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Assis Obadiah Jsot Dec 2014
Assis Obadiah Jsot Dec 2014
ELIE ASSIS
Department of Bible Studies, Bar Ilan University, Ramat-Gan 529002, Israel
Abstract
This article argues that Obadiah consists of three oracles, each reecting a different time
period. The rst oracle reects the pre-destruction period and comprises criticism of
Edomite pride. The second oracle conveys Judahs hostility to Edom, based on its participation in the destruction of 586 BCE, whereas the third depicts a later period, marked by
signicant Edomite encroachment into southern Judah. This third oracle evokes the
peoples aspiration to reclaim their patriarchal lands. Though it is clear that the books
authorship was a three-phase process, the unity of the work is also unequivocal. The
prophecy is recorded as one sequence and lacks opening and concluding formulae. Moreover, the rhetorical and theoretical application of the lex talionis principle characterizes all
three oracles. In each of the oracles the prophet attributes to Edom a distinct transgression
for which commensurate retribution is anticipated. This article asserts that the author
revised his treatment of Edom in view of political changes that occurred. These modied
political realities prompted new responses from the prophet, though they did not revoke
the earlier oracles. This analysis embodies, perhaps, the advantage of diachronic analysis
of the prophetic text alongside serious consideration of the synchronic view. The willingness to apply both methods facilitates, in this case, a more precise understanding of the
text than that allowed by the exclusive application of just one.
Keywords: Edom, Obadiah, lex talionis, measure for measure, composition, retribution.
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most important distinction between the two prophecies is that the nations
are the executors of Gods judgment of Edom in the rst, whereas the
second includes Edom within all nations upon whom the day of the
Lord shall come, and Israel is the implement though which Gods judgment shall be enacted against the nations. Further noteworthy is that the
rst oracles portrayal of the retribution against Edom lacks any mention
of Judah, while in the second part the redemption of Israel is the ip side
of the coin of Edoms destruction in the framework of the day of the
Lord. This distinction holds true regarding v. 15 as well: the rst part of
the verse discusses the judgment against all the nations, as do vv. 16-21,
while v. 15s second segment addresses Edom in the second person, as do
vv. 1-14.5 These discrepancies brought most scholars who accept this
division to the conclusion that these two prophecies were not composed
by the same prophetic author. On the other hand, Rudolph and Weiser,
who accept this division, contend that it does not preclude the possibility
of uniform authorship of both prophecies, though they believe that vv. 1921 were not written by Obadiah.6
In contradistinction to those who contend that the book of Obadiah
constitutes more than one prophetic unit, there are scholars who view the
entire chapter as one literary unit. Allen was a proponent of the unitary
nature of the book, stressing its theological backdrop. He argued that the
author of Obadiah, similar to the author of the book of Lamentations,
viewed the destruction as a consequence of Gods wrath on the day of
the Lord, but that God allowed the survival of a remnant of Israel in
deference to their right to a capital city and a homeland; conversely, the
nations who attacked Jerusalem would face retribution. Therefore, Allen
asserts a natural progression throughout the book. The prophecy opens
with an oracle concerning Edoms downfall and then proceeds to depict
the crimes of Edom on the day of the Lord. Thereafter, the scope widens
to portray the destruction of the nations and the rehabilitation of the
nation of God. In the prophecys second part too, Obadiah continues to
emphasize Edom over the other nations. To corroborate the books
cohesion, certain scholars discerned structural phenomena that encompass
all elements of the book. Allen also elucidated an afnity between the
rst and nal verses (1 and 21) that forms an inclusio. The inversion of
5. Wellhausen, Die kleinen Propheten, p. 213; Marti, Das Dodekapropheton, p. 237.
6. Rudolph, JoelAmosObadjaJona, p. 296; A. Weiser, Introduction to the Old
Testament (trans. D.M. Barton; London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1961), p. 248
(English).
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Israels situation that is stressed at the conclusion of the prophecy (v. 21)
reects the manifestation of the mightiness of Gods dominion, and this
constitutes the concrete articulation of Gods declaration at the outset, in
v. 1.7 Cogan tended to this view as well. He underscored the afnity
between vv. 1 and 21, asserting that one theoretical framework embraces
the entire book that opens with a call for war to be waged against Edom
(v. 1) and concludes with an illustration of the judgment that will be
meted out in Mount Esau.8 Cogan also pointed out the literary device of
interconnectedness between many of the chapters verses. According to
this structure, some sequential verses feature a common word.9 Snyman
attempted to prove that the book was deliberately redacted to accord with
its overall chiastic structure. Though he admits the works lack of
cohesion, he would highlight the calculated outcome of the book.10
Renkema too, in his comprehensive commentary on Obadiah, downplayed the importance of the divergences between the segments.11 Raabe,
in his extensive exegesis in the Anchor Bible series, exposited the
relationship between the two parts through the use of terms and concepts
common to the chapters various segments.12 Recently, Jenson has
determined that the book should be read as a unied whole.13
2. The Various Segments of the Book of Obadiah according to their
Historical Background
Several of the assertions in support of the books cohesiveness are
unconvincing. The interconnectedness of the books verses, suggested by
Cogan, does not encompass all its components and pertains, at times, to
shared words that are overly commonplace. Even the afnity between the
rst and nal verses is quite general. Furthermore, the contention that the
book should be read in its current form is not credible in this case. This is
7. L.C. Allen, The Books of Joel, Obadiah, Jonah and Micah (NICOT; Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 1976), pp. 135-36; Barton, Joel and Obadiah, p. 118.
