COMMERCE AND MERCHANTS UNDER AMR BAR II: FROM MARKET TOWN TO COMMERCIAL

CENTRE
Author(s): FRUMA ZACHS
Source: Oriente Moderno, Nuova serie, Anno 25 (86), Nr. 1, THE OTTOMANS AND TRADE (2006),
pp. 51-63
Published by: Istituto per l'Oriente C. A. Nallino
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25818045
Accessed: 02-08-2015 20:31 UTC

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FRUMAZACHS
(HAIFA
UNIVERSITY)

COMMERCE AND MERCHANTS UNDER AM R BAS R II:

FROMMARKET TOWN TO COMMERCIAL CENTRE1

Agreat

deal of the research thatwas previously conducted on the economic

influenceofwestern penetration into theOttoman empire during the 19th

century

has

focused

upon

urban

centres

or

port

such

cities,

as

Izmir,

Alexan

dretta, Alexandria and Beirut.2 Several of these studies emphasised that local
economic growthwas due to the interconnections of the local market with the
international

market.

However,

very

little research

has

been

conducted

on mar

ket towns, or in otherwords, on peripheralmarkets and their influenceon local

economic development. Important examples relating to the region of Syria3 are
theworks ofAlixa Naff on Zahle, Leila Fawaz on Zahle and Deir al-Qamar and
finally thework of Beshara Doumani on Nablus.4

The point of departure of this article is Beshara Doumani's thesis that,due

to indigenous developments, the local economic network in the region of Syria
was ripe for accelerated tradewith Europe.5 In addition, itwill relyon Fawaz's
thesis, articulated in her book Merchants and Migrants

inNineteenth-Century

1 - This

article is part of ongoing research on Mount Lebanon under the rule of Am r Bas r II,
which will constitute part of a chapter in a forthcoming book. The article introduces some pre
like to thank Professor Butrus Abu-Manneh
liminary conclusions from this research. I would
for reading an earlier version of this article and for his helpful remarks and Professor Gad Gil
economics.
bar for his assistance in issues of Ottoman
2 - For example see, Leila Fawaz, Merchants
bridge, Mass., Harvard University Press,

inNineteenth Century Beirut, Cam

and Migrants
1983; Elena Frangakis-Syrett, The Commerce of
Asia Minor
Studies, 1992;
Smyrna in theEighteenth Century, 1700-1820, Athens, Centre for
Edhem Eldem, Daniel Goffman and Bruce Masters, The Ottoman City between East and West,
Aleppo, Izmir, and Istanbul, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1999.
3 By using the term "Syrian region" I am referring to the region that geographically includes
that in the 19th century covered
the threeOttoman provinces of Aleppo, Sidon and Damascus

more or less the same area as today's Syria, Lebanon, Jordan and Israel/Palestine.
inNineteenth Century
4 - Alixa Naff, A Social History of Zahle, the Principal Market Town
Lebanon, Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, 2 vols., 1972; Leila Fawaz, "Zahla and
- two market towns ofMount Lebanon
War of 1860", inN.
Dayr al-Qamar
during the Civil
I.B.
Shehadi and D.H. Milles
(eds.), Lebanon: A History of Conflict and Consensus, London,
Tauris,

1988, p. 49-63;

Jabal Nablus,
5 Doumani,

1700-1900,

Rediscovering Palestine, Merchants and Peasants

Los
and
Berkeley
Angeles, University of California Press, 1995.

Beshara Doumani,

Rediscovering Palestine,

Introduction

(especially p. 5), p. 128.

OM, XXV n.s. (LXXXVI), 1,2006, p. 51-63

C. A. Nallino - Roma
Istitutoper l'Oriente

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in

FRUMAZACHS

52

Beirut, that: Beiruts success cannot be explained away simply by pointing to

the city's position in theworld market. Its site on theMediterranean may ex
plain itsgrowth, but theparticulars of thatgrowth lie in its linkswith the Syrian
hinterland

.6

The articlewill furtherelaborate on theseworks by applying some of their

arguments regarding economic and social issues to the reign of Am r Bas r II,
ruler ofMount Lebanon between 1788-1840. Bas rwas a localMuslim ruler
from the Sih b house who had apparently converted toChristianity toward the
end of the 18th century.7Concentration on this period and its eventswill shed
additional light on the development of Beirut, which, from approximately the

second half of the 19th century, became an economic centre for the entire re
gion of Syria.The articlewill emphasise that the economic developments in the
Mountain and later in Beirut took place in two stages, resulting in the emer
gence of a predominantly Christian middle stratum in the region. The first
stage, and the focus of thisarticle, isAm rBas r's period.8 The second stage took
place in Beirut,mainly from the second half of the 19 th century.
Furthermore, the articlewill show how local commerce in theMountain, es
pecially inZahle and Deir al-Qamar, which was conducted between theMoun
tain and the Syrian hinterland, acted as a catalyst that laterhelped to establish a
wider economic network connecting theMountain, Beirut, and Europe. In this
regard, two questions will be examined and taken into account. The first con
cerns the local economic and social developments in the Syrian interior
during
the period of Bas r II and how they affectedBeirut lateron when it became in
terwovenwith world economy. The second question concerns the
relationship
between centre and periphery, i.e. the economic role of the periphery (in our
caseMount Lebanon) in shaping the centre (Beirut).

