Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Old Texts
Old Texts
Old Texts
C. BEHAN MCCULLAGH
I. INTRODUCTION
Somepeopletoday would denythe possibilityof achievingan objectiveunderstandingof a contemporarytext, and then arguethat thereis even less chance
of achievingsuch an understandingof a text from the past. Such wholesale
skepticismneeds to be rejected,I shall argue, as quite often objectiveunderstandingof historicaltexts is possible.By an objectiveunderstandingof a text
I mean both one whichis rationallyjustifiableand one whichwould generally
be acceptedas correct.Sometimesthereis no rationalway of choosingbetween
two or morealternativeinterpretations,but this is by no meansalwaysthe case.
Firstlet me explainmy use of a few key terms. We understanda text when
we can say what it means. I have no comprehensivetheory of meaningto defend here, but will generallyassume that the meaningof sentencesincludes
theirillocutionaryforce togetherwith the conditionswhichmakethem true or
correct.
Thereare often severaldifferentways of expressingone's understandingof
the meaningof a sentenceor text. Any statementby a person of his or her
understandingof its meaning is what I call his or her interpretationof its
meaning.If thereare severalwaysof understandingthe meaningof a text, then
each of those ways of understandingit is an interpretationof its meaningas
well. So an interpretationof a text can be eitherone of severaldifferentways
of understandinga text, and/or one of severaldifferentwaysof expressingone's
understandingof a text. Generally,however,when I referto an interpretation
of a text I referto a statementof its meaning.
It is my belief that there are conventionallyacceptedcriteriaby which an
interpretationof a textcanbe justifiedas correct.Thosewho areskepticalabout
the objectivityof understandingsometimesignorethe existenceof thesecriteria,
focussingupon the subjectivedeterminantsof an interpretationalone. But a
glanceat any debateover the correctinterpretationof a text soon revealsboth
the presenceand the importanceof these criteria.Examplesof them will be
given below. If an interpretationsatisfiesthe relevantcriteria,it is not only
justifiedbut also correct.I preferto usethe word"true"just of statementswhich
of the meaningof a textaregenerally
correspondto somereality.Interpretations
not true in this sense. They do not necessarilycorrespondto any particular
303
304
C. BEHAN MCCULLAGH
305
arrive at a correct understanding of texts, that would indeed be circular, assuming that there is no independent check of their correctness. But if we say
that in our community conformity to these conventions is what we mean by
calling an interpretation of a text correct, then circularity has been avoided.
The claim that a correct understanding of a text is one which satisfies certain
conventional criteria does not necessarily entail any vicious circularity of reasoning.
Does it invite a charge of arbitrarinessinstead? This question is more difficult
to answer. But perhaps it is enough to say that, as Saussure has taught us, many
linguistic conventions are arbitrary. Saussure noted that the relations between
signifiers (words) and signifieds (things), though fairly regular, are usually arbitrary. It would be no great surprise, then, if the relations between texts and their
meanings are somewhat arbitrary too. They involve, at a minimum, rules of
semantics and syntax which seem largely arbitrary, varying as they do from
language to language. Whether they are arbitrary or not, the rules for interpreting texts generally enable quite effective communication of precise ideas, and
that is what justifies them.
II. BASIC AND SECONDARY INTERPRETATIONS
Another common reason for denying the possibility of an objective understanding of the meaning of a text is the observation that people's interpretations
generally vary with their culture and interests. This was a major argument of
Hans-Georg Gadamer. He noted how the interpretations of great historians
such as Mommsen, Treitschke, and Sybel differed in accordance with their
society, and went on to say:
No one disputesthe fact that controllingthe prejudicesof our own presentto such an
thewitnessesof thepastis a validaim, butobviously
extentthatwe do not misunderstand
suchcontroldoes not completelyfulfillthe task of understandingthe past and its transmission.Indeed,it couldverywell be that only insignificantthingsin historicalscholarship permitus to approximatethis idealof totallyextinguishingindividuality,whilethe
greatproductiveachievementsof scholarshipalwayspreservesomethingof the splendid
magicof immediatelymirroringthe presentin the past and the past in the present.4
It is not entirely clear what "insignificant things in historical scholarship"
Gadamer allowed can be objective. A close look at historical practice, however,
reveals that there is frequently complete agreement among historians about the
basic meaning of a text, though considerable disagreement about it secondary
meaning. Perhaps Gadamer meant that historians can get individual facts about
the past right, but that their understanding of constellations of facts is much
more subjective. When it comes to the interpretation of texts, what is certain
is that the variety of interpretations of the kind Gadamer has noted exists
4. Hans-Georg Gadamer, Philosophical Hermeneutics, transl. and ed. David E. Linge
(Berkeley, 1976), 6. Compare Hans-Georg Gadamer, Truth and Method (New York, 1975),
465-466.
