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Great Fire of London
Great Fire of London
City of London. The use of the major reghting technique of the time, the creation of rebreaks by means of
demolition, was critically delayed owing to the indecisiveness of the Lord Mayor of London, Sir Thomas Bloodworth. By the time large-scale demolitions were ordered
on Sunday night, the wind had already fanned the bakery
re into a restorm which defeated such measures. The
re pushed north on Monday into the heart of the City.
Order in the streets broke down as rumours arose of suspicious foreigners setting res. The fears of the homeless focused on the French and Dutch, England's enemies
in the ongoing Second Anglo-Dutch War; these substantial immigrant groups became victims of lynchings and
street violence. On Tuesday, the re spread over most
of the City, destroying St. Pauls Cathedral and leaping
the River Fleet to threaten Charles IIs court at Whitehall,
while coordinated reghting eorts were simultaneously
mobilising. The battle to quench the re is considered to
have been won by two factors: the strong east winds died
down, and the Tower of London garrison used gunpowder
to create eective rebreaks to halt further spread eastward.
Detail of the Great Fire of London by an unknown painter, depicting the re as it would have appeared on the evening of Tuesday, 4 September 1666 from a boat in the vicinity of Tower
Wharf. The Tower of London is on the right and London Bridge
on the left, with St. Pauls Cathedral in the distance, surrounded
by the tallest ames.
Charles II.
3
where the mansions of the merchants and brokers stood
on spacious lots, surrounded by an inner ring of overcrowded poorer parishes whose every inch of building
space was used to accommodate the rapidly growing population. These parishes contained workplaces, many of
which were re hazardsfoundries, smithies, glaziers
which were theoretically illegal in the City, but tolerated
in practice. The human habitations intermingled with
these sources of heat, sparks, and pollution were crowded
to bursting point and their construction increased the re
risk: the typical six- or seven-storey timbered London
tenement houses had "jetties" (projecting upper oors):
they had a narrow footprint at ground level, but would
maximise their use of land by encroaching, as a contemporary observer put it, on the street with the gradually increasing size of their upper storeys. The re haz- Firehooks used to ght a re at Tiverton in Devon, England,
ard posed when the top jetties all but met across the nar- 1612.
row alleys was well perceived"as it does facilitate a
conagration, so does it also hinder the remedy, wrote
one observer[13] but the covetousness of the citizens
and connivancy [that is, the corruption] of Magistrates
worked in favour of jetties. In 1661, Charles II issued
a proclamation forbidding overhanging windows and jetties, but this was largely ignored by the local government.
Charles next, sharper, message in 1665 warned of the
risk of re from the narrowness of the streets and authorised both imprisonment of recalcitrant builders and demolition of dangerous buildings. It too had little impact.
The river front was important in the development of the
Great Fire. The Thames oered water for reghting
and the chance of escape by boat, but the poorer districts
along the riverfront had stores and cellars of combustibles
which increased the re risk. All along the wharves,
the rickety wooden tenements and tar paper shacks of
the poor were shoehorned amongst old paper buildings
and the most combustible matter of Tarr, Pitch, Hemp,
Rosen, and Flax which was all layd up thereabouts.[14]
London was also full of black powder, especially along
the river front. Much of it was left in the homes of private citizens from the days of the English Civil War, as the
former members of Oliver Cromwell's New Model Army
still retained their muskets and the powder with which
to load them. Five to six hundred tons of powder were
stored in the Tower of London at the north end of Tower
Bridge.[15] The ship chandlers along the wharves also held
large stocks, stored in wooden barrels.
