Making Sense of Violence: Voices of Soldiers in The Congo (DRC)

Making Sense of Violence: Voices of Soldiers in the Congo (DRC)
Author(s): Maria Eriksson Baaz and Maria Stern

Source: The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 46, No. 1 (Mar., 2008), pp. 57-86
Published by: Cambridge University Press
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Press
Studies,
J. ofModern
African
46, I (2008),pp. 57-86. z 2008 CambridgeUniversity
Printedin theUnitedKingdom
doi:Io.Io17/Soo22278Xo7oo3072
Making sense of violence: voices

of soldiers in the Congo (DRC)
MARIA ERIKSSON BAAz and MARIA STERN*
SchoolofGlobalStudies,
Box 700, SE 40530, Sweden
University,
Giteborg
Emails:maria.eriksson@globalstudies.gu.se;
maria.stern@globalstudies.gu.se
ABSTRACT
During the lastyearsthe DRC has made itselfknownin the worldforterribleacts

ofviolence committedby armed men - militiaand the regulararmy- againstthe
civilian population. The voices of the soldiersand combatantshave so farbeen
absent in the accounts of thisviolence. This silence is problematic,both because
it makes it harder to understand such violence, but also because it reinforces
stereotypesof African warriors as primitiveand anarchic, driven by innate
violence and tribal hatred. Enquiry into the particular discursive as well as
material circumstancesof the armed conflictin the DRC, which mightbetter
redress the complex and interrelatedcontext in which 'people in uniforms'
commitviolence, is consequentlyimpeded. The storywe recounthere emerges
from soldierswithinthe main perpetratorof violence in the DRC today: the
IntegratedArmed Forces. The soldiers' interviewtextschallenge the dominant
representationof soldiersand combatantsin the DRC. The soldiersmade sense
of the prevalence of violence (in which they too had participated)in several
interrelatedways,none ofwhichreflectedany expressionof' natural' (ifdormant)
violenttendencies,hatred or vengefulnessforthe enemy.
INTRODUCTION
Armed militia groups in the Democratic Republic of the Congo kidnapped

hundreds of rival tribe members, tortured,mutilated,raped and decapitated
theirvictims,and even boiled alive and ate two girlsin frontof theirmother.
(The Guardian,
17.03.2005)
In the city'shospital,Sack saw the survivorsof thisinferno:women and children
with limbs chopped off,victimswith gunshot wounds, now being taking care
of by members of Doctors Without Borders. 'In addition, we have several
credible accounts of cannibalism', claims UN representativeAmos Namanga
* We would like to thank Didier
Gondola, Adriano Malache and Dan Oberg for theirthoughtful
ondrafts
ofthisarticle.
comments
58
MARIA
ERIKSSON
BAAZ AND MARIA
STERN
in Congopeoplerunaround
barbarity:
Ngongi,who speaksof 'incredible
26.05.2003)
wearing amuletsmade of human bones'. (DerSpiegel,
SilvanoRuaro,an Italianpriestwhohas servedin Congofor33 years,once

butnowtheyhave,withthe'unbelievable
couldnotgetworse,
thought
things
darkpainting,
andthenyoulookclosely
he'sseen.He says,'It'slikea very
things'
therearebitswhichareevendarker.'Cannibalism,
executions,
butchery,
syscivilian
areusedas weapons
ofwaragainst
andkidnapping
tematic
rape,torture
Patricia
UN spokeswoman
Tomesays,
men,womenand children.
Congolese
areoutofcontrol.'
offreaks,
andthesefreaks
'Thesearmedgroups
arecomposed
MarkMinistries,
o649.htm)
5.02.2003,
(John
htt://jmm.aaa.net.au/articles/i
The DRC has recentlybeen the site of almost unthinkableviarmed
ofthewarin 1998,butalsopreviously,
olence.Sincethebeginning
violentacts againstthe
people (mostlymen and boys)have committed
civilianpopulationon a dailybasis.Much ofthisviolenceis todaycommittedbytheregulararmy,theFARDC, whichat thebeginning
of2007
militiagroupsand previousgovernwas stillbeingformedfromformer
mentforces(inter
alia theFAC, MLC, RCD-N, RCD-ML and theMaifromone ofthedeadliest
the
Mai). Currently, DRC is slowlyemerging
armiesand several
sinceWorldWar II, involving
sevenforeign
conflicts
an estimated
million
militiagroups,and killing
4
people(Clark2002; ICG
in
were
A
was
installed
2oo6). transitional
2003and elections
government
heldduring2006.The quellingofprevailing
violence,althoughcertainly
and
violence
notnearlysufficient
(insecurity
persistin manypartsofthe
in
the
has
also
east),
openeda spaceforthevoicesofthe
country,
especially
victims
to be heardglobally.
Convincingaccountsoftheordealsthatmanyenduredcan be found
victims'
in thenumerous
whichreflect
testimony
(Horwood2007;
reports
HRW 2002;MONUC 2007;Omanyondoetal. 2005;PoleInstitute
2oo4).
such
on how one can comprehend
These testimonies
promptreflection
salientagainstthebackdrop
violence.This questionbecomesparticularly
of the conflict
in the DRC. As with
of Westernmedia representations
in Africa,theseaccountshave largelyrepeated
otherarmed conflicts
familiarcolonialand postcolonialimagery,in whichAfricanwars are
barbaric(Broch-Due
'Other' andparticularly
describedas fundamentally
Baaz
Gikandi
Keen
Eriksson
2005;
2004; Pieterse1995;
1996;
2005;
an
focus
what
are describedas
often
infatuated
on
Pottier2005).Through
likethoserelayedin
methodsofwarfare,
bizarreand uncivilised
depictions
the media accountsabove informa generalisedprocessof Othering:
African
warsappearin boththeWesternmediaand globalpolicyreports
as primitive,anarchic and barbaric. Soldiersand combatantsare written
about merelyas brutalvengefulkillersand rapistswho mutilateand eat
MAKING
SENSE
OF VIOLENCE
IN THE
CONGO
59
theirvictims(see also Broch-Due2005: 33; Keen 2004: 3).1Moreover,

