and step away from
a cycle of dependency. In the short run, establishing Child Learning Centres at the brick kiln units or
construction sites; provision of health care facilities would help MRC establish a rapport with the
migrants as well as their employers. Further, we could link the workers to different government
schemes and policies which have been made for their benefit which illiteracy along with a host of
other factors disable them to take advantage of.
If workers are aware of their rights and
responsibilities, they would have a better bargaining power and would be in a better position to
negotiate with their employers for a better wage and facilities. This can be facilitated by setting up a
basic services facilitation centre especially for migrant workers. We could also advocate on their
behalf and ensure that workers get access to basic services such as clean water, toilets, shelter and
electricity. At this stage we must pressurize the employers to ensure the wellbeing of the workers by
organizing labour collectives and encouraging migrant workers to unionize themselves.
We started 3 child learning centres at brick kilns in Kharghar, Taloja and Khandeshwar. Teachers
from nearby communities were appointed to teach children between the ages of 3-15 for two hours
every day. The brick kiln employers supported us by giving us space besides the kiln so that the
parents could keep an eye on the children while they worked. We are in the process of attempting
to ensure that these children are enrolled in schools when they go back to their villages during the
monsoons.
These workers are not registered anyway which is a cause of most of their problems. Source and
destination linkages crucial-not difficult as area is close by-ensure that they get government
schemes- insurance, health, housing- not registered with construction workers welfare boardadvocacy efforts to ensure the same.

58

Even though a sizable proportion of Katkaris owned ration cards, they were given BPL cards which
are yellow in colour and not the red Antodaya cards. Tribals are supposed to be given Anotodaya
cards according to a government resolution. Most of the katkaris have large families and there is
never enough food to satisfy everybodys needs because of which the men turn to alcohol and other
addictions. Physical labour, combined with a lack of nutrition and addiction has had a severe impact
on the health of the katkaris. Therefore our action plan must ensure the food security of migrant
katkari workers.
Appendix
1. Institutional structure of tribal development department in Maharashtra

2. The three tables below map the distribution of our sample across the wadis, villages and
gram panchayats within Khalapur.
a) Wadi-Wise Distribution of Sample

Frequency

Percent

Cumulative
Percent

Aaptiwadi

27

3.7

3.7

Aasrewadi

.5

4.2

Adoshiwadi

.3

4.5

Anandvadi

.5

5.0

Anjarunwadi

.5

5.6

Arsewadi

17

2.3

7.9

59

Badiwadi

10

1.4

9.2

Bhilwalewadi

.8

10.0

chichvaliwadi

28

3.8

13.8

Dandwadi

.5

14.4

Dhahivliwadi

.8

15.2

Dhamniwad

.7

15.9

Dharniwadi

1.2

17.1

Dolwaliwadi

.4

17.5

Dongarwadi

20

2.7

20.2

Donvatwadi

.9

21.2

Durshet

49

6.6

27.8

Gadavali(Kantroli)

.1

28.0

Ghodavali
(Kantroli)

.1

28.1

Ghodvalivadi

14

1.9

30.0

Godavali(Kantroli )

