Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Prisons+Neg Gordon Symonds Lacy GDI09
Prisons+Neg Gordon Symonds Lacy GDI09
Gordon/Lacy/Symonds
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Similar plans have been shot down across the country proving political unpopularity
Crary, Associated press, 2007
(david, Prison Authorities Champion Abstinence Over Condoms, Associated Press, Nov. 21 2007 JWS)
''Removing the freedoms of criminals is in itself a deterrent,'' said California assemblyman Paul Cook.
''Allowing condoms into prisons simply sends the wrong message and confirms what we all suspect:
Our prison system has serious and severe behavioral and inmate-control issues.'' A measure
introduced by Lee in Congress this year to allow condom access in federal prisons has made little
headway. A bill in Illinois failed to clear a legislative committee in March. And a bill in California was
vetoed last month by Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, who said the proposal conflicted with prison
regulations banning sexual activity.
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correctional officers who work at Solano opposes this plan. It could be used to conceal drugs, or turn
it into a weapon. But Mary Syllis with the Center for Health Justice, which will supply the condoms said similar programs have
proved otherwise.
a spokesperson for the California Correctional Peace Officers Association, warned that
condoms could be filled with human waste and used to attack prison guards. "Certainly, sex occurs in prisons.
Corcoran,
However, it's something we investigate fervently and try to prevent the best we can," Corcoran said, adding, "Next we'll be providing
syringes to inmates, I guess." The state prison system has not taken a position on the bill, but prison officials
have concerns about condoms being used to transport illicit drugs and the potential health risks of
used condoms, according to Department of Corrections spokesperson Terry Thornton.
Plan is not politically popular, especially with prison officials, which is why its gone
nowhere in the best
Crary, Associated press, 2007
(david, Prison Authorities Champion Abstinence Over Condoms, Associated Press, Nov. 21 2007 JWS)
To activists concerned about AIDS and prisoners' rights, it's an urgent, commonsense step that should already be nationwide policy -- letting inmates have
condoms to reduce the spread of sexually transmitted diseases behind bars. Yet their
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Lawmakers and prison watchdogs say the union's power among decision-makers has translated into
too much control within prison walls. Phone calls from the union can change corrections procedures,
according to internal department e-mail. A contract overwhelmingly approved by the Legislature and
signed by then-Gov. Gray Davis not only gives guards big raises, it also gives the union more
institutional control. And as a recent federal report concluded, the union can step in and end
investigations into guards accused of committing crimes while on the state payroll . Grip on prison system
"My assessment of the union's clout, particularly under Gov. Davis' administration, is that when the union would call and say jump, the
response was how high,'' said Sen. Jackie Speier, D-Hillsborough, one of two lawmakers who have vowed to break the union's hold on
the state's troubled Department of Corrections. Davis is gone, but the union's reach still touches the highest echelon of prison
bureaucracy. Rod Hickman, appointed last month by Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger to be the Secretary of Youth and Adult Corrections, is
a former prison guard who remains a member of the union. A spokesman said Hickman continues paying dues to enjoy the health care
benefits. Union officials say they're proud of their track record of aggressively representing their members. A union vice president
noted guards were "the Oakland Raiders of law enforcement.'' They say they've pushed for higher salaries and better training for guards
to ensure a more professional workforce. "They stand up for their employees and do what a union does,'' said Assemblyman Rudy
Bermudez, D-Norwalk (Los Angeles County), a former parole agent and longtime union member. "Wouldn't you want a strong union
representing you?'' The union's rise is largely attributed to two things. One is a tough-on-crime fervor that has dominated state politics
for years, leading to a prison-building boom that added thousands of members to the union, each of whom now pays at least $60 a month
in dues. The other is Don Novey. Rarely seen in public without one of his trademark hats, Novey was president of the union for 22
years before retiring in 2002. It was Novey's idea to align the union with crime victims' groups, giving it a sympathetic ear in the
Capitol. It was Novey who steered more than $100, 000 to the campaign for the state's three-strikes initiative. And it was Novey who
coined the slogan that guards walk "the toughest beat in California.'' The union, with 100 employees and 30,000-members, boasts a
stable of savvy lawyers and well-connected Sacramento lobbyists, as well as a political war chest known statewide. $3 million for
Davis Davis got a huge boost when the guards endorsed him in 1998, showering him with more than $3 million during his years in
office. The union is one of the biggest donors to lawmakers as well. Last year, it contributed to 40 of the 120 members of the
Legislature, according to state records. The guards' contributions span the political spectrum. They delivered a $25,000 check last year to
Senate President Pro Tem John Burton, a San Francisco Democrat -- three months after giving $12,000 to Senate Republican Leader Jim
Brulte of Rancho Cucamonga (San Bernardino County). The guards frequently score major victories in
Sacramento. They were the sole opponents of legislation in 1999 that would have given the attorney
general more power to prosecute prison guards accused of wrong- doing. The bill was killed in an
Assembly committee. They persuaded Davis to close three privately run prisons, even though they housed inmates at
substantially lower costs than state-run facilities. And the 2002 contract with the union that gave guards a nearly 7 percent raise this
year and substantial new benefits -- amid giant state budget deficits -- sailed through the Legislature before Davis signed it. The union's
clout isn't just about who its members support, political veterans say. It's who they oppose. Former Republican Assemblyman Phil
Wyman of Tehachapi (Kern County) advocated more private prisons. The guards gave $200,000 to his opponent in 2002, and Wyman
lost his race. State Sen. John Vasconcellos, D-Santa Clara, led opposition to a prison- building bond as an assemblyman in 1990. The
guards gave more than $80,000 to an unknown opponent who narrowly lost to the much more visible Vasconcellos . "If the guards
don't like you, they're willing to spend money to get you, '' said Bill Leonard, a longtime GOP lawmaker who is now
on the state Board of Equalization. "Very few special interests go negative quite like they do. That certainly adds to their power -- you
don't want to be considered hostile to them.'' Union officials defend their political practices. "The bottom line is we believe in
supporting candidates who are willing to listen to the issues facing correctional officers and public safety,'' said Lance Corcoran, a union
vice president. He said the union went after Strickland because he failed to investigate numerous charges of inmates assaulting guards.
