GREEN BEAN CASSEROLE AND MIDWESTERN IDENTITY:

A REGIONAL FOODW AYS AESTHETIC AND ETHOS

Mass-produced, factory-processed, commercial foods have been a significant part of

American food culture since industrialization allowed their development in the I800s.'
Many of these foods have heen incorporated into family, community, and national
traditions: for example, ramen noodles, Rice Krispies treats, gelatin salads, popcorn and
Cracker Jacks, candy canes at Christmas and marshmallow bunnies at Easter.2 Adoption
of such foods is frequently interpreted as resulting from skillful marketing, capitalist
hegemony, class envy, ignorance, or poor taste" Regardless of the motivations hehind
their initial acceptance, however, such foods can hecome surprisingly meaningful carriers
of idcntity and memory. An exploration of these food traditions raises questions about the
nature of food and identity: Why do we cat what we eat?4 flow do some foods take on
special mean ings for particular cultures, indi viduals, or meals? l~'urthermore, some of these
commercial foods also scem to represent regional identities ,lI1d appear to reflect an
attachment to place, for example, Spam in Hawaii, Cincinnati chili, California or Chicago
pin.a, and hot dogs and hamburgers throughout the nation. In some cases, the food
originated in a place and spread nationally from there; in others, the food was
cOlllmercially distributed but became localil.ed, taking on local ingredients, forms, uses,
or meanings.s What docs it then say about a region to have such foods as a significant part
of its identity?
Much contemporary exploration of regional foods focuses on the presence of
tcrroir---the French concept of the "taste of the soil," also translated as "taste of
place"-emoodied through food. For example, the crops grown, the animals raised in a
particular locale have a distinctive flavor and quality due to the physical characteristics
of that place-the type of soil, the quantity of rainfall, the types of flora and fauna, and
so on. The food, then, literally represents place and is intrinsically attached to place as an
objective reality. Commercial mass-produced and mass-distrihuted foods defy such
gcographic houndarics and blur the distinctions between regions. Do regions that embrace
those foods call into question their own attachment to place?
Green bean casserole is an example of such a food. Officially a baked mixture of
grcen beans, cream of mushroom soup. and canned fried onions or some substitute that
adds "crunch" to the dish,6 it was invented in 1955 hy the Campbell Soup Company. Since
then it has been marketed nationally with the recipe printed on the labels of its canned
ingredients; the recipe has been reproduced in women's magazines and, today, on the
Internet. The dish is the epitome or a mass-produced, processed, cOlllmercial rood, yet it
seeills [0 have become a common, even expected, part of family meals, community
pollucks, and holiday dinners throughout the nation.
 The dish seems to hold a special place in food ways of the Midwest. Judging from
informal ethnographic research I have conducted in northwest Ohio, an area represental ivc
of the larger region, green bean casserole is ubiquitous there, showing up in public and I first realizcd that green bean casserole holds a special place in midwestern foodways
private, in everyday as well as celebratory meals, crossing cthnic, religious, and when I noticed that it frequently showed up in menus of family dinners, particularly
socioeconomic differences. Every November local supermarkets display cans of fried Thanksgiving meals, that I collected from my studcnts at a state university in northwestern
onions, mushroom soul', and green beans in a sort of holiday asselllhiage/ foreshadowing Ohio, an area that seems to typify midwestern physical and cultural landscapes. Most of
the Thanksgiving meal and suggesting that this dish is part of the "proper" national meal. these students were middle-class to lower-middle-class, with a number coming from blue-
The typical regional alt itude is expressed in the tagline with which one middle·<lged collar backgrounds and the first in their families to enter college. Farming was also in the
woman ended her resl'0nse to a query about her Thanksgiving dinner menu: "Ami, of heritage and experiences of many of them. II Coming from a different regional heritage and
course, green bean casserole!" This area of the Midwest seems to have embraced the dish from a family that cmphasized homegrown and homemade foods, I was struck that
wholeheartedly and enthusiastically. Considering the strong, ongoing agricultural heritage something so commercial, so casy to make, and so everyday was a significant part of
of the area and its emphasis on family values, why is this so? And how does a recipe that holiday meals aIllI family traditions. Initially I wondered if it represented a generation that
i Ilvol ves little more cui inary ski II than open ing cans purchased from any food relai ler is characterized by a family life disrupted by extracurricular activities and career
make sense in the conlext of the down-home, Mom-and-apple-pie image of midwestlTn obligations, with food being eaten on the go and valued for efficiency, low price,
cooking? homogeneity, and quantity over quality.
As anyone who h:lS grown up in the Midwest knows, the COnll1l0n answer to the,'":e I then began informally surveying people from the local community, asking them
questions in the midwestel"ll context would be a humorous and self-deprecating comment whether or not green bean casserole was a part of their own family traditions, and asking
on the lack of tastc and culinary refinement stereotypical of the region. 1I0wever, such their own responsc to the dish.12 I found that it was a well-known favorite not only at
foods have a logic spccific to the culture using them, and they relied an aesthetic <lI1d many evcryday family meals but also at potlucks and holiday meals, including
ethos essential to that culture's foodways. "Foodways aesthetic" refers to the system for Thanksgiving dinner. In many cases, it seemed to bc the very characteristics that could be
evaluating the quality. the pleasingness (or tastiness) of a food and the activities considered as diminishing its culinary and cultural value that were being praised in its
surrounding the preparation and consumption of that food, while "fomlways ethos" rel"crs favor: it was inexpensive and quick to make, it always turned out as expected, and it was
to the Jlloral and social values attached to food and eating.~ The term "foodways" rather easy to transport. It was a dependable dish, onc that cooks could rely upon and that
than "food" emphasi!.es that food is more than just "stuff we eat." Borrowing from consumers almost always liked.
folklorist Don Yoder's ddinition of foodways as "the total cookery complex, including Personal reactions to the casserole varicd. In many families it was the favorite dish,
attitudes, taboos, and Jlleal systems-the whole range of cookery and food habits ill a [he one item that was never turncd into leftovers. In some cases, it was a favorite of an
society ... " (Yoder 1972:325), I use the concept to refer to the network of activities, individual family member. For example. during one interchange [had with local residents,
habits, and conceptual il,ations surrounding food and cating (Long 1999:.13). As a conccpt, a wire discovered that her husband liked green bean casserole. After listening to her
foodways emphasizes the systemic nature of food activities as well as the ways in wllidl describc her mother's rccipe, he askcd: "Why don't we have that? I like it. At church
memories and meanings get attached to food, onentimcs through seemingly trivial l1otlucks. it's always the first thing I geL" She rcsponded in surprise: "Really? I gucss
<lctivities.<J "Poodways" also implies that identily is expressed through food; that the we'll have it at Thanksgiving thcn!"
