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Gender, Hunger, Horror: The History and Significance of "The Bloody Banquet"
Gender, Hunger, Horror: The History and Significance of "The Bloody Banquet"
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Early Modern Cultural Studies.
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JEMCS1.1 (Spring/
Summer2001)
Gender,Hunger,Horror:The History
and Significanceof The BloodyBanquet
Gary Taylor
"Stophermouthfirst."1
- *2
is a Gourmand
"Grief
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mattersbecause it enables us, forthe firsttime,to historicize
theplay.LikePericles(1607), TheBloodyBanquetself-consciously
resurrectsan old-fashionedromance,set in the fabulous Mediterranean,in orderto investigateextremesof human violence,
sexuality,and need; like Coriolanus(1608), TheBloodyBanquet
dramatizesa conflictbetweencourtand commonsalong the po- as I
litical and psychologicaldividingline of food.7Moreover
will argue in the second sectionofthis essay The BloodyBanquetis the hingeupon whichMiddleton'sentiredramaticcareer
turns: the missinglinkbetweenthe writerwho had createdthe
verymale worldsofMichaelmasTerm(1604) and TheRevenger's
Tragedy(1606) and the writerwho would later imaginethe female protagonistsof TheRoaringGirl(1611) and WomenBeware
Women(1622). And- as I will argue in the thirdsection of this
essay- what made possible that regenderingis what we might
call the Edible Complex:the problemof cannibalism,its relationshipto the more general categoryof horror,and the relationshipofboth to gender.
1
These conclusionshave not been reachedby earlierscholars
partlybecause The BloodyBanquet has neverbeen edited,and
hence has hardlyeven been read. Therehas accordinglybeen no
ofits date ofcomposition.Obviously,it must
seriousinvestigation
have been writtenbeforeit was published;but even the date of
its firsteditionremainedunclear forcenturies.Croppingofthe
titlepage led earlierscholars to believethat therewere editions
of 1620 and 1630, when in factonlyone editionwas ever published, thatof 1639 (Cole). The beliefin an entirelyfictionaledition of 1620- not discrediteduntil 1919- led to datings of the
for
play "c. 1620," thoughno evidencehas ever been advanced
that date.8
Since Middletonapparentlywrotemuch ofthe play, it must
have been composed beforehis death in 1627. At the otherend
ofthe chronologicalspectrum,it must have been writtensometime afterits chiefsource, the revised 1597 editionof William
span, the date
Warner'sPan his Syrinx.9Withinthis thirty-year
threekinds
down
narrowed
be
examining
can
by
ofcomposition
and
political.
ofevidence:stylistic,theatrical,
David Lake believedthat"theverse ofBanquetmightplausibly be taken as representing the first beginnings of the
Middletonianverse style";in particular,he suggestedcomposition "about 1600-02" (241). But that suggestionis contradicted
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bytheveryevidenceLake was considering.Lookingat verse statistics forthe play as a whole, he concluded that it had to be
earlierthan any extantplay by Middleton;but no one has ever
suggestedthat Middletonwrotethe whole play. If we look instead at the statisticsforthe twoseparateauthorialshares,they
tell a very differentstory. (Chronologyof other plays in the
OxfordMiddleton.)10
Middletoncanon is thatofthe forthcoming
Rhymedlines as a proportionof verse lines: Middleton
Phoenix(1603)
MichaelmasTerm(1604)
Mad World(1605)
Trickto Catchthe Old One (1605-06)
[BloodyBanquet (Middletonscenes)
[Revenger'sTragedy( 1606-07)
YourFive Gallants( 1607)
RoaringGirl(Middleton)(1611)
No Wit/
Help (161 1)
[Lady}s Tragedy(1611)
Chaste Maid (1613)
27%
33%
29%
24%
2 1%]
19%J
19%
14%
15%
6%]
9%
28%
27%
35%
24%
32%]
4 1%
50%
25%
5
Taylor
at the beginningofhis career,but somewherein the periodafter
1605 and before1611.
Theatricalevidenceforthe play'sdate is provided,in thefirst
place, by a 1639 manuscript(Public RecordOfficexii:5/134, p.
337) that lists Banquet among plays owned at that time by
Beeston's Boys (Chambers389-90). Since thatcompanydid not
exist until 1637, any play writtenby Middleton(d. 1627) and
Dekker (d. 1631) must have belonged,originally,to some other
company.Indeed, the list itselfestablishes that Beeston's Boys
fromothercompanies.11Ofthe
inheritedmostoftheirrepertory
nine
two
thirty- playslisted,twenty- belongedat one timeto Queen
Henrietta'sMen (1626-42);12twomoreprobablydid.13Nineare
attributableto Lady Elizabeth's Men (1611-25), most of whose
plays were acquired by Queen Henrietta'sMen.14Not surprisingly,scholars have been temptedto assign to Lady Elizabeth's
repertoryanother three plays, eventuallyowned by Beeston's
Boys, but writtenbyJohnFletcherat some pointin the second
decade ofthe seventeenthcentury.15
But how did Beeston inheritthe rightsto the fewremaining
older plays in the 1639 list? This question is relevantto The
BloodyBanquetybecause the companyforwhichit was written
willlimitthedates whenMiddletonand Dekkermighthave written it. Ignoringforthe momentThe BloodyBanquet, thereare
onlysix such olderplays on the list:
Georgea Greene(1589?), Sussex's Men (1593), printed1599
Rape ofLucrece(1606-8), Queen Anne's Men,printed1608
Knightof theBurningPestle (1607-10), Queen's Revels or
Childrenofthe Revels,printed1613
Cupid's Revenge(1607-12), Queen's Revels,printed1615
Cupid's Vagaries(1612), Prince'sMen, lost
ChabotAdmiralofFrance(161 1-22),unknown,printed1639
The firstplay on this list is morethan a decade olderthan Banquet. Sussex's Men disintegratedin 1594, and theirplays seem
to have been dividedbetween the two new companies formed
