BRANISLAV CVETKOVI

A contribution to the understanding

of the Iconographical Programme
in the Church of Dormition
of the Virgin at Smederevo

he fortress of Smederevo was political as well as cultural centre and one

of the last military strongholds of the medieval Serbian Despotate.1 Although
partly ruined, the fortified walls and tall towers still impress the visitor, recalling
memories of its mighty builder, the Serbian lord ura Brankovi.2 In Smederevo he is also known to have erected the church dedicated to the Annunciation of
the Virgin.3 It was later to become the metropolitan seat4 and the place where the
relics of St. Luke were brought from Epirote Rogos.5 The recent archaeological
excavations proved the existence of remnants of that church situated in the southeastern part of the Great Castle.6
There are strong reasons to believe that in the same time (around 1450), the
construction of another Smederevo church took place as well. This was the small
but excellently built church of the Dormition of the Virgin, situated outside
the medieval city walls, on the hilly terrain at the cemetery of the actual town
1 On the Smederevo fortress cf. M. Popovi, La residence du Despot ura Brankovi dans le
Chatelet de la fortresse de Smederevo, Balcanoslavica 7 (Prilep 1978), 101112; M. Popovi,
Utvrewa Moravske Srbije, Sveti knez Lazar, Beograd 1989, 73, 76, 80 (with bibliography).
2 On despot ura Brankovi cf. M. Spremi, Despot ura Brankovi i wegovo doba, Beograd 1994.
3 S. Nenadovi, Razmiqawa o arhitekturi crkve Blagovetewa despota ura Brankovia u Smederevu, Zbornik Narodnog muzeja HH (Beograd 1979), 403424; L. Pavlovi,
Istorija Smedereva u rei i slici, Smederevo 1980, 116120.
4 Pavlovi, op. cit., 125127.
5 L. Pavlovi, Prozni i pesniki spisi nastali u Smederevu 14531456. godine, Smederevo 1983.
6 M. orovi-Qubinkovi, M. Cuwak, Istraivawa sakralnog kompleksa u Smederevskoj tvravi u toku 1982. godine, Glasnik DKS 7 (Beograd 1983), 5052; M. Cunjak, Smederevska tvrava sakralni kompleks, Arheoloki pregled 24 (Beograd 1985), 174178; Idem, Arheoloki pregled 25 (Beograd 1986), 8689; M. Cuwak, Nekropola u jugoistonom delu Velikog grada
Smederevske tvrave. Rezultati arheolokih istraivawa, Saoptewa HHHH (Beograd 1995/96), 172192.

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of Smederevo.7 The Smederevo Cemetery church, as it is commonly known,

