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WhatHappenedtotheWomensMovement?
monthlyreview.org /2001/05/01/whathappenedtothewomensmovement/
byBarbaraEpsteintopics:Feminism,Movements,Philosophy
BarbaraEpsteinisaclosefriendandsupporterofMonthlyReview,andteachesintheHistoryofConsciousness
programattheUniversityofCaliforniaatSantaCruz.AlongwithMarcyDarnovskyandRichardFlackssheisthe
editorofCulturalPoliticsandSocialMovements(TempleUniversityPress,1995).
Fromthelate1960sintothe1980stherewasavibrantwomensmovementintheUnitedStates.Culturallyinfluential
andpoliticallypowerful,onitsliberalsidethismovementincludednationalorganizationsandcampaignsfor
reproductiverights,theEqualRightsAmendment(ERA),andotherreforms.Onitsradicalsideitincludedwomens
liberationandconsciousnessraisinggroups,aswellasculturalandgrassrootsprojects.Thewomensmovement
wasalsomadeupofinnumerablecaucusesandorganizingprojectsintheprofessions,unions,government
bureaucracies,andotherinstitutions.Themovementbroughtaboutmajorchangesinthelivesofmanywomen,and
alsoineverydaylifeintheUnitedStates.Itopenedtowomenprofessionsandbluecollarjobsthatpreviouslyhad
beenreservedformen.Ittransformedtheportrayalofwomenbythemedia.Itintroducedthedemandforwomens
equalityintopolitics,organizedreligion,sports,andinnumerableotherarenasandinstitutions,andasaresultthe
genderbalanceofparticipationandleadershipbegantochange.Byframinginequalityandoppressioninfamilyand
personalrelationsasapoliticalquestion,thewomensmovementopeneduppublicdiscussionofissuespreviously
seenasprivate,andthereforebeyondpublicscrutiny.Thewomensmovementchangedthewaywetalk,andthe
waywethink.Asaresult,arguablymostyoungwomennowbelievethattheiroptionsareoratleastshouldbeas
openasmens.
Despitethedramaticaccomplishmentsofthewomensmovement,andtheacceptanceofwomensequalityasagoal
inmostsectorsofU.S.society,genderequalityhasnotyetbeenachieved.Manymorewomenworkoutsidethe
homebutmostcontinuetobeconcentratedinlowpayingjobswomenearn,ontheaverage,considerablylessthan
menwomenaremuchmorelikelythanmentobepoor.Violenceagainstwomenisstillwidespread.Responsibility
forchildcareremainslargelytheresponsibilityofwomendespitethefactthatmostwomenworkoutsidethehome,
nowhereisitseenasasocietalratherthanafamilialresponsibility.Inthe1960sand1970sfeministsprotestedthe
imbalanceinpowerbetweenmenandwomeninfamilyandpersonalrelations.Butthesecontinuetoexist.
Worstofall,thereisnolongeramasswomensmovement.Therearemanyorganizationsworkingforwomens
equalityinthepublicarenaandinprivateinstitutionstheseincludespecificallywomensorganizationssuchasthe
NationalOrganizationforWomen,andinenvironmental,healthcare,socialjusticeandotherareasthataddress
womensissues.But,wheretherewereoncewomensorganizationswithlargeparticipatorymembershipsthereare
nowbureaucraticstructuresrunbypaidstaff.Feministtheory,onceprovocativeandfreewheeling,haslostconcern
withtheconditionsofwomenslivesandhasbecomepretentiousandtired.Thisraisestwoquestions.Whyisthere
solittlediscussionoftheneardisappearanceofamovementthatnotsolongagowasstrongenoughtobringabout
majorchangesinthesocialandculturallandscape?Whatarethecausesofthemovementsdecline?
WhytheSilence?