thatyear,the Chamberlain'sMenand thenewAdmiral's.Clearly,
Georgea Greenewas not acquired by the Chamberlain'sMen,
because thatcompanywas stillintactin 1639; so Georgea Greene
musthave goneto theAdmiral'sMen (1594-1603)- laterrenamed
thePrince'sMen (1603-12),thenPalatine'sMen (1612-24). Thus,
Georgea Greenewas apparentlyowned by the same company
that owned Rowley'slost Cupid's Vagaries.Whenthe company
finallywentbust duringthe plague of 1625, some oftheirplay-
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10
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The thirdcategory,citywolves,is essentiallya list ofcharacters fromcitycomedy,a genrefavoredand in large part created by Dekkerand Middletonfrom1603 to 1613; but the greed
of usurers and the gentry'ssale of land cannot be confidently
limitedto a particularyear. Moredatable is the fourthcategory:
"yoursea wolf,a horribleravenertoo: he has a bellyas big as a
ship, and devours as much silk at a gulp as would serve forty
dozentailorsagainsta ChristmasDay ora runningat tilt"(2.1.703; 658-61). The court,city,and countryare a traditionaltriad;
the emphasis upon pirates is unusual (and "sea-wolP not recorded in the OED as a descriptionof pirates until 1849). For
instance,in Middleton'sThePhoenix(1603), thePrincecomplains
about those who "make his courtan owl, cityan ape, and the
countrya wolfpreyingupon theridiculousprideofeither"(1.99);
here,as in Banquet,we have "thecountrywolf,"joined withsatire ofthe courtand city,but no imageofpiracy,or ofthe sea as
a fourthrealm. From 1609 onwards,partlyas a resultof deteriorationofthe EnglishnavyunderJames's administration,
pirates became a serious and increasingmenace to English shipping; between 1609 and 1616, no fewerthan 416 Britishships
were taken by pirates (Penn 82-89). The Kingissued "A Proclamationagainst Pirats"on 8 January1609; as a result,nineteen
peoplewereexecutedforpiracyat Wappingon 22 December1609
(Larkinand Hughes203-06).22The StationersRegisterfor3 July
1609 recordsthe entryoftwo ballads, "one called the seamens
songe of Captayne Warde, the famous Pirate of the world an
English, th' other,the seamens songe of Danseker the Dutchman his robberyesand fightsat sea" (Arber3.414); also in 1609
Pyrats
appeared twopamphlets,NewsfromSea, Oftwonotorious
A
True
and
Certaine
and
Andrew
Barker's
Reportof
(STC 25022),
. . . thetwolatefamous Pirates(STC 1417). Althoughpiracydid
not begin in 1609, the depredationsof "sea wolves" certainly
became a much moreconspicuousfocusofEnglishpublicattentionin 1609 than theyhad been hitherto.
In conjunction,these politicalallusions onlyfita couple of
yearsin the thirty-year
span in whichTheBloodyBanquetmight
have been written.Dekkerand Middletonare knownto have collaboratedrepeatedlybetween1602 and 1611; althoughbothcontinued writingduringthe next two decades, to our knowledge
theyneveragain, after1611, paired up to writea play.23Court
drunkenness,firstconspicuous in the summerof 1606, continued throughoutthe reignofJames I, but came to an abruptend
withthe accession of the sober-mindedCharles I. On 23 April
1625, less than a monthafterthe death of his father,the new
11
Taylor
kinglet it be known"he would have no drunkards"in important
positionsin his entourage.24The piracythat flaredup in 160809 flourishedfordecades, but the Clowncomparesthe tolltaken
by piratesto the ruinouslyexpensivearistocraticritualof"runthoughcommonin the reignofElizabethand durningat tilt77;
lifetime
ofPrinceHenry,such jousts became infrequent
the
ing
in Englandin February1626
after1621, and werelast performed
as
as
observers
1613,
early
(if then);
complained about the
decline
(Young41, 58, 205-08). The magnitudeofthe
spectacle's
1608-09 dearthwas not matchedagain until 1622-23, and even
thenwas "largelyconfinedto northern,highlandEngland"(Slack
49; Hoskins,"1480-1619,""1620-1759"; Harrison).Onlyin 1608^
*s(and Dekker's)
09 did all these"wolves"cohabit.GivenMiddleton
fondnessfortopical material,the allusions that so fit 1608-09
were almost certainlywrittenin 1608 or 1609.25
Those years nicelyfitthe evidenceoftheatricalprovenance.
statistics,
Theyare also the years suggestedby theversification
in the scenes apparentlywrittenby Middleton.And theyfitthe
patternofverbal parallels to both canons.26Moreover,in those
years the Middletoncanon is virtuallyempty.BetweenYourFive
Gallants,apparentlycompletedin early 1607, and The Roaring
Girl,apparentlycompletedin early1611, we do nothave a single
play by Middleton,and onlytwo knownpamphlets,both short
(SirRobertSherleyand The Two Gates ofSalvation). For parts of
this four-yearperiod, the theaterswere closed by plague, but
must have writMiddleton,like otherprofessionalplaywrights,
ten something.
Some criticswillneverthelessbalk at the suggestionthatthe
somethinghe wrotewas TheBloodyBanquet,a play usually describedin termsof"ineptitude"and "crudeness."But those critical reactionshave been prompted,I believe,not bythe dramatic
or poetic quality of the scenes attributedto Middleton,but by
the firstfourscenes. The play begins witha clunkyInduction,
certainlynot by Middleton.27Then followthreescenes written
by Dekker.Dekkerhas manymeritsas a writerofcomediesand
journalisticpamphlets,but fewcriticshave praised his efforts
at tragedyor history.Most readers will not make it past that
unpromisingopening; I did not, when I firstencounteredthe
's distinctivestyleappears,
play,yearsago. By thetimeMiddleton
in 1.4, even readerswho have perseveredmayhave settleddown
into a state of complacenthalf-attention,assuming that they
are dealingwitha workofsecondaryor eventertiary
importance.