are highlygendered:men appear as beast-like
such representations
whilewomenappearas passiveand helplessvictims.
Images
perpetrators,
who
is
unleashed
the
conofthebarbaricAfrican(masculine)
Other,
by
ditionsofwarto act accordingto his'true' nature,shift
focusawayfrom
the globalisedpoliticaland economiccontextof the conflicts
(cf.Keen
The
of
that
invest
these
with
stories
warring
images
meaninginvoke
2004).
harmfulcategorisations
whichoverridecomplexand difficult
questions
ofviolencein theparticular
abouttheenactment
contextoftheDRC, as
wellas theglobalpoliticaleconomiclandscapein whichactsofviolence
are specifically
situated.
The storywe recounthere emergesfromthe voicesof some of the
whichso farhave been absentin the accountsof
soldiersthemselves,
etal. 2005;Keen 2004;Utas2007;Utas
violenceintheDRC (cf.Hatzfeldt
etal. 2006).2Thissilenceisproblematic
notonlybecauseitlimits
theability
to understand
the violence,but also because the silenceitselftendsto
ofAfrican
reinforce
thestereotypes
described
above.Importantly,
warring
is not to offera readingof how soldiers'reallyare' or
our intention
the 'true' reasonsbehindviolentacts,but to showhow the storiesof
thesesoldiersunsettlefamiliarand dominantnarratives
of Congolese
soldiersand combatants,
notonlyin popularmedia,butalso in academic
as somehowchaotic,barbaric,'traditional'
ofAfrican
depictions
warring
We therefore
to thewaysin which
and self-explanatory.3
pay attention
soldiersseektomakesenseoftheviolenceinwhichtheyhaveparticipated,
in recounting
to us.
theirexperiences
There has been a vastamountof academicliterature
devotedto exin
in
the
for
reasons
violence
and
general, warfare, fortheparploring
the
sort
that
intheconflict
cruel
violence
of
ticularly
manyhavewitnessed
in theDRC.4 Our intention,
as notedabove,is nottofindsupportforany
of
but insteadto enquirehow the soldiers
violence,
particulartheory
themselves
makesenseoftheviolencetheycommit,
witha particular
focus
on betterunderstanding
theconnections
thattheymakebetweenviolence
and masculinity,
whichwe further
developbelow.However,ourmainline
of analysisresonatesmost closelywiththose studiesof violencethat
of discoursesof violence.In
examinethe productionand reproduction
invite
into
stories
of
violence
written
we
sum,
(see
byitsperpetrators
entry
also Broch-Due2005: 29; Kassimeris2006; Nadelson2005).In so doing,
we lay bare the soldiers'accountsof theirmotivations,
justifications
and explanations for the violence, which, like all narratives,are both
and reductionist.5
The discrepancybetweena sense of how
contradictory
and
the
'should
be',
soldiering
way it 'is', as we shall see, served as the
60
MARIA
ERIKSSON
BAAZ AND MARIA
STERN
locus ofmanyoftherespondentsunderstandings
ofhow and whyso many
soldiers (includingthemselves)engaged in the violent acts reflectedin
witness'testimony.
Furthermore,we emphasisethatin no way do we condone the acts of
violence thatmanyCongolese soldiershave committed.We do not intend
at thehand
eitherto underminethetestimoniesofthosewho have suffered
of the Congolese armed forces throughfocusingon the narrativesof
the perpetrators.Our hope is that our discussionsinstead may invitea
more nuanced reading of soldieringthat could betterreflectthe very
complicatedcontextin which such violence arises.
This articleis based on interviewswiththe main 'perpetrator'todayin
the DRC: the IntegratedArmed Forces (FARDC), which since 2003 are
being formedfromsurrenderingmilitiagroups and the formergovernment armed forces.While the proportionof the human rightsviolations
committedby the FARDC decreased slightlyduringthe reportingperiod
January-June2007, it is stillresponsiblefor the largestshare of human
rightsviolations.6
We beginwitha briefoverviewofthemethodologyofthestudy,and the
contextin whichthe soldiersare workingin theDRC. The second section
explores the ways in which the respondentsrepresenttheir notions of
'good' soldiering,and thusconstructan image oftheir'soldiering'self.In
particular,we address how stereotypicalassumptionsabout soldiering
as equated with masculine 'toughness' and 'violence' appear in the
interviewtexts.We then discusshow the soldiersimagine theirpreferred
occupation as soldier,as a way of exposinghow theyenvisionthe ideal
notion of soldiering.Next we explorethe ways in which the soldiersview
aspirationsfororderand disciplineas dictatedby the RM (militarycode).
The thirdsectionofthearticleexamineshow thesoldiersmake senseofthe
violence committedby the armed forces(and themselves)in lightof their
representationsof 'good soldiering'. Specifically,this section addresses
'the craziness of war',
the interconnectionsbetween poverty,suffering,
impunityand the committingof violentacts.
WHOSE
STORIES?
During the period October 2005 and November 2006, Maria Eriksson
Baaz conducted group interviewswith soldiers and officerswithinthe
IntegratedArmed Forces (in the local language,Lingala).' The interviews
were organised as semi-structured
group interviews(groups of three to
fourpersons)whichlastedbetweentwo and threehours.Male and female
soldierswere interviewedin separategroups.8
MAKING
SENSE
OF VIOLENCE
IN THE
CONGO
61
Most of the soldiers and officersinterviewedhad recent experience

(within one year) from the conflictareas. While some soldiers from
otherbackgroundswere included,soldiersand officersfromthe previous
(FAC), made up the
governmentforces, the ForcesArmiesCongolaises
soldiers
had joined theArmy
Some
of
these
majorityof thoseinterviewed.
(at that time ForcesArmiesZairoises)during the Mobutu period. Most,
however,joined afterLaurent Kabila took power in 1997. Some of them
- withwhom Kabila entered
are formerchildsoldiers- thefamouskadogos
Kinshasa in
i997.
The interviewtextscan be seen as distinctaccountswhichshed lighton
the ways in which the soldierscomprehendand articulatetheiridentities,
theirroles as soldiers,and the violence that they perpetuate and from
of the viewsof
which theysuffer.They are not intendedas representative
particulargroupsin the FARDC (e.g. based on gender,regional,ethnicor
or of all soldiersof
or rank or specialisation/function),
class affiliations,
FAZ and FAC backgroundin the FARDC. The soldiersinterviewedwere
selectedto include a varietyof experiences;the main focushas, however,
been on 'ordinarysoldiers'.
interviewsaddressed how the soldiersthemselves
The semi-structured
saw theirrole in the armed forces,as well as in relationto civil-military
relations.9The firstpart of the interviewsfocused on the question of
to be a good or successfulsoldier,as well
what theythoughtwas required
as what it meant to be a successful/goodsoldier to them.The second
part concentratedmore specificallyon exploringtheirunderstandingsof
in relationto soldiering.
masculinityand femininity
The research project was funded by the Swedish International
Development Cooperation Agency (Sida-Sarec) and conducted with
the permissionfromthe Ministryof Defence in the DRC. Indeed, the
Ministryof Defence facilitatedthe settingup of the interviews.In our
initialcontactwiththeMinistry,we were asked what categoriesof soldiers
forour study.We respondedthatwe wantedto
were interesting
or officers
with
different
with
soldiers
experiences,rankand age, but thatthey
speak
should all have recent experiencefrombeing at the war front.On this
basis, the contact persons at the Ministryof Defence gave ordersto differentmilitarysectors/commandersto organise the interviewsessions
describedabove.
Initiallywe were concerned that this arrangementwould imply that
the soldierswould feel intimidatedand only respond to our questions
according to what they thoughtthey were supposed to say. However,
it seems that this fear was unfounded. Except for a very few cases,
the soldiersdid not exhibitany inhibitionor fear duringthe interviews.
62
MARIA
ERIKSSON
BAAZ AND MARIA
STERN
Rather than merely repeating some kind of accommodated image of

soldieringand the lifein the Armywhichwas born out of a romanticised
or routinelymemorised dominant discourse, they reflectedcritically,
not only in relation to themselvesand their own behaviour, but also
and especiallyto theirmilitarysuperiors/commanders.
The soldiersall
directedharsh critiquestowardsnot only Armyleaders in general, but
also individualcommanders.The freedomwithwhichthesoldiersseemed
to articulate their critiques may be seen as reflectingtheir difficult
and feelingsof neglect.It may also reflect
situation,and theirfrustrations
the fragmentednature of the Army,riddled with lack of loyaltyand
discipline.10
In the (co)productionof a narrative,the person 'conducting' the interviews is also surelya co-authorof the textproduced.n As noted above,
Maria ErikssonBaaz, a native Swedish woman, fluentin Lingala and at
home in the contextof the DRC, conductedthe interviews.Her position
as both insider(arguablybecause of the shared language), and outsider
(as a civilianand a European) surelyinfluencedwhat the soldierschose to
relayto her.
The soldiersappeared to view the interviewoccasion as a long-awaited
opportunityto talk about theirproblemsto somebody (at once both an
insider,and a European outsider)who was perceivedas having contacts
withinfluential
people (i.e. theinternationalcommunityand international
Most
soldiers
interviewedurgedMaria to re-telltheirstoriesand
donors).
difficulties
to a wideraudience. Moreover,giventhetensemilitary-civilian
relationship,being a foreigneralso probablyfacilitatedthe interviewsby
puttingthe soldiersat ease and breakingdown the defencestheymight
otherwisehave maintained when talkingwith a Congolese civilian. As
noted above, the military-civilian
relationshipis verystrainedand tense
in the DRC. As we shall see, the soldiersclearly feltthat the civilian
populationlacked understandingand respectforthemand theirsituation,
and see themsimplyas 'worthlesspeople' [batuyapamba].For thisreason,
soldiersoftenshow a verydefensiveattitudetowardscritiquesof the army
by Congolese civilians.
A BRIEF
SNAPSHOT
OF THE
CONTEXT
The externaland internalcompetitionforCongo's vast naturalresources,

the gradual collapse of statefunctionsand the formaleconomy over the
last 40 years, as well as rampant poverty,contributedto the escalating
conflict,oftenreferredto as Africa's'firstworldwar' (Clark 2002).12Four
millionpeople are estimatedto have died in the DRC since 1998, as a
MAKING
SENSE
OF VIOLENCE
IN THE
CONGO
63
resultofthe directand indirectconsequencesofthe ongoingconflict(IGC