A growing chorus of union critics say its clout inside the Capitol and around the state has translated
into substantial power within the state's Department of Corrections. One internal department e-mail seems to back
that up. Clout at Pelican Bay The e-mail was made public two weeks ago as part of a federal investigation into conditions at Pelican
Bay State Prison in Crescent City (Del Norte County). Sent by a top department attorney to two other corrections employees, the e-mail
notes that former corrections Director Edward Alameida had decided to make the state foot the bill for the criminal defense of a Pelican
Bay guard who shot an inmate. The decision came at the request of the union, and despite a department legal opinion that concluded the
union -- not taxpayers -- should pay for the defense. Alameida sided with the union over his own attorneys. The e-mail also notes that a
union vice president had asked that a department internal affairs agent not be seated at the prosecutors' table during the trial; the union
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very disturbing is the wardens don't feel they have much control of what goes on. The cliques -- mostly
led by sergeants -- at the prisons are very strong, and the union, of course, backs them up when they
get into trouble.''
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told Congress that the new office was needed to address a host of teen issues. She reassured Congress
that abstinence programs could still be funded - as long as they were "comprehensive," i.e., taught
safer-sex techniques. Republicans, who were in the minority in Congress, protested the loss of the sole
federal abstinence-education program, especially because Congress was spending tens of millions of
dollars for contraception education and services. "Teenagers may not read the federal budget, but they're smart enough
to figure out what message Uncle Sam is sending," Rep. Lamar Smith, Texas Republican, said at a June 1994 news conference. In the
end, enough members of both parties complained, and AFL's $6.8 million was restored. Later that year, Republicans took over Congress,
and in 1996, with bipartisan support, created the $50 million-a-year Title V abstinence-education grant program as part of the welfare
reform law. In 2000, Congress created a third, larger stream of abstinence funding known as Community-Based Abstinence Education
(CBAE). In May, however, the Obama administration's fiscal 2010 budget zeroed out both Title V and CBAE and transferred their funds
to a new Teen Pregnancy Prevention Initiative that rejects an abstinence-only approach. The AFL's $13 million was similarly redirected.
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recent effort to put condoms in Illinois prisons suffered a setback Thursday when a state House
committee voted 6-5 against a bill that would authorize distribution of condoms to state inmates.
But
officials with the AIDS Foundation of Chicago, which argued for the measure, said they hope to find a compromise with the Illinois
Department of Corrections, one of the bills main opponents. A U.S. House bill that would allow condoms in federal prisons was
introduced in January, though so far Rep.Bobby Rush (D-Ill.) is one of only two co-sponsors. Such efforts face daunting hurdles.
Sexual contact is banned in most prison systems, and officials believe allowing condoms could
undermine the rules and even lead to rape of inmates. Yet supporters of condom laws say the reality is
that homosexual behavior in prison is common, and inmates with no means of protection could
contract diseases and infect others both in prison and afterward. Most public health experts consider condoms an essential part of
HIV prevention efforts. The objections to condom distribution seem detached from real life to Keith DeBlasio, who said he contracted HIV after being raped
by another inmate at a federal penitentiary in Michigan, where DeBlasio was serving time for embezzlement and fraud. DeBlasio said his attacker probably
wouldnt have agreed to use a condom, but making condoms available could prevent other prisoners from getting the disease. I was sentenced to 5 years,
and I got a death sentence, he said. Illinois state prisons have 511 inmates known to have HIV or AIDS among a population of 45,000, and studies in other
states suggest many such prisoners are sexually active. A federal study last year in Georgia found that at least88 inmates had contracted HIV while in state
custody. Two-thirds of the infected men reported having homosexual contact with other inmates or prison staffers. Only Vermont and several big cities allow
condoms for at-risk inmates. A bill to permit condoms in California prisons passed that states legislature but was vetoed in October by Gov. Arnold
Schwarzenegger. Though specific policies vary, most prisons that permit condoms either sell them in the commissary or let an outside group distribute them.
