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Eurosphere Working Paper 12 Fuga
Eurosphere Working Paper 12 Fuga
Multiculturalism in France:
Evolutions and Challenges
Artan Fuga
ISSN 1890-5986
EUROSPHERE, 2008
http://www.eurosphere.uib.no
Artan Fuga
Fondation Maison des Sciences de l'Homme, France
afuga@neuf.fr
Artan FUGA
The French society manifests multiple historical specificities in relation to its
model of integration of diverse and various cultures, carried by individuals
descending from immigration, living in the midst of a social reality deeply
marked by traditions, mentalities and institutions established in the framework
of its civilisation.
1. Evolution of concepts
It is evident that social relations, concepts and collective representations
regarding the issue of multiculturalism in France have gradually evolved
during the recent decades. As it was already emphasised by Madame Blandine
Kriegel, the president of High Council of Integration (HCI), the historic trend
has moved from a traditional republicanism that divides into cantons the
common world of cultural diversity to the strict private space1 towards
another conception, wishing to be more supple and tolerant, characterising the
ongoing years.
In the concepts used by social sciences in France and by those who
articulate public speeches of the state administration, the space of dialogue in
this field is really transformed, abandoning gradually the terms assimilation
and insertion regarding the place reserved for foreigners within the French
society, to switch toward policies and collective behaviours based always on
another concept more contemporary than that of integration.
The republican assimilation, a quite traditional concept, established by the
political history of France, required gradual and complete obliteration of
important cultural differences between the French by origin and foreigners
coming through tides of immigration in the French soil. Consequently, from
the French revolution, the French constitutional framework reposes on an
ensemble of fundamental democratic values based on formal equality between
citizens by law and on the concept of universality of human being, i.e. on the
existence of the individuals, who, regardless of their cultural or racial
differences, should enjoy the same rights and have same duties in the nation.
The French law considers all the citizens as equals despite their ethnic origin
and race deriving from the country of origin and their family culture. The
French nation is legally considered as an entity based on the right of soil, not
of blood, thus it is built differently from the German one. It means that there is
1
See : Le Bilan de la politique dintgration (2002 2005), Rapport au Premier Ministre, La Documentation
Franaise, p. 78, Paris 2006
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See: Le Bilan de la politique dintgration (2002 2005), Rapport au Premier Ministre, La Documentation
Franaise, p. 22, Paris 2006
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of its citizens, has turned out due to diverse new historic circumstances, which
did not exist in the past.
To be mentioned here is the fact that in the beginning of the 80s the entire
world understood that immigrants, foreign workers, invited temporarily to
France as wage earners, in fact have been installed on the French soil
permanently. The majority of them were immigrants from Maghreb, coming
from former French colonies. They worked in difficult sites and sectors of the
national economy and had not a desire to go back to their countries of origin.
Furthermore, through operations of family regrouping, marriages, etc., they
created their families in France. The children born during 60s and 70s were
already considered French. They have been schooled in France. They
considered France as their own country by gradually adopting not only local
customs, but also by appropriating deeply all the richness of the French
language. From that moment the issue of cultural diversity in France started to
be viewed differently. Thus the nation found itself encountering a difficult
question to resolve. The second generation of immigrants wanted at the same
time to preserve the cultural identity of their parents by claiming their rights to
the cultural difference, and felt also proud to belong to the citizenship of the
French nation. There were at the same time two statuses, considered
previously as contradictory: equality in citizenship by law and a full
recognition of cultural diversity affecting a not so insignificant part of citizens.
The previous concept of republican assimilation was not a sufficient policy
tool to respond in a satisfactory way to new problems.
After thirty glorious years marked by a great economic and social
development characterizing the period following the Second World War, the
economic crisis arrived in France with its social and financial difficulties. The
unemployment stroke a part of the working force in the labour market. The
former immigrant workers, once considered as indispensable for the good
functioning of national economy, were now more and more seen as a
concurrent factor on the professional plan. A part of the French public opinion
began to become very sensitive regarding their presence on the national soil,
considering them not only as elements producing an aggravation to the issue
of unemployment, but also as an eventual risk for the protection of the national
identity, of social cohesion and of preservation of the French culture.