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C. BEHAN MCCULLAGH
Studies
5. For examples, Hans-Georg Gadamer, Dialogueand Dialectic:EightHermeneutical
on Plato (New Haven, 1980), 9, 11.
6. "Logos and Ergon in Plato's Lysis,"ibid., 5.
7. Ibid., 6.
8. Ibid., 10.
9. Ibid., 32.
307
is stronger than its arguments' logical power to prove."'0He sums up his discussion with these words:
Plato certainlydoes not wantto say thathe has provedthe sameimmortalityof the soul
whichis basicto thereligioustradition.Butwhathe doeswantto sayis thatthespreading
skepticismresultingfromthe scientificenlightenmentdoes not at all affectthe sphereof
of it. Thegrowingscientificinsightinto the causes
ourhumanlife andourunderstanding
of coming-into-beingand passing-away,into the courseof naturalprocesses,does not
obviatethe need for thinkingbeyondthe realityof this world, and it has no authority
to contestreligiousconvictions.Thusthe point of the demonstrations,it seemsto me,
is that they refute doubtsand not that they justify belief."
For proof of the uncertainty of secondary interpretations of the Lysis and the
Phaedo one need only glance at books about them. David Bolotin has given a
detailed account of the long dispute between Max Pohlenz and Hans von Arnim
about the significance of the Lysis. 12Pohlenz argued that it was meant to show
that friendship is related to erotic love in that it always includes an element of
desire; whereas Arnim produced reasons for thinking Plato regarded "true"
friendship as existing only between good people who are quite self-sufficient,
possessing the good already and so not desiring it. It is interesting to see how
texts can be found to support both interpretations.
As for the Phaedo, compare the following fairly recent interpretations:
The subjectof the discussionis the desirabilityof death.'3
It willbe wellto askwhatis the fundamentalpurposeof the dialogue.It is not, of course,
to provethat the humansoul is immortal,thoughmuch of it is devotedto arguments
for that thesis;it is not to pay a tributeof admirationto a belovedfriendand master,
thoughthattributeis undoubtedlypaid;it is not to expoundor propagatea metaphysical
doctrine,thoughthe doctrineof Forms(Ideas)bulkslarge;it is, I wouldsay, to extend
and deepen through the mouth of a consciouslyPlatonized Socrates, the essential
teachingof Socrateshimself,namelythatman'ssupremeconcernis the "tendanceof his
soul,"or (inmoremodernlanguage)the furtheringof his insightinto moralandspiritual
values and the applicationof that insightin all his conduct.'4
The Pythagoreans,Aristotleargues,differfrom Plato only in denyingany separation
betweenfirstprinciples- whichtheyidentifywithnumbersratherthan"ideas"-andthe
things said to be their imitations;the Pythagoreanteachingon reincarnation,on the
other hand, presupposesthe separabilityof the psychefrom the body. The attemptto
reinterpretthe meaningof "separation,"and in so doing to reversethe Pythagorean
position, is, one might say, the fundamentalintentionof the Phaedo.'5
With such a variety of secondary interpretations it is tempting to suppose that
each representsa subjective viewpoint and that none can be judged to be superior
to any other. But that is not what the commentators believe, as the quotation
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
Ibid., 22.
Ibid., 37.
David Bolotin, Plato's Dialogue on Friendship (Ithaca, N.Y., 1979).