2oo6: i). While theelectionswere conductedlargelywithoutviolence,they
have not broughtor consolidated the peace process. On the contrary,
insecurityhas risenin manypartsof the DRC in the post electionperiod,
resultingin a new wave of displaced people. The insecurityis created
by remainingmilitiagroups mainlyin Ituri,in the Kivus and Katanga
(Mai-Mai). However, much of the insecurityis also created by the
FARDC itself,not only throughmilitaryclashes with the militiagroups
but through harassment of the civilian population. According to the
Global and All-inclusiveAgreement,Part VI, signed in Pretoria on 17
alia the FAC, MLC, RCD-N, RCDDecember 2002, the signatories(inter
ML and the Mai-Mai) should be integratedinto a new Congolese Army,
the FARDC. The process of DDR and SSR/Military Integrationwas
supposed to be completedin timeforthe electionsin 2oo6, but has notyet
been completed.a3
The slow progressof the DDR process can be attributedto several
factors.One overarchingreason is to be foundin a lack of politicalcommitment.During the transitionalperiod especially,thislack of commitment was a reflectionof a deep-seatedmistrustbetween the contending
partiesmanifestedin a reluctanceto release troopsforthe DDR/Military
Integrationprocess.Anotherreason forthe slow progressoftheDDR and
SSR processesis thatmany militiacommandersare determinedto maintain theirhold on power in order to protecteconomic interests.Most of
the armed groupsprofitfromthe extractionof naturalresourcesand extortionfromthe civilianpopulation.Many of the leaders,especiallyofthe
Ituri Armed Groups (FACP, FNI, FRPI and UPC), have used killings,
intimidationand otherabuses in order to preventtheirmembersjoining
the DDR programme (Amnesty International 2007). Moreover, a
major factorwhich delays and hampersthe process has been the failure
to provide reintegrationsupport to the fighterswho opted for the
DDR programme. The institutionresponsible for implementingthe
DDR programme (CONADER) has continuouslyfailed to discharge
its responsibilities,
particularlyin payingdemobilisationallowances to excombatants.Hence, the incentivefor demobilisationis verylow. There
are reportsthat some militia men who joined the DDR programme
have rejoinedarmed groupshostileto it,due to thefailureofCONADER
to deliver allowances and communityreintegrationprojects. Others
have fled the integrationbecause of the difficultand miserable living
conditions(lack ofwater,food and medical supplies)at both thereception
and militaryintegrationcentres.As one observerconcluded 'a human
64
MARIA
ERIKSSON
BAAZ AND MARIA
STERN
being cannot survivefor a long time [in the centres] even if they are
endowed withsuperhumancapacitiesforadaptation' (ibid.:13).
However,theprocessofmilitaryintegrationitselfalso poses problemsin
additionto DDR (Kibasomba 2005; ICG 2oo6; Walter & Boshoff2oo6).
As Boshoff(2004) concludes, militaryintegrationhas essentiallymeant
'the juxtapositionof the unitsof the formerbelligerentsunder,sometimes
merelytheoretical,integratedcommand'. These units oftenremain responsiveto the formerand currentbelligerents,and not to the integrated
command structures,as illustratedin several occasions during the last
years.AnotherrelatedproblemwithintheIntegratedArmyhas to do with
the deficienttrainingreceived forthose integratedinto the FARDC, especially officers.Accordingto the peace accord, militiamembersshould
be able to keep theranktheyreceivedwithintheirrespectivearmed group
withinthe integratedforces.Because high-ranking
officersoftenperceive
themselves,and are perceivedby others,as 'too seniorfortraining',there
are consequentlyseveralhigh-ranking
officers
withno militarytrainingat
all. For example, thereare colonelswithinthe FARDC, no more than 25
years old, who have received no militarytrainingand are illiterate.
mechanismwhich identifiesand
Moreover, thereis currentlyno effective
excludes combatants and soldierswho have committedserious human
rightsabuses (AmnestyInternational2007).
In addition to the failureof the militaryintegrationitself,reflectedin
multipleand parallel chains of command, the FARDC faces substantial
in providingequipmentand supportto thesoldiers;salariesare
difficulties
both too low and oftendelayed,and thereis a persistentlack of food and
other support.One reflectionof the poor level of supportis that several
of the soldiersinterviewedfor this research had bought theiruniforms
withtheirown money. Such lack of supportnot onlyhampersFARDC's
militarypower, but is also a source of insecurityas FARDC soldiersprey
on the local populationforsurvival.
Currently,soldiersare among thepoorestsectionof Congolese society.
While the minimumsalary was officiallyraised fromabout US$Io per
month to US$20 in 2006, this raise is mainlytheoretical.Salaries often
remain at US$Io, iftheyare paid at all. Moreover, even $20 is stillvery
to sustaina family,especiallysince the Armyno
low and is insufficient
food rationsand medical support.The
longerprovideshousing/lodging,
mortalityrate among soldiers'childrenis veryhigh and school enrolment
is practicallyzero.
As we will see below, dissatisfaction
and frustration
among the soldiers
is great.Also, theylack loyaltytowardsleaders and superiors,in particular
senior officers,whom they see as responsiblefor their situation.The
MAKING
SENSE
OF VIOLENCE
IN THE
CONGO
65
in particularseniorofficers,
situationofmanyofficers,
appears farsuperior
when juxtaposed withthe soldiers'circumstances.While officers'salaries
are also comparativelylow, theirpositionand statusbothwithintheArmy
and outside tend to provide them with greaterpossibilitiesto engage in
both legal and illegal,income earningactivities.
different,
In thiscontext,it has to be rememberedthatthe securitysectorin the
DRC has been dysfunctionalfor a long time. Harassment by security
sectorstaff-includingthe impositionof illegal taxes and fines,and outrightstealingfromthe population, ofteninvolvingphysicalviolence- is
not onlya resultofthewar but can be tracedback to the timeofMobutu,
especiallythe last years of the regimewhen the situationof the military
and the police deterioratedrapidly(e.g. theyno longerreceivedsalaries).
However, such harassment must also be understood as a reflection
of the general culture of la ddbrouillardise
or Article 15 created by
to
which
were
Mobutu, according
people
encouraged to fend forthemselves by whatevermeans necessary(Lemarchand 2002; MacGaffey &
Bazenguissa-Ganga 2002; Trefon2004; de Villers2002).14
The militaryand thepolice also were more or less explicitlyencouraged
to fend for themselves,epitomisedin the expressioncivilazali bilanga
ya
'the civilianis the [corn]fieldofthe military'.In contrastto what
militaire,
is sometimesassumed, in areas not affectedby the war, harassmentby
militariesand the police was probablymore widespreadduringthe latter
part of the Mobutu era than it is today. During thattime,the population
lived in constantfear of being stopped and extortedby militaries,either
under the pretextof some real or faketransgression
of the law, or simply
to
the
above.
The
dissatisfaction
of the
by referring
expression
deep
the
vis-a-vis
was
in
manifested
the
population
securityapparatus
spontaneous public killingofmembersofthe militaryand police when Laurent
Kabila's forcesenteredKinshasa. When LaurentKabila took overpower,
he decreed law and order also withinthe Army,including an end to
the impunitythat characterisedmuch of the Mobutu period. The new
'professionalism'ofthe Armywas particularlyevidentat the beginningof
the Laurent Kabila regime,but later deterioratedagain.
As a resultof the long misuse of power by securitysector staff,the
police and militaryenjoy verylittlelegitimacyin the eyes of the civilian
population. Policemen and soldiersare oftenreferredto simplyas miyibi
('thieves'). This negative image of the securitysector in society also
constitutesa threatto a successfulprofessionalisation
of the Army.The
negative image is manifestednot only in fear, but in contempt and
both verbal (often)and physicalabuse (less often)against securitysector
staffwhen they are unarmed and walk alone (interviews;Amnesty
66
MARIA
ERIKSSON
BAAZ AND MARIA
STERN
International2007). The contempt and instances of violence against

securitysectorstaff,of course, cannot be compared withthe violentacts
committedby securitysectorstaffthemselves.However,the armed forces'
meagre legitimacyhas a negativeimpact on the morale of newlytrained
economic situation,
staffwhich,in combinationwiththe soldiers'difficult
feedsinto a negativespiralincreasingcivilian-military
hostility.
In sum, the contextin which the soldierslive can be depictedas one of
lack and want.As we furtherexplorebelow, thissense of deprivation,and
even of victimhood,serves as an underlyingtheme in the ways in which
tomakesenseof themselvesas men (and women) and solthesoldiers
attempt
diers in relationto the violence which theycommit.We now turnto a
discussionof the connectionsbetween masculinitiesand warringin the
soldiers'texts.
A 'GOOD
SOLDIER'?
MASCULINITIES
AND
WARRING
What mightit mean to be a good soldierin the Congo at thisjunctureof