choices we make COllCcming food activities are performances negotiating our pasts with Those who liked the dish pointed to its aesthetic qualities. They liked the saltiness of
our present identities and contexts. Although some eating occasions and foods arc the canned soup and the crunchiness of the onions. Thick and fattening, it reminded them
intentional articulations of identity, many are not. 'Ne choose foods out of hunger. of home. "Mom's cooking," and comforting, familiar tastes.
curiosity, social etiquellc, hcalth concerns, and for many other reasons. Idcntity sccps Not everyone I interviewed appreciated grecn bean casserole, and reasons ranged
through anyway. 10 Grc"n bean casserole in the l\'lidwest seems to he in Illany eontexls an from pcrsonal aesthetics allll tasle to hcalth concerns, as seen in some of these
unintentional perfomnncc of identity, but at other times a very purposeful expression of representative responses:
local identity. If we extcnd l'ierre Bourdieu' s observation that "the slyle of a meal people
o ITer is a good indication of the imagc they wish to give or avoid giving to others" (quoted We always have grcen hcans··-lresh green heans. But green hean casserole') My mother used to ... it just
docsn't sccm hcatthy·-··allthe salt in the canned stull ... [Fortyish woman. midwestern born and hredl
in Benlley 2()()2: 179) to particular foods, then what exactly is the image intended by
serving and eating green bean casserole'? And since the Midwest tends to bc a regiun
lie's always halcd that canned soup [he inteljccted. "glop"!. so Inever made it. but Irememher it in my
defined by a historical cOllllection to the land, does that identity have any conncctioll to lamily. IThinyish woman, midwestern hom and bred, who usually purchases organic loodsl
region or place?
 My research focuscd on the northwest corner of Ohio, solidly within the physical and
cultural boundaries of the Midwest. Encompassing an area known as the Great Black
Grecn bean casserole') Yuck. It always looked gross, kind of congealed, with things sticking oul 01 it. Swamp, this subrcgion of the Midwcst is on the eastern edge of the Great Plains, so is
I Fifty·year-old man, midwcstern born and bred I defined by a flat landscape, and what used to be swamps and oak forests before drainage
systcms wcrc dcvcloped and the trees were cut for lumbcr in the mid-180C)s, The earliest
Evcn ifthcy did not catthc food thcmsclves, thcsc individuals rccogni/.cd it as a part settlers tcndcd to bc Anglo-Americans and German immigrants looking for farmland.
of their local culinary universe. Grecn bean casserole was considercd a normal, standard Ncstled at the southern tip of Lake Eric, the largest city, Toledo, was anticipated in the
component of both everyday and ritualmcals. Many pcoplc were awarc of its COll1n](~rcial mid-1800s to become onc of the great interior ports and conduits for trade; highly urban
origins, but that did not deter its integration into family foodways. In fact, the dish was and industrial, Tolcdo attracted immigrants to its factories, whilc the rest of the area
on;n mentioncd with affcctionate irony because of its commercial character. Most remained agricultural. Bowling Grccn, where I teach, is a city of approximatcly thirty
individuals, howcver, had never thought about the dish and assumed it was just onc of thousand (with another twenty thousand students); home to a state university, Bowling
those foods that, as onc pcrson statcd, "had always bcen there." They did not think of it Grecn is surrounded by farmland and small towns. Since the mid-1990s, the farmland has
as a tradition because they did not consciously and intentionally prepare and consume it been rapidly turning into housing devclopmcnts, and the area between Bowling Green and
as an expression of idcntity or heritage. Toledo is now full of bedroom communities for commuters.
Northwesl Ohio's population today is a mix of urban and rural. It has wide variation
in sociocconomic class and is largcly Europcan, with pockcts of African Amcrican and
llispanic scttlcment. Although secmingly homogl~ncous, the subrcgion has widc divcrsity
Like evcry region, thc IVlidwest is both a physical, objective space and a culturalmindset, in that tlwre are numerous European ancestrics reprcscntcd, from dcscendcnts of carly
an imagined community (Anderson 1983) of shared values, experiences, and expressi ve Anglo-American colonists to nincteenth-ccntury Gcrmans and Irish to later immigrants
forms. Ranging from Ohio in the cast westward and north to Minnesota and Wisconsin, from castern Europc.
it also includes Michig~1l1, Indiana, Illinois, Iowa, and Missouri. It represents both tile The culture tends to bc a pragmatic and practical one, with a conservatism shaped by
Hinterland, a backwater of social conservatism and pragmatism, and thc Heartland, the a trust in hands-on expcrienee. Its pcople gencrally do not romanticize the past or nature.
physical, land center of Amcrica as well as the bastion of the nation's "family values" allli The past is to be learned from, and nature is there to be tamcd and made useful~or at
pioneer spirit (Lce 2()()il:xvii-xx vi; Fertig 20m). Although there is widc di vcrsity within Icast, not dangerous--to humans. It also tends to be economically conservative, fully
the rcgion, particularly in urban ccnters such as Cleveland, Sl. Louis, Sl. Panl, supportive ofcapitalisl1l and commcrcialization. At the samc time, it has always embraced
Minneapolis, and Chicago, there tend to be overarching cultural pattcrtls that are technology, concentrating on developing machinery to improvc work and living
recognizable to both iu':iders and outsiders. Several university towns·--Ann Arbor, conditions. (\ Outside of Toledo, northwcst Ohio is agricultural, but the agriculture is a
tvlichigan; Madison, \"isconsin; and Antioch and Obcrlin in Ohio--stand out as ll;l:;es llf highly illdustrialized and commcrcialized onc. Along with large corporate farms producing
artistic crcativity, sllcial progressivism, and political libcralism-dcmonstrating hy corn and soybeans, the area is homc to major processing plants and canning factories,
contrast a recognizable midwcstern identity. Frequently, rcsicknts think of thcmsel vcs <IS
including such well-established national companics as Heinz and Campbell Soup.