The Period ofAm rBas r II (1788-1840)

Two important processes took place during Bas r li's rule ofMount Lebanon,
which lasted formore than half a century and which was marked by economic
prosperity, cultural revival and political change. The firstwas the establishment
of an indigenous economic network throughout the Syrian interior.The second
was the appearance of initial stages in the
development of a Christian middle
6 - Fawaz, Merchants
Beirut's political

and Migrants, p. 3. See also, Leila Fawaz, "The city and the mountain:
radius in the 19th century as revealed in the crisis of 1860", Middle Eastern

XVI (1984),p. 489.

Studies,
- I.F.
Harik,

a Traditional
Politics and
Princeton,
Change in
Society, Lebanon 1711-1845,
Princeton University Press, 1968, p. 155-160.
8 - For further details on Am r Bas r see Asad Rustum, Bas r
n wa al-caziz,
bayna al-sult
7

al-G micah al-Lubn niyyah, 1966; Gabriel Enkiri, Aux origines

rgne de Bechir II, Beirut, Minist
re de l'Information, 1973; Salim
le
contemporain:
Hatt r al-Dahd h, "al-Am rBas r al-kab r al-macr f bi-l-malt ,"
al-Masriq, XII (1924), p. 566
tRustum B z,
r t al-G micah al-Lubn 577, 696-702; Rustum B z,Mudakkir
Bayr t,Mans
1804-1841,

Bayr

t,Maktabat

du Liban

Polk, The Opening of South Lebanon,

niyyah, 1955; W.R.
Harvard University Press, 1963, p. 83-106.

1788-1840,

Cambridge,

Mass.,

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COMMERCE AND MERCHANTS

53

stratum in theMountain. Itwas also of significant importance thatBash*himself

became a powerful ruler in the region of Syria. In fact, the vali of Sidon, to
whom Bas r owed allegiance, was dependent on Bas r's ability to raise an army
and to collect taxes, even frompeople livingoutside the boundaries of his formal
rule.9

Under Sih b rule,Mount Lebanon was typifiedbywhat can be termed as a

"pseudo-feudal"10

social

structure,

based

on

tax-farming

system,

the muq

tacah.n In general, theMountain's amir was selected by themuqdtacgis (land

owners) in theMountain and was appointed by the vali of Sidon in exchange
for annual fixed taxes (m r). These muq tacgis included amirs and acy ns and
constituted a typeof traditional elite.
The amir had no rightof authority over his subjects or themuq tacgi. If he
had any business with a subject, he had to settle it through his muq tacgi.Yet
the status of the amir regarding themuq tacgiswas firstamong equals. Also, the

amirwho was a kind of supervising tax-farmer,granted themuq tacgis the right

to collect taxes from their subjects - thefall hs, who cultivated the lands and
were themajority of the population. After
collecting the taxes the muq tacgis
withheld their share and handed the rest to the amir. The latterhanded the taxes
over to the vali of Sidon. Thus, this "traditional" agrarian society of theMoun
tainhad two leading groups, the landowners and the land cultivators,and no so
cialmobility existed between them.12This social structurebegan to change dur
r
r
ing the period ofAm Bas II.
In order to consolidate most of the power in his own hands, Bas r had al

ready, from thevery onset of his rule, striven to limitMount Lebanon's so-called
"feudal" system by initiallyundermining the power of theDruze muqatacgisy
who were larger in numbers and wealthier than the Christian muq tacgis. In
many cases he confiscated theirproperty and exiled them.At the same time,he
supported and encouraged a risingChristian middle stratum,which was already
engaged

in

trading,

especially

in silk. The

nascent

"state

institutions"

as well

as

the securityand stability,which Bas r enforced served this stratum.

It is important to emphasise that since the 17th century, silk gradually be
came themain product ofMount Lebanon, and thatboth Christians and Druze
3
- See formore
al-Sih biyyin,Vol. III,
details, A. Haydar al-Sih b, Lubn nftcabdal-Umar
al-K t likiyyah, 1933, p. 556-560;
edited by A. Rustum and A. Bust n ,Bayr t, al-Matbacah
Fruma Zachs,
"Mikhail Mish qa
the first historian of modern Syria", British Journal of
9

XXVIII (2001),p. 74-76.

Middle EasternStudies,
10 - The

forMiddle

term

aids
"pseudo-feudalism"
Eastern society. Nevertheless,

eral elements similar to the fundamentals

the term "feudalism" which is problematic

the form of government inMount Lebanon had sev
of the classic pattern of the feudal regime inwestern

in avoiding

Europe during theMiddle Ages.

c
Eastern history has generally been used
inMiddle
11 - As Harik wrote
the concept of iqt
of iltiz m, more or less in the sense of the tax-farming system preva
interchangeably with that
. See, Harik, Politics and
lent in theOttoman Empire
Change, p. 37.
on
Emirate see Harik, Politics and Change,
of
the
the
12 For further details
political system
p. 37-73.

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FRUMAZACHS

54

was Bas rwho

began to accumulate wealth by dealing in it.13Nevertheless, it
furtherencouraged and supported his people, especially theChristians, to deal
with thisproduct. In fact,Am r Bas rwas well aware of the potential of the silk
trade and of this growing social stratum, and knew how to use these develop
ments

in order

to further

strengthen

economic

the Mountain's

status,

as well

as

his own.