'peace-building' (yetwhenviolencestillpersists)?Reading fromthemedia
of
accounts,such as thosecited above, dominantWesternrepresentations
soldierscast themas bestialmale killers.This view ofthe soldieras a killer
in possession of 'more balls than brains' mirrorsmany of the views
expressed in the Western debate about the feminisationof the military
(cf.MetcalfI999).1' Argumentsagainstwomen's entryintothemilitaryon
equal termswithmen oftenrelyon thebeliefthatthemilitaryspheremust
remainmasculineifthe armed forcesare to carryout theirstatedmissions
as protectorsand fighters.
Ironically,feministresearch on the interconnectionsbetween gender
and warringalso portraysthe militaryas 'masculine'. As much feminist
tend to fostera particular,often
researchhas shown,militaryinstitutions
formof masculinity,
whichposesproblems
forcivil'macho-violent',
militaryrelations,especiallyin post-conflict
societies."1Simplyput, men
(and women) 'learn' to be violentin the military,as soldieringrequiresa
an
willingnessto killto protectthe state/nation.Through militarisation,
ideal typeof masculinitybecomes linkedto the abilityand willingnessto
commit violence. Women's (and 'femininity's')association with a need
acts as a counterpartto the
forprotection,peacefulness,and life-giving
and killing(cf.Connell 1995,
fighting
supposed 'masculinity'ofprotecting,
2000; Connell & Messerschmidt2005; Elshtain 1987; Enloe 1990, i993;
Goldstein 2001; Vickers 1993). The feminine,which serves as the
opposing entityin the binary pair, masculine-feminine,thus can also
be seen as the 'constitutiveoutside' to the seeminglyinherentmasculinity
MAKING
SENSE
OF VIOLENCE
IN THE
CONGO
67
of the military(Pin-Fat& Stern2005). This line of argumentis familiarto

scholars of gender and war. The high incidence of rape in wartimeis
oftenpartlyexplained as produced throughtheselinkages,as rape in war
can be seen as an effortto humiliate(feminise)enemy men by sullying
their women/nation/homeland,and proving them to be inadequate
protectors.
We raise the question here of whetheror not thisgeneralisedstoryof
gendered warring(a storywhich figuresin many of the policy reports
which aim to address the problems of gender-basedviolence) resonates
with the ideals of good soldieringamong soldiers in the FARDC. As
shown below, thisstoryis indeed woven throughthe soldiers'narratives;
however,it is certainlynot the dominantone, nor is it faithfully
repeated
without twistsand the re-inscriptionof meaning. How then did the
soldiers we interviewedspeak about their identityas soldiers, their
aspirationsforbeing 'good soldiers',as well as the violence thattheyand
theirfellowsoldierscommitagainstcivilians?
Beefandbrawn:'moreballsthanbrains'?
Some oftheFARDC soldiersinterviewed

didindeeddescribethemilitary
as a place for the tough and strong- as the place to prove one's
'manhood'. Differentideal typesof masculinityemergedwhich coexisted
with the stereotypicaltough guy ideal alluded to above, an ideal which
is familiar in many representationsof warring among soldiers (cf.
Braudy 2003; Connell 1995, 2000; Connell & Messerschmidt2005;
Goldstein 2001; Myrttinen2003; Nadelson 2005). Such notionsof masculinity/manhoodwere constructedin oppositionto different
(feminised)
Others: civilians,women and the inept/physically
weak. As one soldier
explained:
Whenyou enterthecentre[formilitary
training]
you are civilianand nowyou
mustbecome,learnthetough[dur]spiritof a soldier.Ifyou do notknowthat,
somebeatingup [fimbo]
is required.Somebeatingis required.... You haveto be
about soldiering,everything
that you will encounterin
taughteverything
war. ... Thosewhoarenotable tomakeit,we callthemtheinept,alsosometimes
women,theineptwillrunaway.The centreis no placeforcompassion[ezaliplace
?
ya mawate].7It is likeschool.Ifyoucannotread,willtheygiveyoua certificate
No. A soldieris a soldier,he is nota civilian.Bulletsarebullets.It is a war.We are
not goingthereto killducks[tozalikokende
koboma
libatate].It is war; you go to
defend... The centreis no place forcompassion[mawa].You can startmaybe
withI5,oo000
men; somewillrunaway.Theyare notstrongenough.Sometimes
soldiers[sodayamakasz].
you willremainwith8,ooo. Those are thereal/strong
(Male corporal,31years)
68
MARIA
ERIKSSON
BAAZ AND MARIA
STERN
This respondentequated soldieringwith qualities that were considered

masculineand belongeddecidedlyin the militarysphere: i.e. being tough,
beatingsand killing.The (masculine)qualitiesrequiredwere
withstanding
contrastedwith feminisedqualities. Being 'inept' (like a 'woman') and
compassionate were considered as signs of weakness, as unfittingfor
a soldier."8As is the case in other armies globally,many soldiers also
reiteratedthatbeing called a 'woman' was a common insultto a soldier
during training: 'you are weak like a woman' [olembalokolamwasz]
(cf. Elshtain 1987; Enloe 1990; Goldstein 20oo). Here we can see how
distinctionsbetween strongand weak, as well as between soldiersand
civilians,gain currencythroughtheirgender codings: male soldiersindicated that strengthand soldieringwere 'masculine', whereas civilians,
like 'women', were weaker. Importantly,althoughthese representations
of 'beef and brawn' masculinesoldieringdid indeed punctuatethe interview texts,theydid not overshadowotherpicturesof ideal masculinityas
inherentto soldiering.These familiarrepresentationswere complicated
by other competingstories(such as those that emphasise the soldier as
orderedbureaucrat),whichwe shall discussbelow.
'masculine' values (physicalstrength,
Furthermore,the stereotypically
defenders,cold-blooded),were mostlyemphasisedby femalesoldiers,not
male. Their textsindicatedthatthe 'feminisationofthemilitary'could be
read as the 'masculinisation'of femalesoldiersinto a particularidealised
type of masculinity- a masculinitythat the male soldiers interviewed
emphasisedless adamantly."1As one major explained:
In orderto be in the military
You
you have to be strong[ilfautozalamakast].
cannotbe weak [okoki
kozalafaible
te].You have to be able to cope withall sorts
of thingsand still be strong.You cannot be afraid.You have to have
courage.Manyofthemenareafraid,moreafraidthatus women.(Femalemajor,
47 years)
Reading thiscitation,as well as otherslike it,we surmisethatthe stereotypicalmasculineideal ofa soldierappealed to some ofthewomen soldiers
as a role model. Through theiridentitiesas soldiers,the textsseem to
tell us, these women gained statusthatwas otherwisereservedformen;
indeed, theyindicatedthatthe women soldierswere perhaps even braver
than some of theirmale counterparts.The fewsoldierswho claimed that
theyjoined the militaryas a resultof a desire to 'fight' or 'prove their
strength'were women. These accounts can be read also as a reaction
againstthe prevailingviews thatwomen were 'weaker' and more 'inept'
than theirmale counterparts.A majority,though not all, soldiers and
officersopposed women's participationin the Army for many of the
MAKING
SENSE
OF VIOLENCE
IN THE
CONGO
69
reasons echoed in discussionsabout the feminisation

