Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Bosanac Latin Mikolic The Spoken Language-Libre
Bosanac Latin Mikolic The Spoken Language-Libre
Bosanac Latin Mikolic The Spoken Language-Libre
Department of English
Faculty of Philosophy
University of Zagreb
Zagreb, 2009
Contents
1. Introduction ......................................................................................................................................... 4
1.1 The spoken language why is it specific? ..................................................................................... 4
1.2 Language and context ................................................................................................................... 6
2. Methods .............................................................................................................................................. 8
2.1 The conversation ........................................................................................................................... 8
2.2 The recording ................................................................................................................................ 8
2.3. Encoding process: Transcription, Coding and Markup ................................................................. 9
3. Contextual dimensions ...................................................................................................................... 11
3.1 The participants and the Context of Culture ............................................................................... 11
3.2 The context of situation .............................................................................................................. 14
3.3 Knowledge of the world .............................................................................................................. 16
3.4 Co-text ......................................................................................................................................... 17
4. Coding principles ............................................................................................................................... 17
4.1 Division into sections and topics ................................................................................................. 17
4.1.1 Sections ................................................................................................................................ 18
4.1.2 Topics and supertopics ......................................................................................................... 20
4.2 Topic-shift .................................................................................................................................... 21
4.2.1 Topic boundary markers in spoken discourse ...................................................................... 22
4.2.2 Topic navigation ................................................................................................................... 23
4.3 Feedback...................................................................................................................................... 25
5. The analysis ....................................................................................................................................... 28
5.1 Mechanisms of cohesion ............................................................................................................. 28
5.1.1 References ............................................................................................................................ 28
5.1.2 Ellipsis ................................................................................................................................... 34
5.1.3 Paralinguistic signs ............................................................................................................... 34
5.1.4 Addressing (T-V pronouns, nicknames...) ............................................................................. 37
2
1. Introduction
1.1 The spoken language why is it specific?
Language is not only a means of communicating information, but
means of establishing and maintaining relationships with other people. We
use language for our own purposes, to manipulate or influence or define the
situation as we wish, and to convey nuances of meaning and personal
intention. This can be achieved through various means, and conversation
was, is and will probably remain the first and foremost thereof.
It is not hard to conclude that spoken language differs from the
written or that of communicational technologies. But while it requires less
effort to produce it and understand it for the participants of the
conversation, those that were excluded from the whole actualization of
conversation find it far more complex than the written text of any kind.
Spoken text is usually preserved by tape-recording which may preserve far
more than a text in its narrowest meaning opening of a bag of sugar,
coughing, noise surrounding the speakers. Even though many will argue
that these manifestations do not constitute a part of the text, they are
important in analyzing the context of situation, culture and speakers
attitude toward one another.
It is also necessary to point out that conversation differs from other
communication technologies according to the channels available while
machine-assisted uses only one (or nowadays with video calls two and more
channels), in interpersonal communication all channels are available (audio
channel (speech), visual channel (gestures, emotions, lip-reading etc.),
olfactive, and tactile).
2. Methods
of
complete
spontaneous
conversation
between
three
The total length of the recording after trimming off the blanks at the
beginning and the end is 80 minutes and 36 seconds. The recording was
made by an Olympus WS-210S digital sound recorder in stereo high quality
mode at sampling frequency of 44.1 kHz with built-in noise reduction filter
activated. During the process of recording it was placed in the front pocket
8
circumstances, the coding is even more interpretive and more closely tied
to particular theoretical frameworks such as syntax, semantics and
pragmatics, and mark-up concerns format-relevant specifications rather
than content that are used mainly by computer software for segmentation
and cataloging the parts of discourse.
The transcription, coding and markup in the analysis were done
mostly manually with the help of an open-source tool called Transcriber. For
some visualizations another open-source tool called Praat was used. Praat
also has advanced capabilities of an in-depth phonetic analysis, but these
functions were not used because they surpassed the scope of this work.
For the purposes of this work we decided to transcribe the
conversation using the modified orthography in order to preserve some
nuances of pronunciation such as regional accents and idiolects. We did not
use phonetic transcription for depicting the variations in accentuation,
tonality and other more complex features of pronunciation but instead
decided to rely on annotations and comments to describe their quality and
function. A more detailed phonetic analysis is possible in the future because
the original recording is preserved unedited and in its full quality.