representing a mythicd Middle America with straightforward, aH··American cultural Within this cultural contcxt, food is fuel and is often evaluated by its energy-giving
traditions. Ironically, this also translatcs into a perccption of lacking a spccific regiollal qualities rather than by aesthetic ones related to rel"ined tastes. Heavy on carbohydrates
identity. and starches, local food ways ,1Iso rel"lcct the German and British settlemcnt heritagc, as
;\;lalyses of thc Il'gion's foodways affirm that rcpresentation of Middlc America. scen in dishes such as roast beer, potatoes, meatloaf, sausages, cream sauces, blends of
Geographer Richard Pillsbury states thaI "the cuisine of thc Midwcst is mostly a product sweet and sour flavors, and a heavy use or sugar. Even though most families raised garden
of th~ lndustrial Revoltllion" and that "the region's consumption patterns clearly rdicci vegetables, thcse tcnded to bc preserved by canning, so that using canned goods, albeit
Ihe conservative character of the population" (1998:220, 221). Other scholars Inle COlllllll'Tcially processed ones, is a part of traditional preparation methods. Tastes have
described midwestern lo'xl as "plain and straightforward, hearty and wholesome, food Ihat been trained to accotlllllodate thc prescrvcd and proccssed foods. This is a culture, then,
sticks to your I ibs to gel you through thc day" (Long 2004:28 I; sce also l'rosterman 2005 that accepts cOllllTlercial and proeesscd foods as the normal and "right" way for food to
and Sho;tridgc 20()J l. The public iuwge of midwesterll food is nleat and p0(;ltoes, h'lI!!e be. Consislcnt witli tlris ethos, the recipc 1'01'green bean casserole~open cans, mix,
cooking, basic ingrediellt;, and few spices or surprises. Other than a few cthnic disks, it lJ<lke----can be rcad as a celebration of tcchnology.
is not scen as having :111,'ctual cuisine, thc perccption being that people jnst cook an, I (';Il
traditjolwl, wholcsollw f\merican food without thinking too rllllch about it,
 Part of this sense of traditionality attached to the dish may come from the long history
of the company that invented it and from that organization's place in American popular
The green bean casserole's commercial identity is well established and its origination in culture. According to its Web site, the Campbell Soup Company was founded in 1869 in
the food industry is in no way hidden. Campbell Soup's official histories and promotional New Jersey by Joseph Campbell, a "fruit merchant," and Abraham Anderson, an "icebox
materials proudly claim it as its own invention, stating that the green hean casserole is manufacturer." In 1897, the company invented condensed soups, selling them for a dime
. both one of the company's "top ranked" and "most recommended" recipes. for a ten-ounce can. This condensed soup was displayed at the Paris Exhibition of 1900,
The official recipe, as given on the company's Web site, begins as follows: where it won a gold medal~an image of which is still shown today on the can labels. In
1916, the company published a cookbook, Helpsf{Jr the Hostess, that suggested ways to
incorporatc condensed soups into cooking. In 1931, they began radio ads, including the
saying "M' m! M' 1111 Good!" which then entered into popular culture. In 1934, cream of
From: Caml'hdl's Kilclu'n
mushroom sour was inventcd and was lhc first of Campbell's soups to be promoted as a
I'repTimc: 10 minules
Bakc Timc: 30 minule:;
sauce as well as a soup. 1n 1955, thc green bean casserole was invented by "Campbell
Serves: 6 home economists." Today, morc than one million cans of soup arc used everyday and the
green bcan casserolc is "one of the most popular and most requested recipes" from the
lug.redients: company (Camphell Soup Company 20OSb).
I can ( I () 3/4 0/..) CalJll'helI's@ Condensed Crealll or Mushroom Soup OR CalJlphell'sCi9 Coudens"d
()rigi nail y, the Camphcll Soup (~ompany demonstrated moderni ty through its factory
98'X, Fat Free Crcam or MusluoOIJI Soup
1/2 cup milk
produclion, markeling, and emphasis on convenience. lis products, however, have been
I tsp. soy sauce incorporated into the home cooking of many families to the point that their use has
dash ground black I'''I'I'CI hecome traditional. The canned soups havc been atlached to peorle's memories of their
4 cups cooked CUi g.rceu he"us childhood and 10 family lunches.'5 Canned tomato soup and a grilled cheese sandwich, for
I \/3 cups f'rench's(I') Ftench Fried Onions
example, is still a popular lunch for wintry days.
(Camphdl Soup Compauy 2005aj

CUllpbell's claims of the popularity of the casserole arc not hyperbole, as is provcn
by the inclusion of the recipe in most popular Americ,1I1cookbooks allli by reference~; to
it in the mass lnedia. II is marketed nationally for Thanksgiving meals and secms to have
become an accepted part of the holiday within mass-mediated culture. lior example, in a
Cinl'illllmi Post colullln in 200 I, a food reviewer gave these suggestions for a successful
Thanksgiving: "First, there's Green Bean Bake, which is made of canned erealn of-
mushroom soup and canned French-fried onions. Countless families count on this
particular dish being :Ullong the dishes of stuffing, cranberries, mashed potatoes and
turkey gravy." She pre~;enled the reeipc, "in case it's not embedded in your brain," and
contrasted the recipe Irom Durkee with thai of Campbell's Soup, the di(lerences heing
minor: the alllount of Illilk, pepper (one-cighth teaspoon as opposed to a "dash"), and the
inclusion of soy sauce by Campbell's. Another Web site lists a recipe for grcen hcan
casserole, asking, "'Wlwl would the fall season be without the traditional AlnCric;l1l
favorite?" (Chi (1Directory 2(07). Thc site also includes links to "Thanksgi ving Rccipes"
and "Dclicious ('ass('ro!e Recipcs for your Holiday Season." Other Web sites ,nld
published recipes de;crihc the casserolc as "classic," "traditional," "a Thanksgiving
~;uUJdard."'These rere! clwes in popular culture both assume and affirm the place or grcl,'ll
bean casserole in the public consciousness as a traditional dish and as a traditional
conlpollcnt of ThankTivil'g dinm~r.l"
Anotllcr factor in undcrstanding the acceplance of the green bean casserole into tradition
is its categorization as a casscrole. Casseroles have a special placc in American idenlity.
They connotc comilltltlal eating, sharing, and generosity. At office potlucks, church
suppers, :Iud community picnics, casseroles are a staple. This is partly due to their
convenienee~thcy arc casy to transport, their ingredients arc readily available and
relatively inexpensive, and thcy are quick to prepare--but it is also due to their
dependability--lhcy require little culinary skill. Referred to as "hot dishes" in the upper
Midwest or "bakcs" in northwest Ohio, casseroles actually represent a depm1ure from the
usual British-based i\ +2/3 meal structure (featuring a piece of meat with two
,Iceoillpaniments) that undcrlies the American meal. In fact, nutritionists originally
discouraged such mixing of ingredients siuce it was considered an obstacle to digestion
(Benlley 2002: 179). According to Sarah Rath, however, the casserole became integrated
into American foodway:; during the depressions of the 1890s and the 1930s, when "the
economical casscrole provided a welcome way to stretch mcat, fish, and poultry."
Rationing during World War I required cooks to rely on leftovers, often recycling them
into casseroles. Rath also poinls oul thai casseroles originally "denoted culinary
sophistication to American cooks, but immigrants brought their own casserole recipes to
the New World in the nineteenth century, and favorite ethnic and regional classics
evol ved" (2004: 194).