Like TitusAndronicus,The Bloody Banquet was writtenin colthe
laboration;28in The BloodyBanquet,as in TitusAndronicus7
12
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(1.1.127; 191), and commitsadulterywitha youngerman- so
youngherhusband calls hima "base boy"(1.1.97; 157), and she
addresses him as a "hapless boy"
herself,more affectionately,
(4.3.123; 1549).29But thereends any resemblancebetweenthe
aristocraticwomenin the twoplays. The Queen doesn't go looking foranotherlover. Instead, she enters the play carrying"a
book in her hand" (1.4.34.1; 388)- probablya Bible or prayer
book,since in hernextscene she makes her servantsswear on it
(3.2.0.1; 1013-14). God in hand, she stumblesinto temptation
when she is introducedto Tymethes:"I neverknewthe forceofa
desire/ Until this minutestruckwithinmy blood./ I fear one
look was destined to undo me" (1.4.41-3; 396-98). Like many
Middletoncharacters,she fallsvictimto a "mostunluckyminute"
(1.4.179; 540). Nevertheless,determinedto remainfaithful,she
"Sir,you'reforgetful.
brusquelyresiststheyoungman's flattery:
This is no place forcourtship,/Norwe a subject for't.Returnto
yourfriend"(1.4.52-4; 405-06).
Fromthisfirstmoment,she uses thesocial gap betweenthem
to assert her own control,and throughoutthe subsequent affair
she insists upon preservingher own superiorityand sexual
agency.Tymethes,the son ofa deposed king,has no incomeor
status in the new regime;utterlydependentupon the kindness
of strangers,he is called, by himselfand others,a "desperate
and (six times) a "beggar."30On the
wretch,"an "unfortunate,"
occasionoftheirfirstsexual rendezvous,she has thisneedyyoung
man broughtto a "fairroomgloriouslyfurnished,"fulloflights,
music, "rich hangings," and an arras outrageously "on the
ground,"expensiveclothforhim to walk upon (3.3.0-15; 105168); servantstwicemake"obeisance"to him(3.3.19.3, 36.4; 1074,
1095); she re-dresseshimwitha "fairwroughtshirt"and nightcap, the shirt-sleevefilledwith "fivehundredcrowns"(3.3.8790; 1151-55). If anyoneis whoredby this affair,it is he.31
Althoughoverpoweredby her own desire "It cannot be kept
downwithanyarguments"(1.4. 133; 493)- she insistsupon power
over her male lover. Indeed, she would ratherdie than satisfy
herselfin any way that would make her socially vulnerable
(1.4.194-195.1; 557-58). Because "menare apt to boast" (1.4.98;
453), she makes it a conditionoftheirliaison thathe "mustnot
know her name, nor see her face" (2.3.78, 3.1.76; 788, 958).
(4.1.2; 1200): blindfolded,
Tymethesis "ledto"her,"hoodwinked"
and directedby others.The affairis entirelystage-managed
controlled,initiated,and ended- by the olderwoman.
She ends it, moreover,by killinghim in self-defense.The
association of adulteryand murderis not unusual in the early
14
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15
16
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(2.3.69, 3.1.75, 3.3.81; 780-81, 956, 1145)- an adjectivemeldingthe senses of"dainty,exquisite,fastidious,"but also used as
a culinarynoun, like the modern"delicacy,"and in all these
linguisticrecipes connotingsensuous rarity.EarlymodernEurope did not distinguish,as we do, betweenthe gluttonand the
gourmet:"delicatepersons"obsessed with"daintyfare"offended
as surelyas overeaters(Rickeyand Stroupe2:99, 100).
This oppositionin the play betweenthe worldof rich food
and the world of starvationderives,ultimately,fromthe New
Testamentparable of Dives and Lazarus. Closer in time,it also
which
structuresDekker's 1609 pamphletWorkforArmourers,
describesa war betweenPovertyand Money."Hungerwas one of
the best commandersforwarre"on Poverty'sside, for"no stone
wall (ofwhat heightor strengthwhatsoeuer)is able to hold him
out";on theotherside,Money"swimsin pleasuresand in plenty,"
and is supported by that "insatiable feeder"Usury and the
carnivalesque "Riot"(Grosart4:114, 132, 143, 163). Moreover,
each ofthe twoarmiesis headed bya "Queen,"liketheopposing
Queens in the twoplots of TheBloodyBanquet.
But the allegoricalfiguresof Dekker's pamphletare transformed,in Dekker and Middleton'splay, by a reversalin the
genderingof gluttony.In Christianiconography,gluttonyhad
alwaysbeen a masculinesin; womenwereconceptualizednotas
eaters, but as eaten (Bynum79, 213, 269-76; Miller107). After
all, women not only nursed infants(as does the Old Queen in
TheBloodyBanquet),but also preparedthe foodthatadult men
ate- as does the new Queen, who with "her own hand" for
Tymethes"Herselfprepared"a banquet, descendingfromthe
throneroom to the kitchenin orderto demonstrate"her care
and love to entertain"a dinner-guest(3.3.37-44; 1097-1104).
Giventhese immemorialassociations betweenfemalesand food,
it does not surpriseus thatthe play'smenrepeatedlycharacterize the Queen as a sinfullydeliciousdish. But in theend,he who
woulddare "tasteofsuch a banquet"(3.3.71; 1132) becomesnot
the taster but the tasted; he who smuttilyjokes withanother
man about being"in"a woman(3. 1.99; 983) getshis wish,ironically,not as the penetratingsubject but as an ingestedobject.
The Queen's murderofher loverdoes not save her. The jealous
husband, findingthe "dear" (or "deer")corpse, describes it as
"venisonforthyown tooth"(4.3.217-18; 1650-51); he promises
the Queen "111providefoodforthee" (4.3.228; 1662); later,he
returnswiththe dismemberedbody."Lady,you see yourcheer,"
he tells her, punningon the senses "joy"and "culinaryentertainment":"fineflesh,coarse fare,"punningon "faircorfplse"
Taylor
17
18
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Mazeres, and Zenarchus- because he cannot keep a secret. He
gets eaten because he could not keep his mouthshut.