of the military
in manyothercontextsglobally(see ErikssonBaaz & Sterndraftms. a;
Pin-Fat& Stern2005).
Otherfemalesoldiersweredrawntojoin themilitary
as a chanceto
and
'be
like
the
female
war
heroes
in
Western
films.One
'fight'
strong'
of the soldiersinterviewed
to the strong/tough
explainedherattraction
soldieridealas follows:
I alwayswantedtojoin theArmy... sinceI was a girl.I saw in your[Western]
films[bafilmya
in wars[bazalaki
kobunda
bino]howwomenwerefighting
bitumba].
I likedthat,and I decidedthatI alsowantedto
Theywerestrong/tough
[makasz].
becomea soldier.I wantedto becomelikethat.I alsowantedto fight.
So whenI
I knewthatI was strong.
heardthattheywerelookingforsoldiersI volunteered.
I knewthatI couldmakeit [nayebaki
I joined and we wentto war.
'tenakokoka].
Theysentme to theEast.(Femalecorporal,26 years).
Some femalesoldiers'desireto become 'strongfighters',

and their
on
in
and
relation
to
in juxtaemphasis strength courage
soldiering,
with
their
male
relative
lack
of
colleague's
position
emphasison these
unsettlethe portrayalof womenas peace promoters,
as life
attributes,
who
have
the
to
transform
institutions
into
'tools
givers
potential
military
forpeace building',as wellas theweak,ineptvictimsofmaleviolence.20
as an
However,shouldthisemphasisby womensoldiersbe interpreted
internalisation
and totalacceptanceofthedominantgendereddiscourses
ofthemilitary?
On theone hand,whilewomensoldiersembracedthedominant
notion
ofsoldiering,
and emphasisedcertainqualitiesevenmorethanthemale
as masculine.Womensoldiers
soldiers,thesequalitieswerenot written
a highlyambivalent
articulated
Baaz & Stern
genderedidentity
(Eriksson
draftms.b). One sucharticulation
was connectedto theworkplaceand
understoodto be 'public'.
soldiering,
sphereswhichare traditionally
Here, thetextstellus, womenhave thesame qualities,capacities,rights
and obligationsas men. An overwhelming
majorityof womensoldiers
that
are
as
as the men,and
repeatedlyargued
they just good fighters
shouldbe treatedas menareineveryaspect.However,on theotherhand,
the same womenalso articulateda quite different
whichwas
identity
connectedto the home and the privatesphere.Here, theyexplained,
womenand menweredecidedlydifferent,
and inequality
was thenorm.
Theirideal notionoffemininity
was moredistinct
hereand represented
wife',who shouldobeyand please
throughtheimageofthe'submissive
her husband. The husband was writtenas the unquestionabledecisionmaker in the family,regardlessof his work or rank withinthe military
(even ifthe woman had a highermilitaryrank than thatof her husband,
70
MARIA
ERIKSSON
BAAZ AND MARIA
STERN
thecase amongthewomenwe interviewed).

whichwas sometimes
Many
womensoldiersalso maintained
thatthey,beingsoldiersand havingthe
and chainofcommandofthearmedforces
experienceofthehierarchy
thus
submission
to
ofa higherrank),were'betterwives'than
those
(and
civilianwomen(ibid.).
In sum,whilestrength
and couragefeatured
in someinterviews,
these
in
valuesdidnotfigure
the
definitions
of
what
makes
a
centrally
'good' or
' successful'
In theseaccounts
soldierforthemajority
ofthoseinterviewed.
and thecapacityforviolenceoccupieda quitemarginal
courage,strength
role(evenwhenexplicitly
mentioned/asked
about).Accountssuchas those
inrelationto thequestionof
when
featured
at
often
arose
all,
above,
they
women'srole in the army(see ErikssonBaaz & Sterndraftms. a).
femalesoldiers'emphasison strength
and courageinrelation
Importantly,
in
with
their
male
to soldiering, juxtaposition
colleague'srelativelack of
raisesquestionsabouttherelationship
beemphasison theseattributes,
in
discourses
at
the
armed
forces.
tweendifferent
gendered
play
Congolese
As evidentin thefemalesoldiers'narratives
of
above,theconstructions
in
FARDC
as
a
reflection
and
the
cannot
be
seen
masculinity femininity
'local' genderdiscourses
and practicesin thearmy(or in
of exclusively
by globalculturalproCongolesesocietyin general),but as influenced
to theinfluence
of'Western'films,
as in
cesses.For example,references
In thesoldiers'
thecitationabove,werequitecommonin theinterviews.21
narratives,
Hollywoodwar moviesand Americansoldierssometimes
as pointsof reference.
functioned
However,theAmericansoldierwas
- quitethecontrary.
or
as
'ideal'
Oftenthe
rarelypresented 'superior'
and
soldiersdescribedtheCongolesesoldieras stronger,
better, endowed
withmoreendurance.As one male sergeantexplained,'we are stronger
than them[theAmericansoldiers].We do the same things,the same
Everything
theydo,we do thattoo,butwhiletheyliveand
toughtraining.
eat well,we do iton an emptystomach.'
a desk
Theideal
job: behind
The waysinwhichtherespondents
sawtheirrolesas soldiers
wasreflected
in theirnotionsofwhatconstituted
a desirablepositionconnoting
success
of
withinthearmedforces.The soldiersoverwhelmingly
adminisspoke
- working
The
desirableposition.
behinda desk- as theultimately
tration
soldierin theiraccountswas an educatedsoldier
celebratedsuccessful
(preferablyan officer),who does administrativework,worksin military
courts,or at theMinistryofDefence,notthetough,brave,soldier,fighting
at the frontline.
MAKING
SENSE
OF VIOLENCE
IN THE
CONGO
71
The appealofadministrative
mustbe seen
tasks,thesoldiersexplained,
in lightofthecircumstances
thatpropelledthemtojoin thearmedforces
ofsoldier'sentry
at all.The vastmajority
intothearmywasnot,according
to them,an activechoicethatreflected
theirwishes.Instead(whennot
forcedor abductedintoeitherthe armyor militiagroups- something
whichoccurredboth beforeand afterKabila), theyjoined because of
and thewishto getan education.Theirchoicetojoin thearmed
poverty
forceswas neverpresentedas a vengeful
call forviolenceor retribution
but,instead,as a lastchoice,a fall-back
optionarisingoutofthedearthof
otheropportunities.
thesoldiers'textstellus that'manhood'wascloselylinkedto
Relatedly,
and
material
wealth,ratherthanto an idealisedcelebrationof
money
the 'man-fighter'.
as reIndeed the successful,
aspiredto, masculinity,
iteratedin the soldiers'narratives,
was symbolised
by theverywealthy,
urbanman who worksin an office,
ownsa luxurioushouse and a nice
car, and is surrounded
by manywomen- not the Rambo violenttype
in thewild.This masculineidealbelongsveryfirmly
in 'modernity',
and
is produced throughthe discoursesof the global liberal capitalist
rootedand producedlocallyin Congolesepopular
economy,butfirmly
culture.
The soldiers'testimonies,
however,conveyeda deep sense of distofulfil
andfrustration
overtheirfailure
theirimaginedsense
appointment
ofthemselves
as soldiers.
The idealofa respected
whichsignified
position,
successand educationand whichreflected
theultimatemanlyideal,remaineddecidedly
outofreach.Insteadofserving
as an attainablegoal,it
as
a
in
contrast
to
the
thesoldiersactually
figured counterpoint
positions
held.One soldierexplainedhisdissatisfaction
as follows:
WhenI startedI hopedthatI wouldgetaccessto educationand maybehave a
courtand
good career,to be able to study,and thenmaybeworkin themilitary
havea goodlife.Butthathas nothappened.I havenotreceivedanything.
I have
beenhereforfiveyearsand I havenotreceivedanytraining,
no education.(Male
24years)
corporal,
anothersoldieraddedan unexpected
twistto thesecomplaints,
Similarly,
in
thatthemostdesirablepositions(stereotypically
feminised
explaining
othercontexts)
wereawardedtowomeninsteadofmen.The feminisation
of the FARDC, as relayedin the interview
texts,exacerbatedthe disidealsof(masculine)
and thede
betweentheaspired-to
crepancy
soldiering
a
He
of
soldier.
factoexperience being
explained:
Thatis alsowhatis unfair.
Our superiors
saythattheyarefair- thatitis equality.
Buttheyare not.Theygivethewomenall thegoodjobs. Theyare theoneswho
who get to learn
get training.
They are the ones who getjobs as secretaries,
72
MARIA
ERIKSSON
BAAZ AND MARIA
STERN
Ifyoulookattheadministrative
jobs- itis onlywomen!It is notfair.If
typing.
theywantequality,theyshouldgetequality.Then theyshouldbe at thefront

likewe do. Butifyoulookthere,therearealmostno women.Very,very
fighting
few.(Malecorporal,
23years)
Anothersoldieremphasisedhis dashed hopes thatthe Armywould