1.2
for dealing with res were in place, and were usually effective. Public-spirited citizens would be alerted to a dangerous house re by mued peals on the church bells,
and would congregate hastily to ght the re. The methods available for this relied on demolition and water. By
law, the tower of every parish church had to hold equipment for these eorts: long ladders, leather buckets, axes,
and rehooks for pulling down buildings (see illustration right).[17] Sometimes taller buildings were levelled to
the ground quickly and eectively by means of controlled
gunpowder explosions. This drastic method of creating
rebreaks was increasingly used towards the end of the
Great Fire, and modern historians believe it was what nally won the struggle.[18]
4
were burning, and Samuel Pepys, observing the conagration from the Tower of London, recorded great concern for friends living on the bridge.[19] There were fears
that the ames would cross London Bridge to threaten the
borough of Southwark on the south bank, but this danger
was averted by an open space between buildings on the
bridge which acted as a rebreak.[20] The 18 foot (5.5 m)
high Roman wall enclosing the City put the eeing homeless at risk of being shut into the inferno. Once the river
front was on re and the escape route by boat cut o, the
only exits were the eight gates in the wall. During the
rst couple of days, few people had any notion of eeing the burning City altogether: they would remove what
they could carry of their belongings to the nearest safe
house, in many cases the parish church, or the precincts
of St. Pauls Cathedral, only to have to move again hours
later. Some moved their belongings and themselves four
and ve times in a single day.[21] The perception of a
need to get beyond the walls only took root late on the
Monday, and then there were near-panic scenes at the
narrow gates as distraught refugees tried to get out with
their bundles, carts, horses, and wagons.
The crucial factor which frustrated reghting eorts was
the narrowness of the streets. Even under normal circumstances, the mix of carts, wagons, and pedestrians in
the undersized alleys was subject to frequent trac jams
and gridlock. During the re, the passages were additionally blocked by refugees camping in them amongst their
rescued belongings, or escaping outwards, away from the
centre of destruction, as demolition teams and re engine
crews struggled in vain to move in towards it.
Demolishing the houses downwind of a dangerous re
by means of rehooks or explosives was often an eective way of containing the destruction. This time, however, demolition was fatally delayed for hours by the Lord
Mayors lack of leadership and failure to give the necessary orders.[22] By the time orders came directly from the
King to spare no houses, the re had devoured many
more houses, and the demolition workers could no longer
get through the crowded streets.
The use of water to extinguish the re was also frustrated. In principle, water was available from a system
of elm pipes which supplied 30,000 houses via a high
water tower at Cornhill, lled from the river at high tide,
and also via a reservoir of Hertfordshire spring water in
Islington.[23] It was often possible to open a pipe near a
burning building and connect it to a hose to play on a re,
or ll buckets. Further, Pudding Lane was close to the
river. Theoretically, all the lanes from the river up to the
bakery and adjoining buildings should have been manned
with double rows of reghters passing full buckets up
to the re and empty buckets back down to the river.
This did not happen, or at least was no longer happening by the time Pepys viewed the re from the river at
mid-morning on the Sunday. Pepys comments in his diary that nobody was trying to put it out, but instead they
ed from it in fear, hurrying to remove their goods, and
leave all to the re. The ames crept towards the river
front with little interference from the overwhelmed community and soon torched the ammable warehouses along
the wharves. The resulting conagration not only cut o
the reghters from the immediate water supply from the
river, but also set alight the water wheels under London
Bridge which pumped water to the Cornhill water tower;
the direct access to the river and the supply of piped water
failed together.
London possessed advanced re-ghting technology in
the form of re engines, which had been used in earlier
large-scale res. However, unlike the useful rehooks,
these large pumps had rarely proved exible or functional
enough to make much dierence. Only some of them
had wheels, others were mounted on wheelless sleds.[24]
They had to be brought a long way, tended to arrive too
late, and, with spouts but no delivery hoses, had limited
reach.[25] On this occasion an unknown number of re engines were either wheeled or dragged through the streets,
some from across the City. The piped water that they
were designed to use had already failed, but parts of the
river bank could still be reached. As gangs of men tried
desperately to manoeuvre the engines right up to the river
to ll their reservoirs, several of the engines toppled into
the Thames. The heat from the ames was by then too
great for the remaining engines to get within a useful distance; they could not even get into Pudding Lane.
