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ERS Only A Joke
ERS Only A Joke
ERS Only A Joke
To cite this article: Christina A. Sue & Tanya Golash-Boza (2013): It was only a joke:
how racial humour fuels colour-blind ideologies in Mexico and Peru, Ethnic and Racial
Studies, DOI:10.1080/01419870.2013.783929
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2013.783929
Abstract
In Mexico and Peru, denigrating racial humour about blacks and
indigenous populations is prolific, despite the existence of colour-blind
national ideologies (which minimize or negate the existence of racism)
and social norms that silence various forms of race talk. This article
draws on interviews and participant observation from these two countries
to analyse the popular uses and interpretations of racial humour, and
their consequences for racial ideology. We illustrate how racial humour
serves to reproduce Mexican and Peruvian national ideology and
reinforces the countries racialized systems of domination. In this article,
we identify three mechanisms involved in this process: going along with
jokes; framing racial humor as benign; and using laughter to soften
racism. Taken as a whole, our analysis reveals how racial humour works
to maintain colour-blind ideology.
Introduction
In 2005, the Mexican government released a stamp series based on the
popular Mexican comic book character Memn Pingun (Figure 1).
This move generated protest in the USA with critics arguing that
Memn represents an offensive racist stereotype of people of African
descent. These accusations of racism challenged the dominant national
ideology in Mexico that racism does not exist in the country and
breached the social silence on the topic of racism. In response,
Mexicans, who are avid consumers of the comic, collectively supported
and defended the character, arguing that Memn is intended for
Peruvian business owner with light skin, remarked that the show is not
racist because, even though initially it looks as though the joke is on
Negro Mama, he always ends up making a fool of others.
This article examines how racial humour operates in Mexico and
Peru and explores the consequences of Mexicans and Peruvians
framing depictions such as Memn Pengun and Negro Mama as only
jokes. The study of racial humour3 provides a window into understanding the relationship between racial discourse and ideology, and
offers privileged access to racial discourses in contexts where racerelated talk is often censored or silenced. Latin America is a
theoretically interesting site to study racial humour because statesponsored ideologies of colour-blindness4 in the region have created a
social silence on the topics of race and racism, outside of humorous
contexts. Findings from previous studies suggest that racial humour
may fuel colour-blind ideologies in Latin America (e.g. Twine 1998;
Telles 2004; Osuji 2011). However, these studies do not use racial
humour as a central point of analysis and are limited to a focus on antiblack humour in Brazil. The focus on Brazil is not surprising given that
the bulk of the research on race in Latin America has been conducted
on Afro-Latin America (countries such as Brazil and the Spanishspeaking Caribbean, which have a blackwhite continuum). In
contrast, mestizo America (countries where the primary racial divide
involves the indigenous/mestizo [mixed-race person] distinction) has
received less attention by race scholars (Wade 2010). To our knowledge,
there has not been an in-depth study of the relationship between racial
humour and national ideology in mestizo America, much less one that
simultaneously addresses anti-black and anti-indigenous humour.
In this article we assess the state of racial humour in Mexico and
Peru, two of the largest countries in mestizo America. These countries
not only have indigenous and mestizo populations, but also small
populations of African descent. We examine how racial humour
operates in these countries, both of which have colour-blind national
ideologies that silence, and either negate the existence of racism
(Mexico), or minimize the prevalence of racism (Peru). We outline the
racial hierarchy, naturalizing racial inequalities and providing joketellers with a sense of superiority over the out-group (Middleton and
Moland 1959; Hughes 2003; Park et al. 2006; Santa Ana 2009).
Michael Omi (1989, p. 121), for example, argues that racist jokes serve
to reinforce stereotypes and rationalize the existing relations of racial
inequality. Not only can racist jokes themselves reinforce the racial
hierarchy, but when those hearing a joke downplay or dismiss its racist
connotations, their reaction becomes a form of racism denial. Scholars
have documented the many ways in which denial of racism occurs in
everyday discourse (e.g. Essed 1991; van Dijk 1992). In this article, we
view racial humour and its interpretation as non-racist as a
powerful mechanism for reproducing racialized systems of power.