In theend,he was left
foreducationand training.
providean opportunity
with'ruin',with'nothing':
had
thatmymother
diedwhenI wasonlyinthe... fifth
Myfather
grade.After
no possibilities
topayformyschoolfeesanymoreso I hadtostop.Alsonoone
noneofmyuncleswanted
tosupport
so I could
elseinthefamily,
myeducation
a
friend
ofthe
notgotoschool.I didn't
knowwhattodo.Thensomebody
came,
I
is
the
That
the
not
like
one
and
said
that
could
Army
family,
maybe
join Army.
I
... Buthewaswrong.
thinks.
Thatitisgood.Thatyoucangeteducation
there.
SinceI startedeverything
have notreceivedanything.
is ruined.Before,before,
It hasbeendestroyed
theytellmeitwaslikethat.Butnow.Thereis nothing.
28
ebebi].
(Malecorporal, years)
[makambu
betweena senseofhow soldiering
Here we can see howthediscrepancy
'shouldbe', and thewayit 'is', becamea nodalpointin thesesoldiers'
narratives.
This discrepancy
offered
thesoldiersan underlying
rationale
fortheprevalenceofviolence.
Beforewe turnto thewaysin whichthe soldiersmake senseof the
lingera bitmoreon another
widespreadviolence,however,we willfirst
soldiers
saw
their
'real'
how
the
identity,
namely,a soldier's
aspectof
adherenceto orderand discipline.
Order
anddiscipline
oftherespondents
The idealto whichthemajority
their
aspiredreflected
notionoftheuniversalsoldier,thesoldierwho is well-trained
alongthe
code.Beinga soldier,
dictatesofthemilitary
aboveall,entailed
seemingly,
and
with
the
hierarchical
complying
organisational
being disciplined
ofthemilitary.
structure
Hence,as discussedabove,despitefamiliar
gatein
of
as
a
for
macho
the
men
the
context
of
the
keeping
military space
threatof 'feminisation',
'masculine'
stereotypically
qualities
tough-guy
were oftendownplayedeven when we specifically
asked about them.
of dominantdisIndeed,in contrastto thestereotypical
representations
coursesoftheAfricansoldier,thesoldiersinterviewed
order,
emphasised
the ideal
discipline,dignity,respectand humilitywhen articulating
of being a 'good soldier'. These lauded qualitiessuggesta
characteristics
kind of ideal masculinityotherthan the 'beef and brawn' ideal discussed
above. The followinginterchange,for example, indicates the ways in
MAKING
SENSE
OF VIOLENCE
IN THE
CONGO
73
which many of the soldiersviewed the relativeimportanceof qualities

needed to be a 'good soldier':
A: A good soldieris somebodywhoknowsdiscipline,
Malecorporal
someonewho
knowsReiglement
Militaireand whocan takeorders.You cannotbe proud[okoki
te].You have to have respectand knowhow to humbleyourself
kozalalolendo
[mikitisa].
Maria:Whatelseis needed?Don't youhaveto be strong?Or havecourage?
Malecorporal
A: Well,youhavetobe apt,physically
is
apt,butthemostimportant
to
know
how
to
follow
orders.
a
That
is
what
makes
soldier.
Not
discipline,
good
te].
beingproud[kozalalolendo
The soldiers' depiction of theirrole as one guided by disciplineand
orderwas oftenformulatedin oppositionto thecivilianOther as signifying
disorder,disrespect,cowardiceand lack ofdiscipline.As this(male) soldier
explained:
The difference
betweena civilianand a soldieris thatwe followorders/rules
I getup at 5 in themorning,
and go to work.I do
[mibeko].
puton myuniform
not go to workbecause theywillgiveme I,ooo FC [US$2] at the end of the
day.I go withbothmyjoys and mysorrowsand I willsiton guarduntil14:oo
or untilthe superiorstellme it is enough,I can go back home.But a civilian
could not do that.If you tella civilianto sitguardlikewe do he wouldstart:
'Ahh, I have to go to the market'or 'I have to go to Kintambo[an area in
thatmake
Kinshasa]to look forsomebody.'For me it is the orders[mibeko]
me sitthere,therules.The civiliansdo notknowhow to followorders.We sit
as a resultoftheordersofthesuperiors.
Civilianswouldnotcope,in thatcase
him
would
have
to
hold
force
[kanga
(Male corporal,30
you
by
ye na makast].
years)
The soldiersalso highlightedtheirdepictionofsoldieringas it shouldbe
(in contrastto what it currentlywas) throughtheirexplanationsof why/
how theyjoined the armedforces.As notedabove, veryfewsoldiersstated
thattheyjoined thearmyas a firstchoice. However,in thefewcases where
the soldiers said that theyjoined activelyand voluntarily,they tended
to also emphasise dignityand order as the compellingvalues to which
theyaspired,and as the realqualitiesof the armed forces.As one (female)
sergeantexplained:
Forme itwas myownchoice[tojoin theArmy].Whenthe'gardecivile'started,
WhatI likedaboutthemwas thewaytheydressed
theywerewearinguniforms.
and
the
[elateli
ya bango],
[etamboli
way theywalked/marched
ya bango].The
it
a
is
a
bad
but
when
Theysay [being military]
dignity.
job,
Ijoined I realiseditis
nota badjob, itis a goodjob. It givesyoua goodeducation.Beforewe wereoften
in the city,we just likedto have funall thetime[loyenge]
all thetime,we had
no order.But afterI joined all thatwas changed,thenyou have to followthe
rules[RiglementMilitaire].It has changedus in manyways.Ifyouare
military
74
MARIA
ERIKSSON
BAAZ AND MARIA
STERN
in a bad waythemilitary
ruleswillgetyou [kanga
[kotambola]
walking/behaving
itwillgetyou.That is whatwe likeaboutit: its
yo].Ifyouare doingbad things,
it.
havedestroyed
itsorder.It is verynice,butnowoursuperiors
clearness,
This soldierdistinguishedbetween the 'real' way of being a soldierpromised by the RM (education,dignity,clarity,order),and theway she was
beforeshe was a soldier(frivolous,disordered,behavingpoorly),as well
as the implied end to disorderand the 'doing of bad things'because of
poor leadership.The soldiers'textstellus thatthemilitaryruleshave been
desecratedby the 'superiors'.In theseaccounts,themilitaryshouldserveas
masculine coded) ordered,dignifiedforce,ratherthan
a (stereotypically
femininecoded) unruliness.The values promised
site
of
a
(stereotypically
by a dignified,correctmoral code resonatemuch more witha notion of
the modernuniversal(ised)'army man' than withthe 'tough guy' macho
ideal discussedabove, or the vengefulcombatantdescribedin the media
citationswhich opened thisarticle.
When asked what it meant to be disciplined,the soldiersemphasised
being able to followorders- the ordersof superiors,as well as the RM.
Accordingto theirtexts,followingRM meantbeing a protector- not only
of thenation,but also ofitspeople and theirassets.22The honourablerole
of protector(one which arguablyfitsin with the gendered storyabout
warringnoted above) however,thetextstellus, was not seen as recognised
and valued by civilians,and was underminedby poor leadership.Instead
of respectingand valuingits clear and distinctrole in society,the civilian
populationridiculedand also fearedthe armed forces.
You know,they[thecivilians]do not understand.
They no longerrespectus.
They see us as uselesspeople [batuya pamba].Because, thesedays we have
We are theoneswhohaveto cometo themtobegforfood.Theylaugh
nothing.
and refuseus a seatat thebus- call us 'fauxtite'.23It didn'tuse to be likethat.
Before.... Of coursetheyalsofearus becauseofsomeofthebad things
peoplein
whatwe
do. It is bad. So theyfearus. Butalso,theydon'tunderstand
uniforms
to protectthenation
and suffering
forthecountry,
are doing.We are fighting
and themand theirthings[bilokoya
batu].Manydie,and many,manyget
[ekolo]
injured.But nobodycaresforthem.Not theArmyand notthecivilians.They
[theinjured]go beggingin the streets.Really,it is not fair.(Male sergeant,
29 years)
Like thissoldier,many conveyedthe idea that the civilianpopulation
misunderstoodthem,saw them as 'useless', and failedto recognisetheir
'true' role in society.'People in uniforms'do bad things,whichcreatefear
The soldierssometimesuse the concept 'people in
and misunderstanding.
uniform'to referto themselves.However, it is mostlyused to separate
themselvesfrom'falsemilitaries',and to pointto thefactthatsome crimes
committedby 'people in uniform'are not committedby soldiers,but by
MAKING
SENSE
OF VIOLENCE
IN THE
CONGO
75
uniforms
and weapons(whichare easy
civiliansequippedwithmilitary
to gettodayin manypartsof thecountry).
The soldiersthusportrayed
relationsas beingskewed,notas they'shouldbe'. The
civilian-military
thecontextin whichthey
that
theypaintis decidedlyoff-kilter;
picture
findthemselves
does notallowthemto fulfil
theirproperrolesin society
and followRM withdignity,
and tobe 'good soldiers'whoare disciplined
and commandrespectfromthosewhomtheyultimately
serve.
This sensethatthingsare not 'as theyshouldbe' can be read in the
emphasisedwhattheywerenot
waysin whichthe soldierscontinuously
to
do.
'deviant'
behaviour,
and,
Byarticulating
theyreinforced
supposed
produced,theidealofthe'norm'- a normwithwhichthey
importantly,
ofrape,for
to accountsofinstances
are unableto comply.Whenreferring
either
or
concluded
with
'it
is
started
example,they
saying wrong'or 'it is
forbidden
accordingto RM'. As thissoldierexplained:
forussoldiers.
Inthecentres
Itisforbidden
tellusthat,
we
they
Rapeisforbidden.
and
we
can
not
take
other
can nottakeotherpeople'sthings[biloko
ya batu]
itsaysthatif
... AlsointheReglement
Militaire
people'swomen[basiyabatu]24
if
a
a
time
there
isno
have
have
not
been
with
woman
for
and
needs,
you
long
you
totakeother
usethesoap[masturbate].
Wearenotsupposed
woman,
youshould
Thatisbad.(Malesub-lieutenant,
batu].
25years)
people'swomen[basiya
The soldiersexplainedthatdiscipline
notonlysignified
thecapacityto
followorders,but being a good protector,
who does not take 'other
orwomen'.Giventhelevelofhumanrights
violations
that
people'sthings
soldierscommitagainstthe civilianpopulation(whichoftenincluded
physicaland sexualviolence),as wellas themanyaccountsby eventhe
to thiseffect,
the soldiers'emphasison discipline
soldiersthemselves
theirattention
to the'deviance'of
somewhat
However,
appears
strange.
theseacts upsetsfamiliarnotionsof Congolesesoldiersas intrinsically
- as running
and disorderly
amokin a maelstrom
especially
undisciplined
this
ofchaoticand bestialviolence.We further
develop pointbelow.
MAKING
SENSE
OF VIOLENCE
The soldiersmade senseof the prevalenceof violencein severalinterrelatedways,none of which reflectedan expressionof 'natural' (if
hatredand vengefulness
forthe enemy,or
dormant)violenttendencies,
or ideotheprotection
of a national/ethnic
group,religiouscommunity
as
to
the
view.
themes
central
soldiers'
accounts:
Different
logical
emerged
mostnotably,povertyand suffering
as impetusforenactmentsofviolence.
as
a
violence
result
eitherof a more explicitlivelihood
They explained
and frustration
strategyor, more indirectly,as an expressionof suffering
76
MARIA
ERIKSSON
BAAZ AND MARIA
STERN
related to povertyand neglect.The general 'craziness of war' was also