 Like many foods that started out as high-class, then, the casserole filtered down to the substituting "broccoli flowerets" for green beans, substituting "Campbell's Condensed
middle and lower classes. According to Jack Goody (1997), this process occurred Golden Mushroom Soup" for "Cream of Mushroom Soup," and adding chopped red
throughout Europe, where the adoption of new foods was a search for status, a form of pepper (the assumption being that this is red sweet pepper, not red chili pepper). A note
social climbing by emulating the eating habits of the upper classes. In the United States, from a Web site member states that she used slivered almonds to replace the fried onions
the process may have taken a different turn in that the casserole seems to have been since she is allergic to onions-"and it tastes really good" (Campbell Soup Company
adopted out of convenience rather than status-seeking. It was then democratized, used for 2005a).
everyday as well as festive meals, and turned into a familiar comfort food. Campbell's recipe is written in such a way as to make it sound more sophisticated and
Ironically, the green bean casserole docs not satisfy the definition of the standard requiring a bit more skill than the recipe in oral tradition, which, to quote an informant,
casserole, which is a mixture of a protein source-meat or fish--with a starch alll!, is: "Open a can a Illushroom soup, two cans of green beans, and a can of fried onions, mix
usually, some chopped vegetables, all bound together with a sauce. The tuna-noodle together in a pan, and bake in the oven."
casserole, also invented by the Campbell Company (in 1934), better fits the expectation. Although suggesting the personalization of commercial products is a common
(Like the green bean bake, the tuna-noodle casserole uses a can of crcam of mushroom marketing strategy, il is also a way of encouraging individuals to attach their own
soup and was invented purposely to expand the market for Campbell's soups; at the same identities to the product, which can result in developing individual meanings. It
time, it modernized the American casserole 1110re generally by specifying a topping of eneonrages people 10 participate in recipe alteration, thus creating a sense of ownership
potato chips rather than the more traditional breadcrtlmbs.) Although the green bl~an of the resulting variant recipe. That personal variations fit into the standard practices of
concoction is not, strictly speaking, a casserole, the fact thai Campbell's marketed it as OIW cooks and meet the artistic needs of individuals 10 experiment is suggested by the
in 1955 suggests that the images of casseroles as traditional and homey were already numerous alternative recipes given in magazines and cookbooks. For example, in a
implanted in the national American consciousness. column for the Cincinnati Post in 20() I, the writer offered her own variations for green
bean casserole:

I can'l resisl an addition or tW(\ such as choppcd water chcstnuts or dieed jicama for more crunch than
thc fried onions give: a cnpfnl 01" I"resh mushrooms sliced and sauleed over high heat 10 make the
One of the primary ways in which new materials, whether mass-produced or handmade,
mushroom suup more, lIlushroom: fresh green beans, well cooked, in place of canned or frozen french-cllt
arc incorporated into l'Xisling cultural systems is through variations. These variations
hcans: sour cream and a lot of dry sherry 10 jazz up the sonpy sauce.
represent performances of identities and circumstances of the individuals and COmnllll1 ities
adapting those materi,ils. This proccss of folklorization (Degh: 1994:23), akin to While particular hrands of ingredients arc frequently specified by cookbooks and
traditionalization (Ilymes 1975), then allows new materials to carry mcmories and published recipes-such as Campbell's soup or French's (previously Durkee) french-fried
meanings sp(~cific to those performers. While this is a naturally occurring process, onions---in actual practice any number of variations arc possible. None of them challenge
successful Il1mketing Il'cognizes its usefulness and nudges consumers to feci that they me the basic paradigm. The beans can be fresh or rrozen; they can be french-cut (i.e., in thin
personalizing a recipe Ihrough variations. strips) or regular. The soup can he replaced with a hOlllemade white sauce (very daring!)
The current Web :;ite for Campbell Soup includes a number of aitelllatives tu the and sauteed I"resh lIlushroollls; the canned onions can be substituted with potato sticks,
original, basic recipe. For example, a can of "Condensed 911% Fat Free Cream uf crumbled potato chips, or toasted sli vered almonds. These variations give individual cooks
l'vlushroom Soup" C<11lwplace the regnlar soup. The basic recipe then uses one-Iwlf Clip the sense 01"personal ownership of the recipe, and ill fact, people discussing the casserole
of milk flavored with one teaspoon of soy sauce and a "dash" of ground blaek IWI'Pcr. I"rcl[uently refer to the recipes of specific individuals.
Four cups of "cooked cut green heans" are called for, hntthe type of cut is not speci licd. Similarly, in my research I found that people in my area of the Midwest often
III a list of preparation Iips, variations on the beans are suggested: frozen green beans (one discussed the variations of the casserole, arguing, for instance, the merits of toasted
hag or two packages). canned green beans (two sixteen-ounce cans), or fresh green be:lIls slivered almonds over those of canned fried onions, the "besl" amounts of salt and pepper
(oue and one-half pounds). It is interesting to note these as variations, since many cooks or of soy sauce, or the use 01"frozen green beans ral her than canned ones (or home canned
would consider them obvious substitutions rather than creative alternatives. Frellch' s rather than conunercially canned). Interestingly, there did not seem to be variations that
french-rried onions :u e also said to he essential. Everything except half or the onions is were unique to northwest Ohio-a regional oikotype of green bean casserole, so to
mixed together and hiked for twenly·-five minutes in a 350-dcgrec lIVCII. The rel1l:lillini! speak. It> F lowever, the variant ingredients often carried personalized memories. For
ouions ilre then sprinkled over the top, and the casserole is haked for live more minutes. example, the canned green beans had been bought at the favorite grocery store, or the
Campbell's tips sUggJ'SI variations "for a change of pilee," "for a creative twist," "for iI home canned ones had been cannecl by a relative. Similarly, the arrangement and
fc:;tivc touch," and "lpr:1 heartier Illllshroom flavor." Again these variations seelllllliuiJr: presenlation of the ingredients were often personalized. One family had a white ceramic
dish that was always the green bean casserole dish. Another had to have the fried onions seemed to like about it. Like the turkey, dressing, and mashed potatoes for Thanksgiving
sprinkled on top in a particular pattern. dinner, the casserole appeared every year, comforting in its reliability and consistency, and
This critiquing of variations suggests, first of all, the existence of an aesthetic system, connoting family tradition and stability. The fact that it was also found at other festive
a system for the evaluation of tastiness and satisfaction. In my research sample, it was occasions and was not exclusive to Thanksgiving underscored its air of familiarity.
common for individuals to have a favorite version of the recipe or to prerer one 1 also found a ludic or playful quality to many discussions of green bean casserole.
maker--llsually a grandmother-over another. The evaluation also freqnently included Most of the individuals with whom 1 spoke were aware of the stereotypes of midwestern
the merits of different brands of commercial goods, and there tended to he a high degre(~ culture and cuisine, and the ways in which the casserole fed into those stereotypes. They
of brand loyalty. Ironically, the ingredients were not speci fic to the Midwcst, hut attention discussed the dish with a trace of sarcasm in their voices, laughingly recounting the recipe:
to the idcntity of comlllcrcial products seemed to he common. It may represent a local Open cans, mix, and bake. They also recognized the apparent irony of this highly
clhos that embraces the industrial, incorporating it into personal tradition. Brand loyally processed food being a family tradition. One infornlant describing her family's traditional
was evident in other dishes-chili had to be made with a certain brand of beans and sauce; dinner rolled her eyes and recalled:
and hot chicken sandwiches, another local tradition, had to he made with Roots canned
shredded chickcn. Well, !elme tell you how my mOlher llIade il. She opened a can of Camphell's mushroom soup, and a can
of Del Monle·s green heans I her hnshand interjected. "and those onion things'} Yeah, canned fried
onions, hUI she used polalo sticks ... t Ihink that's the way ... Sometimes she used atmonds, slivered
almonds.

