A PAPER

PRESENTED TO

THE PHILIPPINE LEAGUE OF

SOCIOLOGY STUDENTS

(NATIONAL CONVENTION)

The AMPATUAN, Maguindanao MASSACRE:

A PSYCHOANALYTIC-SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF WHY
PEOPLE DO HEINOUS CRIMES.
Under the subfield Crimino-forensic sociology.

PRESENTED BY:

EMMANUEL S. CALIWAN

BACHELOR OF SCIENCE IN SOCIOLOGY

PUP-MABINI CAMPUS, MANILA.

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 RESEARCH ABSTRACT

Understanding why people do things a normal person would oath not to do is very difficult
task indeed but sociology as a behavioral science need to understand things like this so that
it could dispel myths surrounding such phenomenon. Contrary to popular belief that such acts
like heinous crimes are done by people who are possessed by the devil or the likes of it.
Sociology believes the contrary is true that human beings put in a right situation and
circumstances, and social forces at work are capable of such evil. As S.S.A Jason Gideon
puts it “Evil is not a cultural thing it is rooted in our human nature.”(Criminal minds EP.19
season 1). This paper explores a very recent unfathomable and inhumane like social
phenomenon that happened in the Philippines particularly that of the Maguindanao province.
The researcher for the sake of accuracy calls this as THE AMPATUAN, MAGUINDANAO
MASSACRE a crime that even in our wildest dreams we don’t situate in the Philippine setting.
Further more the researcher departs from a pure psychological explanations and focus
instead on a psychoanalytic-sociology of men who are not in a war yet always at “war” and
thus create evil1.

This paper is an initial step towards a convergence of psychoanalytical theory and

sociological theory on its quest to give real and critical explanation on the mystery that is
human behavior. Premises of nature-nurture integration, subjective-objective integration, and
neo Freudian psychoanalysis (particularly that Erich Fromm) and sociological social
psychology will be seen to play very important factors in unfolding to answer to our question
that we situates under the behavioral studies2 division. This paper aims at bringing sociology
closer to what it is all about a scientific and critical study of human behavior in the context of
societal forces. It is also my aim in this paper to bring Erich Fromm back in the periphery of

1
For the readers this paper aims not to give an apology of what the Ampatuans have
done. I didn’t write this paper in light of“ sociology in bad faith” to use Peter
Berger’s term but my aim is to give real and critical answers to a long standing
question of : How have they’ve done such act ? (Papaano magagawa ng isang tao
ang isang bagay na karimarimarim tulad nito?)
2
The American school of sociology which holds a great deal of impact to the
Philippine sociology would categorically call this as behavioral science but to logically
argue human behavior can never be put in such rigid parameters, so the researcher
believes that behavioral study is a much correct term to use borrowing from the
European school of sociology.

2
 sociological thought. And the only way to bring him back is to use his theories which are all of
great relevance on the understanding of social phenomenon.

NOTES3

A. RATIONAL FOR THE TOPIC

Crimino-forensic sociology is a distinctive subfield within the discipline of sociology which

analyzes the behavioral background of people who do crimes, why they do such acts and
how can they live knowing they’ve done such acts---- like heinous crimes.

Using a psychoanalytic-sociological perspective mostly used by such known theorist like

Erich Fromm, Karen Horney, Peter Berger and Charles Wright Mills. This kind of undertaking
can be made available and attainable. I also incorporated a method well known in the FBI-
BSU (behavioral science unit) known in the forensic discipline as criminal profiling.

As all of you are aware the Ampatuan massacre is very heinous crime that even in our
wildest imagination we don’t expect that it can happen here in our country but this only proves
that really evil is not a cultural thing. Jumping with the notion of evil the researcher ask why
they done it and how can they live (and be jolly like Andal Ampatuan jr. shown laughing while
in detention) knowing they done it. This I think is a compelling case that the social conditions
of these men the Ampatuans4 dramatically weakened the moral inhibitions that would have
otherwise prevented them from doing the unthinkable. I would also reintroduce Herbert C.

3
This only serves as my research notes the actual paper is different.
4
When I talk about the Ampatuans I am putting distinctive behavior between two
groups the Ampatuan clan and their private army the CVO (civilian volunteer
organization) so when I’m referring to the general Ampatuan people who’ve done the
heinous crime I will used Ampatuans but if the need arises to point a particular
behavior I will used the term CVO to designate their underlings, so here there are two
distinctive yet correlational behavioral reason why they’ve done the sanctioned
massacre.