Understanding how racial humour influences the process of
ideological reproduction requires an analysis of how humour is dealt
with and managed on an everyday basis. When a racial joke occurs, the
recipients (or broader audience) can reject the joking premise and
accuse the joker of exceeding the bounds of propriety, thus sanctioning
the joker (Emerson 1969), or, alternatively, they can accept the joking
premise and go along with the joke. Often, however, individuals
reactions are constrained by cultural and social norms surrounding
race and humour. In some societies, there is strong pressure for
individuals to conform to jokes; individuals who negatively react to
humorous insults are told they cant take a joke. In these contexts,
because negative reactions to jokes represent a breech in etiquette
(Sheriff 2001), those targeted by racial jokes feel constrained to go
along with the humour. Sheriff (2001, p. 93) explains that objecting to
racial humour can result in a kind of self-exposure that produces
extreme awkwardness or even overt antagonism. Under these conditions, there is a tendency for all parties to conform to or participate in
racial humour. Such behaviour has important consequences for the
reproduction of racial ideologies.
In addition to informing studies of ideology, the analysis of humour
has the unique ability to provide insight into sensitive or taboo subjects.
Humorous talk can open up a discursive space within which it becomes
possible to speak about matters that are otherwise naturalized,
unquestioned, or silenced (Goldstein 2003, p. 10). Joking can serve
as a channel for covert communication on taboo topics in contexts
where discussion of the topic would be unacceptable if conducted in a
serious tone (Emerson 1969). Emerson (1969, p. 169) elaborates on this
point: Normally a person is not held responsible for what he does in
jest to the same degree that he would be for a serious gesture.
Alternatively, humour can mask the socially unacceptable or problematic nature of particular subjects (Freud 1960; Oring 1994; Picca and
Feagin 2007). Given its multiple functions, an analysis of humour can
provide coveted information about otherwise difficult-to-access topics.
not exist. The idea that Mexico is free of racism is an ideology that
remains dominant to this day (Sue 2013).
Similar to Mexico, Perus population is descended from three
groups: indigenous groups that have populated the region for
millennia; European colonists and immigrants; and African slaves
and freedmen. When Peru gained independence from Spain in 1821, it
began the long process of nation building (Larson 2004). During this
time and into the twentieth century, Peruvian elites developed and
consolidated a national discourse around the idea that all Peruvians
have some black or indigenous ancestry and thus cannot be racist.
Although the Peruvian government only recently acknowledged the
presence of racism in Peru, elites maintain a colour-blind ideology
insofar as they view racism as something perpetuated by a few isolated
bigots and not a widespread feature of Peruvian society (Golash-Boza
2010). Furthermore, although most Peruvians now recognize that
racism exists, they do not view themselves or people they know as
participating in racism, demonstrating a classic case of racism
without racists (Bonilla-Silva 2003). Although the discourse on
racism has changed from denial to isolated recognition official
and popular discourses on race still employ a limited definition of
racism, which excludes derogatory comments or images used for
comedic purposes.
Research sites and methods
Qualitative methodology is well equipped to capture processes of
social reproduction and individuals subjective interpretations. Qualitative methods are also ideal for unearthing hidden meanings
surrounding racial humour, and for capturing how such humour
manifests and is interpreted on an everyday basis. For the case of
Mexico, we rely on 112 interviews and twelve months of participant
observation collected by the first author in 2004 and 2005 in the state
of Veracruz where the population is of Spanish, African and
indigenous ancestry. The sample was generated using the snowball
technique and includes respondents who vary in terms of gender, age,
class, education and colour. Findings from Peru are based on
ethnographic observations as well as thirty in-depth interviews
conducted by the second author in Lima in 2007. The interviewees
represent individuals varying in social strata, colour and region within
the city, whose population is of mixed indigenous, African and
European descent.
In both Mexico and Peru, joking represents a free for all where
nothing is off limits. Jokes are made about a host of topics. They
manifest on an everyday basis in a variety of social settings including
family, school, work, social gatherings, politics and sports events.
she no longer minds the label, implying that there was a time when she
did care. As a whole, our data suggest that the targets of jokes
are socialized to either accept (or perform acceptance) of racial humour.
The fact that individuals outwardly conform to social pressures to
go along with racial humour belies their sentiments that these jokes
are hurtful. We found that targets of racial humour frequently put up
false fronts, acting undisturbed and remaining silent, when they are, in
fact, offended by the jokes. In doing so, they save both personal and
national face; they demonstrate their ability to be a good sport and
they smooth over potential contradictions between racial humour
and colour-blind national ideology. Thus, individuals not only go
along with racial humour, but also frame it as harmless.