In otherwords, Am rBas r's period aswell as the institutionsof theEmirate,

which began developing even prior to his time, served as a catalyst for economic
prosperity in theMountain, which had already been set inmotion. Christian
merchants who dealt in the growing silk tradewere subsequently destined to be
come leading figures in theMountain. Under the rule of Bas r, the emerging
Christian social stratum furtherexpanded and began dealing in silk, grain, to
bacco, cotton, cattle14 and other products as well. Merchants from this stratum
eventually

managed

to earn more

than

the Druze

muq

tacg

status was

s, whose

s
graduallyweakened, and theybegan to take the place of theDruze muq tacg
not only economically but also socially and politically.
As the traditional structureof the Emirate began to change, the new middle
stratum,composed mainly of theseChristian merchants, included severalgroups

with

various

functions.

Some

served

as

mediators

commercial

between

the

Mountain and the Syrian hinterland,while others gradually became active trad
erswith Europe, dealing mainly in silk but also in other products. Socially the
group consisted of a variety ofmembers fall hs who entered into commerce
and accumulated wealth, officials of the Emirate who also began to trade, and
finally the intelligentsiawho surrounded the court of Am r Bas r and had ac
soon became a key
quired positions in his administration. This middle stratum
in
economic
the
social
life
the
Mountain.
and
of
participant

ChristianMarket Towns and theRisingMountain Middle

Stratum

Two Christian market towns inMount

Lebanon, Zahle and Deir al-Qamar il

lustrate the growing importance of this Christian stratum and the increasing
economic activities between theMountain and the Syrian hinterland. Both
towns began to flourish as early as themid-18th century.The commercial activi
ties under Bas r,which had given theChristian middle stratum the lead in eco

nomic and social status in theMountain, contributed towardsmaking these

towns central to the Emirate. With a risingChristian
population, they repre
sented two noteworthy economic processes thatbegan to take shape under Am r
Bas r. Firstly, from the local point of view, theywere part of the extensive trad
to market
13-I.M.
Smilanskaya, "From subsistence
The Economic History of theMiddle East, 1800-1914,
1961, p. 226-227.
14 - Smilanskaya,
"From subsistence to market
"Ta'rih al-harir fi bil d al-S m",
XV
al-Masriq,

economy
Chicago,

1850's",

University

in C.

Issawi

of Chicago

Gast n D k ss ,
p. 236-240.
c
Abb s Abu S lih, al
p. 374-380;
n 1697-1842,
Bayr t, Sarikat al

economy",
(1912),

Tct'r h al-siy si li-l-im ra al-Sih

biyyah fi gabal Lubn
al-Sah fiyyah wa 31-Matb ciyyah, 1984, p. 72-73.

(ed.),
Press,

Hadamat

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COMMERCE AND MERCHANTS

55

ing being conducted across a wider region dealing with thewhole region of
Syria and not justwith a particular city orwith a narrow region. Secondly, their
products, especially the silk of Deir al-Qamar, began to find itsway into the
markets.15

European

Zahle, with itsgeographic proximity to the Biqac and Bacalbek, the centres
of grain growing, and subject to the rule ofAm rBas r,became a leading factor
in the commercial interchangesbetween the plains and theMountain. In fact, it
became a central supplier of grain for theMountain, which grewmore and more

silk.The Mountain does not provide enough farm-lands.This was accompanied

by an increase in populations, among other things due to a higher birth rate
provided by the stabilityof the government. Of course the topography of the

Mountain was not suitable forwheat production. Due to this situation the
Mountain was forced to importgrain from neighbouring regions.However, the
profitable link forZahle was not onlywith the plains and theMountain but also
with the Syrian hinterland. Its tradersbought grain and livestock from the Syr
ian interior,from cities such as Horns and Aleppo. Others dealt with tobacco,

grain or alcohol and yet others traded in land.Many exchanged goods with trav
ellingmerchants, plying their trade between the Syrian coast and the interior.16
The prosperityof the town attracted a largerpopulation. At the end of the 18th
century ithad had less than 1,000 inhabitants,but by the late 1850s itspopula
tionwas probably between 10,000 to 12,000.17 A largeportion of this popula
tionwas merchants and entrepreneurswho tradedwith itinerantpeddlers, ex
changed goods with other districtsand speculated in grain.
The Macl f family is a typical example illustratingthese growing economic
activities of merchants in Zahle. They traded in silk, tobacco and livestock.18
Their sphere of activity reached as far as Damascus, theMountain, the plains
and Europe. The familyheld much property in theBiqac and in Bacalbek. One
example is theGreek Catholic IgnatiusMacl fwho served as the Bishop of Di
yarbakir and also became the Bishop of Zahle and the Biqac in 1816. Ignatius
-

It is difficult to understand the develop

I, p. 206-212;
Naff, A Social History ofZahle,
of Zahle and Deir al-Qamar without paying attention to the changes that took place in
that
Bil d al-S m in the 18th and 19th centuries. One of the most influential phenomena
15

ment

stands out in the life of the cities of Bil d al-S m, especially during the 18th and beginning of
the 19th century, was the growing role of the city as a centre of commerce and craftsmanship.
The same process took place in small towns such as Deir al-Qamar and Zahle. See, Irina Sm
J
mas
wa
l y nsk y ,al-Bun
rifal-casr
fi al-Masriq al-carabi cal
l-igtim ciyyah
al-iqtis diyyah
al-hadit, translated from Russian, Bayr t,Dar al-F r b , 1989, p. 137-182.
16-

cIs

Iskandar Macl

cUtm niyyah fi Baabda,

17- Before

f,Daw

ni

1907-1908,

al-qut f fi
p. 387-389.