If he dies forhis indiscretion,whydoes she die? One facile
answer, given by two of the play's men, would be "her lust"
(3.3.123, 5.1.169; 1188, 1938). But a morecomplexanswer is
givenbyanotherman: aTis mostcommon:/He thatloveswomen
is no friendto woman"(3.1.110-11; 996-97). The Queen is surrounded by men whose interestin her destroysher. Her husband is literallya "Tyrant"(so called insistentlyin speech prefixes,stage directions,and dialogue); his jealousy, which even
dethe othermen in the play findexcessive and self-defeating,
mands perpetualsurveillance.He is outragedwhenhe discovers
that her guard would, even fora moment,"leave her alone!"thus givingher "Timeto conveyand plot"(1.4.110; 467).
In a humanist traditionthat stretches fromErasmus to
Fletcherand Massinger,tyrantsare oftencharacterizedas uxorious. But withinthat convention,the Tyrant'swifeor mistress
uses her sexual powerto dominateand controlhim; she tyranhim (Bushnell).40
nizes over the tyrant,effectively
effeminizing
This Queen has no such power,and no such effectupon her
husband. Her relationshipto himis simplythe relationshipofa
wifeto a particularly
jealous, sadistic husband, the kindofhusHis staband anotherofMiddleton'swomencalls "tyrannous."41
tus as "Tyrant"situates the Queen only insofaras it suggests
thathis conjugal and politicalpowersare equally illegitimate;42
indeed, in the play's finalscene he seems to be overthrownas
much forhis conjugalcrueltyas forhis politicalusurpation.The
misogynist,deranged,perhaps demonicallypossessed Husband
of Middleton'sA YorkshireTragedy(1605) attemptsto murder
his wife,and succeeds in murderingtwoofhis children;the Tyrant of The BloodyBanquet succeeds in murderinghis wife,in
the same scene in whichhe expresses not griefbut satisfaction
at the death ofhis twochildren(5.1.120-23; 1873-76).
the emotionthe wifeof such a man most
Not surprisingly,
oftenexpresses elevenseparate times,in onlythreescenes- is
not love or desire but "fear."43Her onlyresourceagainst such
maritaldespotismis the seemingloyaltyof her male servants.
But that loyaltydepends in factupon theirown hope of sexual
favors:"There'snone ofus all, that stand her smock-sentinels,
but would venturea joint to do her any pleasurable service"
DeFlores:
(1.4.127-9;487-90).Indeed,Roxanoinmanywaysanticipates
I cannot choose but praise him,he's so needful.
There's nothingcan be done about a lady
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21
and theirchildren,one in the custodyof his father'senemyleads us to expect that the cannibalism will take the formof
parent eating child. But The BloodyBanquet delivers,instead,
something less predictable, and thereforemore disturbing.
Thyestesand Tamora ate a beloved body,withoutknowingit;
theyweremerelydeceivedinto self-pollution.The Queen knows
what and whom she is eating. Thyestesand Tamora only diswhattheyhave done,but Middleton'sQueen
coverretrospectively
an anthropophagite,
knows
she
an eater ofmen.
and
is,
is,
3
22
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nibalism the least theorized.He asserted that the sons of the
"primalhorde" firstmurderedtheir father,and then ate him
(13:142); hence,we can "understandcannibalismas an attempt
with[theFather]byincorporating
a piece
to insureidentification
ofhim"(23:82). But Freud's anthropologicalclaims,embarrassing to manyofhis followersfromthe beginning,have been comand in particularhis
prehensivelydismissedbyanthropologists,
cannibalistictotemicfeastis entirelyunsubstantiated.Likewise,
when Freud defendsthe claim that "theobject that we long for
and prize is assimilatedby eating"by declaringthat the cannibal "onlydevourspeople ofwhomhe is fond"(18:105), the hisrecorddirectlycontradictshim:many
toricaland anthropological
cannibals ate slain or capturedenemies,forwhomtheyshowed
anythingbut fondness.As Rene Girardcomplains,unlike incest, "cannibalismhas not yet foundits Freud and been promotedto the status ofa majorcontemporary
myth"(277); Freud
at best did not clarify,and at worstobscured,our understanding ofthis particularhuman practice.
For an anthropologistlike Girard,cannibalism is a widespread, ritualized,and extremeformof intra-speciesviolence;
as such, it obviouslywarrantssustained and sophisticatedattention.For traditionalliterarycritics,by contrast,representationsofcannibalismare merely"sensational,"and hence unworthyof sustained and sophisticatedattention.Indeed, the application of psychoanalytictheoryto horrorfilmswas an attempt
to legitimatethe analysis of works that the cultural elite had
either"dismissedwithcontempt... or simplyignored";horror
has consistentlybeen "one ofthe mostpopularand, at the same
time,the most disreputable"offilmgenres (Wood77). But this
ofwideofficialcontemptpointsto its status as a representation
spread and powerfulunconscious impulses that societyhas re(Wood78; Pinedo
nightmares"
pressed.Horrorfilmsare "collective
39-40).
In its compoundofpopularityand disreputability
, the horror
filmoccupies a cultural positionremarkablysimilarto that of
commercialtheaterin earlymodernEngland- and ofhorrortragedy, like The Bloody Banquet, in particular.One would think
that the powerof an emotionwould be regardedas an index of
its importanceto human experience,and that the power of a
play to provokestrongemotionwould constitutepresumptive
evidence of that play's significanceas a representationof humanness. But fromJeremyCollierto DoverWilson,English literarycriticismwas dominatedbya middle-classaestheticsensibility,foundedupon a conceptionof the "proper"body,clearly
24
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trayal. Hence the taboo against cannibalism,which is always
or prohibitedin all but a fewstrictly
eithercompletely
prohibited,
definedcircumstances.