8. M. Cogan, Obadiah, Introduction and Commentary (Mikra Leyisrael; Tel Aviv
and Jerusalem: Am Oved and Magnes, 1992 [Hebrew]), p. 4.
9. Cogan, Obadiah, p. 5.
10. S.D. Snyman, Cohesion in the Book of Obadiah, ZAW 101 (1989), pp. 59-71.
11. J. Renkema, Obadiah (trans. B. Doyle; Historical Commentary on the Old
Testament; Leuven: Peeters, 2003), p. 38.
12. P.R. Raabe, Obadiah (AB, 24D; New York: Doubleday, 1996), pp. 18-19
13. P.P. Jenson, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah: A Theological Commentary (LHBOTS, 496;
New York: T&T Clark International, 2008), p. 6.
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the fact that vv. 19-21 are written in prose while the rest of the chapter is
in poetic form.16 Rudolph and Wolff further assert that v. 20 assumes
dispersion in the exile, a situation that is, in their view, incompatible with
the foregoing verses eyewitness account of the destruction. However,
Allen is correct in that Obadiahs witnessing of the destruction does not
necessarily obviate his observation of the Jews dispersal in the exile at
the end of the sixth century BCE.17 The distinction between prose and
poetry is likewise not sufciently conclusive to establish diverse authorship of the verses. Contrary to this overworked assertion, there is no
reason why one author cannot write poetry as well as prose.18
While the division of vv. 15a and 16-21 into two oracles is not
defensible in my view, I accept Sellins division of vv. 1-14 and 15b into
two separate oracles. He views the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 BCE as
the backdrop to vv. 10-14 and 15b, while vv. 1-9, which parallel Jeremiah
49, predate the destruction.19 It is improbable that vv. 1-9, which criticize
Edom for its pride alone, without relating in any way to the actual damage
inicted by Edom on Judah, were uttered after the destruction.20 This
16. Bewer, Obadiah and Joel, p. 16; Rudolph, JoelAmosObadjaJona, p. 296.
According to Rudolph, only vv. 19-20 are a late addition, while a reconstructed version of
v. 21 was the books originals ending. This opinion is also held by Wolff, Obadiah and
Jonah, p. 22.
17. Allen, The Books of Joel, Obadiah, Jonah and Micah, p. 135.
18. It should be noted that even though vv. 19-21 may be identied as prose, they still
maintain poetic rhythm. A similar claim was made by Thompson regarding the prose
sections in Jeremiah. He claims that the distinction made in the book of Jeremiah between
prose and poetry is overly discriminating, and many of the prose sections in the book
should be classied as elevated prose. See J.A. Thompson, The Book of Jeremiah
(NICOT; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1980), p. 46. A similar claim was made previously by
H. Weippert, Die Prosareden des Jeremiabuches (BZAW, 132; Berlin: de Gruyter, 1973),
pp. 228-34.
19. D.E. Sellin, Das Zwlfprophetenbuch (KAT, 12/1; Leipzig: A. Deichertsche
Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1929), pp. 274-77.
20. Many scholars following Wellhausen, who suggested that vv. 1-9 are from the
fth century and reect the Arab incursions into Edom. See Wellhausen, Die kleinen
Propheten, p. 214. In his opinion the oracle reects a current historical situation. Others,
however, believe that it is a prognostication of future events. See, e.g., O. Eissfeldt, The
Old Testament, An Introduction (trans. P.R. Ackroyd; New York: Harper & Row, 1965),
p. 403. Ben Zvi agrees that the topic of the pericope is arrogance but places it nonetheless
after the events of 586 BCE, during the Persian period. Ben Zvi, A Historical-Critical
Study of the Book of Obadiah, pp.69, 228-29. This is apparently due to his belief that
Edom is not the actual nation from the south of Judah; Edom in his opinion is a symbol for
all the nations, see pp. 68, 230.
