Download as docx, pdf, or txt
Download as docx, pdf, or txt
You are on page 1of 10

A low in Bangladesh US ties

by Farooque Chowdhury
DAN Mozena,: The US relations with Bangladesh
are not usual. He said: The US interaction with the
present government is not business as usual
(bdnews24.com, Americas relations with Hasina
govt not warm: Mozena, February 11).
Its difficult to recollect any such observation made
by any diplomat, not only diplomats from the US, in
Dhaka. Such observation was not made
immediately after the emergence of Bangladesh
even.
During that period, the Bangladesh-US relation was
not a happy one. Bangladesh, near to the USSR
orbit during the period, was struggling hard to get
membership in the Asian Development Bank, the
World Bank and the United Nations.
Members of the navy from the erstwhile USSR were
assisting Bangladesh in making the Chittagong port
operational. They were salvaging ships sunk during
the war for liberation and clearing off sea mines set
around
the
port.

In the face of genocide being carried out by the


occupying Pakistan army, about 10 million of the
Bengali people had to pass uncertain, hard time in
the refugee camps in India, and millions were
internally displaced while Nixon and Kissinger were
extending their warm-hearted support to the
Pakistan regime.
The US leaders were villains in the eyes of the
Bangladesh people. Rather, the people of Vietnam
were heroes to them as the Vietnamese people
were waging a heroic war against the US army and
the US backed Saigon regime, and they were close
to a historic victory, which was also a symbol of
humanitys tenacity.
McNamara, the then World Bank president, and
Kissinger visited Bangladesh. Kissingers definition
of Bangladesh basket case stirred
Bangladeshs internal politics, especially the Mujib
opponents, for a while. But the following days were
of gradual improvement of relations between the US
and
its
Bangladesh
elite
allies.

The

observation

reflects

the

state

of

the

Bangladesh-US relationship, and signals a future


scene.
The state of the relationship and the future scene
stands on certain other relations and interests, and
their prevailing conditions. Interests, many faceted
and having many roots, often give growth to
contradictions. These are related to factions of the
Bangladesh ruling elites and external factors and
forces.
Almost the same time, an AFP report said: The US
will curtail aid that benefits Bangladeshi
politicians amid frustration over the countrys
prolonged political infighting
The curtailing assistance with limited benefit is
symbolic, an expression of a dictation or
displeasure.
12).
Nisha termed Bangladesh, the seventh-largest
country by population and third-largest Muslimmajority nation, is a country of strategic importance
to
the
United
States.
The US position in Bangladesh, an increasingly
important trading partner of the US, had, however,
been called into question in October 2013, when
Indian diplomats suggested they were being

pursued to back a certain party in Bangladesh.


Nishas statement carried caution notice to all
concerned: Bangladesh has too much to lose
and Bangladesh was at a critical juncture (ibid). It
may be a warning too. And, it may be a signal of
coming
days.
After the Kissingerian pronouncement basket
case Bangladesh was depicted, for years, as a
humanitarian case. It was repeatedly told: All are
humanitarian aid whatever is doled out to
Bangladesh.
Now,
Bangladesh
is
termed
strategically
important.
A lot is there in this change of imposed identity:
from basket case to strategically important. The
change is within Bangladesh, and around
Bangladesh, in the Asia-Pacific, in the changing
reality of competition, and in imperial strategy.
Abul Maal Abdul Muhith, finance minister of
Bangladesh, made an observation: The US is
committing a mistake by pressuring Bangladesh on
matters related to its internal politics and other
issues
The views expressed appear unusual to a reader of
Awami League history other than the period of the

war
for
liberation.
One Indian journalist who helped in Bangladeshs
liberation efforts remarked that the ambassador was
behaving like a Standing Committee member of
BNP [another major political party] (Americas
relations
with
).
The report added: Indian media published reports
saying a gap had developed between India and the
US over Jan 5 [Bangladesh] elections (ibid).
Recent media reports from Dhaka carry more
startling information, observations and narration of
acts and utterances related to the superpowerBangladesh
relation.
A few of these are a dominating factions direct
rejection of superpower position on Bangladesh
politics. A few of these are hard to swallow for the
superpower. Its difficult to find a precedent of a few
of these in mainstream politics since 1947 in this
land. This reality raises questions related to the
position taken by a faction of the Bangladesh
dominating interests, or the factional dynamics of
the
dominating
interests.