9
10
3. Contextual dimensions
E.g. 1
N:
M:
Koga?
N:
Kod Bandia.
M:
tongue and dialect, the field of study, the same faculty, they speak at least
three foreign languages, they attend the same classes and know the same
professors and live in the same city. All three share the same sociolects
related to profession: sociolect of informatics and that of students at Faculty
of Philosophy.
All three use a significant amount of forms that belong to languages
foreign from their perspective, namely English and Russian, and other
dialects of Croatian than their own, namely kajkavian and akavian. These
are used mainly for stylistic purposes and the relatively frequent use reflects
the fact that all three know the other speakers good enough to know they
share the same knowledge and will be understood.
E.g. 2
S:
N:
Tovari!
S:
E.g. 3
S:
13
E.g. 1
S:
M:
S:
U dvanajst, al moram ja jo
Audience has significant influence on what is being said and in what
manner. For example the participants would not shout out loud personal,
embarrassing or confidential information when other guests in the caf could
hear them. Instead they would talk in a lower tone when talking about these
types of topics, or use paralinguistic signs to show that the topic is
confidential, e.g. by looking around, using gestures etc.
14
(Dominick
1993:8).
The
participants
of
this
particular
conversation use all of the available channels, but as only the data carried
by the audio channel was recorded, that which is carried by other channels
is either lost or must be deciphered from its footprint in the audio channel
or explicit linguistic reactions or reference to it by the speakers.
The code refers to language and dialect used. In the analyzed
conversation the language is Croatian and tokavian dialect. Forms that
belong to other languages (English, Russian) and dialects (kajkavian,
tokavian) were used primarily for their stylistic function. Some English
words are also used because of the economy of language, especially when
talking about information technology and legal terminology; for example
legalese instead of pravni argon or zakuasti pravni izrazi (according to
Bujas).
The message forms vary from casual chat, debate, brain-storming
type flow of consciousness, story-telling, theatrical mimicking of other
people, monologues etc., mostly depending on the topic.
The nature of the communicative event can be described as formal
meeting in its purpose, but informal in the major part of its realization. The
explicit formality in the first section of the conversation was meant to be
ironic. The conversation also had its duration limited in advance because
one of the participants, S, had to leave at a specific time because of other
engagements.
15
3.4 Co-text
In written text, co-text refers to the text surrounding the text that is
analyzed. In spoken discourse it would refer to any previous conversations
on topics discussed in the observed conversation. There are several ways
how this is realized; by referring explicitly to the content of a topic previously
discussed using a kind of exoforic reference, and implicit reference is
realized by simply continuing the topic where it ended in previous
conversations. In written text it is realized by referencing to another part of
the text e.g. See Ch2, and it is recognized by phrases such as
aforementioned.
The following example is from the part of the conversation where
participants are talking about disc harrows. S and M had a previous
conversation about it which is shown in the following statement by M:
E.g. 1
M:
4. Coding principles
4.1.1 Sections
18
E.g. 1
Beginning of Section 1, Topic 1:
S:
N:
Tovari!
S:
E.g. 2
Closing of Topic 12:
N:
M:
Zanimljiva situacija.
S:
19
and
they
are
identifiable above
all
from their
content.
4.2 Topic-shift
E.g. 1
To je poprilino jasno.
M:
// 1.4 s pause //
to si ti Toliu radio protekla tri tjedna?
E.g. 2
S:
Ne, strava. I kad sam doo.. sad sam bio ..pre-ko, ta, prvi maj, bio sam
doma.
I onak sam skuio da nisam trenirku izvadio iz torbe etri dana jer,
jednostavno, samo sam bio u tome za faks, doem doma, piama
(snoring sound)
Ujutro se probudim, opet faks, navee jedanaest doma, ne isplati mi se,
ta u ja trenirku sad vadit, normalno u pidamu i odma spavat.
Mislim, zbog ovih pizdarija s tom blokadom, ono, ta vijea, pizdarije.
Nisam ni brojao koliko je tih sjednica bilo.
Znam da jedno triput sam bio na odsjeku, po..tipa jedno dva tri sata, i
ove.. ove maratonske fakultetskog vijea.
I onda jo studentski zbor, onda malo na plenum vidit ta ima.
21
E.g. 3
A ta emo mi s tim projektom?
S:
In the analyzed material there were also smaller deviations from the
topic that were to insignificant to classify as separate topics.
loudness, acceleration, new voice quality at the outset, and a tapering off in
the same prosodic features at the end of a topic.