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21. See, e.g., W.L. Holladay, Jeremiah 2: A Commentary on the Book of the Prophet
Jeremiah Chapters 2652 (Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1989), p. 378;
Y. Hoffman, Jeremiah (Mikra Leyisrael; Tel Aviv and Jerusalem: Am Oved and Magnes,
2001 [Hebrew]), p. 810; J.R. Lundbom, Jeremiah 3752 (AB, 21; New York: Doubleday,
2004), p. 333. Carroll explains that the hostility towards Edom in Jer. 49 is moderate
in relation to other prophetic texts because it is a redacted piece, drawing on other
material; see R.P. Carroll, Jeremiah, A Commentary (OTL; London: SCM, 1986), p. 802.
Thompson posits the events of the sixth century as the background of Jer. 49; see
Thompson, The Book of Jeremiah, p. 720.
22. This is the division advocated by Sellin, Das Zwlfprophetenbuch, pp. 274-77.
23. For a similar approach, see G. Fohrer, Die Sprche Obadjas, in Studia biblica et
semitica.Theodoro Christiano Vriezen qui munere professoris theologiae per XXV annos
functus est, ab amicis, collegis, discipulis dedicate (Wageningen: Veenman & Zonen,
1966), p. 83. However, contrary to the opinion advocated in the present study, Fohrer
assigns vv. 1-9 to 850 BCE.
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indeed precedes the events of the destruction, so vv. 1-9 in the prophecy
of Obadiah depict the pre-destruction reality. Scrutiny of the oracles contents corroborates this premise. A fundamental theme in these verses is
the principle of measure for measure. Juxtaposed against Edoms pride
(v. 3a), the prophet predicts its downfall (v. 2); against its conception of
impregnability due to its lofty geographic setting, the prophet avows, in
Gods name, that it will be brought down low (v. 4). According to the
principle that judgment is rendered measure for measure, we can infer
that the sin addressed by the prophet in vv. 1-9 is the sin of pride.
The sin of arrogance, which furnishes grounds for Obadiahs indictment of Edom, is a known theme in biblical prophecy where it is reprised
differently in a variety of contexts, vis--vis an assortment of nations.
First, as already noted, this is the contention of Jer. 49.16 against Edom,
in the prophecy analogous to Obadiah. In Isaiah 10, the prophet avows the
destruction of Assyria on account of its two sins: its aspirations to destroy
Judah and its pride (Isa. 10.12). Criticism of Assyrias pride appears
too in Ezek. 31.3, 10. A range of prophets discussed the pride of other
nations and their rulers: Moab (Isa. 16.6; 48.29), Babylon (Isa. 47.8),
Tyre (Ezek. 28.2), Nineveh (Zeph. 2.15), Belshazzar (Dan. 5.23). At
times, the nations arrogance concerns their military prowess (e.g. Isa.
10.13); at other times it is directed against the God of Israel (Isa. 10.11;
14.13-14). Wisdom can also be a basis for arrogance as demonstrated in
Isa. 10.13 regarding Assyria that confronted the people of Israel and God.
The charge of arrogance, directed at various nations, is related to the
biblical conception of the absolute supremacy of God over humanity
according to which human pride is perceived as opposition to the
conception of Gods supremacy.28
Edoms sin in the second part of the book, vv. 10-14 and 15b, is, in
contradistinction to the sin of arrogance in vv. 1-9, its participation in the
devastation of Jerusalem and Judah in 586 BCE. Ezekiel 25.12-14, Lam.
4.22, Psalm 137 and 1 Esd. 4.45 are all instructive regarding Edoms
complicity in the ravaging of the city.29 Indeed, the second part of
28. See Barton, Joel and Obadiah, pp. 137-38. This topic was extensively studied by
D.E. Gowan, When Man Becomes God: Humanism and Hybris in the Old Testament
(Pittsburgh Theological Series, 6; Pittsburgh: Pickwick, 1975), esp. pp. 19-67. See also
B.S. Childs, Isaiah and the Assyrian Crisis (Studies in Biblical Theology, 3; London:
SCM Press, 1967), pp. 88-89.
29. Bartlett claimed that Edom was falsely accused; see J. R. Bartlett, Edom and the
Fall of Jerusalem, 587 B.C., PEQ 114 (1982), pp. 13-24. This opinion was not accepted
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evermore, drink till their speech grows thick, and they become as though
they had never been. The charge in the third part, however, is different.
In this section, the main crime for which the prophet indicts Edom and the
other nations is the appropriation of lands that belonged to Judah.30 The
prophet describes the settlement of Edomites in the Negev31 and the
Philistines in the Shephelah (coastal strip).32 In addition to the territories
previously enumerated, the verse determines that the eld of Shomron as
well as Gilead will also be restored to Israel. Regarding Gilead, we are
told that Benjamin will inherit it, though the verse does not specify from
whom it will be repossessed. Does the prophet indicate Ammon or Moab?