But this makes our reactions to cannibalism seem merely
utilitarian,the syllogisticconclusionofa recognitionthat such
a betrayalwould endangeradvantageous social collaborations.
The rationalityof a prohibitionon cannibalismmay explain its
social functionand social reinforcement
(as Girardargues); but
it cannot explainthe instantaneousvisceralrevulsionproduced
by violations of the taboo. It also cannot explain why,forinstance, I can read historicalor fictionalaccounts of cannibalism,withoutlosingmyanalyticaldispassion, but be catapulted
intoinstantqueasiness byturninga page and glancingat a single
- especially the more
still froma horrorfilm.Most such films
- I cannot watch at
graphic exemplarsdescribed by Brottman
all. Ofcourse,otherpeopledo watchthem;humanvisceralsensias wellas socially,alongthecannibalcontivities
differ,
individually
and less controlBut
tinuum.
typically,
seeingproducesa stronger
a
lable reactionthan reading.Readingis learnedculturalprocess,
is a biological
animalfuncmediated;
seeing,bycontrast,
intellectually
wiredtophysicalresponseslikenausea.
tion,and thusmoredirectly
In emphasizingthe biologicaland affective
primacyofseeing
overreading,I am notimplyingthatseeingis somehowinnocent
of cultural influence.In The BloodyBanquet,the audience offstage is doubledbyan audience onstage;bothare made to watch
the Queen's cannibalism. The Tyrantimpresariowho has put
on thisshow,forus and forthem,twicerefersto it as an "object"
(5.1.146, 156; 1906, 1924)- thatis, in earlymodernEnglish,"a
"
sight,spectacle, or "somethingwhich on being seen excites a
particularemotion,as admiration,horror,disdain, commiserasometimes,an object of pityor
tion, amusement . . . formerly
relief,an afflictedperson,sufferer"
(OED objectn.3b). The play
notonlyforcesus to lookat cannibalism;it forcesus to be aware
thatwe are lookingat it,thatthecannibalismis a self-conscious
and stage-managedshow,like the monstersdisplayedforprofit
in earlymodernEngland,and licensed,likeplays,by the Master
of the Revels: Siamese twins,a child withthreeheads, a child
withtwo,a childwithoutarms,a womanwithouthands, a woman
coveredwithhair fromfaceto foot(Bawcutt81-82). Andindeed,
in explaininghis "object,"the Tyrantimpresariosays that the
womanexhibitedforourinstruction
and amusementhas "brought
fortha monster,a detestedissue" (5.1.165; 1933).
Howeverthe taboo on cannibalism is defined,anyone who
breaks it ceases to be properly"human,"and becomes instead
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his combinationof age, lust, and murderousjealousy "is like a
monsterto be seen" (2.3. 129); liketheTyrantin TheLady's Tragedy, he is a "monsterin sin" (5.2.189), a psychopathwho torturestheQueen withenforcedcannibalism,a seeminglyall-powerfulincarnationof evil who can be killedonlyby massed gunfirefroma distancewhen "Theyall dischargeat him"(5.1.218.1;
1995). The killingofthe monsteris an act of"collectivemurder"
(Girard193-222); it is a reflexof"pious terror"(Hanafi25). The
at the end of the play,
death of the betrayer-usurper-monster,
the
of
restoration
normalcy.
permits
If the Tyrantis the real monster,thenhow are we to understand the Queen? Nashe maysuggestan answer.The entirenarrativepurpose of Christ'sTears OverJerusalemis to enforcethe
parallel betweenJerusalemand London,and Nashe's descriptionofthe cannibal Miriambeginswitha specificexhortationto
his readers:"MothersofLONDON(each one ofyoutoyourselves),
doe but imaginethat you were Miriam"(2.71). TheBloodyBanquet likewiseexhortsus to imaginethat we are the Queen, to
imaginewhatitwouldbe liketo be "compelled"to becomea cannibal (Nashe 2.73).
is fundamentalto the generalhuThis act of identification
man problemof cannibalism,to what I am calling the Edible
Complex.Humans, afterall, are edible,just like otheranimals.
The taboo against recognizingthat factdepends upon an act of
I cannot eat that particularanimal, because it is
identification:
one of"us"- meaning,it is too much likeme. Hence the particular revulsioncaused by Miriameating her child, or the Queen
aware ofthe similarities
eatingherlover.We are mostintimately
betweenourselvesand thosewithwhomwe have shared a home,
a bed; such an animal is mostobviously"likeme."48
a double: the eater
Cannibalismthus produces,structurally,
- are a signifiis also the eaten. Doubles- twins,dopplegangers
cant elementof horrorfilms(Wood 95; Carroll,Horror46-47),
and also a significantelementof "theuncanny"(or unheimlich)
analyzed by Freud (17:234-38) and ofthe logicofsacrificialviolence analyzedbyGirard(143-68). The self,afterall, is the smallest ofall the concentriccircleswhichmap the universefromthe
perspectiveofthe ego: smallerthan the home, smallerthan the
bed inside the home,is the selflyingin the bed. In what Freud
calls the uncanny,or what Girardcalls the monstrousdouble,
the subject is split into two forms:that other self,the self as
other,becomes an object ofterror.TheBloodyBanquetis fullof
doubling: two opposed Queens, two opposed sets of two royal
children,two opposed sets of two loyal servants (Fidelio and
30
TheJournal
forEarlyModernCulturalStudies1.1
Taylor
31
life.It is somethingrejectedfrom
The cadaver "is death infecting
which one does not part,fromwhich one does not protectoneselfas froman object"(Kristeva2-4).
The Queen does not protectherselffromwhatwould nauseate us. Instead, she abjects herself,becomeswhatotherwomen
already are, an "abject wretch"(4.2.18; 1311). Such an abject
whichproduces
subjectcannotspeak, because that"oralactivity,
and
the linguisticsignifier"
displaces "devouring";you
replaces
can't talk withyourmouthfull,infantslearn to talk when their
mouthsand bellies are empty;"verbalization... is alien to"her,
the symptomofher abjectionis "therejection... oflanguages"
(Kristeva41, 50, 45).