Thedeclineofthewomensmovementhascoincidedwitharightwingattackonfeminism,andwiththedeclineof
otheractivistmovements.ThecivilrightsandBlackPowermovementsareconsiderablyweakerandmore
fragmentednowthantheywereafewdecadesago.Theenvironmentalactivistandgayandlesbianrights
movementshavelostcoherenceanddirection.Manyfeministsandotherprogressiveshaveresistedpublic
discussionoftheweaknessesofthesemovements,arguingthatanyacknowledgementofthemprovidestheright
withammunition.Butthisisnotavalidreasontoavoidexaminingamovementsproblems.Thereisnoplaceother
thanthepublicarenaforholdingsuchadiscussion.Thecausesofthedeclineofthesemovementsaremore
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complicatedthancanbedealtwithbycirclingthewagons.Rightwingattackshaveplayedaroleindamagingsome
feministprojects,suchasabortionrights,buttheoveralldeclineofthewomensmovementhasmuchmoretodowith
alossofasenseofurgencywithinthanwithattacksfromwithout.
Itismyimpressionthattherealreasonforavoidingorsuppressingcriticismswithinthemovementisfearthat
discussingthemovementsproblemswillhastenaprocessofunravelingthatisalreadywellunderway.Movements
arefragilethegluethatholdsthemtogetherconsistsnotonlyinbeliefinthecausesthattheyrepresent,butalso
confidenceintheirowngrowingstrength.Especiallywhenamovementisindeclineitistemptingtosilencecriticism
andturntowhistlinginthedark,inthehopethatnoonewillnoticethatsomethinghasgonewrong.Butproblems
thatarenotacknowledgedordiscussedarenotlikelytogoawayitismorelikelythattheywillworsen.
Understandingwhyamovementhasdeclinedmaynotleadtotherevivalofthatmovementasitwasinthepast,but
itmayhelpinfindingnewdirections.
Reluctancetolookattheweaknessesofthecurrentwomensmovementmayalsohavetodowiththefearthat
secondwave,orcontemporary,feminismcoulddisappear,sharingthefateoffirstwavefeminism.Thefirstwomens
movementintheUnitedStates,whichtookplaceinthelatterpartofthenineteenthandtheearlytwentiethcentury,
wasalmostwipedfromhistoricalmemoryduringthefourdecadeinterludebetweenthetwowavesoffeminist
activism.Itwastheweaknessesoffirstwavefeminism,mostofwhichhavenotbeensharedbyfeminismssecond
wave,thatmadethispossible.Firstwavefeminismwaslargelyconfinedtowhite,middleanduppermiddleclass
women.Firstwavefeminismalsomoved,overthecourseofitshistory,towardsanarrownessofvisionthatisolatedit
fromotherprogressivemovements.ThefirstfeministmovementintheUnitedStatesoriginatedintheabolitionist
movement.Initsearlyyearsfeminismsalliancewiththeantislaverymovement,anditsassociationwithother
protestmovementsofthepreCivilWardecades,gaveitaradicalcast.ButwhentheCivilWarendedandsuffrage
wasextendedtoformerslavesbutnottowomen,muchofthewomensmovementabandoneditsalliancewith
blacks.InthedecadesbetweentheCivilWarandtheturnofthetwentiethcentury,racistandantiimmigrant
sentimentspreadwithinthemiddleclass.Inthelastdecadesofthenineteenthcenturyandthefirsttwodecadesof
thetwentieththewomensmovementnarroweditsfocustowinningwomanssuffrage,andleadingfeministsturned
toracistandantiimmigrantargumentsonbehalfofthatgoal.Othercurrentsinthewomensmovement,suchasthe
womenstradeunionmovement,avoidedracismandcontinuedtolinkfeminismwitharadicalperspective.Butbythe
latenineteenthcenturythemainstreamwomansuffrageorganizationsdominatedthewomensmovement.Bythe
timewomanssuffragewaswon,firstwavefeminismhadabandonedanybroaderagendaandhaddistanceditself
fromotherprogressivemovements.Feminismwaseasilypushedasidebytheconservativeforcesthatbecame
dominantinthetwenties.