1.1

31.1

Gohewadi

1.1

32.2

Halbu

.4

32.6

Heramvadi

.1

32.7

Honawadi

14

1.9

34.6

Horalewadi

.9

35.5

kairewadi

.9

36.5

15

2.0

38.5

.3

38.8

Kandhroli
Vankhal

Tarfe

Kandhroli Vadi

60

Kandroliwadi

.3

39.1

Kantroli

.3

39.3

Karivaliwadi

13

1.8

41.1

katalachi Wadi

.7

41.8

Khanavwadi

14

1.9

43.7

Kharpudiwadi

26

3.5

47.2

Kharsundi

.3

47.5

Kharsundiwadi

.7

48.2

Kharvaiwadi

.7

48.8

koparwadi

.4

49.3

Kumbhivali wadi

10

1.4

50.6

Lohapwadi

.4

51.0

Mahdwadi

1.2

52.2

Mankivaliwadi

.7

52.9

Mhasobawadi

16

2.2

55.1

Mirkut

.7

55.8

Morbewadi

.7

56.4

Nadadwadi

.7

57.1

Nadodhe

.3

57.4

Nadodhewadi

29

3.9

61.3

Narangi Dattawadi

.4

61.7

Narsary Wadi

.7

62.4

Navandewadi

26

3.5

65.9

Palibu

.7

66.6

61

Pansilvadi

.1

66.8

Pansilwadi

1.1

67.8

Parkhandewadi

16

2.2

70.0

Poiwadi

.8

70.8

Pondhavadi

11

1.5

72.3

Ranasayeewadi

15

2.0

74.4

Salawadi

.1

74.5

Sangdewadi

10

1.4

75.8

Sarangvadi

.7

76.5

Shindivadi

.4

76.9

Shiravali

.7

77.6

Sindiwadi

.8

78.4

Takaiwadi

11

1.5

79.9

Talavliwadi

.9

80.9

Tembatewadi

.4

81.3

Tembewadi

11

1.5

82.8

Thane-Nhavewadi

.3

83.0

Thembrevadi

13

1.8

84.8

Ujkoliwadi

10

1.4

86.2

Vadgavwadi

11

1.5

87.7

Vanivadi

11

1.5

89.1

Vanvewadi

10

1.4

90.5

Vashivali wadi

31

4.2

94.7

Vavarlewadi

.7

95.4

62

Warosewadi

15

2.0

97.4

Wawoshiwadi

19

2.6

100.0

Total

737

100.0

b) Village-Wise Distribution of Sample

Frequency

Percent

Cumulative
Percent

Aapti

27

3.7

3.7

Aasre

.5

4.2

Adoshi

.3

4.5

Anjarun

.5

5.0

Asare

17

2.3

7.3

Badiwadi

10

1.4

8.7

Bhilwale

.8

9.5

chichvali

28

3.8

13.3

Devnhave

15

2.0

15.3

Dharni

1.2

16.6

Dolwadi

.4

17.0

Donvat

.9

17.9

Durshet

49

6.6

24.6

Ghodvali

.3

24.8

Godavali

1.1

25.9

Gohe

1.1

27.0

Hal

.4

27.4

Honad

14

1.9

29.3

63

Horale

27

3.7

33.0

kaire

.9

33.9

Kalote

.3

34.2

Kalote Rayti

1.2

35.4

Kandhroli

.3

35.7

.3

36.0

Kandroli

.3

36.2

Kantroli

.3

36.5

Karivali

13

1.8

38.3

Khalapur

18

2.4

40.7

Khanav

14

1.9

42.6

Kharpudi

22

3.0

45.6

Kharsundi

.9

46.5

Kharvai

.7

47.2

Kopri

.4

47.6

Kumbhivali

10

1.4

49.0

Lohap

.4

49.4

Mahd

1.2

50.6

Mankivali

.7

51.3

Mohapada

.4

51.7

Mohpada

.8

52.5

Morbe

.7

53.2

Nadad

.7

53.9

Nadodhe

31

4.2

58.1

Kandhroli
Vankhal

Tarfe

64

Narangi

.4

58.5

Navande

26

3.5

62.0

Palibu

10

1.4

63.4

Pansil

.1

63.5

Parkhande

16

2.2

65.7

Ranasayee

15

2.0

67.7

Sala

.1

67.8

Sarang

.7

68.5

Savroli

11

1.5

70.0

Takai

11

1.5

71.5

Talavali

11

1.5

73.0

Tambadi

.4

73.4

Tembe

11

1.5

74.9

Thane-Nhave

12

1.6

76.5

Thembre

14

1.9

78.4

Ujkoli

10

1.4

79.8

vadgaov

11

1.5

81.3

Vanave

10

1.4

82.6

Vani

11

1.5

84.1

vasdgaov

16

2.2

86.3

vashivali

31

4.2

90.5

Vavandal

.4

90.9

vavarle

.7

91.6

Vinegaon

.8

92.4

65

Vinegav

14

1.9

94.3

Warose

15

2.0

96.3

Wasabe

1.1

97.4

Wawoshi

19

2.6

100.0

Total

737

100.0

c) Gram Panchayat Distribution of Sample

Frequency

Percent

Cumulative
Percent

Aapti

27

3.7

3.7

Atkargaon

.3

3.9

Chowk

55

7.5

11.4

Devnhave

15

2.0

13.4

Gohe

1.1

14.5

Honad

56

7.6

22.1

Horale

43

5.8

28.0

Isaambe

.3

28.2

Jamsang

26

3.5

31.8

Kalote

34

4.6

36.4

Kandroli

.1

36.5

Kandrpli

.3

36.8

Kantroli

10

1.4

38.1

Karivali

13

1.8

39.9

Khalapur

34

4.6

44.5

Khanav

14

1.9

46.4

66

Kharsundi

13

1.8

48.2

Khopoli

14

1.9

50.1

Kumbhivali

.5

50.6

Mankivali

12

1.6

52.2

Mohapada

.4

52.6

Mohpada

.9

53.6

Mopada

1.1

54.7

Nadodhe

31

4.2

58.9

Narangi

10

1.4

60.2

Navande

26

3.5

63.8

Navdhe

.7

64.5

Sala Rembharo

.1

64.6

Sarang Thembri

22

3.0

67.6

Savroli

11

1.5

69.1

Shikali

15

2.0

71.1

Thane-Nhave

34

4.6

75.7

Ujkoli

10

1.4

77.1

Umbre

49

6.6

83.7

vadgaon

.9

84.7

Vadgaon

.1

84.8

vadgaov

69

9.4

94.2

Vavandal

.4

94.6

Vavarle

21

2.8

97.4

Wawoshi

19

2.6

100.0

67

Total

737

100.0

68