But what she cannotspeak the playspeaks forher,"through
horror'sjaws" (4.1.67; 1279). "I shall burst withtorment,"the
play says; "Tis springtidein mygall. All myblood's bitter.Puh!
lungs too"(4.2.42, 50-1; 1341-53). That spitting"Puh!"attempts
to expela taste thatis notexpellable,whichis the taste ofself:"I
expel myself,"Kristevasays, "I spit myselfout, I abject myself
withinthe same motionthroughwhichT claim to establish myself . . . I givebirthto myselfamid the violenceofsobs" (3). The
playsays, "thoughtis bitterness"(5. 1.206; 1992); theplayspeaks
of a "bitterpill"that "chokes"those who take it (5.1.78; 1819);
the play says thatthe "beauty"ofa once kissed and adored male
in a woman'seyes,into"a leperFull of
bodycan be transformed,
. . . black infection,foul"(4.2.70-2; 1380-4). And in the final
scene the play forcesus to witness twopeople dyingof poison,
one ofthema womanwho swallowswhatshe knowswillkillher.
And afterwe watch themclutchingat theirconvulsed internal
organs, or tryingto vomitup what is eatingtheirinsides, after
we have witnessedthis ingesteddeath, the play sets beforeus
twotables,one forthe Queen, one fortheTyrant'sguests,whom
he toasts and invitesto "sit"and "Feed!"on "ourcates" and other
desserts (5.1.143-49; 1903-09). The Bloody Banquet is dinner
theater."Imagineeating,"theplay says to its nut-crackingspectators,"whileshe eats what she eats."
"His flesh is sweet,"the Tyranttells us, watchingher eat
what she eats; "itmelts,and goes downmerrily"
(5. 1.204; 1977).
Is this descriptionof the Queen's eating sadistic sarcasm, or
truth?Does the sickly-sweetfleshgag her, or tenderlymeltin
her mouth? Miriamsays, describingthe child she has eaten,
"His pure snow-mouldedsoftfleshewill meltof it selfein your
mouthes";she says, "Sweetwas he to mee in his life,but never
so sweet as in his death" (Nashe II, 76). Afterall, this play is
called TheBloodyBanquet;banquets are characterizedabove all
32
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forEarlyModernCulturalStudies1. 1
33
Taylor
sons would make theTyrant'slack ofcharitytowardhis wifeall
the more shocking.The play earlier associates the sins of its
characterswithAdamand Eve's eatingofforbidden
fruit,bywhich
humankindfirst"tasteddeath";in Christiantheology,the sin of
thateatingwas undone by the eatingofChrist'sbodyand blood
in the bread and wine ofthe eucharist.Even Calvinhad repeatedly spoken of the eucharist as a "spiritual banquet" (4.17;
1:1372, 1360, 1370, 1377); TheBook ofCommonPrayercalled it
"this holy banquet" and "the banquet of most heavenlyfood"
(Booty255-56); JohnDenison's 1631 treatiseon "theDoctrineof
the Lords Supper" was entitledThe HeavenlyBanquet What if
Protestants,in theirdreams,were to imagineCatholicismfrom
the subject position?
Or what if,like Montaigne,we were to imaginecannibalism
fromthe subject position?Not as a degradedother,but as "an
extreme,and inexpiablerevenge"(1.223), the practiceofa society superiorto the inequityand sexual jealousy of our own?52
The Tyrantbelieves that he is avenginghimselfupon the adulterers,byforcingone to eat the other.But wouldnothis revenge
be subverted,and turned back upon itself,if the Queen, like
Montaigne'scannibals,relishedthefeast,regardedit as herown
revenge,upon her lover or upon her husband or upon both?
Whatifher celebrationofthatparodicsacramentremindedspectators of "the joyfulnessin the holy communion,"at which a
believermightfindhimself"brokento pieces withjoy; drunk
What if she celebrated,not in the attenuated
with comfort"?53
and endlesslyrepeated poetic tropes of
of
fascinated
form the
MoniqueWittig,not in the mindbut in the mouth,the slow and
delicateeatingofher lover'ssweetbody,"ribby rib"?54Howcan
we knowwhat she thinksas she eats? She does not speak.
Andhow,watchingthe Queen silentlyeat thatbodyand drink
that blood, can we not feelwhat Kristevacalls a "braided,woven,ambivalent"mixingof"thatfundamentaloppositionbetween
I and the Other"(7)? The Queen could have preservedthatopposition- that space betweenobject and subject, that divisionwe
and socially- by refusingto eat: she would
need psychologically
thenhave remaineda subject,the bodywouldhave remainedan
object.But she chooses to eat, ratherthandie. She willnotstarve
herself;ifher husband wants her dead, he will have to killher.
She embraces abjection; she becomes a devoteeofthe abject, a
martyrto self-pollution.Perhaps she exults in her degradation;
perhaps, like the spectatorto a horrorfilm,she indulges her
(Creed 10). "Jouissancealone causes the
"pleasurein perversity"
such.
One does not knowit, one does not deabject to exist as
34
TheJournal
forEarlyModernCulturalStudies1. 1
35
Taylor
in
the
Stationers*
or
the
entered
Register1574)
(undated,
extensively
revised second edition (1597). However,Banquet followsthe revised
edition in one of the fewnarrativedifferencesbetweenthe two versions: in 2.4, the old Kingand his entouragediscoverLapirus in thepit
because theyhear his cries,whereas in the earlierversionofWarner
one of the King's companionshimselffalls into the pit and discovers
him there(Warner210).
10Baird'sstatisticsare quoted in Jackson,Attribution
208-09; figures forBloodyBanquet,Revenger'sTragedy,and Lady's Tragedy(a.k.a.