a theme that emerged in the interviews.Additionally,as we saw above,
a generallydysfunctionalsecuritysector riddled with poor leadership
createdcircumstancesin whichorderand disciplinewere undermined.In
the followingparagraphs,we explore thesethemesin the hopes of better
understandinghow the soldiersmake sense of theirown participationin
violence.
Perhaps mostimportantly,
povertyand lack of supportand the ensuing
loomed large in theirstoriesin general,and also in termsof
frustrations
economic/
explainingviolence. According to the soldiers,theirdifficult
social situationand the lack of supportwere connectedto the committing
As seen above, the
ofhuman rightsviolations,bothdirectlyand indirectly.
soldiersarticulatedclearlyhow theyshouldbe and whattheyshoulddo by
definingactions thatgo againstRM. Similarly,theyalso articulatedwhy
theydo not alwayslive up to theseideals. A formerchild soldier(kadogo),
now 21 yearsold, expressedhimselfas follows:
As we said above,a good soldieris a soldierwho followsReglementMilitaire,
who has discipline
and obeysit.Buthowcan we do a goodjob whenwe do not
Here [inKinshasa]we arehungry
and at thefront
haveanything.
we arehungry.
We don'tgetanything.
totheruleswe aresupposed
Theycheatus. ... According
to getrations,food,medicalcare,but now thereis nothing.I willtellyou one
so thatyouunderstand
oursituation.
A fewmonths
thingso thatyouunderstand,
togive
ago I had toburymyson.WhydidI havetodo that?Becausetheyrefused
me medicine.He had diarrhoeaand fever- manydays.I keptgoingto my
to getthemoney[formedicalcare] whichI am entitledto
superiorseveryday
to
the
rules.
But everyday,
Then
theysaid, come back tomorrow.
according
he died. I had no moneyto buryhim and thatis also something
theArmyis
supposedto pay for.So we puthimin themorgue.I askedagainformoneyso
thatwe could bury[him],but onlytomorrowand tomorrow
and tomorrow.
Nothing.He was threeweeksin themorgue,and I had no moneyto gethimout
I made a illegal/informal
and buryhim.Eventually
with
deal [nasalaki
copmoko]
somepeople- withguns.I gotsomemoneyand therestI borrowed.
AndI buried
? Theyall cheatus. Our superiors
myson.So tellme,howcan we be disciplined
cheatus. We die and our childrendie. Theysendtheirchildrento Europe,but
ourchildrendie.
ofthe
Many soldiershad similarstoriesto tell.Hunger and thesuffering
childrenand the familyplayed a centralrole in explainingthe lack of
discipline and in particular 'illegal taxation', theft,fraud, selling of
weapons and uniformsetc. Hence, the soldiersexplained that breaking
RM by stealingor collectingillegal taxes became essentialin order to
provide food and other necessitiesfor oneselfand one's family.These
accounts often featured a deep-seated feeling of neglect, as well as
frustrationand dissatisfactionwith superiors. It is the neglect of the
MAKING
SENSE
OF VIOLENCE
IN THE
CONGO
77
superiors,theyexplained,theirgreed,which destroysthe army/discipline