The focus is on male prisoners because sexual transmission of HIV among women is not considered a
major risk. Some criticisms of the proposals to let prisoners use condoms recall the debate from the 1980s over promotion of condoms as a safe sex
tool. Many religious groups argued then that condoms would encourage immoral or dangerous sexual behavior, though public health forces effectively won
that debate. Rev. Harold Bailey, former chairman of the Cook County Board of Corrections, said he believes the moral implications of condom use among
homosexuals remain paramount. Anytime anyone puts two men together, which is against the law of God, then gives them permission to do it with a
condom, thats despicable, said Bailey, who served as the countys jail chief until 2004. Having that sexual involvement, even with a condom, is not
righteous, Bailey said. If theyre going to [have sex], theyre going to do it on their own, and not with my permission. Im not going to hell for
nobody. For the pro-condom side, the moral choice is to prevent disease. The issue has become a crusade for Rev. Doris Green, director of community
affairs for the AIDS Foundation of Chicago. Green, who argued for the condom bill in Springfield, said shes especially concerned about the risk to the
African-American community, which accounts for about half of new HIV/AIDS cases nationally. She said she often worries about the 15 couples for whom
Blucker, a former Illinois prisoner who said he contracted HIV after being raped at Menard Correctional Center, opposes condoms for
inmates in part because being gay isnt what God intended for us. Handing out condoms is like saying, `Go ahead, rape somebody,
said Blucker, who in 1995 unsuccessfully sued the state over the assault.
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Poverty status cannot be determined for unrelated individuals under 15, and persons in
college dorms, and institutional group quarters.
U.S. Census Bureau, Housing and Household Economic Statistics Division, 2008
(Definitions, August 26, 2008, http://www.census.gov/hhes/www/poverty/definitions.html, accessed 7/10/09, TAZ)
Poverty universe --- Persons for whom the Census Bureau can determine poverty status (either "in
poverty" or "not in poverty"). For some persons, such as unrelated individuals under age 15, poverty
status is not defined. Since Census Bureau surveys typically ask income questions to persons age 15 or
older, if a child under age 15 is not related by birth, marriage, or adoption to a reference person within the
household, we do not know the child's income and therefore cannot determine his or her poverty status. For
the decennial censuses and the American Community Survey, poverty status is also undefined for
people living in college dormitories and in institutional group quarters. People whose poverty status is
undefined are excluded from Census Bureau poverty tabulations. Thus, the total population in poverty
tables--the poverty universe--is slightly smaller than the overall population.
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the ACS poverty universe includes a small portion of group quarters populations, namely those in noninstitutional quarters, not elsewhere classified, such as emergency shelters, workers' dormitories, and
so on. Residents of college dormitories, military housing, and all institutional group quarters
population were excluded. Also, children under the age of 15 who are not related to the reference
person within the household by birth, marriage or adoption (for example, foster children) are not
included in the poverty universe and so are neither "in poverty" nor "not in poverty". Procedures for
computing poverty universe estimates at the state and county levels for 2006 and beyond are described
below.
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Plan does not solve HIV-tattoing and needle sharing are inevitable, the aff does not address
this
Jordan, J.D. Candidate, University of Miami, 2007; B.A. Davidson College, 2001, 06
(Mary, Care to Prevent HIV Infection in Prison: A Moral Right Recognized by Canada, While the United States
Lags Behind, The University of Miami Inter-American Law Review, 37 U. Miami Inter-Am. L. Rev. 319, JPW)
The incarceration of drug addicted persons populates prisons with individuals hungry for drugs, often
with little regard to the risks of sharing contaminated needles. While frequency of drug [*322] use
typically decreases with incarceration, the likelihood that a prisoner will inject in an unsafe manner
increases. 17 Canadian prisoners reported that the combination of prevalent injection drug use and the
scarcity of needles often leads to a single needle being shared by between fifteen and twenty inmates. 18
However, while high-risk injection drug use is one transmission behavior, prisoners also expose themselves
to infection in other ways. One such transmission method is tattooing. In Canada, 45% of inmates
admitted to tattooing themselves in prison. 19 This behavior, similar to injection drug use, requires the use
of either needles or a makeshift tattooing device, which, as a shared commodity in prison, contributes to
HIV transmission.
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many injecting drug users (IDUs) pass through the correctional system because of drug-related
offences. As IDUs are at a greater risk of HIV infection there tends to be an over-representation of HIV
infected IDUs among incarcerated populations. This poses a greater risk of HIV transmission within
prisons, which is compounded by a lack of HIV preventative measures. How is HIV transmitted in prisons? As it
is difficult for researchers to gain access to prisoners, there are few documented cases of HIV transmission within prisons.9 However,
this does not mean that HIV is not a significant risk to prisoners.