population numbered
Iskandar Macl
f, Ta3rib Zahlah,

1860 Zahle's

12,000.

macl f

In 1887

Bayr
itwas

t, al-Matbacah

18,000.

al

For further

al-Fat h, 1984, p. 217-218;

Zahle,
- Awwal
Zahlah
ni
Henri
Ab
-H
Gumh
Macl
tir,
117;
f,Daw
gumh riyyah
riyat
al-qut f p.
twa 3l-nasr, 1978, p. 165-168;
al-MuDassasah
al-carabiyyah li-1-diras
fi sarq Bayr t, Bayr t,
in 1860, London,
Leila Fawaz, An Occasion for War: Civil Conflict in Lebanon and Damascus
I.B. Tauris, 1994, p. 34.
details

see,

18 - Macl

ta3nh Bani

f,Daw

Zahlah

ni al-Qut
f, p. 580-581.

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FRUMA ZACHS

56

tradedmainly in livestock.During his time the commerce of Zahle expanded to

Aleppo and to other places throughout the Syrian hinterland.19As Naff empha
sised,with these economic activities growing, ... it became more difficult for
this class to fit itself into the old organization, it no doubt sensed in Bas r's fa
vour the chance to exploit new political opportunities and thehope of
liberating
itselffrom the feudal system.The ambitions of itsmembers drove them to play a
more active role not only in the affairsof their community, but in the
region as
and

well,

to court

the attention

of Bas

r .20

A similar economic process took place at Deir al-Qamar but in thismarket

town itwas evenmore vigorous. Since the late 18th century ithad become the

most

prosperous

centre

in the Mountain.

Its

population

grew

constantly,

and

while at the beginning of the 19th century its population amounted to 4,000
people, by the late 1850s it had reached over 7,000.21 Most of its population
was Christian, themajority
being Greek Catholics orMaronites.22 As in the case
of Zahle, Deir al-Qamar reached itspeak under Amir Bas r II. Some of its im
portance derived from the fact that it served as the capital of the Emirate and
thus as an administrative and cultural centre of theMountain. Deir al-Qamar

also played the role of a commercial centre that linked the coastal regions,
Mount Lebanon, Damascus, and the Syrian hinterland. Rustum Biz, who came
from the prominent B z family inDeir al-Qamar and was close toAm r Bas r,
wrote in his memoirs: The commercial centre [ofDeir al-Qamar] was filled
with goods of all kinds, which themerchants brought from all over [Syria] .23
Deir al-Qamar was mainly a centre for exporting silk.As was previously men
tioned, Bas r encouraged this trade.The town had 300 looms and approximately
500 women operated them.24Yet it also traded in other products such as soap,
tobacco,

cotton,

grain,

and

livestock.

The silk commerce can illustratehow the economic systemworked. Most of

the silk cocoons ofMount Lebanon was gathered in
qaysariyyaf Deir al-Qamar
and were handed over to thewholesalers, who weighed them and then sold them
to themerchants. The merchants sold the silk in the interior
regions of Syria, in
-

ni al-Qut
Macl
f,Daw
f, p. 387.
20 - Naff, A Social History
ofZahle, I, p. 217.
21 - Fawaz, An Occasion
for War, p. 38. In 1880, the population figures showed 7,000-8,000
people. Sukr al-Bust n estimated the population of Deir al-Qamar before 1900 as 15,000,
19

al-Bust n ,Dayr al-Qamar

hir al-qarn al-t sic casar muh walah
fl
ta'rihiyyah igti
wa
r tMarkaz
al-Abh t, 1969, p. 13; Laurence
ciyyah
iqtis diyyah, Bayr t,Mans
Oliphant,
The Land ofGilead with Excursions in theLebanon, London, W. Blackwood,
1880, p. 353-361.
22 - A.A. Paton, The Modern
1844,
Syrians, London, Longman, Brown, Green and Longman,
p. 66-82.
Sukr

23
Baz, Mudakkir
24 - Ibid.
25

with

tRustum B z, p. 112.

Qaysariyyat Deir al-Qamar was similar to a covered market or bazaar. Itwas surrounded
stores and considered the economic centre of Deir
shops and
al-Qamar. See, cIsa Iskan

dar MacI
quotes

f, "Dayr al-Qamar cal cahd al-am r,'' al-Masriq

several pages from thememoirs of Rustum B z.

(1931), p. 302.

In this articleMacI

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COMMERCE AND MERCHANTS

57

cities such as Horns, Damascus and Aleppo. Part of the silkwent to owners of
looms inDeir al-Qamar formaking women's scarves, for example.26 In short,
themerchants and thewholesalers had the right to buy and sell the silk freely
without

the control

of Bas

r, and

thus

managed

to accumulate

much

wealth.