R. S. Bluck, Plato's Phaedo (London, 1955), 1.
R. Hackforth, Plato's Phaedo (Cambridge, Eng., 1955), 3.
Rome Burger, The Phaedo: A Platonic Labyrinth (New Haven, 1984), 7.
308
C. BEHAN MCCULLAGH
309
310
C. BEHAN MCCULLAGH
the Lysis and the Phaedo has shown. All of these might be interesting, so the
search for one reading superior to the others could appear pointless. It has a
point, however, which is to provide a reading which somehow explains all the
major parts of the text, if possible, and thus to represent the whole text fairly.
That is why the scope of secondary interpretations is so important.
It is possible for a text to have a significance for its author's contemporaries
which the author did not intend. And it is possible for a text to have a significance
for modern readers which neither the author nor the author's contemporaries
would have known -the Freudian interpretation of The Turn of the Screw is
a case in point. Whose secondary interpretation is "the correct" one? I believe
that current conventions are captured by the following distinctions. I think we
judge the most comprehensive interpretation to be the correct one, whether or
not it accords with the author's intended reading, or the reading of the author's
contemporaries. The historically correct interpretation is that of the majority
of the author's educated contemporaries, which might well be that intended by
the author. The intended interpretation is simply that intended by the author.
17. QuentinSkinner,"MeaningandUnderstanding
in theHistoryof Ideas,"HistoryandTheory
8 (1969),27.
311
mistakes can be avoided, however, if the historian carefully checks whether the
basic meaning of a text warrants the modern description of it.
Despite the dangers of summarizing old texts in modern terms, John Dunn
suggests that such summaries are useful in showing the modern relevance of
these texts. He therefore applauds the practice, while remaining concerned
about their accuracy: "To present a complex argument from the past in terms
of its significance for us may often seem mendacious and to present it with the
greatest concern for historical specificity but without exploring its "significance"
is likely to seem trivial.18 The history of philosophy, like the history of science,
must needs be Whig as to subject-matter . . . [and] . . . Tory as to truth."19
The process of carefully judging the justification of a modern summary of
an old text is well illustrated by J. W. Gough's discussion of Willmore Kendall's
thesis that Locke's theory was not "individualist," as has been commonly
thought, but that it gives an "authoritarian and collectivist" account of political
power.20To judge the adequacy of these descriptions, Gough interprets them
and then looks for evidence relevant to them in Locke's writing. An "individualist" theory, it seems, is one which presents government as severely limited by
the rights of individuals. An "authoritarian" theory insists upon the government's authority over individuals, unless the government is so bad that the
people are entitled to revolt. There are passages in Locke which support both
views, so how does Gough decide the issue? First, he carefully examines the
crucial passages in context to see whether they do support the interpretation
suggested for them. He finds that some which appear to support the individualist
interpretation do not really do so, when studied in their context.2"Second, he
points out that there is evidence for and against both readings, and that each
can only be defended by ignoring as insignificant those passages which tell
against it. As Gough puts it:
Many critics have noticed features of Locke's theory which seem inconsistent with the
usual individualist interpretation of him. The critics have varied, however, in the degree
of emphasis they have laid on such discrepancies, and have generally tended to treat the
individualism as fundamental, and to minimize what is inconsistent with this, either
ignoring it in their final verdict or dismissing it as ill-considered and unrepresentative of
Locke's real view. Mr. Kendall, in effect, reverses this tendency. It is the individualist
passages which are inconsistencies for him, and he emphasizes instead the points -and
they certainly amount to a considerable array-on the other side.22
Finally, Gough concludes that the truth about Locke lies somewhere between
the two extremes. His theory does not neatly fit either modern model, though
it contains important elements of both.