3 Development of the re
The personal experiences of many Londoners during the
re are glimpsed in letters and memoirs. The two most
famous diarists of the Restoration, Samuel Pepys (1633
1703) and John Evelyn (16201706), recorded the events
and their own reactions day by day, and made great eorts
to keep themselves informed of what was happening all
over the City and beyond. For example, they both travelled out to the Moorelds park area north of the City
on the Wednesdaythe fourth dayto view the mighty
encampment of distressed refugees there, which shocked
them. Their diaries are the most important sources for
all modern retellings of the disaster. The most recent
books on the re, by Tinniswood (2003) and Hanson
(2001), also rely on the brief memoirs of William Taswell
(165182), who was a fourteen-year-old schoolboy at
Westminster School in 1666.
3.1 Sunday
After two rainy summers in 1664 and 1665, London had
lain under an exceptional drought since November 1665,
and the wooden buildings were tinder-dry after the long
hot summer of 1666. A re broke out at Thomas Farriners bakery in Pudding Lane a little after midnight
on Sunday 2 September. The family was trapped up-
3.1
Sunday
5
Samuel Pepys, looking back on the events, wrote in his diary on 7 September 1666: People do all the world over
cry out of the simplicity [the stupidity] of my Lord Mayor
in general; and more particularly in this business of the
re, laying it all upon him.
3.2
Monday
By dawn on Monday, 3 September, the re was principally expanding north and west, the turbulence of the
re storm pushing the ames both further south and further north than the day before.[34] The spread to the south
was in the main halted by the river, but had torched the
houses on London Bridge, and was threatening to cross
the bridge and endanger the borough of Southwark on
the south bank of the river. Southwark was preserved
by a pre-existent rebreak on the bridge, a long gap between the buildings which had saved the south side of the
Thames in the re of 1632 and now did so again;[35] ying embers started a re in Southwark but it was quickly
stopped. The res spread to the north reached the nancial heart of the City. The houses of the bankers
in Lombard Street began to burn on Monday afternoon,
prompting a rush to get their stacks of gold coins, so crucial to the wealth of the city and the nation, to safety before they melted away. Several observers emphasise the
despair and helplessness which seemed to seize Londoners on this second day, and the lack of eorts to save the
wealthy, fashionable districts which were now menaced
by the ames, such as the Royal Exchangecombined
bourse and shopping centre and the opulent consumer
goods shops in Cheapside. The Royal Exchange caught
3.2
Monday
7
gious alarms of renewed Gunpowder Plots. As suspicions
rose to panic and collective paranoia on the Monday, both
the Trained Bands and the Coldstream Guards focused
less on re ghting and more on rounding up foreigners, Catholics, and any odd-looking people, and arresting
them or rescuing them from mobs, or both together.
3.3
Tuesday
3.4 Wednesday
Working to a plan at last, Jamess reghters had also created a large rebreak to the north of the conagration. It
contained the re until late afternoon, when the ames
leapt across and began to destroy the wide, auent luxury shopping street of Cheapside.
Everybody had thought St. Pauls Cathedral a safe refuge,
with its thick stone walls and natural rebreak in the form
of a wide, empty surrounding plaza. It had been crammed
full of rescued goods and its crypt lled with the tightly
packed stocks of the printers and booksellers in adjoining Paternoster Row. However an enormous stroke of
bad luck meant that the building was covered in wooden
scaolding, undergoing piecemeal restoration by a then
relatively unknown Christopher Wren. The scaolding
caught re on Tuesday night. Leaving school, young
William Taswell stood on Westminster Stairs a mile away
The wind dropped on Tuesday evening, and the rebreaks created by the garrison nally began to take effect on Wednesday 5 September.[46] Stopping the re
caused much re and demolition damage in the lawyers
area called the Temple. Pepys walked all over the
smouldering city, getting his feet hot, and climbed the
steeple of Barking Church, from which he viewed the destroyed City, the saddest sight of desolation that I ever
saw. There were many separate res still burning themselves out, but the Great Fire was over. Pepys visited
Moorelds, a large public park immediately north of the
City, and saw a great encampment of homeless refugees,
poor wretches carrying their good there, and every body
keeping his goods together by themselves, and noted that
the price of bread in the environs of the park had doubled.