Theimpactofsecondwavefeminismhasbeenbroaderanddeeperthanthatofthefirstwave.Whateverdirection
U.S.politicsmaytakeitishardtoimaginefeminismbeingwipedofftheslateasitwasinthethirties,fortiesand
fifties.Inthelastthreedecadesfeminismhaschangedwomenslivesandthinkinginwaysthatarenotlikelytobe
reversed.Wherefirstwavefeminismcollapsedintoasingleissuefocus,secondwavefeminismhasinmany
respectsbroadened.Secondwavefeminismhaditslimitationsinitsearlyyears.Thoughparticipantsincluded
womenofcolorandofworkingclassbackgrounds,theirrouteintothemovementwasthroughthesamestudentand
professionalcirclesthroughwhichwhitemiddleclasswomenfoundfeminism.Thepresenceofwomenofcolorand
workingclasswomendidnotmeanthatfeminismwasbeingadoptedwithinthesecommunities.Secondwave
feminists,especiallyintheintoxicatingearlyyearsofthemovement,tendedtobelievethattheycouldspeakforall
women.Suchclaimscontainedasmallgrainoftruth,butignoredthecompositionofthemovement,whichwas
overwhelminglyyoung,white,collegeeducated,heterosexual,anddrawnfromthepostSecondWorldWarmiddle
class.
Unlikefirstwavefeminism,thesecondwavebroadenedovertime,initscompositionand,inimportantrespects,inits
perspective.Inthe1970sand1980s,lesbianfeminismemergedasacurrentwithinthemovement.Womenofcolor
begantoarticulatetheirownversionsoffeminism,andworkingclasswomen,whohadnotbeenpartofthe
movementsearlyconstituencyofstudentsandprofessionals,begantoorganizearounddemandsforequal
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treatmentattheworkplaceandinunions,forchildcare,andforreproductiverights.Wherefirstwavefeminismpulled
back,overtime,fromitsearlyallianceswiththeblackmovementandotherradicalcurrents,secondwavefeminism
increasinglyallieditselfwithprogressivemovements,especiallywithmovementsofpeopleofcolorandwiththegay
andlesbianmovement.Secondwavefeministsalsodevelopedincreasingsensitivitytoracialdifferences,and
differencesofsexualorientation,withinthewomensmovement.
FromaMovementtoanIdea
Theheydayofthewomensmovementwasinthelate1960sandearly1970s.Duringthe1980sand1990sa
feministperspective,oridentity,spreadwidelyandadiffusefeministconsciousnessisnowfoundnearlyeverywhere.
Therearenowcountlessactivistgroupsandsocialandculturalprojectswhosegoalsandapproachesareinformed
byfeminism.Therearewomensorganizationswithdiverse,grassrootsconstituenciesfocusingonissuesofconcern
toworkingclasswomenandwomenofcolor.ThereistheNationalCongressofNeighborhoodWomen,dealingwith
theproblemsofworkingclasswomenandwomenofcolor.Therearemanylocalgroupswithsimilarconcernsan
examplefromCaliforniaistheMothersofEastLosAngeles,whichhasplayedanimportantroleinenvironmental
justicestruggles.ThereisWomensActionforNewDirections(previouslyWomensActionforNuclearDisarmament),
bringingwomenofcolorandwhitewomentogetheraroundissuesofhealthandtheenvironment.Therearemany
others.Nevertheless,grassrootsactivismisnotthedominant,ormostvisible,sectorofthewomensmovement.
Publicperceptionoffeminismisshapedbythestaffrunorganizationswhoseconcernsarethoseoftheirupper
middleclassconstituenciesandbythepublicationsoffeministsintheacademy.Themassdiffusionoffeminist
consciousness,thebureaucratizationofleadingwomensorganizations,andthehighvisibilityofacademicfeminism
areallconsequencesoftheacceptanceoffeminismbymajorsectorsofsociety.Butthesechangeshavenot
necessarilybeengoodforthemovement.Feminismhassimultaneouslybecomeinstitutionalizedandmarginalized.It
hasbeenrhetoricallyaccepted,butthewindhasgoneoutofitssails.