Prison conditions are often ideal breeding grounds
for onward transmission of HIV infection. They are frequently overcrowded. They commonly operate in an atmosphere of
violence and fear. Tensions abound, including sexual tensions. Release from these tensions, and from the boredom of prison life, is often
found in the consumption of drugs or in sex UNAIDS10 Although this view from UNAIDS refers to prisons in the 1990s, it still
applies to many prisons across the world today. Injecting drug use, high-risk sexual behaviour, and tattooing are common
within prisons, each posing a risk of HIV transmission. Injecting drug use The use of contaminated injecting
equipment when using drugs is an effective route of HIV transmission; outside sub-Saharan Africa
injecting drug use accounts for just under a third of infections.11 The estimated percentage of inmates who inject
drugs ranges between 0 and 30%.12 Where there is a high number of imprisoned injecting drug users there is a
higher risk of HIV transmission. Within prisons it is difficult to obtain clean injecting equipment
possessing a needle is often a punishable offence - and therefore many people share equipment that has
not been sterilised between uses. In a study of prisoners and HIV in England and Wales in 1997-1998, 75% of adult male IDUs
and 69% of adult female IDUs had shared needles/syringes inside prison.13IDUs may be aware of the risks of HIV infection through
sharing needles. However, if a clean needle is not available, many may still take the risk . A number of studies have
found that IDUs are more likely to share injecting equipment within prison than before imprisonment. In the Republic of Ireland, 70.5
percent of the IDUs surveyed reported sharing needles while imprisoned, compared to 45.7 percent in the month before incarceration.18
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A2: SolvencyViolence
Condoms could be turned into weapons and would send a contradictory message to current
HIV education
Chicago Tribune Staff Report 2009
March 05 House Panel Backs Condoms for Prisoners [Tribune]
http://archives.chicagotribune.com/2009/mar/05/local/chi-prison-condoms-05-mar05
Some lawmakers worried that condoms could be turned into weapons to strangle a person. Sergio
Molina, spokesman for the Illinois Department of Corrections, testified that the state invests resources
in educating inmates about the risks of HIV and that making condoms available would "send the
wrong signal" because sex is prohibited in prison.
Condoms cause security risks and could cover up the harms of prison rape
Montalto, News Editor 2007
Jim, Condoms coming soon to a facility near you? 12/12 http://www.corrections.com/news/article/17322
Besides security risk concerns (i.e. secreting contraband, assaulting staff with bodily fluids or
excrement), Sylla notes that current laws are the biggest argument against access where in a rule-based
environment it can be considered hypocritical to tell prisoners its illegal to engage in sexual activity
and then provide the means to safely engage in that activity. From this viewpoint it sends the wrong
message, and could be used by assailants to prevent evidence of sexual assault from remaining.
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States CP Solvency
States solve Vermont and Mississippi Prove
Kantor, MD University California San Francisco, 2006.
Elizabeth, HIV InSite Knowledge Base Chapter, HIV Transmission and Prevention in Prisons, April 2006,
http://hivinsite.ucsf.edu/InSite?page=kb-07-04-13#S10.2X, accessed 7/6/09, TAZ)
Condom availability in prison is one of the many issues over which legal interests and public health interests
conflict. Most prison administrators in the United States have not permitted the distribution of condoms to
inmates. Statutes in many jurisdictions make sexual activity in prison a punishable crime. It is argued that
condom distribution would condone and promote this behavior. Another objection to condoms in
institutions is that they are considered contraband--a container for hiding drugs or other illegal things
that inmates may swallow and later retrieve.In the United States, condoms are available in state
prisons in Vermont and Mississippi and in urban jail systems in New York City, Philadelphia, Los
Angeles, San Francisco, and the District of Columbia. Condoms have been available in most European
prisons for more than 10 years. Studies have found few incidents of improper condom use (eg, as a
container for swallowed illegal drugs) and a high level of reported safer sex.
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Courts CP Solvency
Courts are key to solve
Ramos, L. J.D., University of the Pacific (2008)
Comment: Beyond Reasonable: A Constitutional and Policy Analysis of Why it is Reasonable and Prudent to
Allow Nonprofits or Health Care Agencies to Distribute Sexual Barrier Protection Devices to Inmates.
McGeorge Law Review 39, 329.