Beginning from the year 1984 there emerged on the public national scene
the National Front. This political party of extreme right unfolded a xenophobic
political platform and became the point of gathering by this party the French
public opinion that considered the immigrants, especially those of Maghrebian
ethnic and cultural origin, as a threat to the national cultural identity. Social
behaviours animated by prejudged racists considered individuals of foreign
origin as incompatible with the values of the Republic, finding a not
insignificant space in the public opinion. From this point of view, the concept
of cultural diversity was considered by political and social xenophobic
environments as completely unacceptable and harmful for the national
interests. This was connected almost naturally with a trend of withdrawal in
the areas of their living, manifested by families and individuals coming from
immigration. A feeling of failure in the process of integration characterized the
spirit of the new generation coming from families of immigrants, regardless
the fact that they are naturalized French citizens. Xenophobia and
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See: Le Bilan de la politique dintgration (2002 2005), Rapport au Premier Ministre, La Documentation
Franaise, p. 7, Paris 2006
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intend to create an equal starting basis for all individuals engaged in a personal
project of research for a successful professional carrier. It tends simply but to
modify the definitive result of individual efforts undertaken in the labour
market. Thus, its function is not to re-define conditions of start of individual
processional targets. It acts not in the beginning but at the end of the process
of selection of individuals according to their own personal merits.
This model of integration of cultural diversities in all cases remains
extremely attentive in the secular nature of public space. It reduces the
expression of religious differences in the interior of private and social space
(common space) where citizens live and act preserving the political space
coming from the universe of collective expressions of religious diversities. By
observing this principle the state and local collectivities make significant
financial efforts to sponsor sportive, cultural, associate, artistic, activities,
manifesting different cultural identities. This contributes to enrich the cultural
heritage of the French nation and support the free expression of identity
diversities included in the national cultural space.
The policy of looking for integration of cultural diversities in the
framework of the nations republican unity is based too on a permanent and
volunteer project for management of the state territory.
From the 80es the state built a multidimensional strategy for development
of urban spaces manifesting deep inequalities in relation to the rest of regional
or national territory. Following this volunteer step an urban policy is
developed to allow the gradual improvement of life conditions and urbanism
of inhabitants living in relatively poor quarters and cities. These urban areas
can not mobilize sufficient resources to ensure a normal social and cultural life
for inhabitants because of the lack of specialised institutions in the concerned
fields. They suffer a relatively high level of unemployment because as it is
easily noticed - of the lack of enterprises and private investments in their
territory. Their level of hygiene is also problematic, followed by an
infrastructure which does not always respond to national standards. Frequently
these urban areas present also spaces where the level of public security is in a
level not quite satisfactory.
The policy of the city considers that the destiny of those urban areas
strongly depends on the state of advancement of the process of integration of
the population residing there. Everybody knows that from the point of view of
demography we have to do with urban peripheries inhabited by families
coming from immigration. By supporting these urban spaces with funds of
public investments, encouraging their town halls and communes towards a
policy of construction of social houses proposing relatively low tariffs for
locations, by creating free urban zones, tax exempted, by strengthening the
public order installing services of police of proximity, etc. the state aims to
reduce spatial and territorial inequalities between rich and developed areas of
cities and those with a poorer social and economic status, inhabited in general
by populations presenting specifities of cultural and national origin.
So the policy of the city includes two principal objectives: First, to fight
against ghettoization of poor inhabitants or those of foreign cultural origin.
And, second, avoid or reduce terrific inequalities between centres of the city
and their urban peripheries.
Regrouping all principal practices followed in France, which have made
possible the implementation of a policy of respect in relation to cultural
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