Neither does the verse inform us from whom the eld of Shomron will be
reclaimed, though it is apparently indicating, according to 2 Kings 17, the
inhabitants exiled by Assyria from Babylon to this region. Indeed, there
are attestations to the development and growth of the satrapy of Samaria
from the late Iron Age III and the Achaemenid period.33 This situation
will be reversed and Israel will reoccupy these lands, as proclaimed by v.
17: The House of Jacob shall dispossess those who dispossessed them.34
The indictment of the neighboring nations on account of their appropriation of Judean lands following the destruction applies explicitly to
Edom and to additional unspecied peoples in Ezek. 36.5 and in Joel 4.2
30. On the borders of Yehud in the Persian period, see E. Stern, The Province of
Yehud the Vision and the Reality, in L.I. Levine (ed.), The Jerusalem Cathedra (3 vols.;
Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi Institute, 1981), I, pp. 9-21; C. E. Carter, The Emergence
of Yehud in the Persian Period: A Social and Demographic Study (JSOTSup, 294;
Shefeld: Shefeld Academic Press, 1999); J.W. Wright, Remapping Yehud: The
Borders of Yehud and Genealogies of Chronicles, in O. Lipschits and M. Oeming (eds.),
Judah and the Judeans in the Persian Period (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2006), pp. 6789.
31. For the Edomite settlement in the south of Judah, see, e.g., W.F. Albright, A Brief
History of Judah From the Days of Josiah to Alexander the Great, BA 9 (1946), pp. 1-20;
A. Kasher, Jews, Idumaeans, and Ancient Arabs: Relations of the Jews in Eretz-Israel
with the Nations of the Frontier and the Desert during the Hellenistic and Roman Era
(332 BCE70 CE), (Tbingen: Mohr, 1988), pp. 1-6.
32. For the Shephelah as an area outside Yehud, see Carter, The Emergence of Yehud
in the Persian Period, pp. 90-99.
33. For a summary of this point, see G.N. Knoppers, Revisiting the Samarian
Question in the Persian Period, in O. Lipschits and M. Oeming (eds.), Judah and the
Judeans in the Persian Period (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2006), pp. 269-70
34. This is according to the MT that reads , their possessions. However, the
LXX and the Peshitta and Vulgate read apparently , their possessors. This reading
is attested also in the Murabbaet manuscript. Verses 19-20 spell out the territories that
will be retaken by Judah, thus supporting, I believe, the MT version.
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and possibly in Joel 4.2. In Joel 4.4, the reproof is directed at Philistia,
Tyre and Sidon.
This being the case, these verses introduce a third accusation against
Edomthe appropriation of Judean lands following the destruction, one
that is shared with other nations. As in many cases involving the
application of the measure for measure principle (e.g. Joel 4.8), here too
Israel will be the one to exact retribution from the nations for what they
had wrought. This principle, thrice articulated in Obadiah, is manifested
here in the double use of the root : (The
House of Jacob shall dispossess those who dispossessed them). The
allegation that the nations appropriated Judahs patriarchal lands is an
outcome of the occupation and destruction of Jerusalem in 586 BCE and is
dated later than the second prophecy.
Obadiahs message is thus composed of three disparate prophecies,
each articulated in a different political reality. The rst prophecy, vv. 1-9,
conveys the indictment of Edom, prior to the destruction and before it
struck at Judah during the events of 586 BCE. In this oracle, the prophet
accuses Edom of pride. The second prophecy, vv. 10-14 and 15b,
indicates Edoms actions during the destruction itselfits participation in
the destruction of Jerusalem. The third prophecy reects the postdestruction period, during which these nations encroached upon the lands
that were Judahs before the destruction, from the south, west, north and
east.35 The prophet formulates three separate accusations, each corresponding to a different time period: arrogance, the destruction and ruin of
Jerusalem, and the appropriation of Judean land.
4. The Compilation of Obadiah
From a historical perspective, it should be stressed that the three oracles
are not necessarily separated by lengthy periods of time. There is no
reason not to assume that the rst prophecy was written shortly before the
destruction, the second prophecy during the event itself, and the third a
few years thereafter. It is thus indeed possible that one author composed
all three prophecies or that he wrote the last two, adopting the rst from
Jeremiah into his piece. The more interesting and important question is
35. Kasher has demonstrated how contradictions in the book of Ezekiel should not be
attributed to different authors but to a change of the prophets mind on some central
concepts. See R. Kasher, Remnant, Repentance and Covenant in the Book of Ezekiel,
Beth Mikra 44 (1999), pp. 15-34.
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