Feministactivismhasnotceased,norhavethenumbersofwomenengagedinfeministactivityordiscussion
declined.MillionsofU.S.womentalktoeachotheraboutwomensconcerns,usingthevocabularyoffeminism.
Therearecountlessorganizedfeministprojects,focusingondomesticviolence,reproductiverightsandwomens
health.Thereareinternationalnetworksofwomencontinuingeffortsbegunattheinternationalmeetingofwomenat
Beijingin1995.Youngfeministwritersarepublishingbooksaddressedto,orspeakingfor,theirgeneration.
Theproliferationoffeministactivismispartofabroaderpattern.Thenumbersofpeopleinvolvedincommunity,
socialjustice,andprogressiveactivismgenerallyappearstohaveincreasedsincethe1970s(thoughthereisnoway
ofcountingthenumbersofpeopleinvolved).Feministactivismisnotanexceptiontothistrend,especiallyifone
includesinthiscategorywomensinvolvementintheenvironmentalandpublichealthmovements,addressing
womensissuesamongothers.Thefactthatfeministperspectiveshavebeenadoptedbymovementsoutsidethe
womensmovement,byorganizationsthatalsoincludemen,isitselfanachievement.Womenplayarolein
leadershipoftheenvironmentalandanticorporatemovementsthatisatleastequaltomensfeminismis
understoodbymostofthesegroupstobeamajorelementintheiroutlook.Buttheseactivistprojectsdonotshape
thepublicimageoffeminism.Theorganizationsandacademicnetworksthatshapepublicperceptionsoffeminism
havebecomedistantfromtheconstituenciesthatonceinvigoratedthem,andhavelostfocusanddynamism.
Feminismhasbecomemoreanideathanamovement,andonethatoftenlacksthevisionaryqualitythatitonce
had.Thesamecouldbesaidaboutprogressivemovements,ortheleft,generally:wenowhaveafairlylargeand
respectablearenainwhichfeministandprogressiveideasaretakenforgranted.Andyetweseemtohavelittle
influenceonthedirectionofpoliticsintheUnitedStatesasawhole,andakindoflowgradedepressionseemsto
havesettledoverthefeminist/progressivearena.Thisisbothresultandcauseoftheweaknessoftheleftinrecent
decades,aresponsetothewidespreadacceptanceoftheviewthatthereisnoalternativetocapitalism.The
womensmovementhasbeenweakenedalongwithotherprogressivemovementsbythislossinconfidenceinthe
possibilitythatcollectiveactioncanbringaboutsocialchange.
WhytheDeclineoftheWomensMovement?
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Inthe1960sandearly1970sthedominanttendencyinthewomensmovementwasradicalfeminism.Atthattime
thewomensmovementincludedtwomoreorlessdistincttendencies.OneofthesecalleditselfSocialistFeminism
(or,attimes,MarxistFeminism)andunderstoodtheoppressionofwomenasintertwinedwithotherformsof
oppression,especiallyraceandclass,andtriedtodevelopapoliticsthatwouldchallengeallofthesesimultaneously.
TheothertendencycalleditselfRadicalFeminism.LargeRRadicalFeministsarguedthattheoppressionofwomen
wasprimary,thatallotherformsofoppressionflowedfromgenderinequality.
Feministradicalsofbothstripesinsistedthattheinequalityofthesexesinthepublicspherewasinseparablefrom
thatinprivateliferadicalfeminismdemandedequalityforwomeninbothspheres.Anddespitedisagreements
amongthemselvesabouttherelationshipbetweentheoppressionofwomenandotherformsofoppression,radical
feministsagreedthatequalitybetweenwomenandmencouldnotexistbyitself,inasocietyotherwisedividedby
inequalitiesofwealthandpower.Thegoalofradicalfeminismwasanegalitariansociety,andnewkindsof
community,basedonequality.