In a more perfect world, this country's approach to HIV/AIDS within its penal institutions would include
comprehensive treatment for disease and substance abuse, testing for early detection, education for
prevention, and thorough transitional help for inmates as they return to the free world. n226 Unfortunately,
the United States' penal institutions are devastatingly overcrowded, n227 conditions are horrendous,
n228 health care for inmates is scant and unconscionable, n229 and the presence of HIV/AIDS within
these institutions makes things worse. n230 This truth is demonstrated in Plata v. Davis, the largest prison
class action suit ever filed, where prisoners brought an action against California officials for the infliction of
cruel and unusual punishment through their [*357] deliberate indifference to California prisoners' serious
medical needs. n231 Court involvement became necessary as the state and legislature did not act
sufficiently to prevent injury, illness, and death, and the settlement agreement declared that the CDCR
was to "completely overhaul its medical care policies and procedures, and to pump significant
resources into the prisons to ensure timely access to adequate care." n232 More cases may be necessary
to encourage policy development and change in this area. n233
The Court can solve prison health care initiatives under due process and equal protection
grounds
Jordan, J.D. Candidate, University of Miami, 2007; B.A. Davidson College, 2001, 06
(Mary, Care to Prevent HIV Infection in Prison: A Moral Right Recognized by Canada, While the United States
Lags Behind, The University of Miami Inter-American Law Review, 37 U. Miami Inter-Am. L. Rev. 319, JPW)
The Supreme Court wrote in Giannatti v. County of Los Angeles that, "While a prisoner loses some civil
rights ... 'he continues to be protected by the due process and equal protection clauses which follow
him through prison doors.'" 60 The basis of these protections is detailed in DeShaney v. Winnebago County
Department of Social Services. 61 In DeShaney, the Supreme Court recognized that the State has a duty
to protect inmates it incarcerates. 62 Because the State deprives inmates of the ability to care for
themselves, the Court reasoned, it is only "just" that the State be required to care for the inmate. 63
Therefore, the State's right to incarcerate individuals carries with it a corresponding duty to provide
for the inmate's well-being and safety: 64 When the State by the affirmative exercise of its power so
restrains an individual's liberty that it renders him unable to care for himself, and at the same time
fails to provide for his basic human needs - e.g., food, clothing, shelter, medical care, and reasonable safety
- it transgresses the substantive limits on state action set by the Eighth Amendment and the Due
Process Clause. 65 Justice Rehnquist explained that this duty arose not from the [*328] State's awareness
of the risks an individual faced, or from the inmate's requests for protection or provision of care, but from the
limitation the State has imposed on the inmate's freedom to provide for himself. 66 Thus, the right to a
certain amount of protection arises simply from the inmate's incarceration.
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Courts CP Solvency
The courts have effectively expanded their power over prison reform
Taggart, a former aide to U.S. Sen. Robert J. Dole (KS) and later a government relations consultant, 1989
(William A., Redefining the Power of the Federal Judiciary: The Impact of Court-Ordered Prison Reform
on State Expenditures for Corrections, Law & Society Review, Vol. 23, No. 2 (1989), pp. 241-271, JWS)
In recent years a number of legal scholars have charged the federal judiciary with vastly expanding its
role as a policy-making institution in the American political system and thereby violating its
constitutionally limited authority. Commentators maintain that An earlier version of this paper was presented
at the 1987 meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association. The author would like to thank Larry
Mays, Terry Sloope, Lettie Wenner, Shari Diamond, and two anonymous reviewers for helpful comments,
and Andrew Kasehagen for his research assistance. 1 Quoted in Rossiter (1961: 465). 2 Quoted in James v.
Wallace, 406 F. Supp. 318 (M.D. Ala. 1976), at 330. LAW & SOCIETY REVIEW, Volume 23, Number 2
(1989) 242 REDEFINING POWER OF FEDERAL JUDICIARY the primary offender in this aggressive
usurpation of power has been the United States Supreme Court (Berger, 1977; Cox, 1976; Funston,
1977; Graglia, 1976, 1982). Pointing to what are typically regarded as landmark decisions in such areas as
education, women's rights, and reapportionment, the critics argue that over the last few decades the
Supreme Court has sharply extended its power to grapple with policy issues traditionally reserved to,
and best resolved by, other levels and branches of government. Yet, as others have quickly emphasized,
this expansion of judicial power has not been limited to the high tribunal (Glazer, 1975, 1978; Horowitz,
1977), for equally significant changes are identifiable at the federal district court level as well. Clearly not all
trial court cases provide judges with opportunities to decide matters of public policy (Jacob, 1965; Schubert,
1965), but the propensity has been to widen the scope of review to encompass controversies once thought to
lack justiciability (Feeley and Krislov, 1985; Neely, 1981). Observers note that as part of this expansion of
power, the courts have engaged with increasing regularity in "positive policy making" (see Canon,
1982: 400), positive in the sense that judges render decisions instructing parties "to undertake certain
policies, sometimes in minute detail" (ibid., p. 400) instead of resolving disputes by determining what is not
legally permissible. Federal courts, it is argued, have evolved from reactive to proactive institutions.