Soon, shops offeringEuropean merchandise began to open and local Christian

businessmen became familiarwith theWest and travelled there occasionally.
Quality merchandise from the shops of Deir al-Qamar became well known
across the region of Syria. Itwas estimated that around the second half of the
19th century the town had 400 shops.27
By the beginning of the 19th centuryDeir al-Qamar was becoming a leading
centre of commerce in the region and the richest town in theMountain. In
1843 Rose, the British Consul General in Beirut during the 40s, wrote his

[Bas r] actions changed the small capital of the Druze into themost thriving
commercial town in theMountain with the population of Christians five or six
times

larger

than

the Druze

.28

The town enjoyed securityand economic prosperity. It could supply all the
needs of its inhabitants and also attracted people from Sidon, Aleppo and Da
mascus, who came to itnot only for commerce but also in order to settle in it.29
The town now had a growingmiddle stratum,which had not previously existed.
This stratum included families such as theMisaqa, S sa, Bust n , Sidy q, Zalzal,
Tabit, D m n and Dahd h. Members of this stratum displayed theirwealth
with theirgrand houses and elegant clothes, inmany casesmade of silk.30
Most of them were involved in the growing economic activities in the
Mountain. Some of themwere powerful even prior to Bas r's period but man
to furtherstrengthentheireconomic and social statusunder him. In several
aged
cases, their prosperity lasted even after the Sih b Emirate came to an end. In
fact, at the end of the 19th centurywe can seemany families thatwere central to
economic life under Bas r,maintaining and even managing to enhance their
economic

status.31

The following examples can illustrate the success and wealth of Christian
merchant families fromDeir al-Qamar. During his time,Hab b D m n was
one of the richestpeople inDeir al-Qamar and perhaps throughout thewhole
region.He owned many lands in Palestine on which he grew sesame, lemons,
and olives, as well as silkworms in the Biq c. His fortune, by the end of the
19th century,was estimated at half amillion gold lira ormore.32
- B
z,Mudakkir

tRustum B z, p. 112.
- al-Bust n ,
27
Dayr al-Qamar fl hir al-qarn al-t sic casar, p. 77.
28 - Public Record Office
(PRO), London, Foreign Office, 226/83 Rose to Stratford Can
under Turkish Rule from
Churchill, The Druzes and theMaronites
ning, 30 April 1843; CH.
26

second Impression, New York, Arno Press, 1973, p. 104.

1840-1860,
- B Mudakkir
tRustum B z, p. 112.
z,
29
- On the habits of
see, ibid, p. 132-135.
30
dressing in theMountain
- al-Bust n ,
31
Dayr al-Qamar ft hir al-qarn al-t sic casar, p. 65-70, 103-106.
32
Ibid., p. 66.

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FRUMAZACHS

58

The Dahd hs were a prominent family before the time of Bas r but under
him managed to increase theirwealth, and consequently advance both socially
and politically.Most of itsmembers were employed in the bureaucracy under
Bas r, otherswere involved in trade,mainly in silk.Members of the family soon
became very close toAm rBas r and acted as his advisors and occasionally as ar
bitratorsduring conflictsbetween amirs in theMountain. They were also part of
Bas r'sdiwan and collected themiri?^ The familyheld the position ofmudabbir
(thehighest position in the administration of theEmirate) for 58 years.34 In sev
eral cases members of this family took other positions in the bureaucracy of the
amir in order to promote theirfamily interests,especially financial.35
Some of the positions were hereditary,handed down from father to son. In
thisway the families gained furtherinfluence and wealth, especially since itwas

not rare for Bas r to give them lands and property as a reward for their loyalty.
On the other hand, at times itwas the otherway around - families thatwere
disloyal to Bas r could loose theirproperty.36After the Sih b Emirate came to
itsend, theDahd hs were deeply involvedwith western trade.
A Bilateral Relationship
It is understandable why Bas r encouraged and supported thismiddle stratum in
its economic activities in both of the Christian towns - Zahle and Deir al
Qamar. Their economic prosperity gave Bas r the fuel that powered the Emir
ate's engine. Sometimes he exempted themerchants from certain taxes and built
new roads and
buildings for the growing commerce. His policy towards these
townsmade themmore secure than before, and as such, the power of the grow
ingmiddle stratum became more significant. In fact, it became the essence of
the social, economic, and political lifeof the Emirate and also its source of sta
bility, power, and prosperity. Bas r's period gave a meaningful boost and a
strong foundation tomany Christian families thatwould later become, by the
end of the 19th century,part of the commercial elite throughout thewhole re
gion of Syria.
These social and economic changes entailed a new balance of power in the
Emirate and in its economic life. Itwas natural thatAm rBas r, afterweakening
the power of the muq tacgis, would become dependent upon this growing
Christian middle stratum. From the beginning he strove to lessen the muqd
tacgis as a political, social and economic power and turn theEmirate into a cen
tralised system run by a bureaucracy appointed by him and accountable only to

33

- B
z,Mudakkir
-M

tRustum B z, p. 127.

h Tl Mis

qah, al-Gaw b cal iqtir h al-ahb b, unbound and unprinted manuscript,

t, 1874, p. 69; Salim Hatt r al-Dahd h, "al-K nt Rasid al-Dahd h wa usratuhu", al
rHat n Nubdah
IV (1901), p. 381-395; Mans
,
ta^r h yyahfi
Mafriq,
al-muq tacah al-kisra
w
on the term "mudabbir" see, Harik, Politics and
niyyah, p. 260-263;
Change, p. 168-172.
35 Dominique
Chevallier, La soci t du mont Liban a V poque de la r volution industrielle en
34

Bayr

Europe, Paris, Librairie orientaliste P. Geuthner,

- B
tRustum B z, p. 127-128.
36
z,Mudakkir

1971, p. 88.