draws our special attention above all by its very interesting mural paintings.8 The
frescoes, commissioned by an uncertain Smederevo bishop, were most probably
executed in the end of the 16th or the beginning of the 17th century.9
Although almost entirely preserved these mural paintings were not especially researched after its thorough, but extremely difficult cleaning process.10
Excluding the well-known studies written by ore Mano-Zisi, Sreten Petkovi
and Leontije Pavlovi,11 there are no other recently published articles on the
Smederevo frescoes. That is why, concerning the iconography of this fresco programme, we would like to give some more data in the present study, viewing
still unidentified figures and compositions.
Before drawing our attention to the problem itself it is reasonable to stress
the fact that the unknown founder of the Smederevo Cemetery church intently
built it at the already existing cemetery. This was proved by the late archaeological excavations of the site.12 The fact is in accord with the very function of the
church, which was intended to be the funerary chapel. Although the graffiti inscriptions on the church walls render the information that it was later the
monastery church,13 there are undoubted proofs of its original funerary function.
A number of medieval graves were found in the naos as well as in the narthex
(the western bay), where the burials were longer practiced. The medieval grave
7 M. Vasi, ia i Lazarica, Beograd 1928, 156160; . Tati, Stara crkva na Smederevskom grobqu, Starinar , ser. (Beograd 1930), 55, sl. 2; V. R. Petkovi, Pregled crkvenih spomenika kroz povesnicu srpskog naroda, Beograd 1950, 301302, sl. 945948; A. Deroko, Monumentalna i dekorativna arhitektura u sredwovekovnoj Srbiji, Beograd 1951, 177, 203,
sl. 304, 390; . Mano-Zisi, Stara crkva u Smederevu, Starinar n.s. (Beograd 1951),
153173; Pavlovi, Istorija Smedereva u rei i slici, 121144; O. Zirojevi, Crkve i manastiri na podruju Peke patrijarije do 1683. godine, Beograd 1984, 185; M. Jankovi, Episkopije i mitropolije srpske crkve u sredwem veku, Beograd 1985, 153155, 187189; N. Katani, Dekorativna kamena plastika Moravske kole, Beograd 1988, 218220; P. Ivi, V. J.
uri, S. irkovi, Esfigmenska poveqa despota ura, BeogradSmederevo 1989, 42; Istorija srpskog naroda 3, Beograd 1994, 371; Kulturna riznica Srbije, Beograd 1996, 285286; S.
Petkovi, Srpska umetnost u H i H veku, Beograd 1996, 84, 205206.
8 Mano-Zisi, Stara crkva u Smederevu, 160173; Pavlovi, Istorija Smedereva u rei i slici, 135141; S. Petkovi, Zidno slikarstvo na podruju Peke patrijarije 1557
1614, Novi Sad 1965, 170; S. Petkovi, Slikarstvo Moravske kole i srpski spomenici iz doba turske vladavine, Moravska kola i weno doba, Beograd 1972, 313314.
9 Regarding the style of the frescoes Prof. Sreten Petkovi dated the Smederevo wall decoration in the seventh decade of the 16th century, cf. Petkovi, Zidno slikarstvo, 170.
10 K. eqar, Problemi konzervacije ivopisa stare crkve u Smederevu, Saoptewa H
(Beograd 1970), 173177; Pavlovi, Istorija Smedereva u rei i slici, 134135.
11 Cf. note 8.
12 M. Cuwak, Arheoloka istraivawa unutraweg prostora crkve Uspewa presvete Bogorodice na starom smederevskom grobqu u toku 1982. godine, Glasnik DKS 7 (Beograd 1983),
3638; M. Cuwak, Iskopavawe unutraweg prostora stare crkve u Smederevu, Saoptewa
H (Beograd 1984), 249257; M. Cuwak, Q. Markovi-Nikoli, Antike i sredwovekovne
nekropole Smedereva, Smederevo 1997, 105129.
13 Q. Stojanovi, Stari srpski zapisi i natpisi 2, Beograd 1903, br. 2091, 2113; Pavlovi, Istorija Smedereva u rei i slici, 131133.

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A CONTRIBUTION TO THE UNDERSTANDING

finds belonged to a bishop and to a noble woman, buried in the narthex in the
first half of the 15th century.14
Along with the archaeological finds and the dedication to the Dormiton, there are also some specific features in the architecture of the church pointing to its
funerary function namely, the long extension of the western bay, the very low
ground level of the interior and the symbolic niches on the facades. The original
funerary function seems to have been taken over by the commissioners of the
mural decoration, since it clearly infers soteriological and eschatological ideas familiar with the funerary conception these are, above all, the illustrations of
the last Psalms in the western vault,15 the continuing motive of the painted curtains in the lowest zone16 and, as we are going to show, several represented figures
of the saints.
The Smederevo Cemetery church was decorated with a number of frescoes
showing the standardized Byzantine scheme, which is waiting to be fully described. Until now it was tried only twice; firstly, ore Mano-Zisi published a
short monograph,17 still being the basic text on the monument; and secondly, a
more accurate description of the programme is to be found in the well known
synthesis on the Postbyzantine wall paintings on the territory of the Patriarchate
of Pe written by Prof. Sreten Petkovi.18 The programme is consisted of only
two usual cycles, that of the Great Feasts and that of the Passion and of the number of figures and half figures. Here we are going to make a supplementary note
to the existing descriptions of the programme.
It is noteworthy that in the dome one finds the citation of the well known
Psalm 102nd, verses 1921, which is rendered in two separated inscriptions,
one of which encircles the bust of the Christ Pantocrator, above the illustration
of the Celestial Liturgy, while the second runs between the full figures of eight
Old Testament prophets and the frieze of seventeen medallions with busts of the
prophets and patriarchs. At the moment we can identify with certainty only the
full figured prophets which are Isaiah, Moses, Daniel, Habakkuk, Elijah, Elisha,
Jonah and Aaron.
On the other hand it is not easy to identify the medallions on top of the
north and south arches supporting the dome, due to the deterioration of the large
fresco area. The full identification would require a more detailed study under the
dome, although after the slight traces one can suggest that there were represented
only the frontal busts of archangels.19 Frescoes at its respective ends have been
formerly identified as separated scenes of the Annunciation to the east and the
Cuwak, Iskopavawe unutraweg prostora stare crkve u Smederevu, 257.
Mano-Zisi, op. cit., 162.
16 Idem, 170.
17 Idem, 160173.
18 Petkovi, Zidno slikarstvo, 170.
19 Mano-Zisi, op. cit., 161 proposed the identification of these frescoes as the Gods hand and
the Anapeson.
14
15

