Professional Documents
Culture Documents
1998 Wits
1998 Wits
form, and will discuss problems and limitations of choan-han exclusive use of
han-ji for written Taiwanese. Furthermore, we will describe and evaluate the other
two kinds of writing systems used to write Taiwanese: choan-lo exclusive use
of lo-ma-ji, and han-lo mixed han-ji and lo-ma-ji. It is suggested that the
han-lo writing system, which incorporates both Chinese characters and Roman script,
can efficiently achieve the goal of graphic representation and standardization, and can
strike a balance between the need of national tradition and modernization.
2. Examples of Digraphia
Digraphia can be defined as the use of two or more different writing systems for a
single language or varieties of a language (Dale 1980, DeFrancis 1984b). If we look
at the development of societies that use han-ji such as China,
1.
4.
Taiwanese provides an excellent example of digraphia in actual use. There are three
kinds of written Taiwanese: exclusive han-ji, exclusive lo-ma-ji, and mixed han-lo.
(1)
3.
As well as the greatest amount of publication. According to van der loon (19924-8),
the extant Min-nan literature (after the Ming period) included stage plays, stringpuppet plays, glove-puppet plays, shadow-figure plays, and ballads. During Japanese
colonization, many Taiwanese textbooks were written in han-ji with kana annotation
and Japanese translation. In the 1930s, a cultural movement called the Tai-oan-oebun un-tong Written Taiwanese Movement proposed the use of Taiwanese as a
literary language. Aside from discussions about the problems of writing the language,
efforts were made to collect and transcribe Taiwanese folksongs, nursery rhymes,
folktales, jokes, riddles, and proverbs. Although the main contribution of this period
was the transcription of oral literature, new genres of Taiwanese literary creation also
began at this time, including novels, poems, and prose. Unfortunately, the Written
Taiwanese Movement ended at the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war. Despite the
theoretical discussions and experiments of the pre-war period, the problems of writing
Taiwanese in characters remained unsolved.
Writing in lo-ma-ji has about 150 years of history. Taiwanese lo-ma-ji originated
in the church, and was mostly used for Christian writing. However, it also included
many non-religious publications, including textbooks of nursing, translations of the
Chinese classics, Taiwanese newspapers, textbooks for learning Taiwanese, and
dictionaries. In fact, the first newspaper published in Taiwan, Tai-oan hu-siaN Kauhoe-po Taiwan Prefectural City Church News (1885-1942), was written totally in loma-ji.4 In 1922, Chhoa-phoe-hoe
4. The name of this newspaper has been changed several times. In 1905, it was
changed to Tai-lam Kau-hoe-po, and in 1913 to Tai-oan Kau-hoe-po. Finally, in 1932
it was renamed Tai-oan Kau-hoe-kong-po.
Page 229
Initiated a lo-ma-ji movement, the purpose of which was to promote Taiwanese
culture and education, and his proposal was adopted by the Tai-oan bun-hoa hiap-hoe
Taiwanese Culture Society. However, the lo-ma-ji movement was banned by the
Japanese government. From 1989 to 1992, a lo-ma-ji magazine, Hong-hiong
Direction, was published. A Taiwanese discussion group now also uses lo-ma-ji in
the e-mail environment. However, exclusive use of lo-ma-ji only appears sporadically
in current written Taiwanese. In most cases, lo-ma-ji are used as phonetic annotations
for characters, functioning something like Japanese furigana lateral kana; or they are
used to replace some characters, forming the mixed system called han-lo.
Han-lo appeared as a new writing system about three decades ago. The first
proposal for it was published by Ong Iok-tek in a series of lectures entitled Tai-oan-oe
5
5.
The following sections will describe and evaluate the above three kinds of written
Taiwanese: exclusive use of han-ji; exclusive use of lo-ma-ji, and mixed use of the
two scripts.
Page 230
5.1. Exclusive Use of Han-ji
Characters used to represent TSM fall into four categories: hun-thok-ji
semantic borrowing characters, pun-ji etymological characters, kachioh-ji phonetic borrowing characters, and pun-thou-ji dometic
characters. The overall trend of han-ji used, in descending order, is hun-thok-ji
pun-ji ka-chioh-ji pun-thou-ji (Huang 1993:383).
5.1.1. Hun-thok-ji Semantic Borrowing Characters
Hun-thok-ji refers to han-ji that are borrowed into written Taiwanese for their
semantic values, but not for their phonetic forms. For example, beh want can be
written as , borrowing its Mandarin meaning; the Taiwanese reading iau is
irrelevant here. Moreover, beh can also be written with the classical character ,
pronounced iok in Taiwanese. Hun-thok-ji have been most widely used in written
6
practical use.