18. J. Dunn, The Political Thought of John Locke (Cambridge, Eng., 1969), 208.
19. J. Dunn, Political Obligationin Its HistoricalContext:Essays in Political Theory(Cambridge, Eng., 1980), 26.
20. J. W. Gough, John Locke's Political Philosophy (Oxford, 1956), chap. 2.
21. Ibid., 29-30.
22. Ibid., 28.
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C. BEHAN MCCULLAGH
Was Lockethen, after all, an individualist?I think we can say he was, but he was not
a thorough-going,extremeindividualist.... He standsmid-waybetweentwo extreme
positionsin politics.... We may conclude,then, that Lockewas an individualistin a
qualifiedsense. He did not imaginethe stateto be an artificiallyfabricatedcombination
of naturallyseparateindividuals;he didnot championthe individualagainstthe community, andbarelyconsideredthe possibilityof conflictbetweenthem. Butthe government
he recommendedwas in effectthe parliamentarylimitedmonarchyapprovedof by his
Whigcontemporaries,and this meantthat it wouldbe constitutionaland not absolute,
and that it would not invadethe libertiesof the subject.23
Old theories seldom fit modern paradigms neatly, but they sometimes have
important ideas and values in common. These are highlighted by modern summaries of them. The extreme interpretations of Locke were neither accurate,
comprehensive, nor fair. They implied positions contrary to those Locke
adopted or they ignored important parts of his theory, thus giving a misleading
impression of the whole. That is why they were finally rejected by Gough.
2. The illocutionary force of texts
The historically correct interpretation of a text usually coincides with the author's intended meaning, as authors are usually well aware of how their texts
will be read by their contemporaries. Interestingly enough, historians frequently
take the identity of the two for granted. Skinner, for example, has shown
that John Locke, in his Two Treatises of Government, "was rejecting and
repudiating one of the most widespread and prestigious forms of political argument at the time," simply by noting "the prevailing conventions of debate about
political obligation," the role of "the ancient English constitution" in those, and
Locke's failure to mention it.24Similarly he has shown that Machiavelli in places
"challenges the prevailing assumptions of the mirror-for-princes writers," by
comparing what those writers said with certain passages in The Prince.25Skinner
assumes that these implications of the texts were intended by their authors,
which is probably true, though nothing need be known about their intentions
to identify them. These are conventional secondary meanings of the texts justified by the context of the writing together with the rules of language which
warrant the statements reporting them.
There are times, however, when the further illocutionary force of a text
cannot be inferred from the context, and can only be known by discovering the
author's intentions. For example, to decide whether Thomas Hobbes and Pierre
Bayle meant their pious utterances to be taken ironically, historians have to
judge their intentions, as there is no hint of irony in their texts.26
313
27. Quentin Skinner, "The Idea of a Cultural Lexicon," Essays in Criticism 29 (1979), 216.
28. Quentin Skinner, "Some Problems in the Analysis of Political Thought and Action," 292.
29. Arthur E. Case, Four Essays in Gulliver's Travels (Gloucester, Mass., 1958), 71.
314
C. BEHAN MCCULLAGH
315
33.
223.
34.
35.
36.
Alan Ryan, "Locke and the Dictatorship of the Bourgeoisie," Political Studies 13 (1965),
Ibid., 227-228.
J. Dunn, Political Obligation in Its Historical Context, 29-33.
J. G. A. Pocock, Politics, Language and Time, 149-150.
316
C. BEHAN MCCULLAGH
convictionsand was, perhaps,an atheist.37Pocock condemnssuch interpretations of Hobbes'writingand of his convictionsas seriouslymisleading.
4. The "keyidea"of a text: a tertiaryinterpretation
Anotherkindof higherunderstandingof the meaningof a textwhichhistorians
sometimesseek involvesidentifyingthe "keyidea"of an author'swork. A key
idea,it seems,is one uponwhichthe otherprincipleideasto someextentdepend.
Oncea workhas been summarized,it is then sometimespossibleto identifyits
key idea. For this reason, an interpretationof the key idea of a text could be
regardedas a tertiaryinterpretationof the meaningof the text, dependingas
it does upon a secondarysummaryreadingof the text.