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BRANISLAV CVETKOVI

Presentation to the Temple to the west.20 Also already identified fresco, representing Jacob's ladder (lestvca jakova) covers the eastern arch.21 It is shown in the
form of a ladder with four angels climbing towards the medallion with the orant
Virgin. But the opposite fresco, covering the western arch was not rightly identified in previous descriptions, where it was said to represent five medallions with
busts of the saints.22 More careful look, however, allowed us to establish quite
different description. Instead of five medallions there are three medallions and also three clouds. In the central medallion one can easily identify the Young Christ
in mandorla, signed as o eman(nl). In medallions to the south of Christ there are
busts of frontal archangels holding sceptres, while in clouds to the north are also
busts of archangels, who are pointing with their one hand, as it seems, towards
the Pantocrator in the dome or towards the orant Virgin at the opposite arch. The
unusual iconography of this fresco remains to be more carefully studied.
The identification of the scenes consisting the Feast cycle does not make
major problems, since the most are very well preserved.23 Nine scenes are represented in the highest zone, stretching from the altar bay to the western wall (Annunciation, Presentation, Nativity, Baptism, Transfiguration, Dormition, Raising
of Lazarus, Entry into Jerusalem, Ascension). It is interesting to note that the
Crucifixion and the Resurrection scenes are included in another Christ's cycle,
that of his Passion.
On the other hand the special interest rests in badly damaged small frescoes,
not mentioned in previous descriptions, which were painted to the south and to
the north of the large scene of Christ's Ascension, that covers the altar vault.24
At the moment we can identify with certainty only the most damaged one, that
to the northeastern direction. According to the standardized personification of the
Cosmos in its lowest part, it can be easily identified as the illustration of the
Pentecost. The two represented at the southern part of the vault, although much
more preserved, cannot be easily identified. The one at the southeastern direction
may well illustrate an event with Christ and his disciples after the Resurrection,
while the other at the southeastern direction may be interpreted as the illustration
either of Christ preaching in Synagogue or the Mid-Pentecost (since it is painted
quite opposite of the composition of the Pentecost) or as the representation of
one of the Holy Synods of the Orthodox Church.
Regarding the Passion cycle there are no unidentified or considerably damaged frescoes. It is consisted of sixteen compositions, including two already mentioned ones from the Great Feasts (Last Supper, Washing of the Feet, Agony in
the Garden, Betrayal, Annas and Caiaphas, Denials of Peter, Pilate Washes his
20
21
22
23
24

changel.

254

Petkovi, Zidno slikarstvo, 170.