Duringthe1960sand1970stheradicalcurrentwithinthewomensmovementpropelledthewholemovement
forward,butitwasthedemandforwomensentryintotheworkplace,onequaltermswithmen,thatgainedmost
ground.Themoreradicalfeministdemandsforanegalitariansocietyandnewkindsofcommunitycouldnotbewon
soeasily.Thoughtheliberalandradicalwingsofthewomensmovementdifferedintheirpriorities,theirdemands
werenotsharplydivided.Radicalfeministswantedgenderequalityintheworkplace,andmostliberalfeminists
wantedamoreegalitariansociety.Affirmativeactionwasnotonlyatoolofprivilegedwomen.Inanarticleinthe
Spring1999issueofFeministStudies,NancyMcLeanpointsoutthatworkingwomenusedthispolicytostrugglefor
equalityattheworkplace,bothopeninguptraditionallymalejobsforwomenandcreatingaworkingclasscomponent
ofthewomensmovement.Aslongasthewomensmovementwasgrowingandwasgaininginfluence,demandsfor
equalaccesstotheworkplaceandforbroadsocialequalitycomplementedoneanother.
Butamovementsdemands,oncewon,canhavedifferentconsequencesthanintended.Affirmativeaction
campaignswereonthewholemoreeffectiveintheprofessionsthanelsewhere,anditwaseducated,
overwhelminglywhite,womenwhowerepoisedtotakeadvantageoftheseopportunities.Thiswasinlargepartdue
tothefailureofthelabormovementtoorganizewomenandpeopleofcolor.Theclassandracialtiltofaffirmative
actionwasalsoaresultoftheacceleratingstratificationofU.S.societyinthe1970s,1980s,and1990s,thegrowing
gapbetweenthelowerandhigherrungsoftheeconomy.Thegainsmadebyworkingwomenforaccesstohigher
paidjobscouldnotoffsettheeffectsofwideningclassdivisions.Fromtheearly1970son,thestandardoflivingof
workersgenerallydeclined.Women,whowerepoorertobeginwith,sufferedtheworstconsequences.
Theradicalfeministvisionbecamestalled,tornapartbyfactionalismandbyintensesectarianideologicalconflicts.
Bythelatterpartofthe1970s,aculturalfeminism,aimedmoreatcreatingafeministsubculturethanatchanging
socialrelationsgenerally,hadtakentheplaceformerlyoccupiedbyradicalfeminism.AliceEcholsbookDaringtoBe
Bad:RadicalFeminisminAmerica19671975describesthesedevelopmentsaccuratelyandempathetically.Ruth
Rosensrecentsurveyofthewomensmovement,TheWorldSplitOpen:HowtheModernWomensMovement
ChangedAmerica,includesacleareyedaccountoftheimpactofthesedevelopmentsonthewomensmovement
generally.Ordinarily,suchsectarianismoccursinmovementsthatarefailing,butthewomensmovement,atthe
time,wasstrongandgrowing.Theproblemwastheverylargegapbetweenthesocialtransformationthatradical
feministswantedandthepossibilityofbringingitabout,atleastintheshortrun.Themovementitselfbecamethe
terrainfortheconstructionof,ifnotanewsociety,atleastanewwoman.Thedegreeofpuritythatfeminists
demandedofoneanotherwasboundtoleadtodisappointmentandrecriminations.
Ithinkthatradicalfeminismbecamesomewhatcrazedforthesamereasonsthatmuchoftheradicalmovementdid
duringthesameperiod.Inthelate1960sandearly1970smanyradicalsnotonlyadoptedrevolutionastheiraimbut
alsothoughtthatrevolutionwaswithinreachintheUnitedStates.Differentgroupshaddifferentvisionsofrevolution.
Therewerefeminist,black,anarchist,MarxistLeninist,andotherversionsofrevolutionarypolitics,butthebeliefthat
revolutionofonesortoranotherwasaroundthecornercutacrossthesedivisions.Theturntowardrevolutionwas
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notinitselfabadthingitshowedanunderstandingofthedepthoftheproblemsthatthemovementconfronted.But
theideathatrevolutionwaswithinreachintheUnitedStatesintheseyearswasunrealistic.ThewarinVietnamhad
producedamajorcrisisinU.S.society.Protestagainstthewar,combinedwithprotestagainstracismandsexism,
ledsometothinkthatithadbecomepossibletocreateanewsociety.Infact,theconstituencyforrevolution,
howeverconceived,waslimitedmostlytostudentsandotheryoungpeople,andthiswasnotenoughforarevolution.