While it is possible to cite many examples of this transformation, perhaps the most controversial
instances of positive policy making have involved the judiciary's response to the rise of the
administrative state (Fair, 1982; Glazer, 1975; Neely, 1981; Rosenbloom, 1983, 1987). In recent cases,
federal district court judges have adopted a central role in the administration and operation of schools,
prisons and jails, mental health centers, public housing authorities, and juvenile detention facilities (Chayes,
1976; Frug, 1978; Horowitz, 1983; Rosenbloom, 1987; Yarbrough, 1985).
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Non-Profits CP Solvency
Non-profits can do the aff
Ramos, L. J.D., University of the Pacific (2008)
Comment: Beyond Reasonable: A Constitutional and Policy Analysis of Why it is Reasonable and Prudent to
Allow Nonprofits or Health Care Agencies to Distribute Sexual Barrier Protection Devices to Inmates.
McGeorge Law Review 39, 329.
Even if the Court was to adopt a fundamental right here, the government would not have to fund or
facilitate the exercise of the right; n136 the government just could not unnecessarily restrict it. For
example, even though the Supreme Court recognized abortion as a fundamental right, it held that New York
is not obligated to pay for a woman's abortion, even if it is medically necessary. n137 But, [*346] arguably,
the government has a greater obligation to provide prisoners with sexual protection barrier devices because
the prisoners are in the government's custody, which necessarily limits their access to such items. Regardless
of whether the government could constitutionally be required to fund barriers, a state could allow
nonprofits or health agencies to pass out sexual barrier devices without requiring governmental
funding. Such was the case with the vetoed California bills. n138
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Sex Ed CP Solvency
Increase Safe-Sex Education Programs solves
Winkelman, Staff Writer, 2006
(Cheryl, Oakland Tribune/findarticle,com, Condoms For Inmates: Outlawed HIV Prevention, December 18, 2006,
http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_qn4176/is_20061218/ai_n16895619/, July 5, 2009, E.B.S.).
San Francisco County, one of the seven jurisdictions nationally that passes out condoms to inmates,
tiptoes around the law by distributing them as part of a safe-sex educational tool, said Kate Monico
Klein, the director of the county's Forensic AIDS Project.
Though the jails are not necessarily a hotbed of HIV transmission, Klein said, prevention methods like
handing out condoms were critical.
About 2 to 5 percent of the 2,100 inmates in the five county jails are HIV-infected, she said. About 0.4
percent of the general U.S. population is infected.
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Condoms Violence
Condoms Are Projected to Be Used As Weapons Solving Gang Activity Key
Mehta, News Standard Author, 07
(Shreema, Cali. Gov. Considers Prison Condom Distribution Bill,
http://newstandardnews.net/content/index.cfm/items/3625, 7/9/09, DKL
California legislators passed a bill recently allowing the distribution of condoms in state prisons by
nonprofit and public healthcare agencies. Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger says he has not yet
decided whether to sign the bill. "Everyone knows that sex happens in prison? not distributing condoms
results in unnecessary inmate infections and fuels HIV transmission outside of prison, particularly in our
minority communities," assemblyman and bill sponsor Paul Koretz said in a statement. In its most current
survey of HIV and AIDS in prison, the Department of Justice found that 1,196 inmates in California
state prisons were infected with HIV in 2003, about seven tenths of a percent of the total population.
AIDS advocates say that given the low expectation of privacy in prisons and the stigma associated with
the virus, many inmates avoid testing, possibly making the actual rate of infection in prisons higher.
Fresno Senator Charles Poochigian told the Associated Press the bill "sends entirely the wrong
message" and said prisons should work to reduce gang activity, which he says encourages sexual
activity in prison. Opponents also said condoms can be used as weapons or smuggling devices.
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Condoms Are Easily Used As Another Access For Drug Trade In Prisons
The Gazette, 09
(The Montreal Gazette, Tories take aim at prison drug dealing, 7/9/09, DKL)
Some inmates use their court appearances as occasions to act as drug mules. On the day of their
sentencing, some convicted criminals place the drugs inside their bodies, pre-measured and placed in
specific coloured balloons or condoms. Inside the prison, the dealers retrieve, check and weigh the
drug packages. If a mule is believed to have tampered with a drug package, the punishment can be
deadly, the report notes. The drugs are then repackaged for sale. The mules hardly ever distribute the
drugs, and often the drugs they smuggle are owned by another inmate. Other inmates are hired to
distribute the drugs. In the prison drug trade, credit is rare; drugs are almost always paid for at the
point of sale. The sellers are accountable for any shortages of product or of money, according to one
longtime prison intelligence officer. Punishment for skimming is swift and vicious. Drugs can be paid for
in cigarettes, cash or funds deposited in bank accounts held by the dealer's associates on the street.
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Drug use in prisons means there are rapidly increasing infection rates of HIV.