One point that repondents consistently hought up as an advantage of green bean casserole Such playfulness suggests that, for at least some individuals, the casserole was a ritual
was its familiarity. Mid\Vl~sterners, particularly, find the ingredients, preparation, and forlll turning-upside-down of more elite assumptions about festive food and good food. The
of the casserole familiar. One woman, in describing its success, suggested: "It's at every dish defies the usual qualities of fine cuisine and gourmet cooking and eating. By
potluck and it's always popular. It's so quick (0 make---pnfcct for the ollicc celebrating such food, the cullure surrounding it is also celebrated and affirmed. IS
potluck--·and I guess pcople like the familiar."
This aura of famili;llity seemed to lend itself to the dish being perccived as cOn1l110n
and "normaL" lts presence was assumed at group events, and while lIwt presence usnally
wasn't celebrated, the casserole's absence would bc noticed and commented upon. The meanings surrounding green hean casserole in northwest Ohio are multiple and
FlIltllCnnore, the casscrole Illay appeal by virtue of its ability to neatly synthesize apparenl surprisingly complex, orten representing conrtieting oppositions. These meanings arc an
oppositions. It represents the familiar, mundane, and everyday in that it is thought of ;IS interplay of public, commercially motivated meanings presented through marketing and
an everyday conveniencc food, yet it also represents the festive in that it is closely advertising, and private meanings developed through informal use and experiences with
associated with potlncks ;Ind holiday meals. Those festive events can he both scmipnblic, the dish. On one hantL the casserole seellls to represent the traditional, but it also
involving members of oC':upational, recreational, or religious cOlllnlnnities, and priv;lte, reprcsents the modcrn, an embracing of technology and corporate America. It represents
within the family. AI such events, the casserole acts as a bridge between (wo real IllS, the familiar and mundane, yet also represents the festive and celebratory. Likewise tbl~
connecting puhlic and pi j vate domains, making coworkers like fami Iy, and making Lnlli Iy casserole is simultaneously "fancy," in that green beans have been "worked" into a more
relationships somewhat nlore formal and ceremonial than they might otherwise be. cultural product, and "plain," in that the ingredients are familiar and available and the
Green bean casserole also utilizes ingredients that arc generally familiar, bUI in a m()l(~ tecbniques for preparation arc minimal, requiring no culinary skills other than wielding
"worked" f;lshion that can connote festivity.17 In Ilorthwest Ohio, green beans ale a a can opener. Artislry, however, can be displayed in the casserole's presentation--as in
common vegetable, oftcn c()(lked and canned and served alongside meat and potatoes; they the choiec of a casserole dish and the arrangement of the onions on top-and personal
arc also made into a salad with a sweet-and-sour dressing. Casseroles arc a familiar form taste and identity can be expressed through variations in ingredients and preparation.
here, connoting comrol ting sociability, and canned cream soups arc COllUnon for Finally, the casserole is simultaneously national and regional. While it is perceived as
lunchtime meals. Dressing up familiar foods like these for holiday and special occasioll cOlllmon across the U.S., it seems to resonate with midwestern eaters, logically fitting into
meals lends itself to rituali7ation. A recurring symbolic event (SantinolY94: II), the their family and community traditions.
special dinner relies on sl:lhle components to ground it in people's experiences as a ritu;tl The casserole, then, suggests a regional roodways aesthetic in several ways: a reliance
celebration. Highlighting components that are familiar allows for more individuals to Oil canned, processed foods; a lack of spices other than pepper (the salt is bnilt into the
participate in the ritual ami to create a greater sense of unity throngh it. In my sludy, I eallned soup and onions); an emphasis 011 hearty and filling foods; a conservative
found thallhis sense t1wt green bean casserole had been ritualized was part of what peopk
approach to new tastes and ingredients; and a pride in well-crafted, functional dishes that acknowledging and celebrating this representation of midwcstern identity (see also Kakik
are economical and efficient. Green bean casserole embodies and celebrates that aesthetic. 1984). Furthermore, the dish is used by its midwestern consumers, in their own
These meanings of the casserole also suggest a regional foodways ethos, a system for understanding of their region, as a performative discourse (Bourdieu 1991 :223) that not
valuing food and the activities surrounding it. Dishes such as the green bean casserole only claims the Midwest as an identity but also helps to construct a sense of the character
lend themselves to COllllllllllitas, the feeling of belonging to a community in which of that identity. Such perronnativity was evident in many of the interviews and informal
members arc bound in nonhierarchical relationships (Turner 1969). No one is superior; discussions of green bean casserole. Initially, individuals responding to my questions
no one is more of a gourmet. In a sense the dish cuts across class, in that it is available to about the casserole orten displayed surprise at the idea that this dish could be taken
all and draws from national rather than elite culture, although it would probably bc serionsly as a food and as a tradition. They orten considered it a tasty food and a part of
scorned at gourmet mcals. For those concerned with status, however, it is casily availablc their family customs, but since it did not qualify as "fine cuisine" or as publicly celebrated
for manipulation to perform cJass. Homcmade white sauce, fresh green beans, almonds symbol, they did not associate a meaningful significance with il.20 That surprise then
instead of canned fried (lnions, and the addition of little cxtras---capers, pimento, green turned to acknowledgment, almost a sense of discovery, that there is indeed a distinctive
pepper-·-can all denote wealth and more rdined tastes. In fact, the ingredients amI midwestern regional identity and that foods having commercial origins can hold
preparation methods of this dish are accessible to all regardless of class, race, gendcr, and meaningful places in individuals' memories and foodways. The very qualities of green
ethnicity. The cans of green beans, cream of mushroom soup, and french-fried onions arc bean casserole that might seem to work against it as a meaningful regional
distributed nationally: they arc inexpensive and available al almost any grocery store. \\\~ tradition-mass-production and factory-processing of ingredients, case of preparation,
can all enjoy green heau casserole and we can even develop a connoisseurship of till: mllndaneness, heaviness in calories and carhohydrates~are the very ones that make it a
subtle variations avai lable. logical representation or local identity.