Whenthewarendedthebroadconstituencyoftheprotestmovementevaporated,isolatingitsradicalcore.Radical
feminismlastedlongerthanotherinsurgenciesduetothecontinuingstrengthofthewomensmovementasawhole,
andtheongoingreceptivityofmanyfeministstoradicalideas.Butbythe1980sradicalfeminism,atleastasan
activistmovementwithacoherentagenda,alsobecamemarginaltopoliticsintheUnitedStates.
Affirmativeactionforwomenconstitutedanefforttowardgenderequalityintheworkplace,agoalnotyetachieved.
Butthesuccessofthewomensmovementinopeninguptheprofessionstowomen,ironically,hashadtheeffectof
narrowingthemovementsperspectiveandgoals.Whenitwasmostlymadeupofyoungpeople,andinfusedwith
radicalideas,feminismwasabletodevelopaperspectivethatwasinmanywaysindependentof,andcriticalof,the
classfromwhichmostfeministsweredrawn.Now,althoughthereareimportantnew,youngerfeministvoices,the
largestpartoftheorganizedwomensmovementconsistsofwomenofmygeneration,thegenerationthatinitiated
secondwavefeminism.Iamnotsuggestingthatpeoplenecessarilybecomelessradicalastheygetolder.Ithink
thatwhathappenstopeoplespoliticsdependsasmuchonthetimes,andthepoliticalactivitythattheyengagein,as
itdoesontheirage.Inaperiodwhenradicalismhasbeenmadetoseemirrelevantevenfortheyoung,itiseasyfor
amovementwhoseleadershipismostlymadeupofmiddleaged,middleclassprofessionalstodriftintosomething
likecomplacency.
Thisofcoursedoesnotdescribethewholewomensmovement.Whatwenowhaveisawomensmovement
composedontheonehandofrelativelycautiousorganizationssuchastheNationalOrganizationforWomen,the
NationalWomensPoliticalCaucus,andothers,aswellasmoredaringbutalsolessvisibleorganizationsconcerned
withspecificissuegrassrootsorganizing.Whatwedonothaveisasectorofthewomensmovementthatdoeswhat
radicalfeminismoncedid,thataddressestheissueofwomenssubordinationgenerally,andplacesitwithina
critiqueofsocietyasawhole.LiberalfeminismlosttheERA,butitdidaccomplishmanythings.Largelyduetoliberal
feministorganizingefforts,youngwomenandgirlsnowhaveopportunitiesthatdidnotexistafewdecadesago,and
expectationsthatwouldhaveseemedwildlyunrealistictoearliergenerations.
Radicalversionsoffeminismstillexist,butmoreintheacademyandamongintellectualsthanamongorganizers.
Somefeministshavecontinuedtoworkatbridgingthisgap,bothintheirintellectualworkandinengagementwith
grassrootsmovements.Thegrowingnumbersofwomen,includingfeminists,intheacademy,hasmeantthatmany
studentshavebeenintroducedtofeministandprogressiveideas,andfeministandprogressivewritingshave
influencedthethinkingofawideaudience.Butonthewhole,feministsintheacademy,alongwiththeprogressive
wingofacademicsgenerally,lackaclearpoliticalagenda,andhaveoftenbecomecaughtupinthelogicandvalues
oftheuniversity.Inthearenaofhightheory,andtosomeextentculturalstudies,bothofwhicharecloselyassociated
withfeminism,thepursuitofstatus,prestige,andstardomhasturnedfeministandprogressivevaluesontheirhead.
Insteadofthe1960sradicalfeministcritiqueofhierarchy,wehaveakindofrevelinginhierarchyandinthebenefits
thatcomewithrisingtothetopofit.