Moreover, one can say, the issue, the recently


concluded election, is on the surface. There may be
deeper issues involving wider interests, which are
under
the
surface.
In
imperial-speak,
election,
democracy,
transparency, accountability, etc carry their own
connotation.
State of democracy in imperial powers is evidence
of its class character. External deals of these
powers
are
more
powerful
evidence.
There are many instances of imperial powers
claiming as champions of democracy have not only
tolerated
absolute
undemocratic/authoritarian
regimes, but patronised those also.
Anyone can recollect the General Ziaul Huq regime
in Pakistan, Marcos in the Philippines, Mubarak in
Egypt, Yeltsin in Russia and many more.
Bankers initiated regime change and installed
unelected governments in a number of European
countries in the very recent past. These were not
questioned. Imperialist capitals definition of
democracy changes with evolving geostrategic
requirements.

Post-election congratulations, greetings, messages


to Sheikh Hasina, the Bangladesh prime minister, a
sort of support, also say a part of the changing
reality: The first messages came from heads of
governments and states of India, Russia and China.
The Bangladesh prime ministers reciprocal
message to the Chinese leader emphasised BCIM,
the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar connectivity
project, the initiative that carries far-reaching impact
on not only trade but also geo-strategy in the
region, a region of more than two billion consumers,
a strategically important region, and a region rich in
natural
resources.
The regions economic potential and natural
resources, especially energy have still not been
publicly and specifically spelled out. There may be
possibilities of startling facts.
A far-reaching possibility emerges if BCIM is put
along the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation,
increasing Sino-Russian trade and cooperation in
areas of energy and military, and BRICS. Recent
Russian support to the Sri Lanka government
should
not
be
missed.

A broader line, evident in recent internal and


external incidents, is being drawn in the politics of
Bangladesh, whatever the issues being raised by
imperial capitals and wherever the issues are
groomed.
A trend of opposition to a part of imperial desires is
emerging on the one side of the line. The other side
is naturally opposed to the emerging trend; its a
closer
towing
of
imperial
interests.
There are still possibilities of changing position of all
concerned. Internal and external factors have a role
there; and there is possibility of change in the roles
of
the
factors.
Internally, two factors have a major role in this
emerging scene: concerned capitals, which is
overwhelmingly export dependent, and people.
The concerned capitals are to reckon with the
questions of dependence and collaboration, of
space for existence and expansion, etc. Its level of
maturity,
capacity
for
manipulation
and
diversification, level of capitulation or efforts to defy,
forming alliances, etc will impact path of politics.
The people will face burning questions of politics,
especially democracy, while facing the emerging
scene: national interest and control over national

resources, external domination and plunder, way of


life diversity, tolerance, accommodating dissident
view and different practices, wider world outlook,
space for questioning, and national and peoples
honour
and
dignity.
People, despite all their ordinariness, never submit
national honour and dignity. An increasing younger
generation with increased interaction with modern
education and peoples history of struggle will
gradually embolden claim for national honour and
dignity and reject lackeys of external masters.
These are getting manifested in ideological issues
rooted in society and in political programmes, and
are drawing a new battle line in society. Only an
errant
in
politics
misses
this.
This backdrop and the related history, a few of the
recent incidents and utterances are unprecedented,
make the present low in Bangladesh-US relations
historic, which can write a new chapter of
capitulation or pull the country away from its present
orbit. Such a charting of path is often shadowed by
disturbances, plots and painful incidents initiated by
prompters in wings, and the acts and incidents

impact
peoples
democratic
struggle.
Farooque Chowdhury is a Dhaka-based freelancer.

You might also like