There are also occurrences of possible completion points (Brown 1983:
104) that are not used for topic-shift. This is due to the fact that the topic in
progress is not exhausted or the participants try to expand it because they
do not want to shift the topic for some other reason. In that case an
utterance incompletor is used, usually a connector clause.
Paralinguistic signs such as speakers gaze, gesture, facial expression
are also used in conjunction with the mentioned boundary markers and
methods of topic-shift. These are in most part not recognizable on the audio
recording, but there is one example which can be reconstructed with the
help of the author/participant.
In the given example it is visible that not all topic-shift attempts are
successful. In this occasion the probable reason for unsuccessful topic-shift
was the preference of the project-related topic that remained unfinished in
order to fulfill the purpose of the meeting as the time available for S is
running out because of other obligations in his schedule.
In more formal settings, where a predetermined agenda is established,
a formalized type of topic-conclusion and topicshifts are used such as formal
summarizing of the topic, formulating of conclusions and possibly offering
them for a vote.
6(where to sit)
7(smoking ban)
IS
>W
9(S, N greeting M)
IS
M:
24
4.3 Feedback
25
E.g. 1
N:
M:
Koga?
N:
Kod Bandia.
M:
expressed explicitly but it is implied from the request to change the current
topic to a different one.
In our analysis, we recognized negative feedback as one of the
mechanisms of topic-shift.
S:
A ta je tek hidromat?
M:
N:
and gestures.
E.g. 2
After a longer monologue by M about her Swedish professor, of whom
S and N know nothing about, S and N start to fiddle with their notes and
pens and at one moment S shows N his pen that he got from at a conference
and addresses N looking directly at him:
M:
26
S:
N:
M:
[laughs]
zna ta, on e jednog dana radit u nekoj prodaji ili bit e direktor
prodaje jel..
27
5. The analysis
Cohesion
is
best
seen
when
the
interpretation
or
5.1.1 References
28
When it comes to spoken language references are the rule rather than
the exception, because they require less effort and less time to utter and,
since they are usually just one very short word, they prevent the
conversation from becoming tedious by constant repetition of full syntagmas.
5.1.1.1 Anaphora
E.g. 1
S:
The first and second to are anaphora which refers to the statement from the
beginning of the episode when one of the speakers asks what they shall do
with the project they are having for one of their subjects. But the third to
refers to the sentence before, that is, the one that states that the project will
be done in autumn. The other two, not underlined to are exophora on which
we will elaborate later on in the paper.
E.g. 2
S:
29
Here once again they talk about their project. The first to refers to one of the
speakers proposition on how to organize and what type of analysis to use for
their project. This speaker is simply stating that they might not have time to
do such an analysis. The second to goes back to the project itself, while the
third one refers to these two parts of the project mentioned.
E.g. 3
N:
Speaker here refers to the story he told about Western Union and their
contracts. Our knowledge of the situation helps us to interpret these units.
In that way we know that tu refers to Croatia. Besides that knowledge, there
are markers that show us what is meant even if we did not know whether
the speaker refers to state, town, actual place where they are sitting or
something else. The phrase kod nas indicates that tu refers to the
speakers surrounding and the word neustavno inticates that he is talking
about the state as whole.
The simplest case of anaphora can be seen in the next example:
E.g. 4
S:
The personal pronoun je clearly refers to the girl whose surname is Matei
as mentioned in the sentence before.
Anaphora is used extensively, clearly to save time and space to say
other things. However, for speakers there is evidently no need to repeat
themselves since they are all engaged in the conversation and know what
each anaphora refers to even though the referred element might have been
mentioned at the beginning of the conversation.
5.1.1.2 Cataphora
30
Ne, strava. I kad sam doo...sad sam bio...pre-ko, ta, prvi maj, bio
sam doma.
31
5.1.1.3 Exophora
E.g. 1
M:
Here the speaker uses exophora to refer to something that was at the given
moment AKTUALNO and arrived from the situation. She gives her personal
opinion and mimics the manner of greeting. The word one is exophora
because we do not know to what specifically she is referring to. Her
participants did not know either until she gesticulated what she meant by
that, as well as with ono which refers to a particular action she mimics later
on.