Thoughthecontemporarywomensmovementhasavoidedtheracialandethnicbiases,andthesingleissuefocus,
thatplaguedtheearlyfeministmovement,itresemblesfirstwavefeminisminhavinggraduallylostitscritical
distancefromitsownmiddleanduppermiddleclassposition.Firstwavefeminismnarrowed,overthecourseofits
history,notonlyinrelationtotheissueofracebutalsoinrelationtotheissuesofcapitalandclass.InthepreCivil
Waryears,firstwavefeminismwaspartofaloosecoalitionofmovementswithinwhichradicalideascirculated,
includingcriticalviewsofindustrialcapitalism.Inthelatenineteenthcentury,asthestructuresofindustrialcapitalism
hardenedandclassconflictintensified,feministsplayedimportantrolesinthereformmovementsthatchampioned
poorandworkingclasspeople,andsomesectionsofthewomensmovementcriticizedcapitalismandreachedout
tolabor.TheWomensChristianTemperanceUnion,forinstance,criticizedtheexploitationoflaborbycapitaland
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entertainedsupportforgospelsocialismasChristianityinaction.Intheearlyyearsofthetwentiethcenturythe
alliancebetweenfeminismandsocialismcontinuedwithintheSocialistParty.Butaftertheturnofthecentury
mainstreamfeministsmovedawayfromanycritiqueofcapitalism,insteadidentifyingwomensinterestsandvalues
withthoseoftheuppermiddleclass.Bythetimefirstwavefeminismdisappearedithadlostanycriticalperspective
oncapitalismoronitsownclassorigins.
FeminismHasAbsorbedthePerspectiveoftheMiddleClass
Likefirstwavefeminism,contemporaryfeminismhasovertimetendedtoabsorbtheperspectiveofthemiddleclass
fromwhichitislargelydrawn.Meanwhiletheperspectiveofthatclasshaschanged.Overthelastseveraldecades,
undertheimpactofincreasingeconomicinsecurityandwideninginequalities,thepursuitofindividualadvancement
hasbecomeanincreasinglyimportantfocuswithinthemiddleclass.Communityengagementhasweakenedfor
many,perhapsmost,middleclasspeople.Formanypeople,especiallyprofessionals,workhasbecomesomething
ofareligionworkistheonlyremainingsourceofidentitythatseemsvalid.Meanwhiletheworkplacehasbecome,
formany,morecompetitiveandmorestressful.Thisisnotjustaproblemoftheworkplace,butofthecultureasa
whole.Thiscountryhasbecomeincreasinglyindividualistic,cold,andselfish.Andfeminismhasnotnoticeably
challengedthis.Thefeministdemandforequalworkplaceaccesswasandremainsimportantformostwomenthis
demandhasnotbeenachieved.Butthemostvisiblesectorofthewomensmovementappearstohavesubstituted
aspirationstowardmaterialsuccessforthedemandforsocialequalityandcommunity.Thisevolution,fromthe
radicalandtransformingvaluesofitsearlyyears,hasbeensogradualthatithasbeeneasyforthoseinvolvednotto
noticeit.Butitisareflectionoftheshiftingperspectivesofwomenwhowereoncepartofaradicalmovementand
nowfindthemselvesinsettingsgovernedbyadifferentsetofvalues.
Inthe1970sand1980s,manyfeministsthoughtthatifonlywecouldgetmorewomenintotheuniversities,the
universitieswouldbetransformedandwouldbecomelesselitist,lesscompetitive,morehumane,andmore
concernedwithaddressingsocialproblems.Wenowhavealotofwomenintheuniversities,anditisnotclearthat
theuniversitieshavechangedforthebetter.Indeed,inmanyrespectstheuniversitiesareworse,especiallyinregard
tothegrowingpursuitofcorporatefundsandtheresultantspreadofthemarketethos.Butsofarneitherwomenin
generalnorfeministsinparticularhavebeenespeciallyprominentinchallengingthesetrendsanddemandinga
morehumane,lesscompetitive,orlesshierarchicaluniversity.Feministacademicshavenotinrecentyearsbeen
particularlynotablefortheiradherencetosuchvalues.Therearesomeareasofacademicfeminismwherethereis
opendiscussion,wherepeopletreateachotherwithrespect,andwhereeveryoneinvolvedistreatedasanequal
participanttowardsacommonpurpose.Butintoomuchoffeministacademiathisisnotthecase.Inthearenaof
hightheory,themostprestigioussectorofacademicfeminism,competitionandthepursuitofstatusarealltoooften
uppermost.