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COMMERCE AND MERCHANTS

him.

The

were

merchants

an

essential

part

59

in this new

system.

Bas

r nurtured

them as a loyal group thatwould eventually owe him theirpersonal prestige, a

group that he could depend upon, and indeed they became key figures in the
economic lifeof theEmirate.
Bas rwas also strongly involved in the economic lifeof the Emirate, and in
the silk industryin particular.37 Inmore than one instancehe succeeded in gain
taxes he imposed and
ing profit from these growing activities through the high
rents
His income
the
merchants.
he
collected
that
the loans and
especially from
was

from

derived

several

sources.

As

these merchants

accumulated

more

wealth

Bas r borrowed higher sums ofmoney from them and imposed additional taxes,
such as the tax on the loomswhich was 30 kuru^ per year.39Bas r's share of the
income that came from trade in the Emirate was large.Most of the building,
were Bas r's own
shops (mag liq) and storehouses in qaysariyyatDeir al-Qamar
property.Their number and variety indicateDeir al-Qamar's prosperity. Bas r
would rent these shops tomembers of the leadingmerchant's families.The high
we
prices they paid Bas r are an indication of the extent of their income, since
was
even
can speculate that theirprofits from these shops
higher.
Tools of measurement were also the property of the amir and were rented
out by him. Such was the case regarding the kiy la,which was the tool formeas
a tool formeasuring heavy
uringwheat. It was rented along with the qabb n,
a year. Finally, the silkweighing measure was rented for
for
kurus
1,125
goods,
1,032 kurus a year to theB z family.40
Another source of incomewas the taxes thatBas r's wakils, who came from
the families loyal to him, collected directly from thefall hs.Most of the wakils
were clerks serving in his administration, some of them coming from themer
chant families (forexample, theDahd h family). Prior to Bas r's period, asmen
tioned earlier, itwas the traditional role of themuqdtacgis to collect these taxes,
37

- Other
members

ample, Am
n Nubdah
,

rHasan,

as well of the Sih b family were involved in the silk commerce. For ex
n was involved in silk. Hat
r Bas r's brother who
governed Kisraw

Am

ta* rihtyyah,p. 219.

- In 1688 the Ottoman
a new monetary unit, called the kurus (pi
38
government introduced
one
at
to
the
with
kurus equaling 40 paras and 120 ak es.
4.5
astre), exchanged
pound sterling,

value of the kurus debased rapidly. In 1790 itwas exchanged at 11.1 to the pound (in Is
tanbul) and at 1835 (toward the end of Am r Bas r's period) reached 100 kurus per pound. To
some indication of cost of living, one okka (2.75 lbs.) of wheat flour cost 1.2 piastres in
give
and
evket Pamuk, An
Donald Quataert
Beirut of 1844. Suraiya Faroqhi, Bruce McGowan,

The

Economic

of the Ottoman Empire, 1600-1914, Cambridge,

Issawi, The Economic History
II, p. 966-968; Charles
University of Chicago Press, 1980, p. 326-335.

and Social History

versity Press,

1997,

Cambridge

Uni

of Turkey, 1840

1914, Chicago,
- B Mudakkir
z,

tRustum B z, p. 113.
c
40 - For example, the soap shop was rented for 1,225 kurus a year to the S
family. The
a
r n for 1,030 kurus year and the slaughter
for cattle was rented to Ab M
slaughter-house
the rent
house for sheep was rented to cAb d al-Sidy q for 1,130 kurus a year. Sometimes
39

money was exchanged with goods. Such was the case of cAb d al-Sidy q who, instead of pay
r his rent for the cattle
12 head of cattle and sometimes even
slaughter-house, gave him
ing Bas
t
B
Rustum
B
113-114.
z, p.
z,Mudakkir
more, every day.

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6o

FRUMAZACHS

out ofwhich they took for themselvesaround ten per cent.41But afterBask suc
ceeded in destroying their status,he managed to obtain direct control over al
most all theprofits
resultingfrom these taxes.Consequently, the situation of the
hs
became
worse, since Bas r doubled or tripled themiri taxwhenever he
fall
wanted to.This situation forced the peasants into a vicious cycle of borrowing
money and selling their crops in advance and for low prices. Meanwhile, the
wholesalers and themerchants and of course Bas rmade large profits from the
situation.These various sources of income made Bas r verywealthy and by the
end of his reign his annual incomewas estimated approximately at nine million

kurus (about 83,000).42

Yet, even though themajority of control and wealth was concentrated in the
hands of the amir, he did not enjoy absolute power, since he needed the support
of the risingChristian middle stratum,whose profitwas growing aswell. On the
one hand it seems as if this group
depended on him, especially since he offered
them the power, security,and tranquillity that theyhad not had in the past. On
the other hand, the growth of thismiddle stratummade Bas r partly dependent
on them as well, since theircommerce ensured the
prosperity of his reign and of

himself.