3
 Kelman and V. Lee Hamilton’ three distinctive social processes needed for the execution of
heinous crime like this one of the Ampatuan, Maguindanao massacre.

B.THEORITICAL FRAME WORK

Looking in a general sociology textbook one of the most essential topic for
whoever is interested or is taking up a sociology class in its behavioral study is the
chapter on the sociology of collective social behavior and for those interested with the
different the sociology of deviant behavior5 is the topic for you. For such one of the key
factor for a critical analysis of society’s functioning, movement, change and development,
is understanding the inherent social behavior occurring within it. To properly situate an
event, a social phenomenon, research should be done guided by theories which serve as
our lenses on analyzing society’s behavior.

This paper focuses on Crimino-forensic sociology, guided by its theories that are
mostly a convergence of psychoanalysis and sociological theorizing. In particular the
researcher used theories from Erich Fromm (Escape from Freedom, Man for himself, and
Sane Society.) Karen Horney (Neurosis and Human Growth (1950)). And with the
writings of Herbert C. Kelman and V. Lee Hamilton on the social psychology of authority
and responsibility on explaining the collective behavior of the CVO’s, the Ampatuan’s
private army.

Erich Fromm and his theories.

Who is ERICH FROMM?

Erich Fromm (1900-1980) was both a practicing psychoanalyst and

a committed social theorist. He had the ability to look, as Mills (1959) would
5
Deviant behavior as a subfield of sociology analyzes and discusses events,
phenomenon or behavior that is contrary to existing social phenomenon but it does
not mean that such acts are violations of our criminal law. Further more there is what
we call Crimino-forensic sociology which specializes on social behavior that are grave
violation of our existing criminal laws.

4
 have put it, to both individual troubles and public issues. He also brought to
his work a strong religious understanding, a humanistic ethic and a vision of
possibility. He had the ability to write for a popular audience, to develop a
strong social critique, and to combine psychological insight with social theory
(drawing on diverse sources such as Freud and Marx).

Erich Fromm’ first book Escape from freedom analyzes how man who is given freedom through
his individuality try to escape it. Because according to him with freedom comes isolation,
alienation and bewilderment. There are three ways on escaping freedom: Authoritarianism,
destructiveness and automaton conformity. In my readings of the Ampatuan clan’s action they
tend to apply the second escape which is destructiveness. We see in the news that this
Ampatuan’s hold a strong political and economic power within the Maguindanao province yet
they’ve allegedly done this act to continue holding to that power which is in term an issue of
escape from freedom through DESTRUCTIVENESS6 which refers to an attempt to destroy those
we perceive as having (and are aiming) for power. Because of our desire for power, we may feel
that this finite resource must be taken from those who possess it. There are many ways to
attempt this destruction, including the alignment with hate groups, religious extremism, or even
patriotism or in the case of the Ampatuan by doing sanctioned massacre. While our actions are
often antisocial, cruel, and misguided, we rationalize them by claiming a sense of duty. It is worth
noting that being a Muslim warlord in Maguindanao such acts are normalize due to the status
symbol you inherit when you are born in a warlord main clan. On Fromm’s second book entitled
Man for Himself he defined and coined a term social unconscious an act which we do which we
believe are done in our own accord but such acts done by following orders we are used to we no
longer notice them. As Fromm emphasizes that we soak up our society with our mother’s milk.
Further more Fromm believes that our social unconscious can be best understood by examining
our economic systems. In fact he defines and even names five personality types which he calls
orientation in economic terms. The Ampatuans fall under the HOARDING ORIENTATION 7,
hoarding people expect to keep. They see the world as possessions and potential possessions.
Fromm, drawing on Marx, relates this type to the bourgeoisie. Hoarding is associated with the
cold form of withdrawing family and with destructiveness.

KAREN HORNEY’s theories on neurosis

6
Taken from: Synopsis on psychoanalytic theory-political psychophilosopher.
Retrieved from www.psych .com
7
C.George Boeree, Erich Fromm, 1997/2006

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 Horney's theory is perhaps the best theory of neurosis we have. First, she offered a
different way of viewing neurosis. She saw it as much more continuous with normal life than
previous theorists. Specifically, she saw neurosis as an attempt to make life bearable, as a way of
"interpersonal control and coping." This is, of course, what we all strive to do on a day-to-day
basis, only most of us seem to be doing alright, while the neurotic seems to be sinking fast.