5.1.3. Ka-chioh-ji Phonetic Borrowing Characters
If writing is to represent visually the speech sounds of Taiwanese, then ka-chioh-ji
could be ideal for written Taiwanese. The question that arises is: Can ka-chioh-ji be
effectively used to represent Taiwanese morphemes without causing misunderstanding
and mispronunciation? Unfortunately, the use of ka-chioh-ji seems to have been
ineffective, ambiguous, and confusing. One interesting phenomenon is that, besides
borrowing the han-ji reading in Taiwanese, modern ka-chioh-ji also employ the
phonetic value of Mandarin; e.g., the Mandarin morpheme ying win is borrowed
to write Taiwanese eng spare time.
As Defrancis (1984a:147) correctly points out, han-ji are morphosyllabic
rather than ideographic. That is, Chinese characters use syllable graphs to represent
sounds. However, Chinese syllabic writing does not provide reliable information in
representing the pronunciation of characters. According to Huang (1993:387), the
effectiveness of han-ji in represnting sound is only about 35%. Indeed, to enhance the
ability to represent sound has been the main reason for using lo-ma-ji, which has an
almost perfect correspondence between graph and sound.
Since there is no consensus in choosing among phonetic alternatives, any choice
can only be arbitrary and unsystematic. Thus the passive marker hou can be written
with the following homophones: family, each
Page 232
Other, rain. Hence, even using the same ka-chioh principle, different writers
may employ different character. Another problem is the interference of the original
meaning in phonetic borrowings. In using ka-chioh-ji, only the phonetic value of the
character is borrowed; but unfortunately, the interference of the original meaning of
the character seems to be inevitable, thus causing confusion and ambiguity. For
instance, chhit-tho to play was written in a traditional play; however, this
writing can also be interpreted as seven peaches in Taiwanese. This interference
may be one reason why semantic borrowings are preferred to phonetic borrowings.
5.1.4. Pun-thou-ji Domestic Characters
This class of characters has been created especially for written Taiwanese. The
creation of such new characters follows the principles of xingsheng phonetic
compounding and huiyi semantic aggregation. An example of xingsheng is the
character , as in bak-chiu eye, with bak eye as its semantic element and
chiu as the phonetic element. An example of huiyi is lo tall, which
combines body and long.
8
Another type of supplementary function can be found in the mixed use of lo-ma-ji
with han-ji; this is the han-lo system described in 5-3, below.
5.2.3. Alternative Function
Some Taiwanese texts consist of two parts: han-ji and lo-ma-ji. Here the latter is
treated as a writing system parallel with han-ji. These texts can be regarded as
biliterate written Taiwanese; readers who are literate in either writing system can have
access to the text. There are different arrangements of the han-ji and lo-ma-jiparts.
Generally, han-ji are placed on the left side and lo-ma-ji on the right side, or vice
versa. The following excerpt from a Taiwanese poem demonstrates this type of
written Taiwanese:
(5)
Na si li e ki,
,
chhiaN li ka goa kong khi,
ka ,
choan se kai e hoaN hi,
e ,
be .
Be su ngou chhai sai chio jit.
If you remember / please tell me / all the worlds happiness /
beautiful as the colorful sunset (Tan Lui 1997).
sound, and thus can achieve graphization ver easily. Furthermore, though there are
various lo-ma-ji systems, standardization based on lo-ma-ji can be much easier
achieved than by han-ji. Third, the small number of graphs (18 letters) makes it easier
to learn and process into computers.
However, despite such advantages, it is not feasible at present to adopt lo-ma-ji
as a superseding system. If we consider the sociolinguistic situation of Taiwan, it is
apparent that the society as a whole is not prepared for such a drastic change. The
lifelong habit of using han-ji simply cannot be changed overnight. Since characters
are still the main medium of writing and are widely known through compulsory
education, complete replacement of han-ji by lo-ma-ji would not be likely to succeed.
Instead, complementary relationships between han-ji and lo-ma-ji offer a more
favorable solution. As shown in the first issue of Tai-oan hu-siaN kau-hoe-po
Taiwan prefectural City Church News (1885), the introduction of lo-ma-ji was
intended to add an easier and more efficient writing system, rather than to replace
characters. That is , the idea of digraphia was encouraged, with lo-ma-ji being given
the highest priority in teaching first literacy; those who were literate in characters
were also encouraged to learn lo-ma-ji. Since lo-ma-ji was mainly related to church
practices and religious publications, its reception was quite successful within the
church. In the past, however, lo-ma-ji was not
Page 235
Well received by the general public on the ground that it was a foreign writing system,
learned and used only by Christians and the illiterate (IuN 1993:61). Another
hindrance to the development of lo-ma-ji cam from the governmental prohibition:
Since it was feared that the use of a Romanized written form might inspire separatism,
lo-ma-ji as made illegal in 1969. These socio-political factors have been largely
responsible for the invisibility of lo-ma-ji as an autonomous writing system.