Another exophora refers to common background, either historical or
momentary:
E.g. 2
M:
Ne, sorry, ali argumenti, to (anaphora to plenum) je, to je djeji vrti. Oni
ulaze u to jako naivno i daju argumente koji su djeji vrti. Tak nemre
igrat se, mislim, to su gluposti, nakon tri...ta je ovo, etvrti tjedan.
The speaker here refers to the situation at the faculty. For someone who is
not familiar with that situation, it might be unclear who and what is doing
what. The first exophora, to, probably refers to the blockade of the faculty,
while tak refers to the way this blockade functions, and the last one, to, to
the whole idea of the blockade which was in its fourth week.
32
33
5.1.2 Ellipsis
E.g. 1
S:
E.g. 2
M:
N:
Nemam pojma.
M:
Nisi odabrao?
(temu)
34
this would be your way of saying to them youre talking nonsense, without
uttering a single word. This is the domain of paralinguistic.
A speaker has a whole range of ways of producing utterances, such as
vocal effects, facial expressions, posture and gestures. With these means
speakers may provide a specific effect to the words they utter. One and the
same sentence may be produced differently depending on what the speaker
really wants to say. One of the best examples of paralinguistic cues is irony
where the speaker does not say directly what he means but indirectly
through his attitude and vocal quality.
Other paralinguistic signs may be intonation, pausing, pitch of the
voice, facial expression and gestures.
E.g. 1
N:
Even though at the end of the sentence the speaker said but, which would
probably be something as but okay if he had finished the clause, the
speakers intonation clearly shows that he is not satisfied with the idea. He
also shows that he is not willing to start a discussion over it.
Another example of paralinguistic sign is gesture. In our recorded
conversations speakers often used gestures to mimic what they wanted to
say rather than uttering:
E.g. 2
S:
Ne, ne, ne, ne, prvo se mi ustanemo, onda ti sjedne, onda nas dvojica
sjednemo...
N:
Da.
M:
E sad su to ve komplikacije.
N:
E.g. 3
N:
M:
N:
Laughter is also one of the paralinguistic signs and according to our taped
conversation, it is often accompanied by approvement:
Da, ba tako! + (laughter)
Through their vocal quality, speakers may express anger, approval and
disapproval, mood or even their personal opinion on the matter, as in the
next example:
E.g.4
M:
(aggressive)
Here the speaker states her opinion on the situation that was going on at
their faculty at that time through her vocal qualities and intonation. She
pronounces a particular phrase, djeji vrti, with a higher pitch to stress
that she believes that the situation is absurd and ridiculous. Her aggressive
tone shows us that it is a delicate matter for her.
E.g. 5
S:
N:
S:
N:
(laughter)
In some cases they are even more important than the linguistic component
of utterance, because it is by reading the paralinguistic dimension we
decipher the real meaning behind the linguistic one. We dont just listen to
people, we read people.
E.g. 1
N:
E.g. 2
S:
E.g. 3
N:
Gospodine Bosanac...
37
E.g. 4
S:
Gospodine...
E.g. 5
N:
Kolegice
M:
Kolega, Vas nismo dugo vidli. Oemo se kao rukovat, onak slubeno.
kao, potovanje.
S:
E.g. 6
N:
E, Bosanac...
It is important to note that each form of addressing has its rules for its
usage, as well as the frequency of its usage which are quite complex.
These rules often vary depending on class, age-group and place.
38
announcing,
concurring, confirming,
answering,
attributing,
claiming,
classifying,
Our taped conversation, as presumed, starts with a speech act, that is,
greeting:
39
E.g. 1
S:
Zdravo!
N:
Zdravo!
E.g. 2
S:
N:
S:
emo ju zvrcnut?
Da vidimo.
N:
Mmm.
S:
N:
Ma, dobro.
This section only is full of various speech acts so that the only conclusion
can be that most of the communication consists of speech acts.
Speech acts can be also classified as direct, indirect nonliteral speech acts.
As Austin observed, the content of what is said can not always be
determined what is meant by the sentence being uttered. People tend to use
ambiguous words or phrases which a listener must disambiguate. We can
perform speech act directly or indirectly by performing another speech act,
literally or nonliterally, which depends on how we use our words, and
40
E.g.1
S:
N:
M:
Pa on se je ustao.
S:
M:
Ajmo!
Here the speaker uses suggesting speech act functioning as requiring. The
speaker actually requires something to be done but in an indirect way which
his companions had recognized.