Theshiftinvaluesthathastakenplaceinthewomensmovementhasbeenpartofabroadertrend.Inaperiodof
sharpeningeconomicandsocialdivisions,characterizedbycorporatedemandforgreaterandgreaterprofitsandthe
canonizingofgreed,awholegenerationhasbeenseizedbythedesiretorisetothetop.Feministsarenoexception
tothis.Theimageofthefeministascareeristisnotmerelyafantasypromulgatedbyhostilemedia.Putdifferently,
feminists,atleastthoseinacademiaandintheprofessions,havebeennomoreovertakenbythesevaluesthan
othermembersofthemiddleclass.Buttosaythisistoadmitthatfeministshavelosttheirgriponavisionofabetter
world.
Contemporaryfeminismemergedoutoftherebellionofyoungmiddleclasswomenagainstdomesticity,andtheir
demandforcareersoutsidethehome,whichwasonesideofthegenderpoliticsofthe1960sandearly1970s.The
othersidewasrebellionagainstworkinacorporatedrivensocietyonthepartoftheyoungmenoftheNewLeft,and
theirneverfullydefineddemandforsomethingmoremeaningful.ChristopherLaschsposthumouslypublished
collectionofessays,WomenandtheCommonLife(Norton,1997)argues,inanessayentitledTheSexualDivision
ofLabor,TheDeclineofCivilCulture,andtheRiseoftheSuburbs,thatthesecritiqueswerebothcorrectandwere
inprinciplecomplementary.Hearguedthateachviewsufferedfromfailingtotaketheotherintoaccount,andthatthe
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divisionbetweenthesecritiquesreflectedtheexcessivedistancebetweenthespheresofworkandfamily.Hecalled
forequalparticipationofthesexesinthehomeandaworkplacemademorehumanbyincorporationofafeminist
critique.
Ithinkthatweneedanupdatedversionof1960sradicalismwhichwouldincludebothsocialistandfeminist
perspectivesandaddressitselftotheincreasedpowerofthecorporationsandinfluenceofmarketplacevalues.Most
feministswoulddisavowtheindividualismandthepursuitofsuccessthathasbecomesuchaprominentpartof
cultureintheUnitedStates.ButIthinkthatmostofusliveaccordingtothesevaluesanyway:wemeasureourvalue
byoursuccessatwork,andweletlittlestandinthewayofit.Itistakenforgrantedthatsuccessinlifecanbe
measured,inlargepart,bytheachievementofwealthandstatus,throughwork.Thesevaluesmayhavetakenhold
moststronglywithintheprofessionalmiddleclass,buttheyhaveextendedfarbeyonditaswelltheyarereinforced
byeconomicinsecurity,thefearoffallingbehind,losingonesjob,fallingtothebottom.
Itisdifficult,evenforradicals,tomaintainadifferentsetofvalues,wheninstitutionsandsocialrelationsoutsideof
workhavebecomesoweakened,whennothingbutachievementatworkseemstoholdmuchsocialvalue.Our
communitieshavedwindled.Weregretthisbutmostofusrespondbyfurtherthrowingourselvesintoourwork.I
thinkweneedacritiqueof,andanalternativeto,anincreasinglyunfetteredcapitalism,whichintensifiessocial
divisions,putsapriceoneverything,anddrawsallarenasoflifeintoitsvortex.Onecanthinkoftheradicalfeminist
demandforequalityandcommunityasquaint,oronecanseeitasapreconditionforacontemporaryradical
program.

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