Blatchford, The Globe and Mail (Canada), 2004
(Christie, MDs back prison needle programs; Soaring rates of HIV, hepatitis C among inmates threaten citizens,
Ontario group says, 10/28, pg. A10, Lexis, GMK)
Rampant HIV and hepatitis C infection in Canadian prisons "constitute a clear and present health
risk" - not just to prisoners and the correctional officers who guard them, but also to ordinary lawabiding citizens on the outside. So says the Ontario Medical Association, which represents the province's
23,000 physicians and which yesterday joined the chorus of voices demanding the establishment of needleexchange programs in both federal and provincial jails. The OMA released a lengthy position paper
yesterday showing that soaring infection rates are 10 times higher for HIV and 29 times higher for the
extremely contagious hepatitis C among inmates than among the general population. But while the
document is rife with unnerving statistics and the study subjects that produced them, including a small group
of male prisoners who started injecting drugs only after they went to jail, the anecdotal evidence is perhaps
even more alarming, The Globe and Mail has learned. Peter Ford, a contract doctor with the Correctional
Service of Canada who regularly goes into federal prisons in Eastern Ontario, home to the maximum-security
Kingston Penitentiary and medium-security Millhaven Institution, brought to the OMA news conference
yesterday a makeshift needle a prison guard had seized and given to him. Such homemade needles - in this
one, the plunger and casing are refills from a ballpoint pen, and the needle itself is likely from a diabetic
syringe - are regularly "rented" out, Dr. Ford said, and shared among as many as the 30 to 40 inmates
on a single prison range. "You couldn't begin to clean a needle like this," Dr. Ford said later in a telephone
interview, adding that, in any case, the bleach available in jails is so weak a person can drink it with no ill
effects and thus it is probably ineffective in preventing hepatitis C infection. Dr. Ford, who has been treating
inmates in federal and Ontario jails for 15 years, has concrete examples of how what might appear at first
blush to be a prisoners' problem is, in fact, a genuine public-health concern. "We're just not shipping in a
lot [of drug users]," he said flatly, "we're amplifying the problem."
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Drug Use And Other High Risk Activities Lead to HIV Infection In Prison
Aids Action, Public Health NGO, 2001
(Incarcerated Populations and HIV/AIDS,July, http://www.aidsaction.org/legislation/pdf/pol_facts_prison.pdf,
Accessed By SA 07/08/09)
Prisons and jails contain high concentrations of persons living with HIV/AIDS and individuals at great
risk of acquiring HIV via injection drug use and sexual activity. Therefore, HIV intervention
programs implemented in correctional facilities are among those with the greatest potential
to have a substantial impact on the epidemic. The Center for AIDS Prevention Studies at
the University of California, San Francisco reports that the majority of HIV-positive
prisoners were infected prior to entering jails and prisons. Even so, incarcerated individuals
may participate in high-risk activities that can lead to HIV infection during their incarceration.
Continued injecting drug use, tattooing, and consensual sexual activity occur in prison settings.
Despite the efforts of correctional facility systems to prevent these behaviors, a significant
number of people entering correctional facilities continue to engage in high-risk activities that they
initiated prior to their incarceration. A history of physical or emotional violence, sexual abuse, or
substance dependency increases the likelihood of sexual risk-taking and substance use, behaviors that
place incarcerated populations at-risk of HIV transmission.
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prisoners themselves who are most at risk. Over one six-month period, a former female prison officer
at Rye Hill, who wished to remain anonymous, saw the aftermath of a string of threats and brutal
attacks, most of which she says were drug-related . I imagine every prison has some element of drug dealing going on
in it. I can't imagine any institution would be free of it Paul Turnbull Co-author of a Home Office prison report She saw one man
so terrified by a threat he would have his eyes stabbed out by a dealer, that he climbed onto the prison
roof to retrieve drugs thrown over the prison wall. She said: "He knew the consequences of what he
was going to do, and he was out in a month's time. He got put on segregation and he had time put on
his sentence." Another inmate was found lying on the floor of his unit with his lip hanging off, and one
inmate was beaten by a sock filled with cans of tuna. "I didn't even recognise him," she said. High drug use The list
goes on. Last Christmas she said an inmate almost died after having his throat cut open, and in yet another incident, she walked into a
cell to find a prisoner hiding under the bed, refusing to go back to his own cell for fear of being stabbed over a drug debt on the way
there. She said: "You are supposed to be looking after them. I personally would never want to be a prisoner in there because if
something is going to happen to you, it's going to happen." Rye Hill is not unique. A 2005 Home Office report into drugs in six local
prisons estimated that between 30% and 60% of inmates were using heroin, and that "the majority of
prisoner/ex-prisoner interviewees agreed with the statement that the trade in drugs is the major cause
of violence between prisoners". At the moment we are so overcrowded and prison officers are so thin
on the ground, that the policing of the situation becomes very difficult Tom Robson Prison Officers' Association
Earlier this month, the independent monitoring board for Wandsworth prison in London, the biggest in Britain, reported that "the