The next example can be classified as both indirect and nonliteral speech
act:
E.g. 2
N:
Ima pljugu?
S:
Da, imam.
Although the second speaker could have interpreted the question not as a
request, he did not do so because of the context of culture which conditions
the mutual understanding regardless of what is uttered on the surface. In
speakers context of culture, this type of asking speech act functions as
requesting.
E.g. 3
41
M:
E.g. 1
M:
Here the speaker uses both hedges and evidentials in one sentence. The
speaker used the evidential when she provides other participants of the
conversation with the information she believes to be correct. In order for
42
others to believe her, she uses evidential rekao je. But when she was not
certain if the information was correct, she used a hedge in order to distance
herself from consequences that may arise if her statement was wrong.
E.g. 2
M:
Mislim (hedge) da emo mi biti jedini koji emo kao neto prezentirat, jer
ja sam se konzultirala s ostalima (evidential)
N:
M:
S:
According to our taped conversation, the most often hedge is mislim while
phrases as uo sam od, vidio sam are most often used evidentials:
E.g. 3
N:
E.g. 4
M:
43
The syntax of spoken language is typically much less structured than that of
written language:
E.g. 1
M:
E.g. 1
S: Ne, ne, ne, ne, ma to smo...
E.g. 2
S:
M:
A ti misli u potpunosti...
S:
E.g. 3
M:
What is interesting here is the last phrase, 'tako da...', which is, according to
our taped conversation, often used to wind up the sentence.
E.g. 1
S:
In this example, the speaker used mostly coordination with the conjunction
i.
In contrast to written language, simple metalingual markers are used (al, i,
ako) and speakers are less explicit than writers are:
E.g. 1
S:
Our
speakers
used
simple
noun
phrases
with
no
complicated
premodification:
E.g. 1
S:
E.g. 2
M:
E.g. 1
M:
N:
(question)
The speakers have also used a more generalized vocabulary, with exception
when they started talking about their project:
E.g. 1
M:
The speakers tended to use a large number of fillers (kao, kakti, ono, kui,
). One of the most often used fillers is mislim by which speaker either
corrects himself or to take the lead in the conversation:
E.g. 1
N:
This is an example of taking the lead in the conversation. The next example
is with filler mislim used to correct oneself:
S:
46
The next filler, also quite often used is ovoga mainly used to start the
conversation on particular topic or to simply take a second or two to clear
ones thoughts:
E.g. 2
S:
Da. jedino to sam se, ono, ulijenio sam se, spavam malo due ujutro
In the next example the filler znai is not used to correct oneself but rather
to start the sentence and confirm the previous statement:
E.g. 4
M:
N:
A, ono...
S:
The first ono is used as a filler to pause, while the phrase A, ono would
not be filler but rather a speech act of complaining.
The next two fillers (kao, jel) is often used and can easily be replaced with
the filler ono:
E.g. 5
M:
Kolega, Vas nismo dugo vidli. oemo se kao rukovat, onak slubeno.
kao, potovanje
E.g. 6
M:
This filler is used to wind up the sentence, to shorten it, probably in order
not to become boring for other speakers:
E.g. 7
M:
(...) ili emo kocitatna analizu ili analizu citata ba kao takvih, tak da,
ono...
E.g. 8
S:
E, al ovoga..
48
6. Gricean maxims
Gricean maxims are a part of his theory of implicature. Grice did not
develop these maxims as rules to which a conversation must adhere to. The
maxims are envisioned more as guidelines for efficient and effective use of
language in conversation, that is, they suggest that if you want to make
good conversation, you have to speak the truth, be clear, be relevant and
give enough information, and, if possible, be polite. Like we said in the
introduction, Grice based this theory, these maxims, on the co-operative
principle. According to this principle there is a shared belief among the
participants of a conversation that all persons conversing want to contribute
to the conversation, their knowledge and information. This would imply that
for every exchange of utterances between two persons they each assume that
the others response is relevant in some way to their initiate, even though on
the surface the response is an apparent failure of co-operation. This
phenomenon is what Grice calls conversational implicature; it implies
understanding of propositions which havent been adequately expressed.
6.1 The Maxim of Quality
According to this maxim, one should speak the truth the whole truth
and nothing but the truth. Well, you wont go to jail if you dont adhere to
this maxim, but it does suggest that you should try to make your
contribution one that is true, that is, do not say what you believe to be
false and do not say that for which you lack adequate evidence.
