Planning In Multicultural Urban

Communities: The Eastleigh North

Case
Henry M. Miheso, January 2010.
Extracts from a research project done in 2008

Introduction
It is expected that Sub Saharan Africa will witness its largest urbanization within the next
two decades. Africa, with two thirds of the world’s cultures (UNDP,) will need to
manage its urban environments taking into consideration physical, social, environmental,
political and culture. In a continent largely viewed as unstable, urbanization is further
compounded by regional immigration from conflict states as well as migrants in search of
work opportunities.

It is suggested that one of the causes of underdevelopment in Africa is the

conceptualization of cities under the fallacy of under-differentiation - giving scant regard
to cultural diversity (Wallace, 1999). Today there is new impetus to tap cultural
diversities of cities based on recognition and empowerment of cultural group resources
rather than reduce culture to a encompassing whole. A leading approach to this effort is
multiculturalism rooted in the ethic of equity, tolerance and empowerment. The study
explores the spatial impacts of cultural diversity in an urban locality in Nairobi.

Eastleigh North’s landscape has largely been determined by the different cultural groups
that have dominating the area since colonial times. Land uses have seen changes from
residential to a fast emerging commercial centre. These changes have also come with
negative impacts such as rising crime, a dilapidated road network, tendencies of ethnic
exclusion, and social contestations for residential, commercial and recreational space.
The overall aim of the study therefore is to explore the spatial nature of multicultural
diversity as manifested in Eastleigh North. Specifically the objectives were to;

1. Determine how land uses are appropriated, utilized and negotiated.

2. Describe the dominant factors driving change in the area.
3. Demonstrate the relevance of these factors to planning in Eastleigh North.

The research was exploratory in nature seeking to establish the spatial dynamics of
cultural diversity in a neighborhood. Both qualitative and quantitative approaches were
used complimented by a field survey, observation and photography. A comparison is
made between the members of the Somali community and the rest of Kenyans due to the
dominating influence of the former in the area. A survey was undertaken to sixty
households selected purposely from CBS ethnic data. Data was analyzed using statistical
and mapping software and modeling done using Google Sketchup.

Multiculturalism
The study was informed by literature on the concept of cultural diversity as an organizing
strategy to build a congenial way of life and a coherent identity. The study looked at the
processes of stratification amongst groups especially with regard to new groups entering
into a society. The concept of multicultural planning is viewed from a context of planning
history and development with need for a multidimensional approach. Examples of policy
measures were also studied within countries that have taken a proactive approach in
managing diverse societies.

Eastleigh North
Eastleigh North is located 15 km north of the CBD within Eastland’s area surrounded by
the infamous Mathare slums to the east, a military air base to the north, and residential
estates and educational institutions to the west and south. The area covers 360 acres of
flat topography lacking any credible flora or fauna. Established in 1911, Eastleigh was
subdivided and acquired by members of the Asian community although the first somali’s
moved there after World War I. After independence, cooperative groups from central
Kenya acquired many properties in the africanization policies of the time. Large influxes
by members of the Somali community were to occur within Eastleigh, first during the
drought of the 1970s and secondly after the fall of the Somali state in 1990.

The total population of Eastleigh in 1999 (CBS Census) was 65,541 with 41.2%
classified as Somali. The spatial layout of Eastleigh North is based on an elaborate
gridiron street layout with two main streets passing through it; First and Second Avenues.
The area has three planning zones with separate plot ratios and ground coverage’s.
Eastleigh is served within its periphery by a number of schools, health centers and a
community hall.

Cultural Diversity in Eastleigh North

Demographic data in Eastleigh North indicate significant differences when you compare
the Somali and the rest of the population. This was evident in household sizes, education,
incomes and occupation with the Somali occupying more rooms and paying significantly
higher rents. They were also almost all employed within Eastleigh. The other significant
difference was religion with the Somali all Islam compared with the rest of the population
at 9.1%. This explains the high number of mosques in the area. The Somali were also
found to have a stronger sense of community with powerful social networks that cater for
many community needs like nurseries, educational facilities and health centres. The
factor attracting the rest to Eastleigh was largely the transport network and proximity to
town.

In summary, we found few cleavages that may serve to enhance community with obvious
signs of social inequality and the likelihood for exclusion. This latter point is confirmed

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in comparing landlord tenant groups with Somali landlords largely excluding non
Somali’s.

Spatial Impacts Arising from Cultural Diversity

While Eastleigh was found to have undergone a number of sociocultural stages in its
growth these have also had some significant spatial impact in the area depending on who
predominates. In the latter influx of the 90s, residential segregation by the Somali
community was evident based on the 1999 CBS Census. Using a graphical analysis
procedure measuring the degree of assimilation by Poulsen et al (2002), we found a
higher degree of concentration of the Somali at 77.1% compared with the rest of the
community at 58.8%.

Another spatial outcome arising from multicultural diversity in Eastleigh was land use
changes and appropriation. Findings suggest that Eastleigh underwent three appropriation
processes. The first was the Asian developments of residential bungalows and community
facilities differentiated between different Asian or Arab groups; Goans, Sikhs, Arabs and
Somali. The second was Kikuyu appropriation after independence which resulted in in-
fill development, densification and some growth of commercial sectors. The third was the
Somali influx of 1990 which continues to date and characterized by the mall shopping
complexes and high rise residential apartments.