The meanings associated with the casserole suggestlhat, in midwestern culture, food
functions not so much as cultural capital hut as social capital (BounJicu 19H4). It is u:;ed
to build ,md allinn relillionships in the family or cOllllllunity rather than 10 delllon:;trate
status. In this culture. valued foods and vahll;d eating experiences arc those that bring
people together and that crase the social distinctions of class, gourmet tastes, ;\I1d
indi vidualistic prefeiTIlces. (,reen bean casserole does just that. I. For Inorc discussions of the history of the industrialilation of food in thc U.S .. see Levenstein 1988 alld
20m; Cirabaccia 1998; Pi Iisbury 1')')8; and Counihan 2002. Scathing critiqucs of the impact of industrialization
Corresponding with this finding, personal taste seellls to playa secondary role to Ihe
of food on American ,",ting habits arc orl,'red by Nestle 2002 and Pollan 2006. For the acceptance. by women
inclllsionary funct ion of the dish. In sOllie of the fami Iies I interviewl:d, the casserole was
in parlicular, of "progress" in cooking. see Inllcss 2001 and Shapiro 2004.
an obligatory, ritwd part of a ritual meal, a dish that had to be included but that IlO one 2. I;ur a discussion of the adoption of conulll'rcially produced, mass-mediated products into contemporary
actually liked or atc.'" In somc cases, it was thc contribution of an extended LUllily lIadition, see Santino 199h.
member, and it was considered more important 10 accept tile contribution--,1I1d by 1. Most analyses of contcmpurary Alnerican rood habits condude Ihat Americans lack an appreciation for
refined cooking hecanse onr nalional eulturc has emplwsi/.ed quantity over quality, packaging over content. and
implication the family JIIclllber--·tilaIl it was to have all the foods be well liked.
specd and sill' as measnres of valur'. Capitalism is usually hlamed. and while I agree that the capitalist system
has encouraged such valnes. I think we also nced 10 look at Ihe ethos and historical conditions that allowed
Amcricans to cmbrace such a world view. I\n exccllent analysis of the philosophical foundations of Western
thonght can be found in Barndt 2004, Wllich explores how the reductionist philosophy of Descartes and the anti-
Tile 1'01 klorization, tradi I ion'll ization, and rit ual ization or green bean c;lsselole suggest tll<lt nature theologizing of Bacon created a mindsel that allowed North Americans (she includes Canadians in her
indictment) 10 sever their conncctions with nature and thc naturalthruugh food.
it is possible for a comllleI"cial, processed food to be broadly representational ami also 10
;!. I ani not looking here at why people Ihink something tastcs good or at how panieular tastes develop. The
carry the emotional all,lchment that a group may have [0 its region, an attaellment llial
psychology or taste is a fidd in itsclr and addresses the biological, physiological, and psychologieal factors in
geograpller Yi-Fu Tuan refers to <ISlocal patriotism (1974: I() I). Sucll patriotism migllt taste. My /l'cns is 011 how a dish comes to "make scnsc" as part of a meal to a group or people. For psychological
well be displayed throughout the Midwest whenever green bean casserole is served. approaches. see Macbcth 1')97. Tasie as a philosophical issue is discussed in Korsmeyer 1<)99 and Curtin and
Green bean casserole, then, rather than reflecting a lack of taste, a lack of culinary Ileldke 1992.
5. t eoutd also use "glocali/cd" here. since the spread ordishcs such as green bean casserole is due partially
skill and sophisticatio!l. or, perilaps worse, a passive acceptance or mass-produced,
to snccessfulmarketing as wcll as to a hegemonic power of such companies as Campbell Soup to define what
commercial foods and I!leanings, represents a regional roodway; aesthetic and cthos. Tile
is considered the norm of American food. The term glocali/ation comes from sociologist Roland Robertson
popular stcreotype of the Midwest as having no distinctive identity is well kuowll hy (199:2). For a comprehensive discussion of theories ol'lhe relationship of food to place, see Bell and Valentine
midwcstcrners and comes into play whenever the region is discussed. Their aW;lITllC.';:; 1997.
suggests that their pl:iyrulncss with green bean casserole is a rheturic;lI slr,,(cgy
 G. Roland Barthes identified "crisp" as a basic American food aesthetic and as the binary opposite of
"sweet" ([1961]1997:23).
7. In a holiday assemblage various items are artfnlly ammged to signify the holiday. The individual items
Illay have publicly established symbolism-such as a pumpkin carved into a jack-o' -lantern or a baby in a
mangcr----hut. the items may also have either no or too Illany meanings on their own: in this case, a can of cream
of Illnshroolll soup does not represent Thanksgiving until it is juxtaposed with a can of fried onions and callS Anderson, Benedict R. 11)83. Imagined Canllnllnilies: Ref7ec1iol1s 011Ihe Origin and Spread of Nationalism.
London: Verso.
of green beans. For holiday <Issenlblage, see Santino 1994:34-41.
8. These are my own terms, although the ideas are explored and discussed hy philosophers and Barndt, Deborah. 2004. 7'IIlgied Roules: Women, Work, and (;Iobalizalion onlhe I')f}wlo Trail. Lanham, Md.:
Rowman and Liuleficld.
anthropologists of food, fOi example, Deane Curtin and I jsa Ilcldke (1992). My ose of the WOld foodways is
specific to folklore in that il refers to a netwOIk of activities and meanings sUITouuding food. Barthes, Roland. 1997. Toward a Psychosoeiology of Contemporary Food Consumption. In Food and Cullure:
9. For more explanatioll of "foodways," see Yoder 1972 and Long 1999. A Reader, ed. Carole Counihan and Penny Van ESlerik, pp. 20--27 (reprinted from 19GI). New York:
Routledge.
I O. For more discussion of identity bcing expressed in food, see articles in Ihe volullle edited by I ,;uda
Keller Brown and Kay M",;sell, particularly one by Susau Kalcik (1984). My own approach tothe expression Bauman, Richard. (197"1) I')84. Verbal Arl as I'erfin'll/{//we. Prospect Heights, III.: Waveland.
01 i,i<.'ntily through lood drmvs heavily from performauce theory in folklore, as articulated by Richard Ibulllall Bell, David, and Gill Valentine. I 9'n. Consuming (;eographies: We Are Where We Eat. New York: Routledge.
(1197711984) and DelllIvlIlcs (1974): see Long 1')99:.n3'i. Bentley, Amy. 2002. Islands of Serenity: Gender, Race, and Ordered Meals during World War n. In Food il1lhe
I I This collect ing was not done as a statist ica I survey, although that kind of in format ion would be hel pfili. USA: il RCllder, cd. Carole M. Counihan, Pl'. 171-192.