Mano-Zisi, op. cit., 161; Petkovi, Zidno slikarstvo, 170.
Mano-Zisi, op. cit., 162; Petkovi, Zidno slikarstvo, 170.
Mano-Zisi, op. cit., 161163; Petkovi, Zidno slikarstvo, 170.
Mano-Zisi, op. cit., 162 wrongly identified Christ in the Ascension scene as Christ the Ar-

A CONTRIBUTION TO THE UNDERSTANDING

Hands, Road to Golgotha, Mocking, Distribution of vestments, Raising on the

Cross, Crucifixion, Deposition, Lamentation, Holy Women at the Sepulchre and
Resurrection).25
A considerable number of unidentified figures is to be found among the
busts of saints in the naos and the western bay, which are forming the continuing
frieze between the standing figures and the Passion cycle. As a matter of fact
there are no portraits of hermits among them as it was previously stated.26 In the
naos and the narthex the frieze of saints' busts is consisted of thirty-two portraits
of martyrs, some of which were warriors, holy doctors and the just. The following portraits of the saints are identified at the moment: St. Damian, St. Cyrus, St.
John, St. Sampson, St. Eudokim, St. Diomidius, St. Martinius, St. Guria, St.
Aviv, St. Samona, St. Bacchus, St. Auxentius, St. Eugenius, St. Eustratius, St.
Mardarius, St. Orestes, St. Trophimus, St. Christopher, St. George the New, St.
Plato (?), St. Sergius, St. Calistratus, St. Arethas, St. Vincentius, St. Menas and
St. Victor.
The frieze of saints' busts is represented in the altar bay as well and is consisted of eighteen portraits of the holy fathers of the Orthodox Church.27 The
following have been identifed with certainty: St. Paul of Latros, St. Mark, St.
Ambrosius, St. Laurentius, St. Ignatius, St. Euthimius, St. Mitrophan, St. Alexander, St. Eusthatius, St. Macarius and St. Jakob. Along with the already identified full figures of the holy fathers painted in symbolic composition of the Holy
Liturgy (St. Basil, St. John Chrysostome, St. Gregory, St. Peter of Alexandria,
St. Cyril of Alexandria, St. John the Pious, St. Athanasius, St. Achilius, St. Spiridon, St. Hypatios, St. Policarpos and St. Klimis) and of the holy deacons (St.
Stephen, St. Nicanor)28 we identified also the figures of St. Nicholas on the arch
of the southern altar wall as well as the figure of St. Sylvestre of Rome29 on the
southern wall of the altar bay. Flanking the altar bay and facing one another are
represented the figures of St. Simeon Nemanja and St. Sava of Serbia.30
The most interesting is the iconography of the standing figures. In front of
the altar there is a representation of a Deesis, with the Virgin to the left and St.
Mano-Zisi, op. cit., 164166; Petkovi, Zidno slikarstvo, 170.
Mano-Zisi, op. cit., 166; Petkovi, Zidno slikarstvo, 170.
27 Mano-Zisi, op. cit., 166; Petkovi, Zidno slikarstvo, 170.
28 Mano-Zisi, op. cit., 166168; Petkovi, Zidno slikarstvo, 170.
29 It is easy to identify St. Sylvestre of Rome by the mitre he was always represented with, cf.
Ch. Walter, Art and Ritual of the Byzantine Church, London 1982, passim. Also cf. his representations in Postbyzantine wall paintings in Serbia, cf. Petkovi, Zidno slikarstvo, 173, 180, 189, 192,
195, 198, 203, 208, 211. There is a possibility that the fresco of St. Sylvestre in the Smederevo altar
bay may be a clue directing to the personality of the comissioner of the wall decoration, since there
was a metropolitan of the Smederevo diocese with identical name, who lived at the very beginning of
the 17th century, cf. Q. Stojanovi, Stari srpski zapisi i natpisi 1, Beograd 1902, 287, br.
1032.
30 Mano-Zisi, op. cit., 166; Petkovi, Zidno slikarstvo, 170; G. Suboti, Ikonografija
svetoga Save u vreme turske vlasti, Sava Nemawi Sveti Sava. Istorija i predawe, Beograd 1979, 347.
25
26