Large

amounts

of the amirs

income,

as we

saw,

came

directly

or

indi

rectlyfrom this commerce. Thus, themerchants needed Bas r for his protective
policies, and he needed them in order to support his reign and stabilise it.This
bilateral relationshipproduced a more mobile and dynamic society inwhich ini

tiative could help advance one's economic and eventually social status.This de
velopment contrastedwith theMountain's traditional, feudal, hierarchical and
thus static societyof the past.
From
had

the

emerged

of the
beginning
in the Mountain.

19th
It was

a
middle
century,
strong Christian
a stratum
that enjoyed
economic

stratum
prosper

ityfor several decades, and a stratum thatmanaged to build a local economic

network between theMountain and Syria's hinterland. As this financial initia
tivedeveloped, a growing economic awareness began tomake itsfirstappearance
among

this

stratum.

Its members

strove

to transform

their

community

into

strongfinancial centre,which could answer to the growing needs of their econ

omy. They understood the source of theirpower and manoeuvred in this situa
tion, striving to preserve the new balance. In general, Bas r could destroy or
promote them as he chose, and yet the stratum gained more than it lost from
these ties, since alongside its obligations towards Bas r, it enjoyed significant
privileges.As Doumani wrote: In Greater Syria during most of theOttoman
period, local and regional commerce was every bit as important, ifnot more so

41 - Polk, The
Opening ofSouth Lebanon, p. 15.
42 - An additional source of Bas r's income was the Kurds who

traded sheep between Damas

Every year they gave him 100,000 kurus for protecting their property
the areas of the Emirate, i.e. in the Biqa and south of theMountain.
t
Baz, Mudakkir

cus and theMountain.

within

Rustum B z, p. 113; Ab

S lih, al-Ta?rih

al-siy

stWl-im

ra al-Sih

biyya, p. 325.

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COMMERCE AND MERCHANTS

6I

in termsof daily life,as tradewith Europe. The merchants of the interiordomi

nated

commercial,

and

social,

cultural

networks

.43

Economic Development ofBeirut

The second, and better known phase of the development of thisChristian mid
dle stratum in the region of Syria took place in 19th-centuryBeirut. Iwould like
especially to emphasise a few points regarding the connection between the
Mountain's economic development under Bas r and that of Beirut, stressingthe
relations between centre and periphery, i.e. the periphery's (Mount Lebanon)
economic role in shaping the centre (Beirut).
As a resultof a seriesof civil strivesthatbegan in the 1840s and reached their
peak in 1860, a large portion of thisMountain middle stratum immigrated to
Beirut, to the point that especially after 1860 themajority of the population in
Beirut was Christian.44 For example, after the first riots inMount Lebanon and
afterBas rwas exiled in 1840, most of themerchants who could afford to left
Deir al-Qamar for Beirut or other places along the coast. One such merchant
familywas the S sa, fromDeir al-Qamar. This family, togetherwith 20 or 30
othermerchants, constituted a body ofmerchants fromDeir al-Qamar who de

cided not to go back to Deir al-Qamar after the exile of Bas r, no matter what
form of governmentwas to be established. Yet, they did decide thatwhen the

situation calmed down, theywould return to Deir al-Qamar to collect their

debts, sell theirproperty and then settleback in Beirut, Sidon or elsewhere.At
this stage theydid not see the return toDeir al-Qamar as an option after the ex
ile of theirpatron.45 These families and othermerchant immigrants tried to re
peat the success they had previously enjoyed in theMountain in the growing
economic centre of Beirut aswell. Some of them already had extensive commer
cial tieswithin this city; others became successfulmerchants in it in lateryears.
In many

cases,

it was

the

second

and

the

third

generation

descendants

of

the

Mountain familieswho established a leading economic and social status in Bei

rut to the end of the 19th century and even beyond.
The middle stratumof theMountain chose to immigrate to Beirut because
the citywas already developing into an important economic centre for the re
gion. In fact, thiswas themain attraction, among other things, that drew this
stratum

to the
city.

In

to the Mountain,

contrast

Beirut's

economic

rise was

Doumani,
Rediscovering Palestine, p. 5.
- It is
hard to give exact figures or even estimate how many people immigrated from the
and especially from Zahle and Deir al-Qamar, to Beirut. Fawaz wrote that during
Mountain,
43

44

the civil war inmid-June 1860, Druze attacks on the towns of Zahle and Deir al-Qamar pro
voked a flight.Most of the people crowded into neighbouring villages and the coastal cities. In
less than four weeks, during May and June 1860, about 10,000 Christians from theMountain
became refugees. Fawaz, Merchants and Migrants, p. 24. Also, families that were active in Bei
rut
in economic
during the 19th century
nated from theMountain.
45

PRO,

London,

Foreign Office,

and cultural life are inmany

226/83, Rose

to Stratford
Canning,

cases families that

origi
30 April

1843.

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62

FRUMAZACHS

mainly due to tieswith theEuropean market and the import-exporttrade it en

joyed with thismarket. These developments had already begun in the 1820s,
that is,prior to the immigrationof theMountain's Christian middle stratum. It
was the commercial agreement between the Ottoman
empire and Britain in
1825, followed by the Balta Limani Agreement, and the appearance of steamers,
that strengthened this process, and finally transformedBeirut into a prosperous
port city.The arrivalofmissionaries and consuls during the 1820s and the 1830s
furthersupported these developments. As a result,and prior to the arrival of the
Mountain immigrants,a local Christian Beiruti middle stratumwas already in
place. It included families such as the Sursuqs,Mudawwars, Tr ds, and Bustrus,
who served asmiddlemen between the local and the internationalmarket.
Over the years the newcomers mingled with theBeiruti stratum and eventu
ally became an integralpart of it.The immigrants did not create a new eco
nomic

but

environment,

rather

served

as another

catalyst

to an

existing

process.