"The Second Maiden'sTragedy")are myown.The Oxfordchronologyis
based upon theworkofindividualeditorsdatingthetextstheyworked
upon; none of those editorstookaccount ofthe Baird statistics.
uThe onlyplays on the list that Harbage identifiesas originating
withBeeston'sBoys are Brome'sA Mad CoupleWellMatched(published
1653), AlexanderBrome's (?) The CunningLovers (published 1654),
and The ConceitedDuke (a lost play,knownonlyfromthislist).In each
case, the plays are ofuncertaindate and ofuncertaintheatricalprovenance.
12Massinger'sA New Wayto Pay Old Debts, The Maid of Honour
withan earliercompany)and TheGreatDuke
(bothprobablyoriginating
The
Maid's
Fair
Florence;
Shirley's
Revenge,The Wedding,The Witty
of
Love's Cruelty,Hyde Park,The
One, The GratefulServant,The Traitor,
The Lady of Pleasure,
YoungAdmiral,The Example, The Opportunity,
The Coronation;Shirley'sadaptations of Fletcher'sThe NightWalker,
Chapman's ChabotAdmiralof France,and Rowley'sCupid's Vagaries
by earliercompanies); Ford's 'Tis PityShe's a
(all originallyperformed
Whoreand Love's Sacrifice;Heywood'sLove's Mistress;Davenport'sKing
Johnand Matilda.
A New Trickto Cheat theDevil and A Fool and her
13Davenport's
Maidenheadsoon parted.
l4Massinger'sTheBondmanand TheRenegado;Shirley'sTheSchool
Chapman's originalChabotAdmiralofFrance; Rowley's
of Compliment;
All's Lost by Lust (originally for the Prince's Men); Rowley and
Middleton'sThe Changeling;Dekker, Ford, Middletonand Rowley's
The Spanish Gypsy;Dekkerand Ford's TheSun's Darling;Davenport's
The CityNightcap.
15TheNightWalker,MonsieurThomas,and WitwithoutMoney.
16Subsequentstatementsabout companyhistoriesand repertoires
are based, unless otherwisenoted,on Gurr.Lawrence'sattributionof
Banquet to Queen Anne's Men was based upon Fleay,who erroneously
came fromthat comclaimed that all the plays in Beeston's repertory
Men.
or
Elizabeth's
Lady
through
pany
17See the arguments on date and provenance summarized in
mostconvincing.
Holaday 620. I findParrott'sreconstruction
18Isthere any way to tell whetherthe play was writtenforthe
Prince's Men at the Fortune or the Queen's Revels boys at the
Blackfriars?Banquets sustained portrayalof a deeplycorruptcourt,
in 2.1, certainlyfitthe "railand the superfluoussatiricalcommentary
ing*mode of the Blackfriarsboys up to 1608. But the same mightbe
said of The Revenger'sTragedy,which was performedby the King's
Men. Moreover,all the otherknownMiddleton-Dekker
collaborations
Prince'sMen;none ofMiddleton'sknown
werewrittenfortheAdmiral's/
plays forthe children'scompanies of the firstdecade of the seven-
36
37
Taylor
dismissedall thisdata on the basis ofhis
ion).Bate, characteristically,
own "literary
judgement"(83). But GeorgePeele's authorshipof three
scenes in Titushas since been decisivelyconfirmedby fivestudies,
workingwithindependentmethodologies:Tarlinskaja 124; Taylor,"I
HenryIV: Boyd; Jackson,"Stage Directions";Elliottand Valenza.
29The"youth"of Tymethesis repeatedlystressed,fromthe play's
firstscene to its last: 1.1.93, 1.4.71, 208, 215, 2.3.41, 4.3.51, 70, 77,
90,95, 107, 110, 117, 137, 5.1.3(152,427,572,579, 756, 1474, 1494,
1501, 1515, 1520, 1533, 1536, 1543, 1566, 1731). By contrast,the
as "young"onlytwice,once in thedramatispersonae
Queen is identified
list,once in a stagedirection(1.4.34.1; 388); in bothcases theadjective
maynotbe authorial,and itis clearlydesignedsimplyto distinguishher
fromthe "Old Queen" of the subplot.Since that"Old Queen" is young
referent
of"OldQueen"
enoughto be nursingherowninfant,theprimary
is probably"formerqueen" (she has been deposed); the contrasting
as the "newqueen"
womanshould perhapsmoreproperlybe identified
(newlymade queen bytheusurpationofherhusband theTyrant),rather
Jsbest friend,Zenarchus,and
than "youngqueen". Moreover,
Tymethes
bothcall theQueen "mymother"(1.4.72,
Zenarchus'ssisterAmphridote,
but thetextdoes not
4.2.69; 428, 1379); theymightmean "stepmother",
clarifyor requirethatmeaning,and the Queen could easilybe a woman
or sixties,havingan affair
in her forties,marriedto a man in his fifties
witha man theage ofherownchildren.In anycase, whatevertheQueen's
clear
age, the emphasisupon theyouthofTymethesmakes it perfectly
that he is youngerthan she is.
30l.1.153 (217), 1.4.50 (403); "beggar"1.1.109, 131, 2.3.55, 59,
4.1.25, 4.2.16 (172, 212, 768, 772, 1227, 1309). When the Queen's
husband discoversher affairwith"this fellow"(4.3.188; 1617), he is
appalled by her "adulterousbaseness" (5.1.168; 1937), both nouns
emphasizingthe social gap.
3Compare the relationshipbetween the Jeweller'swifeand the
Knightin Middleton'sThe Phoenix(1603), who repeatedlycall each
other"myrevenue"and "mypleasure",respectively.
32Genesisis also echoed earlier,in the Dekkerplot,when the traitorLapyrusberates"theearth. . . whichforman alone doth all things
bear"; he then spots a "Blest tree"fromwhich"fruit"hangs, and exclaims "Run,taste it then:Wise men servefirstthemselves,thenother
men." But when he runs towardthe tree,"He falls in thepit,"here as
elsewherea transparentallegoryofhell (2.2.4-13.1; 673-83). Both the
to the tree
selfishnessofLapyrusand thelust ofTymethesare referred
in Eden.
and Stroupe 2:94, 98, 97; "banquet[ting]"appears four33Rickey
teen timesin this sermon.
