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Faces of Extremism in South Asia
Faces of Extremism in South Asia
further towards an abyss. Observe conditions in India, where every argument points to Narendra Modi taking charge of the country after the
general elections in April this year. The inescapable truth arises here: secular forces are in retreat in India and the Bharatiya Janata Party is
headed for a fresh new stint in government, this time under the leadership of an individual whose role in the 2002 Gujarat riots has
continued to raise questions. That Team Modi is on its way to power is not in doubt, unless of course some miracle happens to keep the
rightwing at bay at the forthcoming elections.
Circumstances in Pakistan, which has since its creation out of India in August 1947 based its existence on the so-called two-nation theory
used by the Muslim League so forcefully that the partition of India had to take place, today suffers from ailments dating back to the knifing of
a united India prior to the departure of the British colonial power. Sectarian conflict, as in instances of fanatical Sunni Muslims bombing Shia
groups to pieces in mosques and outside, has left politics absolutely frayed at the edges.
In what other ways has religious fundamentalism been given a boost by those who should have known better? Observe:
In 1980s Bangladesh, an illegitimate military regime decided in the infinity of its wisdom to impose Islam on the country as the religion of the
state. In the years that followed, religious intolerance acquired steadily newer levels. Today, Bangladesh's Hindu population is in steep
decline, especially in light of the recent attacks on Hindu temples and homes in the country. Where the Hindu population in East
Bengal/Bangladesh amounted to 35% of the whole following Partition, it dwindled to 29% prior to the War of Liberation. Today,
embarrassingly, Hindus account for less than 9% of the country's population.
Back in 1974, afraid that Pakistan's religious right would be out on the streets unless action was taken against a very docile Ahmadiyya
community, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto officially made it known that henceforth Ahmadiyyas would be regarded as non-Muslims,
with no right to call themselves part of Islam. Ahmadiyyas are today a subdued yet persecuted lot, not just in Pakistan. In Bangladesh too
they remain in fear of the religious majority.
In the late 1980s, Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, afraid a backlash against his government might take place as a result of Salman Rushdie's
new book hitting the stands, decreed a ban on the Satanic Verses. All hell would break loose.
The road to fundamentalism was taken by South Asia in subsequent years. Today, regional integration -- in terms of people-to-people links,
trade, political and diplomatic issues -- is under threat. Secular forces are under assault while fundamentalism seeks to destroy order and
civility from within. The Taliban dictate terms to Pakistan's ruling classes. Hindutva remains on the march in India. In Bangladesh, the
government goes tough against the backward-looking right, but understands too that the battle will be hard and long.
The ultimate question: how long will it take for South Asia to roll the forces of fundamentalism back, to prise religion out of politics and to
restore politics to where it should belong, namely, a secular and therefore democratic perch?