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71 1 1
71 1 1
ACTA ARCHAEOLOGICA
ISSN 0065-001X
INTRODUCTION
The Vikings raided, conquered, and settled. The Viking achievement has always fascinated historians and
archaeologists. A lot of studies are devoted to the Vikings, in fact too much is written about them as the
late Carl-Axel Moberg emphasised (Moberg 1981).
Nevertheless, the progress in our understanding of
some of the aspects of the period is slow, and indeed
one could ask whether we really understand the background to the Viking activities in the West? I suppose
that most of us must admit that we have very vague
ideas about what triggered the activities of the socalled Vikings, in fact a collective concept of dubious
value.
Else Roesdahl and David Wilson wrote in the Viking catalogue of 1992 that the Vikings shook Europe, but the reasons for their spectacular expansion
will probably never be satisfactorily explained (Roesdahl & Wilson 1992:27). Of course we can all agree
with them that we do not have an encompassing explanation today, but there is a resignation in this attitude that we as scholars should not accept.
Indeed, Roesdahl and Wilson nevertheless continue to give overviews of possible reasons for the Viking activities and present the traditional list of possibilities (cf. Roesdahl 1991:187ff.). First they explain
that early trade contacts had opened the eyes of the
Scandinavians who now realised that a large part of
the world lay undefended, presenting opportunities
for power and glory, gold, adventure, new lands
(Roesdahl & Wilson 1992:27). As in most books about
the Vikings, plunder and profit are first discussed, followed by the wish of the Vikings to take power over
whole regions, and at last to settle there. The authors
state that the Vikings also went abroad as merchants
in order to get a profit from international trade. Or,
that they had to go abroad because they were threatened by famine at home. Or, poverty or lack of land
was the force behind. Or, they had run into political
problems that forced them to go into exile.
All these reasons may have been at play, sometime
and somewhere during the three centuries of the Viking Age in the vast Scandinavian lands. But simply
to repeat a long list of possible explanations does not
help us any further. We have to qualify our debate
considerably. We have to distinguish between the Viking activities of different periods, and we have to
consider the significant regional variation both in the
character of and the reasons behind the so-called Viking expansion. To mix events of the ninth century
with those of the tenth or eleventh can only blur the
picture. To treat the activities of the Norwegian Vikings in the North Atlantic in the same breath as the
Danish actions along the North Sea littoral or the
Swedish operations in the Baltic-Bothnian area can
only be misleading. Indeed, what is needed is a study
of Viking activities abroad subdivided into separate
geographical zones, each with its own chronological
subdivision: the Russian river system, the north Baltic-Bothnian region, the south Baltic area, the North
Sea region, the North Atlantic, the Irish Sea, the
Channel, etc. Several important contributions have
Acta Archaeologica
RURAL SETTLEMENT
A short synthesis of the large efforts put into research
about the cultural landscape in South Scandinavia
has to include the observations that nucleated settlements appeared already in the Roman Iron Age, that
manors, that is magnate estates, certainly existed long
before the Viking Age, and that the extension of the
arable land increased, especially from the eighth century onwards (Berglund 1991; Hvass 1988; 1993; Fabech & Ringtved 1995; L. Jrgensen 1995). It is also
important to note that the expansion of the rural
settlement both in the coastal zone and in the inland
continued after the Viking Age. A pattern visible in
new pollen diagrams from central rural areas (not
Acta Archaeologica
These central-places were not simple trading stations, many of them certainly fulfilled important political, social, and religious functions (Nsman 1991c;
Fabech & Ringtved 1995). Most seem to have served
as manorial residences and consequently as administrative centres. Thus, an increasing complexity in the
settlement pattern accompanies the growing number
of rural settlements and the increasing agrarian production. In fact, this demonstrates that the elite of
the centres based their power on the mobilisation of
agricultural produce; at the same time one has to say
that rural surplus was created by the demands of the
elite.
The growth in the number of new central-places
seems to slow down in the Viking Age, however.
What happened in this period is rather a restructuring
of central places and trading. Some old sites were replaced by new ones, and proper urbanisation began,
during which process the old central-places gradually
lost their position and were superseded by towns like
Hedeby, Ribe, rhus, and so on.