Using Horney view we could see that the social surroundings were the Ampatuans live
contribute a lot of things to what transpired.

Intrapsychic conflict

The two important intrapsychic conflicts are the

• idealized self image

o In a healthy situation, individuals develop a healthy self-confidence and
security
o In an unhealthy environment the individual tries to develop a sense of self-
realization so as not to feel isolated and inferior
o They desperately acquire a stable sense of identity that is exaggerated and
this idealized self-image can take on one of three forms
o

 The neurotic search for glory

• Need for perfection (should’s & should not’s)

o Tyranny of the should’s
• Neurotic ambition
o Compulsive drive toward superiority
• Drive toward a vindictive triumph
o Put others to shame…humiliating others

 Neurotic claims
• Sense of entitlement…idealized view of themselves

 Neurotic pride
• False pride based not on the true self but on a spurious
image of the idealized self.

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 Karen Horney’s theory gives us a good explanation on neurotic behavior that is rooted in
our social environment. She argue that heinous crime ( in her language neurotic) are product of
our social surrounding, the environment on which we are raised. In the case of the Ampatuans,
Maguindanao a place of which according to the world bank report is a highly conflict affected area
for here we can read that growing in a environment like this would produce a distinctive deviant
behavior.

HERBERT C. KELMAN AND V. LEE HAMILTON

SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY OF AUTHORITY AND RESPONSIBILITY.8

Kelman et’al on their research concerning the My Lai Massacre presented a theoretical
look on how people can perform such acts of inhumanity- heinous crime in its extent. They
pointed out that acts of indiscriminate, ruthless, and often systematic mass violence, carried out
by military or paramilitary personnel while engaged in officially sanctioned campaigns, the victim
of which are defenseless and unresisting civilians such acts are called sanctioned massacres.
Sanctioned massacres involve three distinctive psychosocial processes to explain mass violence.
Through this processes we can explain why people tend towards murderous acts without any
thought of it. Thus Kelman et’ al identified these three psychosocial processes namely:
authorization, routinization and dehumanization. Through authorization, the situation becomes so
defined that the individual is absolved of the responsibility to make personal moral choices.
Through routinization, the action becomes so organized that there is no opportunity for raising
moral questions. Through dehumanization, the actors’ attitudes toward the target and toward
themselves become so structured that it neither necessary nor possible for them to view the
relationship in moral terms.

AUTHORIZATION

Sanctioned massacres by definition occur in the context of authority situation, a situation

on which, at least for many of the participants, the moral principles that generally govern human
relationships do not apply. Thus, when acts of violence are explicitly ordered, implicitly
encouraged/ tacitly approved, or at least permitted by legitimate authorities, people readiness to
commit or condone them is enhanced. Behaviorally, authorization obviates the necessity of
making judgment or choices. An important corollary of the basic structure of the authority
situation is that actors often do not see themselves as personally responsible for the
consequences of their actions. In this situation, behavior that was formerly illegitimate is
legitimized by the authorities’ acquiescence.
8
THE MY LAI MASSACRE: A MILITARY CRIME OF OBEDIENCE, Kelman H. and Hamilton
L. retrieved from Readings for Sociology 4th edition edited by Garth Massey. Pg.39-57

7
 This explanation of behavior applies heavily on the behavior of the CVO’s their blind
obedience to those who hold political and economic power, those in vested authority, the
Ampatuans. They characteristically feel obligated to obey orders of these people the
Ampatuans whether or not these correspond with their personal preferences.

ROUTINIZATION

Authorization process creates a situation in which people become involved in an action

without considering its implication and without really making a decision. While on the other hand
routinization fulfills two distinctive functions. First it reduces the necessity of making decisions,
thus minimizing the occasions in which moral questions may arise. Second it makes it easier to
avoid the implication of the action since the actor focuses on the details of the job rather than its
meaning. Routinization operates both at the level of the individual job performance is broken
down into a series of discreet steps, most of them carried out automatic, regularized fashion.

In this process the CVO’s are routinized on killing people who holds different vendetta
rather than their own so such acts – heinous crime are only a part of their job as private
army’s of the powerful Ampatuan clan.