However, the following sociolinguistic changes might be conducive to the
reception of lo-ma-ji as an autonomous writing system in Taiwan. First, because of
cultural and languistic contact with Western societies, Roman script is now frequently
used in everyday literacy practice. Second, since Taiwan is becoming a pluralistic
society, governmental and popular attitudes toward this imported script are likely to
change from xenophobic sentiment to a more favorable attitude. Third, the
importance of lo-ma-ji in meeting the needs of modernization, especially in the
information age, is gaining more recognition. The reception of lo-ma-ji
Depends very much on the extent to which it is seen as an addition to linguistic
capital and a technical improvement, rather than as a detriment to social and cultural
integrity.
What functions can lo-ma-ji perform? In some domains, it may be preferable to
11
adopt its exclusive use. First, it can provide children and adult illiterates with easy
access to initial literacy, and will also help them to learn characters as second literacy.
Second, for foreigners who do not know characters and whose main purpose in
learning Taiwanese is to communicate orally, lo-ma-ji-only textbooks are preferable
for reasons of efficiency. Third, with the coming of the information age, lo-ma-ji also
takes on a new function, namely its use in Taiwanese information processors: TW301,
Hotsys, and Dai-im. All of them use lo-ma-ji as their input method. Compared to
shape-based input systems, lo-ma-ji are very convenient for this purpose.
Although writing in lo-ma-ji is easy and fast, reading texts written exclusively in
it is generally felt to be difficult. This may be because lo-ma-ji reading materials are
not widely available; thus most people do not have enough practice in reading such
texts. However, using lo-ma-ji in international communication, like electronic mail, is
convenient; for example, it is the most frequently used writing system in the Tai-giban Taiwanese discussion group (taigu@formosa.org).
In summary, political and cultural conditions are still not favorable for further
development of lo-ma-ji as an autonomous writing system. At present, such an
independent system can only have limited use. Perhaps a moderate
Page 236
Apporach, nmaely the supplementary schme, may serve as a starting point toward a
more radical reform of written Taiwanese.
5.
Chaotic use of han-ji, especially in function words, is the rule rather than
exception (for a list of function words used by different authors and dictionaries, see
R. L. Cheng 1989: 383-406).
Page 237
(7)
An e kan-taN hou e
from
NOM ADV PASS
POSS
Kama-kahi teh
ASP
From above cam the eerie sound of Kama-kahis mocking
voice(Taibunun 1997:8)
(8)
ti teh
PRE
ASP
He is teaching Taiwanese at your school.(Cheng et al. 1990:28)
Two lo-ma-ji are used in ex. 8: ti at can be written as , , or , while teh
progressive aspect can be written as , , or . It is obvious that the use of loma-ji is already more standardized than the use of han-ji in Taiwanese; it thus
facilitates reading and writing. Other frequently used function words that are written
in lo-ma-ji included in third person plural, kap and, e nominalizer or possessive,
chia here, hia there, ka disposal marker, hou passive, kah extent marker, kam
interrrogative particle, koh again, nia-nia only, and sentence-final particles.
13
6.
For the discussion of the problems in using characters as a medium of
borrowing, see Novotna 1967, R. L. Cheng 1985.
Page 238
(9)
m-koh Aukele koa kantaNPlynesian e
This type of tale is found in the folkore of many lands, but certain
features of Aukele are uniquely Plynesian. (Taibunnun 1997:iii)
This kind of borrowing is good for international coomunication, because it uses a
famliliar writing system. Another way in to transliterate into lo-ma-ji, conforming to
Taiwanese pronunciation. For instance, handle can be written as han-to-luh in
Taiwanese (an English loan via Japanese). Other examples are ma-la-song
marathon, siat-ta shutter, Khiu-ba Cuba. Such transliteration has the advantage
of representing the sounds actually used, and it is widely used in writing Japanese
loans.
Some further examples of loans written in lo-ma-ji, collected from the Taiwanese
Writing Forum 1993 and recent publications of the 5% Translation Project in
Taiwanese Languages, are ba-su bus, gu-lin ma-khi-tin green marketing, bu-lo-ka
14
ti kha-chhng peh
V:follow
N:buttocks V:climb up
15
N:loach
N:spinning top V:scoop
Catching loaches in the mud Children played spinning tops
together scooped fish in the river (Taiwanese Writing Forum
29:9, 1994)
(14) sng e GAME ngaiio ngaiio
V:play
A:uncomfortable
Play the game of number However, everyone seems to feel
uncomfortalbe about this game (Loonng 1993:7)
The advantages of using lo-ma-ji in these cases are threefold. First, standardization
can be easily achieved. Second, the burden of learning han-ji can be lessened. Third,
romanization can solve the problems of word processing
Page 240
caused by the use of rare words or homemade characters which are not available in
the character coding systems.