Evelyn also went out to Moorelds, which was turning
into the main point of assembly for the homeless, and
was horried at the numbers of distressed people lling
it, some under tents, others in makeshift shacks: Many
[were] without a rag or any necessary utensils, bed or
board... reduced to extremest misery and poverty.[47]
Evelyn was impressed by the pride of these distressed
Londoners, tho' ready to perish for hunger and destitu-
James Shirley
James, Duke of York, later James II.
10
5 AFTERMATH
Aftermath
tness to plead, and hanged at Tyburn on 28 September 1666. After his death, it became apparent that he
had not arrived in London until two days after the re
started.[57] These allegations that Catholics had started
the re were exploited as powerful political propaganda
by opponents of pro-Catholic Charles IIs court, mostly
during the Popish Plot and the exclusion crisis later in his
reign.[58]
Abroad in the Netherlands the Great Fire of London was
seen as a divine retribution for Holmess Bonre, the
burning by the English of a Dutch town during the Second
Anglo-Dutch War.[59]
11
that Robert Hooke, Valentine Knight and Richard New- during the events of the re.[66]
court proposed rebuilding plans.
The Great Fire was released on ITV television in 2014.
With the complexities of ownership unresolved, none of It was shown in four episodes. It constructs a ctional
the grand Baroque schemes for a City of piazzas and av- scenario involving the Pudding Lane bakers family in an
enues could be realised; there was nobody to negotiate alleged popish plot.[67]
with, and no means of calculating how much compensation should be paid. Instead, much of the old street
plan was recreated in the new City, with improvements 7 Notes
in hygiene and re safety: wider streets, open and accessible wharves along the length of the Thames, with no
houses obstructing access to the river, and, most impor- See Category:Former buildings and structures in the City
tantly, buildings constructed of brick and stone, not wood. of London.
New public buildings were created on their predecessors
sites; perhaps the most famous is St. Pauls Cathedral and [1] All dates are given according to the Julian calendar. Note
that when recording British history it is usual to use the
its smaller cousins, Christopher Wrens 50 new churches.
On Charles initiative, a Monument to the Great Fire
of London, designed by Christopher Wren and Robert
Hooke, was erected near Pudding Lane. Standing 61 metres (200 ft) tall and known simply as The Monument, it
is a familiar London landmark which has given its name to
a tube station. In 1668 accusations against the Catholics
were added to the inscription on the Monument which
read, in part:
Aside from the four years of James II's rule from 1685
to 1689, the inscription remained in place until 1830 and
the passage of the Catholic Emancipation Act.[60]
[6] John Evelyn in 1659, quoted in Tinniswood, 3. The section London in the 1660s is based on Tinniswood, 111,
unless otherwise indicated.
[8] 330 acres is the size of the area within the Roman wall
according to standard reference works (see, for instance,
Sheppard, 37), although Tinniswood gives that area as a
square mile (667 acres).
In culture
[16] Hanson (2001), 82. The section Fire hazards in the City
is based on Tinniswood, 4652, and Hanson (2001), 75
78 unless otherwise indicated.
12
7 NOTES
[36] All quotes from and details involving John Evelyn come
from his Diary.
[67] Rahim, Sameer (16 October 2014). The Great Fire review, ITV: 'historical hokum'". The Telegraph. Retrieved
13 December 2014.
13
References
Evelyn, John (1854). Diary and Correspondence of
John Evelyn, F.R.S.. London: Hurst and Blackett.
Retrieved 5 November 2006.
Hanson, Neil (2001). The Dreadful Judgement:
The True Story of the Great Fire of London. New
York: Doubleday. For a review of Hansons work,
see Lauzanne, Alain. Revue pluridisciplinaire du
monde anglophone. Cercles. Retrieved 12 October 2006.
External links
14
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