These merchants of the interiorwho immigrated to the city and others who
stayed in theMountain but managed to have extensive economic relationswith

the city, brought with them local commercial experience, economic and social
ties and knowledge gained over two or threegenerations. Their experience, the
experience of the Syrian interior,was probably one of the parameters, which

helped Beirut in lateryears to become a leading economic centre for the entire
region of Syria.Thus, itmust be emphasised thatBeirut owed most of its trans
formation to itsfinancial tieswith theEuropean markets, but its local economic
developments in the Syrian hinterland must also be taken into account. Itwas
this combination which eventuallygave Beirut itseconomic status.
Once

again

the

history

of the Macluf-s

from Zahle

can

be used

as a

proto

type of a familywho later transplanted their success from theMountain to Bei

rut.The Macl fs had tieswith
leading Beiruti merchant families such as the
Sursuq, stayed inZahle and managed to influence and to be part of the growing
economy in Beirut. One example isNuc man Macl fwho was born inZahle in
1831. His main activitieswere conducted after the period ofAm rBas r II. Yet it
is reasonable to assume that his fortune and success derived, in part, from the
high economic and social status thathis familygained during the time ofAm r
Bas r and continued to have even after the am rwas
long gone. Nucman's main
commerce was in livestock and crops. He also
bought property in Bil d Bacal
c
and Marg cUy n. In 1863 he earned 200,000 kurus in a
bek, the Biq
single
month from the commerce in livestock. In lateryears his economic activities ex
panded toDamascus and Beirut. In Damascus he traded inwheat. In Beirut he
was
mainly active between the 1860s and 1880s. He entered into partnerships
with the leadingmerchant families in this city such as the Bustrus
family, the
and
the
His
Mudawwars.
business
his
livestock
transactions,
Sursuqs
especially
trade, extended as far as Alexandria, Iraq and Anatolia. He was a very well
known figureamong themerchants, clerks and consuls
during his time.46
Another family that can serve as an example is theDahd hs,whose influence
46 - Macluf,

Daw

ni

al-qut f, p. 389-391.

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COMMERCE AND MERCHANTS

63

inAmir Basir's period was already mentioned. In the 1850s members of this
family immigrated to Beirut and were very active in the tradebetween the Syrian
region and theWest. The family opened companies in the city,which had ties
with London andMarseilles. Eventually, itopened an agency inMarseilles.47
A final example is the S sa family,fromDeir al-Qamar. This familydealt in
livestock, tobacco and silk. Some of itsmembers immigrated to Beirut and be
came economically active there.Their commercial ties extended from theMoun
tain to Beirut, Egypt and Europe. One member of the family, cAbdallah Afand
S sa, became a notable money-changer inBeirut. Another was Ily sAntun who
was considered one of the prominentmerchants inBeirut towards the end of the

19th century and the beginning of the 20th century.48The family had strong
commercial tieswith a leadingmerchant family fromBeirut - the Bustrus' - in
the livestock trade. In addition, members of other familieswho originally came
from theMountain, such as the Salfuns, Zalzals, Bust n s and Sidy qs,49 also

immigrated to Beirut and became central figures in its economic and cultural
life.50
These merchants of theMountain stratumoffered theBeiruti merchants first
hand experience regardingcommercial opportunitieswith the Syrian hinterland.
Together, the evolving middle stratum enjoyed both knowledge and expertise
that allowed it to connect thehinterlandwith the Syrian coast and on to Europe.
In thismanner we can claim that theMountain middle stratumwas one of the
parameters that "prepared" the Syrian hinterland for the eventual penetration of
market.

the international

In many cases Beirut managed to keep its capital in the hands of localmer
chants and did not loosemost of it to foreignhands. The infusionof experience
brought on by theMountain middle stratumwith many decades of experience,
may have been one factor that helped to tip the scale in the strugglewith the
foreignmerchants in favour of the local businessmen, who

over

the prosperous

economic

development

of the city. Yet

subsequently took

there

ismuch

to ex

towns and
plore regarding the importance of local economic networks ofmarket
their contribution to urban economic centres, such as Beirut, in the region of
Syria. This importance is revealed by the contribution of Zahle and Deir al
under

Qamar
It shows

r Basir

Am

that

in order

to Beirut's

properly

eventual

and

social
an

to understand

economic

economic

urban

development.
centre,

one

should also study it from the perspective of itsperiphery.

Chevallier, La soci t duMont, p. 88.

- Macl
ni
f,Daw
al-qut f, p. 390.
- For further details on these families see, Tann
49
Lubn n, edited by Butr s al-Bust n , I, Beirut, Mans
100-117, 126-139.
47

48

50

- MaT

f,Daw

ni

al-qut f, p. 314-316,

389-391,

r
n
s
abai
al-acy
ft
al-Sidy q, Ahb
r t al-G mica al-Lubn niyya, 1993, p.

465-469.

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