In a thoughtfuldiscussionof the fundamentalidea in Harrington'spolitical
philosophy Pocock discusses C. B. Macpherson'sbelief "that Harrington's
systemwill not work unless entrepreneurialbehaviourin land ownersis preMacphersonarguedthatchangesin thesocialdistribusumedto be at its basis."38
Englandwere seen by Harringtonto be
tion of power in seventeenth-century
the resultof changesin patternsof wealth,particularlylandownership.Pocock
thinksHarringtonsaw it as the resultof changesin the legal obligationswhich
went with land tenure. Feudal obligationsto serve an overlordgave place to
independenttenured freeholders.Pocock argues that Macpherson'sunderstandingof the key idea in Harrington'ssystemis wrong becausecertainimportantfeaturesof his systemdo not dependupon it. "Harrington'snotion of
the powerwhichthe man who has propertyexertsover the man who has none
does not entailany particulardescriptionof the economicrelationsbetweenthe
two men, or of the economicprocessin whichthe two are engaged.All that is
necessaryto know is that the one is independentand the other dependenton
him."s39
In anotheressay, on "Burkeand the AncientConstitution,"Pocock explains
how Burke'sconservativepoliticaltheoryis an expressionof a theoryaboutthe
natureof Englishlaw developedby Sir EdwardCoke and Sir MatthewHale in
the seventeenthcentury.This theorymaintainedthat Englishcommonlaw was
basedupon custom, interpretedand appliedin courts, from time immemorial,
and that it enshrinedthe practicalwisdomof ages and so deservedthe utmost
respect.This theorywas appliedto the Englishconstitutionin what was called
"the doctrineof the ancientconstitution,"to defend the constitutionagainst
reform.Thatdoctrinewas respectedby manyin Burke'stime, and was usedby
himin 1782to opposemovesto reformit. Insteadof talkingabouta "keyidea"
Pocock hererefersto a "rootidea":Burke"rootshis argumentin the idea that
the law is immemorialand customary."40
37.
38.
39.
40.
Ibid., 161.
Ibid., 111.
Idem.
Ibid., 229.
317
of a secondaryinterpretation
5. Cases of underdetermination
In describingeach kind of secondarymeaningof a text I have drawnattention
to criteriawhichhistoriansrespectin decidingwhethera secondaryinterpretation of a text is acceptableor not. It sometimeshappens,however,that two or
more differentsecondaryinterpretationsmeet these criteriaequallywell, and
thenthereis no rationalgroundfor sayingthatone interpretationis morecorrect
than another.For example,accordingto ChristopherButler,thereare several
differentmodern summaryaccounts of Emily Brontd's WutheringHeights
whichare equallywarranted.He acceptsthat they all "meetinternalcriteriaof
Derek Traversi,
accuracy,consistency,scope, simplicity,and fruitfulness."41
for instance,sees it as contrastingbasic human emotions with the superficial
graces of civilizedlife; TerryEagleton arguesthat Catherine"tradesher authenticselfhood for social privilege,"showingan ideologicalcontradictionbetweenthe individualand the family;whereasPatsy Stonemansees it as demonstratingthe pressuresto conformity put upon women in Victorian nuclear
ourinterpretation,"43
Butlersaysthat"thetextaloneunderdetermines
families.42
and suggestswe should accept the diversityof readingsin this case.
SimilarlyPaulB. Armstronghasdiscusseddifferentsecondaryinterpretations
of EdgarAllan Poe's The Turnof the Screw.EdmundWilsonobservedthat as
only the governesssees the ghost of Peter Quint, the story can be seen to be
about the fantasiesof a "thwartedAnglo-Saxonspinster"-an interpretation
basedupon Freudiantheory. For WayneBooth, on the other hand, the ghosts
are real, and it is just a frighteningghost story. Finally,RobertHeilmannhas
read it as a "struggleof evil to possess the human soul."44Armstrongdraws
attentionto the way a critic'sview of life informshis or her interpretation.He
acknowledgesthat minimumstandardshave to be met for an interpretationto
be acceptable.It "mustdemonstrateinternalcoherenceand effectivenessin
he says, meaning that the interpretation
meeting unexpectedchallenges,"45
should coherewell with the basic meaningof the text, though even this is not
Armstrongarguesthat, in this case at least, an appeal
alwaysunambiguous.46
to the historyof the book's composition,to Poe's intentions,will not resolve
the issuebecausethesecanbe variouslyinterpretedas well.47He findsno rational
groundsfor preferringone of these interpretationsto another.