(a)
(b)
(c)
(d)
(e)
(f)
(g)
(h)
(i)
Chen 1996:10). Table 1 compares the number of characters that Taiwanese and
Japanese students have to learn in primary school.
These data show that Taiwanese primary school students have to learn 2.6 times
as many characters as Japanese students. The huge inventory of characters has posed
a formidable obstacle to the learner, whether in reading or writing. The burden of
learning characters and the insistence on a
Table 1. Characters that Primary School Students Have to Learn in Taiwan and
Japan
Grade
Taiwan
Japan
347
459
452
490
417
389
2,564
76
145
195
195
195
190
996
Total
(Taiwan data from R. L. Cheng 1994, Japan data from Y. Zhou 1992:134).
Page 242
characters-only approach influence the linguistic and intellectual development of
students. Introducing a phonetic writing system to supplement characters can
significantly reduce the burden of character learning and leave more time for other
subjects.7
The inefficiency of using character as the only writing system can be shown by
the following statistical data concerning the frequency of characters. According to
Lin (1980:136, 138), of the most common 6359 characters, 1000 characters account
for 90% of character occurrences, 2500 characters for 99% of character occurrence,
and 3800 characters for 99.9% of occurrences. Most significant is the fact that 2555
characters account for the remaining 0.1%. these data show that the use of characters
as the only medium of literacy can place a tremendous learning burden on students of
han-ji. A han-ji-only approach, if adopted for Taiwanese, can only increase the
burden of han-ji learning, since many Taiwanese morphemes are not shared with
Mandarin. In order to learn to read Taiwanese in han-ji, according to R. L. Cheng
1994, a learner who already knows 3000 characters needs to learn 500-1500
characters ore, while one who already knows 5000 characters needs to learn 300-1000
18
more; but to read han-lo, both learners need to learn only 0-20 new graphic symbols.
From the above comparison, it is clear that the use of han-lo has a distinct
advantage over han-ji-only text. In a han-lo text, learners of Taiwanese with
knowledge of 3000 or 5000 characters need only add some 20 Roman letters. By
contrast, a characters-only text may require learning hundreds or thousands of
additional characters. If we compare the learning of a small number of roman letters
with that of learning thousands of characters, it is clear that han-lo helps to reduce the
learning burden, and makes the reading and writing Taiwanese more efficient.
As Y. Zhou has pointed out (1992:222), digraphic writing, especially the use of
kana, has helped Japanese children acquire more knowledge and develop their
language skills faster than Chinese children. An education experiment in
Heilongjiang (in the Peoples Republic of China) has tested precisely the hypothesis
that pinyin can function like kana, and can increase the quality of education without
placing too much burden on students. The
7.
19
7.
Since written Taiwanese has not been standardized, efforts should be mad to create
norms for the language. As Cooper points out (1989:122), the language planners job
is to create corpora that reflect an indigenous or a classical tradition, or the values of
modernity, efficiency, transparency, and the like. How to choose among these
complex and sometimes conflicting values is one of the main problems a language
planner has to face.
As we have seen in the previous discussions, a combination of characters and
Roman script help to create a writing system that retains the value of tradition while
meeting the needs of language adaptation, in which writing systems evolve to meet
the needs of the people using them. Both Japan and South Korea have succeeded in
adapting characters to write their languages with the additional aid of non-han-ji
phonetic symbols. Taiwanese can benefit from the experiences of corpus planning in
these two countries. The adoption of digraphic writing can not only solve the
problems of written Taiwanese, but can also contribute greatly to educational,
cultural, technical, and economic development in Taiwan.
Vernacular languages in Taiwan have suffered from the Mandarin-only policy,
and bilingual education has been suggested as a solution to the problems caused by
the monolingual policy. Similarly, the problems of
Page 244
written Taiwanese can be solved by digraphia. Institutionalized bilingualism and
digraphia are necessary to achieve the goals of democratization, modernization, and
localization of the Taiwan languages.
Acknowledgements
This is a revised version of a paper read at the Fourth Annual East-West Centerwide
Conference January 23-27, 1995 East-West Center, Honolulu, Hawaii; the earlier
form was entitled Digraphia in Taiwan. I am grateful to Carol Eastman, Robert L.
Cheng, Ying-che Li, and Michael Forman for their comments on earlier versions of
this paper, and to Jeffrey Hayden and Debbie Hua for editing help.
hakkhiam@ms11.hinet.net
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