34Theanorexic"benefitsfromourwillingnessto allowthethintragic
possibility;the fat,in contrast,are relegatedalmostwithoutexception
to comedy,farce,and the grotesque"(Miller109).
35Forthe conventionsof "offstagesex" employedhere, and elsewherein Middleton,see Daileader 23-50.
36Steadnotes that the "lodge"where the banquet in 3.3 of The
BloodyBanquet is repeatedlypreciselylocated "is clearlya banqueting
house" (134).
37CompareThePhoenix(1603), 15.346, wherewar "eats but men,"
but thelaw eats "menand cattle";A TricktoCatchtheOld One,3.1 .177-
38
78, "one that would undo his brother, Nay, swallow up his father";
Timon of Athens (1605?), 2.39-41, "what a number of men eats Timon
. . . how many dip their meat in one man's blood"; Revenger's Tragedy
(1606), "those that did eat are eaten" (3.5.160); The Puritan (1606),
2.1.191, "He would eat fools and ignorant heirs clean up"; Roaring Girl
(1611), 10.21, "He . . . eats up whores, feeds upon a bawd's garbage";
The Lady's Tragedy (1611), 2.3.87-88, "There's one gapes.- One that
would swallow you, sir"; Witat Several Weapons (1613), 4.1.129-30, "a
poached scholar is a cheater's dinner here; I ha' known seven of 'em
supped up at a meal." (Many more examples could be given, in these
Middleton texts and others.)
381.4.129, 166, 201, 208, 4.2.95, 3.1.77, 123, 3.3.100, 127, 4.1.7,
47-8, 4.2.50-1, 5.1.67-8, 103-4, 175, 4.3.276 (489, 527, 564, 572,
1407, 958, 1011, 1167, 1192, 1206, 1256-7, 1352-3, 1807-8, 184950, 1944, 1718).
39Forthe "sexually insatiable" stereotype in early modern culture,
see Henderson and McManus 47.
40Bushnell does not mention The Bloody Banquet
41Thomasinedescribing her husband Quomodo at Michaelmas Term
4.1.60. Vortiger,in Middleton's Hengist, King of Kent, is another such
conjugal tyrant, guilty of one of the few instances of marital rape in
English drama.
42Bushnell notes that "The plays of the 1610s and 1620s revive
the image of the lustful moralityprince" but "update the older image"
by addressing "the complex relationship between the prince's moral
behavior and his legitimacy, an issue rarely considered in the moralities" (158); her firstexample of "the newly important criterionof legitimacy" (154) is Middleton's The Lady's Tragedy (which she treats as
anonymous, and calls "The Second Maiden's Tragedy"). In both The
Bloody Banquet (1609?) and The Lady's Tragedy (1611), Middleton inaugurates a theme which she associates with later plays by Beaumont,
Fletcher, and Massinger.
431.4.43, 93, 96, 103, 138, 3.2.1, 35, 4.3.8, 76, 231-2; 398, 448,
451, 458, 499, 1015, 1049, 1424, 1500, 1665-6.
44Thereis no stage direction to indicate the Queen's reaction to the
appearance of the Tyrant and his two servants as they bring in the
freshlyquartered corpse. Earlier in the scene the Queen refersto "the
hideous shrieks of an enforced lady" (4.3.133-4; 1560-61), but neither
"scream" nor "shriek" ever appears in stage directions of the period
(Dessen and Thomson), so we would not expect it to be marked here,
but merely left to the performer;it would be entirelycharacteristic of
Middleton's irony if the fictional "shrieks" she invents earlier in the
scene revisited her at its end as real ones. Some strong reaction is
surely necessary, both theatricallyand psychologically;she cannot faint
or swoon, because the Tyrant addresses her directly for six lines
(4.3.278-83; 1720-25). She might be in shock, virtually catatonic; or
she might scream and then be gagged by the Tyrant, who could then
carry her off,still gagged, or screaming. Any of these reactions could
be extraordinarilypowerful,since they are just before the act interval;
there are parallels for them all in modern horror films and fiction.
4SThere is no comparable word in English; both "uncanny" and
"eerie" are originally Scots, never used in the plays of Middleton or
Shakespeare, and not etymologicallyrelated to "home." But Middleton
Taylor
39
40
TheJournal
forEarlyModernCulturalStudies1.1
ence of Christ'sbodyfromthe Sacrament,but onlythe grossnessand
sensibleness in the receivingthereof."
52Inthe firstdecade ofthe seventeenthcentury,anyonewritinga
play about cannibalism mighthave wanted to read Montaigne'srecentlytranslatedessay on cannibals. The essay conflatescannibalism
ofthe
withsexual freedom;it ends witha cannibal's incomprehension
divisionsbetweenrich and poor in Europe; the precedingessay contrastsvirtuousmoderationwith"gluttony."
53Hunt58 (citingtwoseventeenth-century
Englishdiarists).
54Forthe abjected pronounsand anthropophagicnarrativesee for
instance: "M/ymostdelectableone /set about eatingyou,m/ytongue
moistensthe helix of your ear delicatelyglidingaround, m/ytongue
insertsitselfin the auricle,it touchestheantihelix,m/yteethseek the
lobe, theybeginto gnaw at it ... Havingabsorbed the externalpartof
yourear /burstthe tympanum,/feelthe roundedhammer-bonerollteethcrush it,/findthe anvil and the stiring betweenm/ylips, m/y
"
rup-bone,/crunchthem (Wittig24).
55TheLondon theater,in the period "fromabout 1610 to about
in 1609,
1620, rejoicesin assertivewomen"(Woodbridge
244). Ifwritten
TheBloodyBanquetwouldstand on thethresholdofthisdevelopment;
Woodbridgesees thefirstanticipationsof it,in referencesto womenin
male attire,in 1606 and 1607.
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