It is interestingto noticethat the Freudianinterpretationof The Turnof the
Screw nearly succumbedto the criticismby A. J. A. Waldockthat it could
41. Christopher Butler, "On the Rivalry of Norms for Interpretation," New Literary History 20
(1988-1989), 133.
42. Ibid., 129-130.
43. Ibid., 132.
44. Paul B. Armstrong, "History and Epistemology: The Example of the Turn of the Screw,"
New Literary History 19 (1987-1988), 697-698.
45. Ibid., 700.
46. Ibid., 701-702.
47. Ibid., 707-708.
318
C. BEHAN MCCULLAGH
319
his social environment and his national situation etc.""5This, he goes on, is "in
a fundamentally universal way what always happens."52There is no escape from
the historical relativity of historical understanding, he says. "The standpoint
that is beyond any standpoint, a standpoint from which we could conceive its
true identity, is a pure illusion."53According to Gadamer, the relativity of
historical understanding is partly a function of one's "prejudices,"but it is also
a function of one's interests. We tend to see what interests us. "All reading
involves application, so that a person reading a text . . . must accept the fact
that future generations will understand differentlywhat he has read in the text."54
A striking example of how interests influence interpretation is provided by the
convention of reading legal texts with an eye to their application to a case in
hand."5
When one is interpreting an historical text in an unfamiliar language, or from
an earlier period, there is a good chance that a complete understanding of its
meaning will not be immediately available. The historian will usually have to
spend some time finding an interpretation which will make sense of it in the
context of all else that he or she knows which is relevant to it in the culture
from which it came. The process of extending one's understanding in this way
Gadamer, following Dilthey and others, refers to as one of extending one's
"horizon" of understanding, or of "fusing" one's own present horizon with
the horizon of the author. One is often able to come up with an adequate
interpretation in the end, he says, because one is part of the cultural tradition
in which the text was originally created. Traditions, however, change over time,
and so one cannot ever be sure that one's interpretation is accurate.56
Gadamer does sometimes write of an interpretation being "objective" and
"true,"but he means these in a special sense. The only sense in which an interpretation is objective, he explains, is that it has been found to fit the relevant text
and other data well.57 It is certainly not objective in the sense of correctly
describing what the text meant either to its author or to the author's contemporaries.58Similarly, for Gadamer an interpretation is "true"if it is disclosed by
the text in a striking manner.
Whenwe understanda text, what is meaningfulin it charmsus just as the beautiful
charmsus [sayin a painting].It has asserteditself and charmedus beforewe can come
to ourselvesand be in a positionto test the claim to meaningthat it makes. What we
encounterin the experienceof the beautifuland in understandingthe meaningof tradition has effectivelysomethingabout it of the truth of play. In understandingwe are
drawninto an event of truth.59
51.
52.
53.
54.
55.
56.
57.
58.
59.
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
Ibid.,
465.
466.
339.
304.
275, 293.
358.
237.
220-222, 431.
446.
320
C. BEHAN MCCULLAGH
60. David Couzens Hoy, The Critical Circle: Literature, History and Philosophical Hermeneutics (Berkeley, 1978), 107.
321
and of which there is only a moderate amount of evidence, then the historian
has to find an interpretation which fits what is known of the language as well
as possible, and the probability of the interpretation being correct will vary
depending upon the quantity of data and the degree to which the interpretation
fits it.
Historians who study texts from cultures other than their own are only too
well aware of the importance of mastering the language of those texts. This
involves learning the concepts it employs, and how its literature portrays the
society, indeed the world, of its day. To develop such mastery they immerse
themselves in its literature and in the world view of the times. J. G. A. Pocock
has stressed the importance of this practice.