The significant impact to land uses in Eastleigh has seen a change from residential to a
commercial centre enhanced by subsequent rezoning by the city authorities. This has seen
the establishment of First Avenue to commercial status dominated by the Somali Malls.
These Somali investments in the area contrasts with other communities providing sharp
cleavages in the built environment. The commercial nature has also attracted hordes of
informal traders occupying street edges in a souk style commonly associated with Arab
traders in other parts of the world. Commercialization of Eastleigh has also resulted in a
diversity of services such as restaurants, bars, and light industries with some places
adopting a twenty four hour business or recreational activity. Nonetheless commercial
appropriation has also seen the loss of a significant community facility in the bus park.

Other significant changes to land use include residential densification and loss of open
spaces and greenery. The laid back nature of the Somali (Mosedale, 2004) interspersed
with other groups is reflected with use of open spaces, pavements for relaxing, having
coffee or playing pool. There have also been significant impacts to health services with
an increase in their numbers, with some attending to Somali (women) only. Similarly,
while educational services are available both within and beyond the study area, a number
of integration issues affect some schools due to the immigrant nature of some Somali.
There is also a high presence of madrasa schools and English language tertiary institutes
within the area.

The change from residential to commercial has also had significant impacts to
transportation and mobility. Eastleigh area by virtue of its current prominence attracts a
lot of visitors during the day with conflicts arising from public transport, private vehicles,

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heavy commercial vehicles, pedestrians and aggravated by street trading. The result is
loss of public space and environmental decay due to blocked sewers and solid waste.

The forgoing demographic, spatial and built transformation of Eastleigh has undergone
change without serious thought to its cultural influences by relevant authorities. This has
resulted in a high degree of contestation and sometimes tensions between the
communities with far reaching consequences to establishment of community and
sustainable networks. Probably this is one reason for its dual association as the good and
bad place.

Planning Implications
While it is clear that gentrification attributed to Somali influx has played the most
significant role, it is equally important to depart from a laissez faire approach of planning
to one that seeks to harmonize communities through a multidimensional lens.
Multicultural dynamics has been shown to play a significant role in the spatial and built
environment in Eastleigh. These can be summarized in the following four ways;

1. Ethnic Diversity: Ethnic differences are now more evident with the influx of Somali
in 1990. This has spatial impacts to residential location and socioeconomic activity.
In Eastleigh, ethnic diversity is also manifesting as segregation which can enhance
negative tendencies like exclusion and restrictive practices.

2. Religious Diversity: The area can be termed as a religious dichotomy with a dominant
Islamic faith and a plethora of Christian and African beliefs. The spatial footprint of
Islam has produced a high number of mosques, madrasa’s and other Islamic learning
facilities. This has created some interfaith tensions of sorts.

3. Economic Diversity: This has manifested as increased opportunities coupled with

rising inequalities producing tensions and contestations. There are also groups that
have empowered themselves through tapping of cultural industries; Ethiopian
restaurants and clothing, Meru miraa traders. There is need for investment in other
cultural resources to ameliorate differences and allow for participation.

4. Social Diversity: While this can also be an outcome of the above, social diversity on
the context of overall community is evident in the contestation within public spaces,
roads, and pavements. Social diversity is heavily influenced by contestation and has
resulted in increased loss of civil urbanity, crime and other social ills in some parts of
Eastleigh.

One of the key planning challenges in multicultural communities is how to intervene

where there is rising social, economic and political exclusion. Theory suggests that
planning requires the recognition of cultural cores or groups that have “legitimacy” and
the promotion of intercultural participation. The objective should be to enable
participation by all groups, respecting each group’s right to expression while not
contradicting the need for community cohesion and sustainability.

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Conclusion
Based on the findings of this research, we deduce the following three approaches that
planning can intervene in light of impacts of multicultural diversity in Eastleigh North.

1. Promoting Cultural Expression: Ethnic segregation by the Somali need not be viewed
in the negative as studies have shown that segregation helps build social capital and
provides important social functions. The cause for concern would be its size, where it
has been suggested that it should be limited to a small scale so as to retain
dependence with other communities. Promotion of cultural expression also suggests
the “celebration of” ethnic culture in the way of Chinatown concept.

2. Inclusivity and Participation: Tensions and contestations amongst different cultural

groups is a sign of exclusion or some lack of participation within the community. In
the case of Eastleigh, zoning and land use may have served to exacerbate these
inequalities denying economic opportunities for entry in a one size fits all approach.
An approach based on extending land uses has been advocated to allow for various
groups to “fit in” (Wallace, 1999). This would imply creating new categories such as
light commercial, cultural etc to allow for wider participation.

3. Protecting Public Space: contestations and activity within Eastleigh is also highly
manifest on public spaces; pavements, sidewalks etc used both for commercial and
social purposes. As a means of addressing the overall public good, it is necessary to
ensure that public space remains “public” and that it is enhanced for the enjoyment of
all groups in particular although one can allow temporary appropriation by different
groups at particular times. Protecting and expanding the public realm in Eastleigh
implies the need for transport reorganization, pedestrian maximization, and allow for
temporary use of spaces by particular groups on specific days (informal traders,
parade, street exhibitions).

While the findings have attempted to provide probable intervention measures to

ameliorate against the negative impacts of multicultural communities, I acknowledge that
more research is needed to further support these findings and provide a tool for
multicultural planning in urban centers.

For further information please contact:

Henry Miheso
Department of Urban and Regional Planning
University of Nairobi
Tel 0722 527236
Email: henry.miheso@uonbi.ac.ke,
mwenesi@gmail.com