DEHUMANIZATION

Authorization process override standard moral considerations; routinization process

reduce the likehood that such considerations will arise. Still the inhibitions against murdering
one’s fellow human beings are generally so strong that the victims must also be stripped of their
human status if they are to be subject to systematic killing. Insofar as they are dehumanized, the
usual principles of morality no longer apply to them.

In this process a continued effort is done so that sanctioned massacre can be performed
a state of psychopathy is achieved so that a normal person can perform murder. Such
state of psychopathy can be called dehumanization.

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 C.METHODOLOGY

“The successful revolutionary is a statesman, the unsuccessful one a criminal.”

“The paradoxical - and tragic – situation of man is that his conscience is weakest when he needs
it most”

-Erich Fromm

Studying heinous crimes in a Crimino-forensic sociology subfield need a convergence of

behavioral science methods, so far studying the “criminal minds”9. Have created a new and
intricate method used by the Federal Bureau of Investigation-behavioral science unit called
“Profiling”. In this short note I will give a brief detail of how this criminal profiling work and its
relation to my study of the Ampatuans.

CRIMINAL PROFILING METHOD

Personality profiles of criminals are based on the way in which a crime is committed, also
known as the 'method of operations' or m.o. The m.o. includes the identity of the victim(s), what
the victims (in the case of a serial offender) have in common, the weapon(s) used, the degree of
hostility, the existence (or lack) of any torture and/or sexual molestation, and so on. Analyzing
these aspects of the crime scene, an investigator can determine the motives of the perpetrator,
which leads to a description of the perpetrator's personality, or the personality profile.

Brent Turvey10 created Behavioral Evidence Analysis (BEA) in response to his analysis of
"things such as the fact that offenders will lie about their actions, and that sometimes the most
objective record of what happened in a criminal event is a reconstruction of offender behavior"
(Petherick, 1999). Basically, both criminals and prosecutors reconstruct the crime, and the end
result has a lot of discrepancies. Who is to say which reconstruction is correct? This is where

9
I used the term “criminal minds” taken from the same series title which profile
criminal offenders specially those who do the most horrific heinous crime.
10
This part of criminal profiling is retrieved from www. Crimelibrary.com

9
BEA comes in.

Turvey's BEA consists of analyzing the crime in four distinct steps: Equivocal Forensic Analysis,
Victimology, Crime Scene Characteristics, and Offender Characteristics. Note that this method is
used for a known crime when the identity of the offender is 1) known and 2) unknown.

The first step, Equivocal Forensic Analysis, calls for analyzation of the physical evidence,
including but not limited to interviews, evidence logs, investigator and autopsy reports, and
photographs and videos of the crime scene, autopsy, and living victim(s). That is the forensic
analysis part; this step of BEA is called Equivocal Forensic Analysis because it is important for
investigators to take into consideration that the physical evidence can be interpreted in more than
one way.

The second step, Victimology, requires the investigator to create a profile of the victim, which in
turn can give clues as to the identity of the criminal. The identity of the victim, including their
gender, ethnicity, and so on (particularly if several victims have these same characteristics), can
help investigators determine that the criminal is targeting a certain type of individual, and from
this, can deduce motive. Secondly, the physical aspects of the victim are important as well; is the
victim is heavy, and was dragged for a long distance, it can be surmised that the criminal is
strong and may have a muscular appearance (Petherick, 1999).

The third step, Crime Scene Characteristics, "involves the determination of a number of factors
relevant to the location of the crime scene, where this crime scene is placed relative to other
related crime scenes, and how the offender approached the victim/s" (Petherick, 1999). So the
location of the crime scene in relation to the rest of the world, the location of the majority of the
offense occurred (the "primary crime scene"), as well as the position of the body, etc., are used to
figure out the criminal's motives, or what it meant to him or her.

The final step, Offender Characteristics, is the result of analyzing the first three steps, and a
rough 'character sketch' is created by combining the knowledge gleaned from analyzing the
different parts of the crime scene. This last step is basically the criminal profile.

PARTICIPANT OBSERVATION METHOD/INTERVIEW

To understand the cultural difference and to adjust criminal profiling method with the
oriental culture of the Philippines especially that of the Muslim culture. I’ve done participant

10
observation inside the Muslim community in Manila City Jail where I have done my exposure
work for four months.

I’m also doing a unstructured interview with their Imam (religious leader) so that I can
have a deeper look with their cultural and religious practice.

ANALYSIS/REVIEW OF SECONDARAY SOURCES

For a general analysis of events I relied heavily with news clippings from the net, news
papers and from the television.