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BRANISLAV CVETKOVI

John the Baptist to the right (with completely destroyed figure of Christ).31 In south apsis we find eight figures of warrior saints Demetrius, George, Mercurius
and only the traces of the destroyed Procopius.32 In north apsis there are figures
of Sts. Nestor, Nicetas and two Theodores.33 It is important to note that Sts. Demetrius and George are represented turned towards one another in prayer under
the Christ's bust who is blessing them. Along with saint warriors there is also on
the northwestern pillar the figure of St. Panteleimon, facing the altar.34
The iconography of the western bay draws the special interest, where we
find Archangel Michael o cylaq (the guardian) and Sts. Constantine and Helen,
on the western wall, flanking the entrance door.35 On the southern wall we have
the group of Sts. Zosima and Mary of Egypt and the orant figure of St. Tryphon.36 On the northern wall there are two interesting but unidentified figures,
one of which is the orant saint warrior with the long spear in his hand, while
the other is the orant holy woman dressed as a nun with the cross in her hand.37
The representations of Archangel Michael and the Communion of Mary of
Egypt near the entrance door are easy to understand, since these figures were
very often represented at the doors, for the Christians deeply believed in strong
prophylactic influence of these saints and their images.38 The figure of orant St.
Tryphon in the western bay, which was used as a funerary space, is also easy to
explain, because his cult was widespread since the Early Middle Ages and he
was worshipped as the quick helper in great need.39
The figures on the southern side of the bay can help us in identifying the
two orant figures on the northern wall, by rendering a clue. There is an obvious
connection between the two opposed walls in presenting one general idea referring to the funerary symbolism. The woman orant painted on the opposite side of
St. Tryphon can be identified as St. Paraskevi, who was also widely venerated as
Mano-Zisi, op. cit., 168; Petkovi, Zidno slikarstvo, 170.
Mano-Zisi, op. cit., 168; Petkovi, Zidno slikarstvo, 170.
33 Mano-Zisi, op. cit., 169; Petkovi, Zidno slikarstvo, 170.
34 Mano-Zisi, op. cit., 169; Petkovi, Zidno slikarstvo, 170.
35 Mano-Zisi, op. cit., 169; Petkovi, Zidno slikarstvo, 170.
36 Mano-Zisi, op. cit., 169; Petkovi, Zidno slikarstvo, 170.
37 Mano-Zisi, op. cit., 169; Petkovi, Zidno slikarstvo, 170.
38 Cf. M. Tati-uri, Les archanges-gardiens de porte a Deani, Deani i vizantijska
umetnost sredine H veka, Beograd 1989, 359366 (with bibliography); S. Gabeli, Ciklus arhanela u vizantijskoj umetnosti, Beograd 1991, passim; S. Tomekovi, Monaka tradicija u
zadubinama i spisima arhiepiskopa Danila, Arhiepiskop Danilo i wegovo doba, Beograd
1991, 427428 (with bibliography). Also, cf. Petkovi, Zidno slikastvo, 162, 164, 165, 171, 172,
176, 187, 188, 199, 208.
39 On his cult cf. J. Maksimovi, Kotorski ciborij iz H veka i kamena plastika susednih oblasti, Beograd 1961, 4960. On pictorial representations and the iconography of St. Tryphon in medieval painting in Serbia cf. G. Suboti, Ohridska slikarska kola H veka, Beograd
1980, 55, 73, 91, 97, 105106, 115, 145; C. Grozdanov, Ohridsko zidno slikarstvo H veka,
Beograd 1980, 58; D. Popovi, Srpski vladarski grob u sredwem veku, Beograd 1992, 8586; I.
M. orevi, Zidno slikarstvo srpske vlastele u doba Nemawia, Beograd 1994, 9294, 136,
146, 155, sl. 15.
31
32