There was this man who was very dark and he went out to the
street . . . I dont know if maybe he had problems or whatever, but
they threw tomatoes at him . . . I only heard them say go on negro,
you have to be a slave and things like that . . . I took it as a joke but
he took it more personally. Here the people are really intense with
their games.
Although Alicia saw that the man was upset, she framed the incident
as a joke and, rather than validating his reaction, she judged him as
being overly sensitive.
Not only does racial humour circulate in public venues, it is also
prevalent in educational settings. Bernardo, the forty-three-year-old
Mexican psychology professor with dark-brown skin, referenced these
dynamics in his own private school classroom:
Bernardo: . . . If a black student arrives, someone always begins to
make jokes about them, but it never goes beyond joking. I mean it is
nothing cruel like hitting them or keying their car . . .
CS: And how would that black student react? Would s/he be
laughing and everything?
Bernardo: On some occasions, they are upset because everything
depends on the kind of mood they are in when they come to class.
CS: And do you think this is okay?
Bernardo: I think it is not okay when the comment is made cruelly
or to attack or belittle someone but when it is done in a joking
manner . . . it is not a problem.
CS: And what is an example of something someone would say to
make fun?
Bernardo: Simply any kind of phrase that occupies the word negro
or a phrase that has some kind of association with being black. For
example Memn: You Memn, come here. Or whatever . . . It is not
to hurt others but they do say it to that person as a joke. So it is
something to have fun with.
Bernardo uses a number of strategies to frame these typical classroom
dynamics as only jokes and non-racist. First, he suggests that
discursive racial play is benign, contrasting it with cruel physical
acts such as hitting. Additionally, although he recognizes that students
going along with racial jokes even if they find them offensive.
Additionally, we showed how individuals frame racial humour as
benign and thus not racist, and use humour as a vehicle to express
racist sentiments in a socially acceptable manner. These discourses and
practices ultimately fuel colour-blind ideology.
Humour is a fundamental aspect of Peruvian and Mexican society.
Therefore, the ability to engage in banter and other forms of humour is
critical to individuals entre e and acceptance into many social settings.
Laughter enables Peruvians and Mexicans to see their way through
difficult times and to ease the many social pressures and tensions that
they confront on a daily basis. Given the important social function of
humour, why do we take such a critical view of racial humour?
Although we recognize that humour has the potential to challenge
social inequalities, in the case of racial humour in Mexico and Peru,
this is simply not the case. Racial humour plays a pernicious role in
reinforcing systems of domination and inequality. Mexicans of all
shades laugh at Memn Pengun, exposing and reaffirming the
widespread popular acceptance of stereotypical and denigrating
images of blacks. In Peru, the grotesque image of actors in blackface
on prime-time television provokes laughter in all segments of society
and reinforces the idea that it is acceptable to poke fun at blacks.
Furthermore, for both Mexicans and Peruvians, despite their discomfort with racial humour, the targets of jokes generally conform to
social pressure and feign acceptance. This behaviour, coupled with the
simultaneous and nearly universal framing of racial humour as benign
by joke creators and consumers, works to buttress racist ideologies.
Although peoples interpretation of and reaction to racial humour
could potentially disrupt colour-blind ideologies and challenge
racialized hierarchies, as we have demonstrated in this article,
Mexicans and Peruvians overwhelmingly allow such humour to stand.
Moreover, through their silence, discursive framings and behaviours,
they ultimately reinforce the perception that racial humour is
unproblematic. In other words, the relationship between discourse,
ideology and social norms is a circular one. Reactions are contextualized by a social context in which any objection to humour is viewed
negatively. The cultural expectation that individuals go along with
jokes generates a normative response of silence, inaction or engagement with the joke. These responses then signal or imply an acceptance
of the humour, conveying a message that it is unproblematic, which
then legitimizes and encourages the continued use of such humour.
Also playing into this dynamic is the ability of individuals to deploy
humour to express racist views while escaping charges of racism. By
situating and framing racist discourse under the discursive banner of
humour, individuals further protect colour-blind ideologies and thus
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ADDRESS: School of Social Sciences, Humanities and Arts, University of California, Merced, 5200 N. Lake Road, Merced, CA 95348,
USA
Email: tgolash-boza@ucmerced.edu