D. Timeline - Maguindanao Massacre (until the declaration of martial law)11

By Maria Althea Teves, abs-cbnNEWS.com/Newsbreak | 12/14/2009 6:55 PM

The upcoming gubernatorial race in Maguindanao is “expected to experience a highly political

contest as 2 prominent clans, the Ampatuans and the Mangudadatus, are contesting for
governorship in the province.”

This was said by Philippine National Police Director Andres Caro during his report in front of
members of international media, Monday. He is the director of Police Regional Office (PRO) 12,
the office in charge of investigating the Ampatuan massacre.

But the recent massacre, dubbed as the most gruesome election-related violence in the country
and worst single-attack against members of the media, is not the first time Maguindanao
Governor Andal Ampatuan Sr. sowed terror in the province. He has been attributed to acts of

11
Sources: Official report from PRO-12 http://www.abs-cbnNEWS.com
http://www.newsbreak.com.ph

11
violence in Maguindanao, especially to those who tried to contest his power in the region. (Read:
New clan war erupts in Maguindanao)

Background: Maguindanao before the November 23 massacre

1988
Surab Abutasil is gunned down inside a restaurant in Shariff Aguak shortly before the elections.
Abutasil is running against Ampatuan Sr. for Mayor of Magonoy and also a relative of Ampatuan
Sr.’s first wife. Although Ampatuan Sr. is the primary suspect, charges filed against him did not
prosper. (Read: Military-Sponsored Warlord)

2003

Ampatuan Sr. is accused by the Candaos, a rival family of the Ampatuans, of murdering Abdul
Candao, elder brother of former Maguindanao governor Zacaria Candao. Ampatuan defeated
Zacaria in the 2001 gubernatorial race for the province. (Read: It’s all about power)

2008

After winning his third and last term as governor in 2007, Ampatuan Sr. is no longer allowed to
run in the 2010 elections—this opens the door for possible contenders.

The Mangudadatus travel to the Shariff Aguak municipality, along with 200 fully armed men. This
is to inform Ampatuan Sr. that a member of their clan will vie for the gubernatorial post in the
upcoming elections, according to an abs-cbnNEWS.com/Newsbreak military source that is
familiar with politics in the area. Buluan Vice Mayor Ismael “Toto” Mangudadatu will rival the
Ampatuans in the next gubernatorial race.

This displeased Ampatuan Sr., according to the source. The source adds that Ampatuan Sr.
reportedly wants one of his sons to succeed him as provincial governor.

This is the start of the clash between the two clans. They were once close allies. Former Buluan
mayor Pua Mangudadatu, father of Vice Mayor Mangudadatu, was one of the 4 key allies of the
Ampatuan clan patriarch when he was still starting out in politics. (Read: All in the Family)

November 23: The day of the massacre

Toto Mangudadatu, fearing for his life because of death threats sent to him, sends his wife and
other women relatives to file his certificate of candidacy for the gubernatorial post in his behalf in

12
the Commission on Elections office in Maguindanao provincial capital of Shariff Aguak. Lawyers,
supporters and media men are with them.

9:00 am

Senior Superintendent (PSSUPT) Abusama Maguid, Officer-in-charge of Maguindanao police

provincial office, receives information that there is a bomb threat along the National Highway,
particularly at Sitio Malating, Brgy. Salman in Ampatuan, Maguindanao.

Between 9:00-10:00 am

According to a police report, the 8-vehicle convoy of Mangudadatu’s party reaches Barangay
Salman portion of the highway leading to Shariff Aguak. They are flagged down at a check point
conducted by members of the Maguindanao police and Civilian Volunteer Organizations (CVO)
along the highway.

Thereafter, the abduction occurs. From the checkpoint led by Police Inspector Saudi Mukamad of
the 1507th RMG, the convoy is brought to a hilly portion about 2.5 kilometers away from the
national highway.

Toto Mangudadatu receives a phone from his wife saying an armed group, supposedly of the
Ampatuan clan, flagged down their convoy on their way to Shariff Aguak town. Her parting words
over the phone are about the armed men slapping them around and commanding them to
swallow the certificate of candidacy forms they brought.

10:15 am

According to a statement, PSSUPT Maguid receives another report from Police Chief Inspector
Sukarno Dicay that there is a bomb threat along the national highway.