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A CONTRIBUTION TO THE UNDERSTANDING

a quick helper,40 since there are some traces of the inscription, namely the letters
e and t which most probably belonged to her Slavonic name Petka. Therefore,
St. Paraskevi's presence in the funerary ensemble does not require any further
explanation, especially viewing her iconographical pendent St. Tryphon. But the
figure of young orant warrior saint is indeed quite unusual, since all of his iconographical features (oval face, short curly hair etc.)41 made us to identify this figure as another representation of St. George (Fig. 9). The doubling of figures of St.
George can be proved also by the fact that the portrait bust of St. George the
New was painted right above the orant St. George (Fig. 10).42
Superposing of saints with identical names was in Postbyzantine period
quite often. Let us mention only the example from Bogoevci near Prizren,
where we find exactly the same situation, the bust of St. George from Kratovo
placed above the figure of St. George of Cappadocia and beside them, also superposed, the bust and the figure of two St. Nestors.43 The presence of St. George in the funerary space is not unusual, because he was one of the most venerated saints in matters of mediation,44 but the fact of accented doubling of his portraits in the first zone requires an explanation. It may directly establish a homonymic allusion to a person bearing the very name of the saint.45 Since the orant
figure of St. George is placed close to the portraits of Sts. Constantine and Helen, we assume that such an iconography must have pointed to the personality of
despot George, who was thought to be the founder of the Dormition church.46
In this respect the commissioners of the mural painting in the Smederevo
Cemetery church in the end of the 16th or more probably in the beginning of the
17th century might have wanted to place the doubled figures of St. George as the
commemoration of despot George, who they thought was the founder, although
the church according to the archaeological finds must had been the mausoleum
of the Smederevo bishops or of the unknown noblemen. Similar iconographical
details are to be found in Matka, where the bust of St. Christopher was placed
40 On her cult and the iconography cf. G. Suboti, Sveti Konstantin i Jelena u Ohridu,
Beograd 1971, 89104.
41 Denys de Fourna, Manuel d'iconographie chretienne, ed. A. Papadopoulo-Kerameus, St. Petersbourg 1909, 157.
42 Petkovi, Zidno slikarstvo, 170; Pavlovi, Istorija Smedereva u rei i slici, 141;
G. Suboti, Najstarije predstave svetog Georgija Kratovca, Zbornik radova Vizantolokog
instituta SANU HHH (Beograd 1993), 176.
43 Petkovi, Zidno slikarstvo, 195, sl. 88.
44 Cf. D. Howell, St. George as Intercessor, Byzantion XXXIX (Bruxelles 1969) 1970, 121
136.
45 On matters of comparisons between saints and historical persons in medieval art and literature cf. V. J. uri, Slika i istorija u sredwovekovnoj Srbiji, Glas SANU SSSHHH, kw. 3
(Beograd 1983), 118129.
46 Cf. the modern mosaic portrait of despot ura Brankovi in the church of St. George at
Oplenac, where he was represented with the model of the Smederevo cemetery church in his hands,
cf. P. Pajki, Mauzolej na Oplencu, Saoptewa H (Beograd 1984), 231, sl. 14; M. Jovanovi, Oplenac. Hram svetog ora i mauzolej Karaorevia, Topola 1989, 155156, reproduction on p. 165.