continuing trafficking of drugs and mobile telephones in the prison exacerbates the problem of bullying, and threatens the safety and
well being of prisoners". "I imagine every prison has some element of drug dealing going on in it. I can't imagine any institution would
be free of it," said Paul Turnbull, co-author of the Home Office report. The report lists numerous ways inmates manage to smuggle in
drugs. They include those wrapped in condoms by new arrivals and hidden internally, those smuggled by visitors and prison officers, and
consignments thrown over the perimeter wall by friends on the outside - sometimes in a hollowed-out tennis ball. The prison population
is now at record levels, and has risen over the past 10 years by about 30%. But during the same period, prisoner on prisoner assaults
have rocketed from 2,441 in 1997, to 11,520 in 2007 - a rise of nearly 500%. 'Vulnerable prisoners' Tom Robson is an executive with
the Prison Officers' Association representing the north west of England, and has been in the service for 31 years. Mr Robson believes
drugs are easier to get into prison than ever before, and he says it is drugs that have had the biggest
impact on prison violence. He said: "There are the vulnerable and there are those that rise to the top. At the moment we are so overcrowded and prison officers
are so thin on the ground, that the policing of the situation becomes very difficult. "The consequences are dire, and that is why we have prison officers assaulted on a daily basis, and
prisoner-on-prisoner assaults are going through the roof. "We simply have not got time to talk to prisoners...you see a prisoner sat in his cell in tears and all it takes is five or 10
minutes to sit with the prisoner and see what's wrong, and that five or 10 minutes has been taken away." A Ministry of Justice spokeswoman acknowledged the challenges faced by
prison officers, but emphasised that the safety of both staff and inmates was taken very seriously. She said a raft of measures were used to control the supply of drugs in prisons,
including searches, drug dogs, phone detectors and CCTV, and that since 1996, drug testing results "indicate that drug use in prisons has fallen by 64%". Bullying But according to
Iain Smith, 25, who has been in and out of prisons across the north of the country since he was 18, largely for stealing to fund a heroin addiction, on the inside drugs are never very far
away. He said: "It is literally just like going next door to the next cell." Iain has not been in prison since February, and he now advises the crime reduction charity Nacro which
Former inmate about a fellow prisoner Iain said: "The new prisoners, as they go to their cells to set up their bed, that's when you see
eight or 10 guys go into their cell. "I feel for them. They are scared, and then the next thing you know you've got 10 guys coming into
your cell." Then, he said, the other inmates force the new arrival to hand over any drugs they might be carrying. In 2004 at HMP
Nottingham, he said intimidation drove his cell mate to attempt suicide on his first night inside. Iain said the
other inmates "were basically telling him that you've got to have drugs, and he got so down, and in the
middle of the night he decided to hang himself. "I had to jump up and hold him up...and I grabbed his
legs just to hold the weight off his shoelaces, and when they brought him down the shoelaces had cut an
inch into his neck." His cellmate spent the rest of his sentence on suicide watch.
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rehabilitating convicts and makes it harder for them to lead a law-abiding life on their release. "Illegal
drug use by inmates destroys all efforts at rehabilitation, fuelling high re-offending rates and a
depressing cycle of crime. It is time for a fundamental shake-up of security and treatment to restore proper prison regimes," said
Mr Herbert. Particularly disturbing is the rise in the amount of heroin being used in prisons. The drug is now second only to cannabis in
popularity and accounts for a quarter of all narcotics seized. The prisons with the worst drug problems are Liverpool and Preston, were
around 20 per cent of inmates tested positive. The MoJ's National Offender Management Service found that 5,272 prisoners tested
positive for drugs in random tests. This represents just over eight per cent of the 60,000 prisoners tested last year and means that more
than 100 prisoners a week have been caught taking drugs in the supposedly secure confines of their jail. But the Government points out
that the proportion of prisoners testing positive has fallen from 24.4 per cent in 1997 to 8.8 per cent last year. This followed the
introduction of mandatory drug testing, CCTV surveillance of visits, improved detox and rehab treatment, a tightening up of visiting
arrangements and more use of sniffer dogs. But ministers admit that further measures are still needed to stem the flow of drugs. Justice
minister David Hanson said: "The desire for illicit drugs does not simply disappear when people enter prison.
As a result the Prison Service faces major challenges in trying to respond to prisoners' attempts to
secure access to illicit drugs." Former HM Inspector of Constabulary David Blakey is due to report shortly on what measures
can be put in place to tackle the continued supply of drugs in prisons. Over 55 per cent of people going into prison have a serious drug
problem, providing a steady demand for narcotics inside the system. Recent reports suggest that drug dealers are deliberately getting
caught in the hope of receiving a short prison sentence in order to practice their lucrative trade behind bars. One dealer boasted of
making more than 20,000 during a three-month stint inside Hull prison. Drug dealers have also broken into several open prisons in
order to sell drugs to inmates. One dealer was caught after breaking into Everthorpe Prison, in East Yorkshire, where he was passing
drugs through cell windows.
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