The first proto-town was founded already around
700 A.D. at Ribe in South Jutland (Bencard et al.
199091; Jensen 1992; Feveile 1994; cf. Feveile &
Jensen in this volume). It was a planned site with plots
for craftsmen and merchants along a street parallel to
the river. A cemetery reveals that the population has
not been small. A boundary ditch is dug around the
site in the ninth century, and in the 850s the missionary Ansgar got permission by King Horik to build a
church. The town was fortified by moat and wall in
the eleventh century. Hedeby and Ribe are the first
urbanised settlements in Denmark, and excavations
show that they started a little later than the famous
emporia of the Franks, Frisians, and English, but also
that their lay-out, buildings etc. are fairly similar
(Hodges 1982). Thus, the foundation of Ribe and
Hedeby represents more or less the same phase of
urbanisation as Quentovic, Dorestad, Hamwic, and
Ipswic. Indeed, this links South Jutland closely to a
West European development. Notably both Ribe and
Hedeby had functioned almost a hundred years when
the Viking raids started.
Today we must conclude that at the threshold to
the Viking Age, Scandinavian societies had a much
more advanced economic system and a social organisation much more complex than generally believed
WARFARE
Sacrifices of spoils demonstrate frequent warfare in
South Scandinavia from the first to the fifth century
A.D. (Carnap-Bornheim & Ilkjr 1996; Fabech
1996). Recent analyses of the military equipment of
the sacrifices demonstrate that the warriors involved
were not an unorganised wild bunch, but probably
trained soldiers with a command structure and considerable knowledge of the tactics of contemporary
continental warfare. The raids of the Danish King
Hugleik and other Scandinavians against the Merovingian realm in the sixth century (Wood 1983) reveal
that the military expeditions were not restricted to
Nordic waters.
The erection of the first Danevirke in the seventh
century and the reinforcements of the dyke in 737
A.D. (Andersen 1998), as well as the building in 726
A.D. of a canal across the island of Sams at the
northern approaches to the Danish Belts (A.N.
Jrgensen 1995) demonstrate the presence of external
military threats to Denmark, as well as the existence
of a competent military organisation, including both
navy and army to meet the threats. Indeed, the mentioning of Danish fleets and armies in the Frankish
annals around 800 A.D. should not be taken as evidence of the very emergence of Danish activity in the
military theatre of the South Baltic and the North
Sea.
RELIGION
The conversion to Christianity is often considered a
major turning point in Scandinavian history, and in
a way it was, of course, but the importance of the
Christianisation is heavily overestimated in Scandinavian history. Almost everything observable in the
High Middle Ages of Denmark has been explained
by the Christianisation. Modern archaeology, however, has been able to demonstrate that many if not
most of these phenomena started to develop before
the official conversion of Denmark. The conversion
POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT
Recent studies of the material culture of South Scandinavia show decreasing regional differentiation and
increasing social integration during the middle and
second part of the first millennium A.D. In my opinion, and in the opinion of many other Danish archaeologists, this shows that a Danish kingdom probably
appeared not later than at the end of the Migration
period, in the sixth century (Hedeager 1992; Nsman
1991a; 1997). At first one can surmise a process of
amalgamation of several tribal units into a confederation under Danish hegemony, later developing into a
more coherent kingdom. This had its core in Central
Denmark, South Jutland-Funen-Zealand; its hegemony covered a close periphery in North JutlandSouth Halland-Scania-Blekinge-Bornholm, and a
more distant periphery in South Sweden; perhaps,
also some parts of South Norway came under Danish
influence already during the Merovingian period
(Myhre 1992).
The early Danish kingdom had, I imagine, at least
a couple of centuries behind it when it appears in the
written sources at the end of the eighth century. On
the basis of archaeology, we have no reason at all to
believe that the Danish elite and the kings were not
very well-informed about what happened in Europe,
and that they could cope with the problems that appeared. The earliest written evidence of some extent,
the Frankish annals, supports such a view if read with
the new archaeological record as the background.
The first written source in which Danish involvement in European politics is clearly observable dates
to 777 when it is reported that the rebellious Saxon
chieftain Widukind instead of appearing at a meeting
called at Paderborn by Charlemagne took refuge in
the land of King Sigfred, king of the Northmen, i.e.,
the Danes. In 782 Sigfred sent representatives to a
meeting with Charlemagne at Lippe. After another
defeated revolt, Widukind once more fled to Northmannia, that is Denmark. In 798 we hear of a legate
that Charlemagne sent to the Danish King Sigfred.
In 804 we have the first mentioning of an encounter between Charlemagne and King Godfred; it is explicitly said that Godfred arrived with both fleet and
equitatus, i.e., the cavalry, or simply his army. Godfred
went to the borderland at Sliesthorp, probably at
Hedeby, and sent representatives to Charlemagne
Acta Archaeologica
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