Around 11:00 am

The 64th Infantry Battalion (IB) of the Philippine Army receives information that a convoy of
civilian is abducted by fully armed men in the national highway. The battalion immediately
launches a rescue operation.

11:30 am

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PSSUPT Maguid inspects the Sitio Malating portion of the national highway.

1:00 pm

The troops reach Barangay Salman to meet with Chief Inspector Dicay, who heads the troops
conducting checkpoints in the area, says he has no knowledge of the reported abduction
conveyed to him by the troops.

1:30 pm

The 64th IB troops advance eastward where the abducted civilians were reportedly brought.
Troops conducting the search on foot meet 2 armed men with an M-16 rifle and a 12-gauge
shotgun. They claim to be members of the Ampatuan, Maguindanao CVO. They are
subsequently accosted for questioning at Batallion Tactical Command Post of the 64th IB. The
men are identified as Esmail Canapia and Takpan Dilon.

Because of inconsistencies in their reports, four police officers Maguid, Dikay and Bakal, and
Senior Inspector Rex Diongon are ordered restricted at the ARMM police headquarters while
undergoing investigation.

2:00 pm

Troops conducting the on-foot search found the crime scene or the surface scene.

3:00 pm

Buluan Mayor Jong Mangudadatu, on board a private chopper, is looking for his family. He spots
a number of vehicles so he lands near the site.

The 64th IB troops initially finds 21 cadavers: 15 female and 6 male. The cadavers have multiple
gunshot wounds in different parts of their body. Later this afternoon, another cadaver is found in a
nearby bridge.

Five vehicles (4 Toyota vans and a sport utility vehicle) are found by the investigation team in the
surface crime scene. Other items found are:

1. personal belongings
2. assorted empty shells of firearms
3. other documents

14
According to Police Director Caro, the area is immediately secured to preserve the crime scene.
This is done in preparation for the arrival of the Philippine National Police Scene of the Crime
Operatives (PNP-SOCO) team for proper investigation.

8:00 pm

SOCO teams from PRO-12 arrive at the crime scene and started processing the 22 cadavers
found.

President Arroyo orders the military and the police to immediately pursue the perpetrators of the
gruesome massacre. In a statement, Arroyo directs the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP)
through acting Defense Secretary Norberto Gonzales and the police through Interior and Local
Government Secretary Ronaldo Puno to order their units to “conduct immediate and relentless
pursuit of the perpetrators, to secure the affected areas.”

Description: Watch the presentation prepared by the Philippine National Police on the initial
findings and significant developments last November 23, 2009.

November 24, 2009

President Arroyo places provinces of Maguindanao and Sultan Kudarat and city of Cotabato
under emergency rule (Presidential Proclamation 1946).

The SOCO continues search and investigation and processing of the crime scene. Troops,
investigators, SOCO and forensic specialists augment to the SOCO team from PRO-12.

According to Police Director Caro, the PNP relieves key police officers in the ARMM, the
provincial director of Maguindanao, the deputy provincial director (Chief Inspector Dicay) and the
directors of the police maneuver groups in Maguindanao.

Additional PNP and AFP forces replace the ousted officers in the province. Implicated security
forces are immediately taken into custody for investigation, says Caro.

The SOCO team finds 3 more grave sites in Sitio Malating aside from the surface crime scene
found on the first day of investigation. The team is able to exhume 24 cadavers in the first grave
site. The team will exhume grave sites 2 and 3 on the next day.

November 25, 2009

15
Grave site number 2 is exhumed by the investigation team. They recover 3 vehicles in the are: 1)
Toyota Vios, 2) White L300 van with markings of the UNTV television network and 3) blue-gray
Tamarraw FX.

They also recover 6 cadavers.

After a while, grave site 3 is exhumed and 5 cadavers are found.

16
The investigation team recovers a total of 57 cadavers from the crime scene.

Sketch of the crime scene prepared by the Philippine National Police

17
PNP spokesman Leonardo Espina announces that according to initial reports, the murdered
convoy was stopped by a group led by Datu Unsay Mayor Andal Ampatuan Jr.

The CAFGUs at Baranagy Salaman Ampatuan are immediately turned over by the security forces
to the investigators in connection with possible involvement with the incident.

The AFP accounted, deactivated, disarmed and submitted for investigation the 4 special citizen
auxiliary army companies (estimated 437 persons by Department of Interior and Local
Government) of the Ampatuans.