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above the portraits of the ktitors;47 in Leskoec, where busts of St. Theodore Tiro
and St. Theodore Stratelates were painted above the portraits of Tode (Theodore)
and Vulka, the founders;48 and in Vevi, where the busts of holy doctors were represented above the portraits of the ktitors.49
In the end we would like to stress the fact that there are many unusual Old
Slavonic inscriptions in the Smederevo mural painting, what makes us believe
that at least one of the painters or their collaborators was not of the Serbian origin. This was noted already by the late L. Pavlovi,50 who stated that there are
some Greek inscriptions in the altar (stn kljmns, st polnkarpos) and at the
western wall ( rxggeloj Mhxa0l claq), but it is important to note that
there are in the ring of the dome a few Old Testament prophet busts with rotuli
in their hands with Greek inscriptions as well. We can also note the unusual
forms of names, such as the nickname of St. John the Baptist (predntea), St.
Christopher's name (Hrnstosfor), St. Plato's name (platnu), St. Bacchus' name
(vh), twice written epithet of St. George the New (stn noni gewrgne novn) or
unusual forms of names of the prophets Aaron (prrok aarwn) and Habakkuk
(prorok avakumu), deacon Nicanor (stn njkanur) and wrongly written word sta
turpea. One can also note the unusual form of the word prophet prorok (instead
of prorok) which ends with an j, what is to be found in churches painted by the
Greek painters,51 e.g. in Bogoevci, where we find similar inscriptions (prorokj,
Stratjlatj, arxangelj)52 or in Petkovica, where we also find the form prorokj.53
The clearest evidence that the one of the Smederevo church painters was not familiar with the Old Slavonic language is to be seen in the abbreviated form of
the word saint in the northern part of the mural decoration, where these abbreviations were written with the silent sound at the end of the word (stn).
The very interesting mural decoration of the Smederevo cemetery church
should be researched more carefully in the future, since its iconography as well
as high aesthetic values of style of its frescoes deserve special attention of art
history. A forthcoming study of these wall paintings will surely bring new data
on Serbian art and the influence of Greek workshops of the so-called Turkish period.54
Suboti, Ohridska slikarska kola H veka, 158.
Idem, 97, sl. 77.
49 Idem, 91.
50 Pavlovi, Istorija Smedereva u rei i slici, 136, 141.
51 Cf. R. Stani, Crkva Sv. Petra i Pavla u Tutinu, Raka batina 2 (Kraqevo 1980),
155158; M. Miloevi, O. Milanovi, Crkva Sv. Nikole manastira Novo Hopovo, Rad vojvoanskih muzeja 4 (Novi Sad 1955), 249273; E. N. Kyriakoudis, Les artistes grecs qui ont particip a la peinture murale des regions sous la juridiction du Patriarcat de Pe pendent sa renovation
(15571690), Balkan Studies 24/2 (Thessaloniki 1983), 501509.
52 P. Pajki, Crkve sredake upe iz turskog perioda, Glasnik Muzeja Kosova i Metohije III
(Pritina 1958), 86.
53 B. B. Golubovi, Zidno slikarstvo crkve manastira Petkovice u Frukoj gori, Zbornik Matice srpske za likovne umetnosti 22 (Novi Sad 1986), 85123.
54 Cf. S. Petkovi, Painting in Serbia, Macedonia and Montenegro from the Middle of the
XVth until the End of the XVIIth Centuries, Actes du Premier Congres International des Etudes
47
48