Adhering to this maxim is usually realized by stating the source which
proves what we say, like I heard on the radio, Grice says, and so on.
These statements are called evidentials, since they in a way provide evidence
to what we are saying.
In the next example there are actually two evidentials, one embedded into
another, onrekao je and ti si reko.
49
E.g. 1
M:
When we dont want to break the maxim, that is, we dont know if what we
are about to say is entirely thruthful, and we dont want to say anything
false, we use expressions like as far as I know... or I think.... These
statements are called hedges, since they function like a hedge with which we
distance ourselves from any liability. In the example above there is a hedge
Ja mislim.
E.g. 1
S:
(...) ta emo, kak emo, budemo fino napisali izjavu i bumo potpisali,
ono, ig faksa tra la la i to im faksiramo i dobro.
E.g. 2
S:
Ono, zvat emo ekipu iz Maarske, Srbije, Slovenije, bla bla bla okolo, i
...
50
The next example shows how one speaker violated the maxim of quantity by
talking too much, and how the other speaker reacted to the violation.
E.g. 3
M:
S:
In order to show that he was bored and to show the speaker M that s/he
was not interesting, S took a pen from the table and read the label using a
Russian accent and looking at the third participant, N, who knew the story
behind the pen, and thus S changed the topic. This wasnt very polite of
them, but so is usurping the conversation.
This was the only instance of violating the second part of the maxim of
quantity in our conversation, namely that one concerning the dont be too
informative rule.
Concerning the first part of the maxim, the one that says do make your
contribution, we noticed that the speaker N was rather quiet, and didnt
participate in the conversation as much as the other two participants.
51
about apples, talk about apples; and if were talking about oranges, talk
about oranges).
The nature of interpersonal communication is such that topics change
very often, especially if it is a very informal conversation. It probably has to
do with the way human brain works. We hear a certain word or a story and
it triggers a memory which then, we could say, diverts our stream of
thoughts onto another topic. This happens almost unconsciously, and the
new topic is sometimes related with the previous, and sometimes completely
different.
E.g. 1
N:
S:
(two turn-takes)
N:
In this example we see that the story of the faculty administrator speaker N
is talking about, triggered a memory in S, about what he read on some
administrator in San Francisco; which then, after two turn-takes, starts
them talking about work contracts.
S:
Ne, strava. I kad sam doo.. sad sam bio ..pre-ko, ta, prvi maj, bio sam
doma. I onak sam skuio da nisam trenirku izvadio iz torbe etri dana
52
jer, jednostavno, samo sam bio u tome za faks, doem doma, piama
(hrkanje), ujutro se probudim, opet faks, navee jedanaest doma, ne
isplati mi se, ta u ja trenirku sad vadit, normalno u pidamu i odma
spavat. Mislim, zbog ovih pizdarija s tom blokadom, ono, ta vijea,
pizdarije. nisam ni brojao koliko je tih sjednica bilo. znam da jedno
triput sam bio na odsjeku, po..tipa jedno dva tri sata, i ove, ove
maratonske fakultetskog vijea. I onda jo studentski zbor, onda malo
na plenum vidit ta ima. ta je jo najbolje, ne sudjelujem u organizaciji
blokade, totalno sam se povukao, glavu dolje, da me nitko nemoe
prozvat, al ne uspjevam.
We see how the speaker changed several topics the way his stream of
thoughts took him; his apartment - his home - his track suit - his daily
routine - the situation in the faculty - his meetings at the faculty, and so on.
When we see the entire process, we understand the switches; while the topic
he started with and the one he finished with, on their own, seem to have no
connection.
There are situations when we deliberately break the maxim in order
not to offend someone. Say someone asks us Does my hair look all right?,
and we answer Man! Look at the time!. Clearly, we are in major violation of
the maxim, because we went off topic. This has to do with face management,
which is a common reason for violating the maxim of relevance; we dont
want to offend the other person by saying to their face that we dont like
their hair.
The E.g. 3 from the previous topic could be also used here; the speaker S
didnt want to tell M in the face, that is, directly, that s/he was boring, so
he did it indirectly.
Whether we realize it or not, people are often very indirect when they speak,
namely, we use metonymy, metaphors, idioms and other different figures of
speech, and are often ironic or sarcastic.