Description: List of names of found cadavers at the crime scene

November 26, 2009

Ampatuan Jr., who is implicated in the massacre, turns himself in to Presidential Adviser for
Mindanao Affairs Jesus Dureza.

He is flown to General Santos City where he is questioned. He is received by Justice Secretary

Agnes Devadera. Prosecutors, led by by Chief State Prosecutor Jovencito Zuño, conducts
inquest proceedings.
At night time, Ampatuan Jr. arrives in Manila and is detained at the National Bureau of
Investigation (NBI). He is charged with 7 counts of multiple murder charges.

DILG Secretary Puno reveals that the entire Ampatuan clan will undergo investigation for their
alleged role in the massacre. In a press conference, Puno says that aside from Ampatuan Jr., the
Department of Justice listed 4 other people are suspects in the crime: Maguindanao police
director PSSUPT Maguid, Shariff Aguak police chief inspector Sukarno Dicay, a certain SPO2
Badawi Bakal and Inspector Diongon. The 4 are implicated based on statements of alleged
survivors of the massacre.

(Reports of armed movements and closing of local offices are narrated by DILG Secretary Puno
and PNP PRO-12 director Caro. Both said that events—after Ampatuan Jr. was arrested and
before December 4—are the basis for the declaration of Martial law. The following are considered
overt acts of rebellion, according to Puno.)

Armed movements between November 26-November 29, 2009

18
Caro reports that local government offices in Maguindanao are ordered closed. Local government
officials refuse to discharge their functions, which hindered the investigation and prosecution
teams from performing their tasks.

He adds that the local civil registrar refuses to accept the death certificates of the victims,
purportedly upon the order of Maguindanao governor Ampatuan Sr.

There has been non-appearance of judges in local courts—thereby depriving the course of legal
remedies and prosecutorial responsibilities that is the issuance of search and arrest warrants.

The Supreme Court calls in 2 presiding judges from different provinces. The normal judicial
proceedings are not carried out because of threats to their lives. This prompted the government
to change the venue of the criminal cases after the information have been filed.

Duly verified information is disclosed to the PRO-12 investigating team that the Ampatuan group
has been behind the closing of government offices, the refusal of government officials to
discharge their functions and the simultaneous non-appearance of judges in local courts.

Armed movements November 29, 2009 to December 3, 2009

Armed groups, that are considered rebel groups by the PNP and the DILG, and their active
movements in Maguindanao are confirmed by PRO-12 sources.

PRO-12 team reports that the Ampatuans consolidated a group of rebels consisting of 2,400 plus
heavy armed men. One thousand one hundred sixty of them are strategically deployed in
Maguindanao.

Validated information gathered by the PRO-12 team are as follows:

• There are around 500 rebels with 2 armored vehicles in an offensive position in 2 towns
in Ampatuan and a town in Mamasapano.
• A group with more or less 200 armed men move from Magonoy, Shariff Aguak is also in
offensive position.
• More or less 80 fully armed rebels are in Tuka, Mamasapano.
• More or less 50 armed rebels led by a former Moro National Liberation Front commander
are in offensive position in Rajah Buayan.
• More or less 70 fully armed men with 2 M-16 light machine guns remain in offensive
position in 2 barangays in the Datu Unsay municipality near the General Santos City
national highway.

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 • Armed men with 4 M-16 light machine guns in offensive position remain in the upper
portion of Datu Unsay.
• Kagi Akman Ampatuan is sited in the municipality of Sultan sa Barongis with 400 armed
rebels and locals hear him say: “Patayan na kung patayan.”
• More or less a hundred armed men led by an identified killer in the massacre is sited in
the boundary of Rajah Buayan and Sultan sa Barongis. The alleged killer’s group is
armed with a 90-millimeter recoilless rifle, 1 calibre-50 machine gun, 2 calibre-30 light
machine guns, 2 60-millimter mortars and a folded rifle.

According to Puno, these armed men are concentrated in municipalities of Maguindanao which
are political strongholds of the Ampatuans:

Shariff Aguak
Datu Piang
Datu Unsay
Datu Saudi-Ampatuan
Datu Salibo
Shariff Saydona Mustapha
Rajah Buayan
General S.K. Pendatun
Mamasapano
Datu Hoffer Ampatuan
Datu Anggal Matimbang
Talayan
Talitay
Guindulungan
Sultan sa Barongis

December 1, 2009

The DOJ files 25 counts of murder against Ampatuan Jr.