258

A CONTRIBUTION TO THE UNDERSTANDING

Branislav Cvetkovi
PRILOG PROUAVAWU IKONOGRAFSKOG PROGRAMA
USPEWSKE CRKVE U SMEDEREVU
Rezime
Uspewska crkva na Starom grobqu u Smederevu, sagraena svakako u prvoj polovini H veka, ivopisana je tek krajem H ili poetkom H veka, zaslugom
nepoznatog ktitora, moda tadaweg smederevskog mitropolita Silvestra. Wen
slikarski program nije u potpunosti prouen, mada je zaslugom starijih istraivaa dobrim delom poznat.
Crkva je sagraena na mestu koje je od najranijih vremena sluilo za sahrawivawe. Arheoloka iskopavawa su ukazala na brojne nalaze skeleta koji zalaze
pod temeqe Uspewske crkve. Ktitori hrama su ga po svoj prilici zidali za sline potrebe, jer na wegovu prvobitno sepulkralnu funkciju ukazuju odreene osobenosti arhitekture (dugaak zapadni travej u kojem je ubicirano ak 13 grobova, veoma nizak pod crkve do kojeg se silazi stepenitem, simboline nie na fasadama), ali i ikonografija slikanog programa (ilustracije posledwih Psalama u zapadnom traveju kao grobnom prostoru, kontinuirani motiv slikanih zavesica u
soklu i nekoliko do sada neidentifikovanih figura), to znai da su naruioci
ivopisa i posle skoro dva veka sledili prvobitnu namenu crkve.
Od dosad neidentifikovanih svetiteqskih predstava identifikovano je osam
stojeih figura proroka u tamburu kupole (Isaija, Mojsije, Danilo, Avakum, Ilija, Jelisej, Jona i Aron), i gotovo sve poprsne predstave svetih arhijereja (sveti
Pavle Latroski, Marko, Amvrosije, Lavrentije, Igwatije, Jevtimije, Mitrofan,
Aleksandar, Jevstatije, Makarije, Jakov) i muenika (sveti Damjan, Kir, Jovan,
Sampson, Evdokim, Diomidije, Martinije, Gurija, Aviv, Samona, Vakh, Avksentije, Evgenije, Evstratije, Mardarije, Orest, Trofim, Hristofor, Georgije Kratovski, Platon, Sergije, Kalistrat, Areta, Vikentije, Mina, Viktor) u frizu koji tee izmeu prve zone i zone sa ciklusom Hristovih muka. Isto tako, identifikovan je najvei broj stojeih figura svetih arhijereja (sveti Vasilije Veliki, Jovan
Zlatousti, Grigorije, Petar Aleksandrijski, Kiril Aleksandrijski, Jovan Milostivi, Atanasije, Ahilije, Silvestar Rimski, Spiridon, Ipatije, Polikarp, Nikola, Kliment) i akona (sveti Stefan, Nikanor), u oltaru.
Posebnu pawu privlai fresko dekoracija zapadnog potkupolnog luka, za
koju se ranije smatralo da je sastavqena od pet medaqona sa svetiteqskim poprsjima. U temenu luka u medaqonu predstavqeno je poprsje mladolikog Hrista u mandorli, oznaenog epitetom Emanuil. U dva medaqona na junoj strani luka naslikana su frontalna poprsja dvojice arhanela sa ezlima, dok su na severnoj strani luka naslikana tri oblaka u kojima su poprsja tri anela koji jednom ruku upiBalkaniques et Sud-Est Europeenes II, Sofia 1970, 715744; Id, Artistic Activity and the Struggle
for Survival of the Serbian Church During the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, Balkan Studies
24/2 (Thessaloniki 1983), 617630; Id, Art and Patronage in Serbia During the Early Period of Ottoman Rule (14501600), Byzantinische Forschungen XVI (Amsterdam 1990), 401414; Id, Iconographic Similarities and Differences Between Serbian and Greek Painting from the Middle of the Fifteenth to the End of the Seventeenth Centuries, Ecrosnon. 'Aciroma ston Manlh xatzidkh, 'Au0na 1992, 517523.

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ru ka istoku, ili ka predstavi Pantokratora u kupoli, ili, to je verovatnije, ka

istonom luku i predstavi Bogorodice u medaqonu koja ini sredite kompozicije Lestvice Jakovqeve.
Osim ove neobine, reklo bi se ak jedinstvene ikonografije na zapadnom
luku, pawu privlae i etiri delimino sauvane kompozicije koje sa severa i
juga uokviruju scenu Vaznesewa na oltarskom svodu. Ona na severoistonoj strani,
iako najvie oteena, moe se sa sigurnou prepoznati kao ilustracija Silaska svetog Duha na apostole. Scena na jugoistonoj strani moda predstavqa Hrista sa uenicima nakon Vaskrsewa, dok scena na jugozapadnoj strani sa delovima
vidqivog sintronosa moe predstavqati Hrista u sinagogi, Prepolovqewe praznika ili, pak, neki od Vaseqenskih praznika.
Najzad, dve dosad neidentifikovane stojee figure na severnom zidu zapadnog traveja prepoznate su kao sv. Petka i sv. Georgije. Sveti Georgije je predstavqen i u junoj pevnici i u zapadnom traveju gde je prikazan pod poprsjem sv. Georgija Novog Kratovskog, a izmeu sv. Petke i prvih hrianskih vladara, sv. cara Konstantina Velikog i wegove majke carice Jelene. Udvajawe likova sv. Georgija Kapadokijskog moe se tumaiti uverewem ktitora ivopisa da je crkvu mogao
sazidati desot ura Brankovi, pa se na ovaj nain, naroitim isticawem
svetiteqa istog imena, komemorisala linost pretpostavqenog ktitora crkve i
osnivaa grada Smedereva.
Slikari koji su ivopisali Uspewsku crkvu svakako su delom bili Grci,
to pokazuju natpisi na freskama, meu kojima ima grkih tekstova, dok se kod
mnogih srpskoslovenskih uoavaju znatne pravopisne greke.

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