[O]nly after we have understood what means [an author] had of saying anything can we
understand what he meant to say, what he succeeded in saying, what he was taken to
have said. . . . The historian's first problem, then, is to identify the "language" or
"vocabulary"with and within which the author operated.6'
If ... we are asked how we know the languages adumbrated [for example, theological,
legal, and humanist] really existed, or how we recognize them when we see them, we
should be able to reply empirically: that the languages in question are simply there, that
they form individually recognizable patterns and styles, and that we get to know them
by learning to speak them, to think in their patterns and styles until we know that we
are speaking them and can predict in what directions speaking them is carrying us. From
this point we may proceed to study them in depth, detecting both their cultural and social
origins and the modes, linguistic and political, of assumption, implication, and ambiguity
which they contained and helped to convey.62
Historians frequently try to fix the meaning of a text by defining the key words
it employs in terms of the author's personal world view. This can be a very
difficult task. When Peter Laslett presented his account of what Locke meant
by "property,"he referred to no less than thirteen previous attempts to explain
it.63When Dunn discussed Locke's notion of "consent," he contrasted his view
with those of J.Plamenatz and C.B.Macpherson.64 To decide what was meant
by the pamphlets which contributed to the American Revolution, Bernard
Bailyn made a special study of their use of the words "power," "constitution,"
"liberty," "sovereignty," and "slavery."65
What linguistic context should historians examine before they can be reasonably confident that they have mastered a language? There are two ways of
answering this, one statistical and the other historical. First, they should examine as many examples of a discourse as are necessary for them to read such
322
C. BEHAN MCCULLAGH
323
tion and the intention of its author. These interpretationsare not simply a
function of the historian'sprejudicesor preconceptions,but are hypotheses
which, in manycases, aresupportedby quitea largeamountof historicaldata.
Gadamerportrayshermeneuticsas like an aestheticactivity,ignoringthe fact
that it is an act of historicalcognition. He likensthe discoveryof the meaning
of a text to the recognitionof the universaltruthexpressedin a work of art.69
Both aredepictedas the productof a sortof gameor conversationwiththe text,
or with the workof art, in whichone keepscorrectinginitialinterpretationsin
the lightof furtherobservations.Whathe doesnot noticeis thatthehermeneutic
exerciseof findingan interpretationof a text which fits it well is part of the
processof discoveringthe correctbasicinterpretationof that text. If the interpretationaccordswiththe rulesof the languageof the text, and sometimeswith
the contextof its creation,and with the author'sintention,then it is the correct
interpretationof the text.
A skepticmight arguethat the rangeof possibleinterpretationsconsidered
by historiansis limited not only by their preconceptions,but also by their
interests.I have shownthat the influenceof initialpreconceptionsis slight, as
hypothesesareusuallyformedonly aftera carefulconsiderationof the language
andthe contextof the text in question.Certainlyhistoriansareinclinedto think
of hypotheseswhich furthertheir interests.We have seen an exampleof this,
with Macphersonfavoringinterpretationsof Locke and otherswhich support
Marxisttheory.But suchinterpretationsare not generallyacceptedunlessthey
satisfythe relevantcriticalcriteria,and when they do they may be regardedas
correct.Macpherson'shypotheseswhich failed to meet the test wereset aside.
Interestsexertfar less influenceon the interpretationof old textsthanGadamer
would have us believe.
Gadamer,like Crocebefore him, actuallydeploresany understandingof the
pastwhichis not animatedby presentconcerns.He writes:"ahermeneuticsthat
regardedunderstandingas the reconstructionof the originalwouldbe no more
thanthe recoveryof a deadmeaning.... [T]heessentialnatureof the historical
spiritdoes not consistin the restorationof the past, but in thoughtfulmediation
with contemporarylife."70But these are statementsabout the value, or lack of
value,of historicalinterpretations,andarenot relevantto ourpresentconcerns.
WhetherGadamerlikes it or not, historiansare not restrictedto considering
hypotheseswhich appearto be relevantto their presentinterests.
This paper has shown how those who doubt the objectivityof historical
interpretationsof the meaningof texts eitherignorethe quitestringentconventionalcriteriaby whichsuchinterpretationsarejustified,as Derridadid, or they
overlookthe cognitivesignificanceof those criteria,as Gadamerdid. Historical
interpretationsof old texts whichsatisfythose criteriaare objectiveboth in the
sense of being rationallydefensibleand in the sense of being correct.
La Trobe University, Melbourne
69. Gadamer, Truth and Method, 145-146.
70. Ibid., 149-150.