December 2, 2009

The police discover large arms cache from a vacant lot at least 500 meters away from the
mansion of Governor Ampatuan Sr.

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December 3, 2009

PNP chief Director General Jesus Verzosa announces in a press conference in Camp Crame that
he received a report from the field that a 60 mm mortar is recovered during the raid but has yet to
confirm where exactly it was found. Verzosa announces that search warrants for the houses of
Ampatuan Jr., Maguindanao Gov. Ampatuan Sr. and Akman Ampatuan are issued by Judge
Francis Palmones of Kidapawan City Regional Trial Court.

December 4, 2009

PRO-12 reports that the following items have been found in Ampatuan Jr.’s compound in Shariff
Aguak:

1) Four 9-millimeter pistols

2) Seven caliber-45 pistols
3) Twenty assorted high powered firearms
4) A barrel of 15 sniper rifles
5) Three M16 machine guns
6) One 90-millimeter recoilless rifle
7) Four 60-millimeter mortars
8) One 81-millimeter mortar
9) More than 100,000 assorted ammunition and magazines
10) Uniforms of the AFP and the PNP
11) Armored vehicles equipped with caliber-guns and machine guns. Painted on the vehicles is
the word “Pulisiya” (police)

December 5, 2009: martial law in Maguindanao

At 7:00 am, Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita announces Proclamation No. 1959 declaring a
state of martial law and suspending the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in the province of
Maguindanao, except for certain areas identified as bailiwicks of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front
(MILF) separatists.

“Based on Proclamation 1959, we are here to formally take over the provincial capitol. By the
time, all municipal halls have been secured by the armed forces and police forces in order to
ensure that these facilities will be secure,” announces Lt. Gen. Raymundo Ferrer, AFP chief
Eastern Mindanao Command, at a press conference hours after martial law was declared.

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Ferrer adds that he has been ordered to temporarily take charge of the whole province until DILG
Secretary Puno and government agencies “come up with new set up for the local government.”
Warrantless searches are also being conducted in residences of members of the Ampatuan clan.

Maguindanao gov. Ampatuan Sr., ARMM Gov. Zaldy Ampatuan, Maguindanao Vice Governor
Akmad Ampatuan Sir, Shariff Aguak Mayor Anwar Ampatuan and Sangguniang Bayan member
of Shariff Aguak Cahoner Ampatuan are arrested. Local officials arrested are: Paisal Sulaik, a
Sangguniang Bayan member of Shariff Aguak; Keise Usman, regional secretary of agriculture of
the ARMM and Kabuntalan Emblawa, regional environment secretary of the ARMM.

Ampatuan Sr. and Zaldy Ampatuan are brought to Davao City and General Santos City,
respectively.

E.REFERENCES

Boeree, C. G. (2006) ERICH FROMM.

Bugliosi, V. and Gentry, C. (1974) Helter Skelter.

Bugliosi, V. (1996) Outrage: The five reasons why O.J. Simpson got away with murder.

Coleman, J. and Cressey, D. (1996) Social Problems 6th edition.

Cuzzort, R. and King, E. (1980) 20th Century Social Thought 3rd edition.

Fromm, E. (1947) Man for Himself: An inquiry into the Psychology of Ethics.

Fromm, E. (1941) Escape from Freedom.

Fromm, E (1955) The Sane Society.

Fromm, E. (1944) Individual and the social origins of neurosis. Retrieved from www. Marxist. Org/
Philosophy/ Fromm Archive.

Fromm, E (1958) The Influence of Social Factors in Child Development.

Freud, S. (1961) Civilization and its Discontents.

Macionis, J. (2002) Society The Basics. 6th edition.

Massey, G. (2003) Readings for Sociology.

May, T. (1996) Situating Social Theory.

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The Committee on the Humanities (1965) Readings in Oriental Cultures- History, Politics,
Economics, The arts and Religions.

The World Bank (2003) Social Assessment of Conflict- Affected Areas in Mindanao.

Ritzer, G. (2003) Contemporary sociology theory and its classical roots: the basics. 1st edition.

Wetherell, M. (1996) Identities Groups and Social Issues.

Wood, S. and Wood, E. (2000) The essential world of psychology.

Sources:
Official report from PRO-12
http://www.abs-cbnNEWS.com
http://www.newsbreak.com.ph

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