The focus ill these c1a~,ses \V;IS Oil the hasic concepts of hDW food traditions carry and construct idclllil.y. I :1Iso Ilourdicu, Pierre. 1984. I>islini'lioll.' il So{'ial Crilique o/Ihe .Judgemenl or 1'1.1'11'. Trans. Richard Nice.
collected information from gr::lduate students, hut tiley tended to have Illore v~Jried hackgrounds alld were l10l (:alnl11idge, Mass.: Ilarvard lIniversity I'n,ss.
representativc 01 the regioll. 1991. !.lInguage and Svmlwlii' I'oll'er. C:unbrid~e: Polity.
J 2. While this ellulllgr''1)hy was not systematic, I did make sure that I talked to botlliollgiinle residents "f Ilrnnvand, Jail Ilaroid. 11)98. The Stndy of American 1'"lklore: 1\n Intl~oduction. New York: W. W. Norton &
the area and newcomers. Soci,11 distinclions in this area tend to bc along occupational and political lines ratller Company.
than racial, ethnic, or sociocconomic Olles, so I atlendcd politicks at cOIllIllunity events, ohserved rcacli(llls In ('ampbell Soup Company. 200.'l,1. hllp:l/www.camphcllkitdlcn.colll/ rccipedetail.aspx'lrceipeID=24099;
a "culinary expo" at a locallllall, and gave workshops and talks in the area on a V<lriety 01 food-r"'ated lopics. accessed 91 I 'i/200iJ.
Jndging from response'S to Illy lentative conclusions, I keltllat I accurately assessed tile uses and llIeanin~,s 01 200'ib. hltpllwwlV.eampbellsoupeompany.eoln/history.asp; accessed 9/1512006.
green bean casserole aeross town, gown lines as well as the spcctrum of political bcliefs. ('hilT Directory. 2007. htt p:l/www.chiIT.com/a/green-bean-casscrole.htm; accessed 9/15/2006.
13.lnthe late 1980s, I cOlldneted fieldwork for an exllibit Oil folk art ill this region. Instead oflhe expected ('in{'innali 1'0.1'1.200 I. Food review.
paintillgs, sculptures, and texlile arts, I found tllat the artistic impulse tended to be expressed througll praglnatic Counihan, Carole M., cd. 2002. I:ood inlhe USA: A Reader. New York: R"utledge.
forms, such as farm implcnlents and machinery, neatly aligned tree rows and yards, and well-organized lanlers Curtin,. Deanc W., and Lisa M. Ilddke, cds. 1992. Cooking, Filling, Illinking: rr(//lsfiml1atll'e Philosophies of
(Long II)l)O). I'ood. Ilioollllngton: Indiana University Press.
14. A reeeni advertisenll'nl sugg.esting green bean casserole for Easler plays upon tllis idea, statingtllatl"" Deglr, Linda. 1994. Allleril'lIn Folkillre IIlId Ihe MIIss Media. Illoonlington: Indiana University Press.
disll is not only for Thanksgiving anymore. The advcrtiscnlent, which was copyrigllted in 2006, has apl,,'arcd Fertig, Judith M. 20m. The Midwest. In /'.·III'1'l'lopedla of Food alld Cullure, cd. Solomon H. Katz, pp. 4'14--4'1'7.
111 women's maga:r.incs such as Family Circle. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons.
1'1. Longtime Bowlin!: (in'en residcnt Tom Md ,:Iuglrlin recalled tllal tile local dillns and lIalllburgerj"inl.s Uabaccia, Donna R. 1')1)8. We ;I/'(, Whol We Eal: FlllIlic Food olld Ihe Makillg III'Americlln.l'. Cambridge,
served canned sonps in the I ').IOs and 19'iOs. Wilen soop was ordered, the cook would sinlply open a can 01' Mass.: Ilarvani University Press.
Campbell's soup (interview, 6/26/2(07). t ioody, .lack. 1997. Industrial Food: Towards tire Deve!(ll'ment of a World Cuisine. In Food alld Cllilure: A
16. "Oikotype" is more commonly used to refer to narrative variants that arc found in a parlieular I"cde Rellder, ed. Carole Counil"nl and Penny Van Eslerik, PI'. 3'17·369. New York: Routledge.
aud tllal display some aspect of local culture (Brunvand I 1)l)8: I 'n). lIynles, Dell. 1974. Ways of Speaking. In E'plorali(!I1s ill IiiI' lo'lhllograph1' o/Speakillg, cd. Richard Ballman
17. Claude Levi-Strauss suggests thatllunlans have to act upon the raw iugrcdients in ordcr to tnrn Ilrcnl and Joel Sher/cr, pp. 43.1-4'12. Calnbridge: Cambridge Univcrsity Press.
into a cultural item known 'IS fOOl11l1968J1997). - - -----. 197'1. Breakthrough into Perfornlanee. In Folklore: PeljimnallCl' alld COlllmullicalioll, cd. Dan
18. Such riles of rever,," :.Irc significant ways in whicll dominated cnlturcs maintain a sense of identity as Ikn-Amos and Kenneth S. Goldstein, PI'. 11--74. The l'lague: Mouton.
well as vellt anger at oppression. While the American Midwest is in no way all oppressed cullure, its residenls luness, Slrerrie 1\. 200 I. Dillller {(oles: i\lIIniulli WOIIICllalld Culil1O/)' Cullure. Iowa City: University of Iowa
often express frustration at tile hek of awareness and appreciatiun of their rcgion by other areas of tbe eounlry. Press.
particularly the coasts. Kalcik, Susan. 1984. Ethnic Foodways in America: Symbol and the Performance of Identity. In Elhllic alld
19. Cranbcrry sauce 11"1.1a similar place, particularly in its canned, jellied form. Students expressed disgnst Negiollill Foods illihe lJlliler! SillIes: Illc /'ojimllllllce o(Group Idelllll,1', cd. Linda Keller Brown and Kay
with botlltlrcse qualities and wondered wily such sauce was part ol'the nationalparadiglll. Mussell, pp. 37-(,'1. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press.