According to George Lakoff and Mark Johnson (1980), metaphors are
something we live by. They suggest that metaphors do not only make our
thoughts more vivid and interesting, but they actually structure our
perceptions and understanding.
When we use metaphor or irony the maxim is broken, or rather, it is
flouted. This means that we let listeners know that we are aware of the cooperative principle and of the maxims, and that communication is not
broken, but rather that we have chosen an indirect way of achieving it. There
is also a possibility that something in the context of situation prevents us
from being direct; something like politeness, which we already mentioned in
the analysis of previous two maxims. Rhetorical questions are also breakers
of the maxim of manner.
Let us examine this example:
E.g. 1
S:
(on the cell phone) Ej bok, ej, mi emo ti bit tu vani u onom bircu gdje
Baracuda!!
The speaker S is giving directions about the meeting place to his colleague.
Instead of being direct and just giving the name of the place like speaker N,
he is being descriptive. He is in major violation of the maxim of manner; he
is neither brief, nor orderly, and he certainly isnt trying to avoid ambiguity.
On the other hand, if the person S is giving directions to doesnt know
where the place is just by name, than S is correct to give descriptive
directions, and N is breaking the maxim of quantity by not being as
informative as required. Giving both the name and description would
probably be the best solution.
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We can see that, in conversation, adhering to one maxim might cause the
violation of other maxims (as seen in the example above). Also, maxims are
so inter-dependent that if one is broken, so is another, which was shown on
the example of politeness. This brings us to the fifth maxim, namely, one
that says be polite.
6.5 Be Polite
This maxim is not one of Grices, but it is often considered as the fifth
maxim, and as its very name states, it suggests that we are polite when
making conversation.
This maybe has to do with the old saying a kind word goes a long
way. If we treat people with respect, they will treat us the same, and it might
also influence them to do something we ask of them. But, as we have seen,
this maxim is also very controversial because it often causes the violation of
other maxims.
When we take a look at our conversation, we see that the vocabulary is often
not very polite. One of the most frequent words, or lexeme, is probably
jebiga, jebote and other versions of the Croatian f-word.
Since this is a very informal conversation between three friends, this does not
mean that our participants are rude to each other. In modern times, this kind of
language is perfectly normal, among younger generations, for keeping good
relations.
We shall not give examples of the usage in order not to violate the
maxim and be polite.
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7. Conclusion
The data used for the purpose of this work is inadequate for us to
draw any confident conclusions not only about the spoken language in
general but also about the speakers themselves and their language use. The
reason for this is, obviously, the small sample of just one conversation. For a
more serious analysis it would be necessary to record conversations in
different situations with the same participants or to record different
participants in the same situation.
One of the strongest points of this work is the fact that it was done
using data which consists of a relatively high-quality recording of an
authentic spontaneous conversation. The authors had available for analysis
only the audio channel of the whole communication and had to decipher
what
was
happening
in
other
channels.
This,
combined
with
the
multiple
communication
channels
available
in
face-to-face
information is compressed and sent via the main channel. The most
prominent example is the use of emoticons in written computer-mediated
communication.
Usage of non-native languages and dialects was also quite frequent,
primarily for stylistic and purposes of economy.
The conversation is coherent in spite of frequent shifting of topics,
owing to the mechanisms of cohesion and the ability of speakers to
backtrack to every point in the conversation. Speakers often refer not only to
what was previously said in the current conversation but also in previous
conversations. They are working together on fulfilling the main, strictly
professional, purpose of the communicative event, but also to fulfill other
functions of communication primarily phatic communion, informing about
their surroundings, both immediate and distant, and catching up on recent
events.
Gricean maxims are sometimes broken but that does not interfere with
the communication as the speakers correct themselves based on the direct
feedback that is provided instantly. The multitude of words regarded as
profanities are most often used as mechanisms of cohesion or for stylistic
purposes, so we could not take them as breaching the maxim of politeness.
The converging point of our analysis is the economy of language. It is
the principle by which we could explain almost all the features we
encountered. Our conclusion is that efficiency is the most highly appreciated
value in any type of communication and that face-to-face communication
using spoken language is still the most efficient type of communication
according to amount and quality of information which can be transferred
and understood by the participants.
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8. Literature
5. Dominick, J. R. (1993) The Dynamics of Mass Communication. McGrawHill, Inc.6. Edwards, J. A. (2003) The Transcription of Discourse. The
Handbook of Discourse Analysis.Blackwell.
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