20. This reflects eomllion llIispnceptions of the nature of these phenomena, rather than a lack of Ineallillg Korsmeyer, Carolyn. I tJ99. Mokillg Sellse 0/ Tosle: Food alld /'hilosoph.\'. Ithaea, N.Y.: Cornell University
of green bean casserole itself Disbes to be celebrated tend to be thought of as eitber g011l'mel (repre"'nli,,,~ Press.
evidence of the mastery or spc-cific culinary arts and usually displaying a higher socioeconolnic status) or as Lee, Juditlr Yaross. 2004. Introduction. lu the Midwesl, ed. Joseph W. Slade and Jndith Yaross Lee, PI'.
ha ving a long hisICl!)', even 111<1l1gh that history may he a mythical une (e.g., furkl'y for Tilallk~;givillg, appk pit:, X\'II·--XXX. \Vcstport! Conn.: Greenwood.
or certain elhnie dishes). Silllil<trly, many informants seemed to tbink of th,' casserole's ritual place in tll"i,. Levensteiu, llarvey. 1988. Rel'OllIlioll III Ihe ],i/,/e: Tile Ii'IlIlSfimnatioll 0/ the Alllerican Diel. Cambridge:
family as due to inertia ;lnd lack of curiosity, so that it could bc a tmdition, but not OIH.'to be celebrated. I';'''' Oxford University Press.
Pillsbury 1998, pp. 11-13, f"r a discussion of tradition as inertia.) In either case, informanls did not cOIl,;id,-r __
.. :_----.2003. Paradox 0/ /'11'11/)':A Social History 0/ Flllillg in Modem America. Los Angeles: University
themselves arbiters of whal ddines Food and Tradition. of California Press.
Levi -Strauss, Claude. 1991. The Culinary ·frianglc. In Food alld CIIIllIre: A Reader, ed. Carole Counihan and
Penny Van Esterik, PI'. 2R-Ti (reprinted ii'om 19(8). New York: Routledge.
l.ong, Lucy. 1990. Folk Aus o(The Greal mack Swamp. Exhibit Catalogue. Bowling Green, Ohio: Bowling
Ronald L. Baker is chairpcrson emcritus and professor emeritus of English at Indiana
Green State University.
State University, where he taught English and folklore courses for forty years
_______ . 1999. Pooc!wavs: Using Food to Teach Folklore Theories and Melhods_ J)igesl: ;\11

l"'err/isdl'lillan' 19:32--36.
SllId,' o( Food alld Foodl1'ays
(1966-2006) ami served as chairperson for twenty-six years (1980-2006). He is the author
. .__.__ .2004. Pood. In 1111' Midwesl, cd. Joseph W. Slade and Judith Yaross I.ee, pp. 281·322. Westport, of over one hundrcd articles in professional journals and eight books: Folklore in the
Conn.: Greenwood. Wrilings 01'Rowland E Robinson (1973), Indiana Place Names (1975), Hoosier Folk
Macbeth. Helen, cd. 1997. Food {'nj'erences and TOSTI':COlllilllliTy and Ci/llnge. Providence, R.L: Berghallil. Legends (1984), Jokclore: Humorous Folktalesfi'om Indiana (1986), French Folklife in
Neslle, Marion. 2002. Food Politics: How the Food IlIdllslry Inlillellces NlItriTioll alld HmiTh. I J)S Ang."'es:
Old Vincennes (1989), 'lite Siudy of Place Names (1991), FronT Needmore to Prosperity:
University of Cali [()1"I1iaPress.
Pillsbury, Richard. 1998. No Foreigll Food: The Americall Dil'l ill Time alld ['lace. Boulder, Colo.: Westview. Hoosier Place Names ill Folklore alld History (1995), and HOineless, Friendless, and
Pollan, Michael. 2006. n/(, Oil/lli,'ore's Oilemnw: A NaTlIral HislorV of FOllr Meals. New York: Peng.llin. Penniless: The WPA InteJ"l'iCll's with Former Slal'es Lil'ing in Indiana (2000).
Prostennan, 1,eslie. 1995. Ordinarl' Uli" FesTim{ J)ays: AesThelics illihe Midll'estern Co 1111 TVFair Washington, Forthcoming in 2007 is another book, Jesse Stuart and the Hoosier Schoolmasters. He
D.C.: Smithsonian University Press. served as editor of three journals: Indiana Names (1970--1974), Midwestern Folklore
Rath, Sarah. 2004. Casseroles. In The Ox(iml Ellcydol}('dia of Food alld lJrink ill Ail/eril'll, cd. Andrew F.
(1975-1 (99), and The Folklore His/orian (1990-2000).
Smith, Pl'. 194-·195. C:llnbridgc: Oxford University Press.
Robertson, Roland. 1992. (;{oIJali::.atioll: Social nll'orv alld (;lohol CII{IIIn'. London: Sage.
Santino, .Jack. 1994. Ail Amlllld Ihe Year: flolidavs alld Celehratiolls ill Amerimll h/i'. Urbana: t Inivcrsity of Ray Cashman is assistant professor of English, associated with the Center for Folklore
Illinois Press. Studies, at the Ohio State University. His articles on Irish outlaw lore, place lore
_________ . Il)lJ6. Nell' OldFashiollcd Wal's: flolidavs owl ['o/mlar CIIIllIre. Knoxville: University of (dinl/.\endws), wakes, lllulIlllling, folklife studies, and material culture have appeared in
Tennessee Press.
several journals including Midwes/ern Folklore, Journal (II' Folklore Research, and
Shapiro, Laura. 2004. SOll/elhillgfiwlllhe OW'II: Reilll'elltillg lJinner ill /950s Ail/aiea. New York: P""gni".
Shortridge, Barbara G. 20tH. Not .Just Jcllo a"d lIot Dishes: Representative Foods of Mi"nesota . .lollulIII of
Joul"llal ol'/\mcrican Folklore. Ilis book, CharocteJ"s and Comlllunity: StOlytelling on the
CIIIllIral Geography 21 (I ):71-94. Irish Border, will be published by Indiana University Press.
Tuan, Yi-Fu. 1974. TO{"'l'hilia: A Sllldv ofElll'irOlllllcIlTa//'accl'tioll, ;\lIi/l,,/e.\", a"d Vall/e.\", Ellglewood Cli ITs,
N.J.: Prentice-1lal!. Lm'Y Long is an inslruClor in both American Culture Studies and International Studies
Turner, Victor. 1969. n,e /lill/al ['ma.\"s: STnu'Tl/re alld !lllti-SlmcTl/re. Ithaca: ('orllell \ Jlliversity Press.
at Bowling Green Statc Univcrsity; she holds a Ph.D. in folklore from the University oj
Yoder, DOli. 1972. Folk Coukery. In Folidore I/Ild I,'olkli/<': All IlIlmdl/clioll, cd. Ric;h:11l1M. l)or"ol1, PI'·
Pennsylvania. Her research and publications concern food and foodways, food festivals,
32') -:l50. Chicago: t'lli v,'!,ity of Chicago Press.
and traditionallllusic and dance. She edited 1he volume Culinary Tourism, published by
the LJui versity Press of Kentllcky in 2004, and she has served as editor of Digest: All
IlItndiscijllinary ,'l'tudyof Food and Foodways, the publication of the Foadways section
of the American Folklore Society.
MIDWESTERN
FOLKLORE

Published at Indiana State University

Volume 33, No.1· Spring 2007