and which forces them to act in ways that are ultimatelyforeignto
both theArmyand to theirown sense of self.One soldierdescribedhow,
ultimately,there were no 'bad soldiers', only 'bad superiors', whose
'rottenness'infectedthe (true)health of the armyas a whole:
Thereare no bad soldiers.
It is ourleaders/superiors
thatarebad. They
[mikonzz]
don'tcareaboutus. We don'tgetanything,
no food,no training.
... insteadthey
to schoolin Europe.I evenboughtthisuniform,
theone that
sendtheirchildren
I wear,withmyownmoney!Theyarebad. Andifthereis one rottenorangeina
sac
bag, it willmake all orangesin the sack rot [sokililalamokoepoli,ekopolisa
mobimba].
23 years)
(Male sergeant,
Furthermore,human rightsviolations,especiallysexual violence,were
also rationalisedas somehowreducibleto an indirectresultofpoverty(see
ErikssonBaaz & Sterndraftms. a). Povertyand generalisedneglect,they
explained, lead to violence, not only because theywere forcedto act in
waysthatgoes againstRM in orderto make ends meet,but also because of
and anger. In this sense a seeminglycohesive
the resultingfrustration
narrativeof cause and effectwas woven. In the followingexchange we
can see how two of the soldiersconnected povertyto neglect,suffering,
frustration,
stealing,sabotage, rape, killingand injustice.Furthermore,
this account also evoked a sense of being somehow out of control (and
thereforenot accountable) forthe acts one commits.
Male corporal
A.: We soldierscommitrape,whydo we commitrapes?Poverty/
And I
suffering
[pasz].Whenwe are notpaid,or notpaid at all. We are hungry.
havea gun.In myhousemywifedoes notloveme anymore[mwasi
alingaka
ngai
lisusute].I also havea wishto havea goodlifelikeyou [nakoma
bienlokolayo].
Maria:Butthatis a different
thing,no? I askedaboutrape,notstealing[vol/viol].
Male corporal
I understand.
I am getting
A: I understand,
to it.I am notfinished
itis all in that
yet.Rape,whatis that?It is connectedto all that- stealing,
killing,
nionso
na
cadre
[ezali
wana].
thenor what?
Maria:So, itis anger[kanda]
Male corporal
A: Yes, it is anger [kanda],it is creating,the suffering
[pasz]is
bad, you mix it all: sabotage,
creating... You feelyou have to do something
women,stealing,
riptheclothesoff,killing.
Malecorporal
B: You havesexand thenyoukillher,iftheangeris too strong[soki
kandaeleki,
obomiye].
MalecorporalA:
It is suffering
IfI wakeup in
[pasz]whichmakesus rape.Suffering.
themorningand I am fine,I have something
to eat,mywifelovesme [mwasi
willI thendo thingslikethat?No. Butnow,todaywe are hungry,
alingaka
ngaz],
I was hungry,
I willbe hungry.
tomorrow
yesterday
They,theleaders/superiors
We
are cheatingus.
don'thaveanything.
[bamikonzi]
Additionally,commentssuch as 'my wifedoes not love me anymore'
(which recurredoftenin the male soldiers' texts)reflectother ways in
78
MARIA
ERIKSSON
BAAZ AND MARIA
STERN
which the soldiersmake sense of the mix of poverty,suffering,

frustration
and violence- wayswhichspillover intotheirrole as 'men' in the civilian
and private spheres. Such unrequitedlove was explained as a resultof
theirdifficult
livingconditionswhichmade it impossibleforthemto fulfil
theirsupposed role as 'the head and providerof the family'.The soldiers
maintainedthat,forthisreason,'theirwivesdo not love them
recurrently
anymore'. Moreover,theyarticulateda fearthattheirwomen/wivessee
othermen in order to make ends meet. These accounts of suspicionand
of 'not being able to be a real man and providerof the family'
frustration
and (as they put it) 'keep the woman faithful'oftenfeatureda quite
negativeand sexualisedimage ofwomen. Women were here portrayedas
unreliable and opportunistic.If a woman sees that other betteropportunitiespresentthemselves,she will 'leave you, cheat on you or, if she
is a fellowsoldier,betrayyou to the enemy'.25
Here we see the way different
genderdiscoursesintermeshin the ways
that soldiers make sense of, and constructrationalisationsfor, acts of
violence. Surprisingly,
many of the female soldiers'textsmirroredthese
views of (other)women, attestingto the prevalenceof a particularlysexist
'masculinisation' of the militaryspace as one such gender discourse- a
masculinisationwhichincludesthefemalesoldierswho dwellin thisspace.
One femaleofficerexplained as follows:
If (a male soldier)likesa women(he)givesher,heriooo FC [US$2].Justlookat
the Zimbabweanswhentheywerehere,all thewomenwerefollowing
them,
because theyhave money- dollars.So, the way our soldiersare raping,it is
becauseoflackofmoney.Maybehe hasnotbeenwitha womanfor3 to4 months
and has no moneyon hispockets.Whatis he supposedto do? (Femaleofficer,
major)
'The spiritand crazinessofwar' and the use ofdrugsprovidedanother

explanation for the violence committedagainst the civilianpopulation.
One soldierdescribedthe effectsofwar in the followingway:
War is crazy, it destroysthe minds of people [ezali kobebisamitu
ya bato].Some
thebad
liboma].
Rape is a resultofthattoo,especially
peoplejustgo crazy[bakomi
If
much
a
lot
is
of
take
too
...
because
It
Also,
drugs. you
drugs,
rapes.26 gets
- itisnotgood.Andmany,many... mosttakedrugs.(Male
orotherthings
drink,
captain, 41 years)
This explanation resonateswith more generalisednotions of warfare

and the psychological trauma that afflictmany soldiers in diverse
This soldierseems to implythatviolence,rape, etc. becomes
situations.27
an outletforthe 'spirit' of war, alluding to how warringis an unnatural
and extremestatewhichprecipitates'going crazy' and 'bad rapes'. The
reasons for the violence, he tells us, lie outside the soldiers' 'normal'
MAKING
SENSE
OF VIOLENCE
IN THE
CONGO
79
character;instead,violence is induced by drugsand the crazinessofwar,

which 'destroys'the otherwisehealthy'minds of people'.
Widespreadimpunityprovidesa thirdexplanationforviolentacts in the
soldiers' texts.28The respondentsunderscoredthat ending the violence
which theyand theircolleagues commitcould only be achieved through
adequate 'punishment' forcrimescommitted.They linked the need for
punishmentto the overarchingneed for order, trainingand improved
conditions described above. Indeed, they recurrentlyrecommended
introducingseverepunishments,preferablyinvolvingpublic humiliation.
Two soldiersexplained as follows:
Male sergeant
A: To diminish[rapes]you need punishments,
it has to be severe
... and publictrials.Ifa soldierat Zeta [military
punishments
campin Kinshasa]
rapesa woman,he shouldbejudgedthere.Theyshouldexpelhimfromthearmy
himaway]and
there,takeoffhisuniform,
puthimin thecar [whichtransports
shouldbe thereto watch.
everybody
B: That willgivea lessonto all thepeoplethatare thereto watch
Male sergeant
him.
A: Yes, ithas to be publictrials:'todayit is thetrialofcorporalX'
Malesergeant
[theyshouldsay to him] 'Do you knowthatyou took somebody'swoman
?' 'Yes, my commander,I know'
withforce[ozwakimwasi
ya batuna makast]
inthelaw?' 'Yes, I know.''Ok,
[heanswers].'Do youknowthatthisis forbidden
we willgiveyouthedeathpenalty.'
Maria:Butthatis too muchmaybe?
A: [Laughing]It isjustan example.Even50 or5 years.His wifewill
Malesergeant
willstarttocry:'ahh,Papa'. Then,theotherpeoplewho
starttocry,hischildren
willunderstand,
arewatching
theywillstarttobe afraid:'ahh, so thatis theway
it is'.
B: But thepunishment
also has to be severe,even 20 years.Then
Male sergeant
will
fear
it.
people
The soldiers'emphasison thepotentiallydeterringinfluenceof a severe
punishmentsystemforrapes can be read as a call fora methodto re-instil
'law and order', as well as restorethe 'minds ofthepeople' thatthelack of
disciplineand 'spiritof war' have destroyed.The soldierwho does not
complywiththenotionofa 'good soldier',decreed throughlaw, as well as
designatedthroughthediscoursesofsolderingreflectedin theirnarratives,
must be 'expelled' - literally-out of militaryspace. In this sense, the
soldierwould be returnedto his previousstatusas 'civilian'. The dividing
lines betweenthe militaryspace as one of law and order,and the (feminised) civilianspace in whichpeople 'do not know how to followrulesand
orders',were thusreinscribed.
Through expelling the dangerous, even infectious,elements which
'rot the rest of the oranges', the 'true' identityof the militarycould
80
MARIA
ERIKSSON
BAAZ AND MARIA
STERN
be re-established
The exampleof deviance
and re-produced.
seemingly
thesalienceofthe 'norm'. Furthermore,
re-established
similarmechanismswould come intoplay in the private,civiliansphere:the cast-out
In this
soldieralsobecamedeviantin relationtohispositioninthefamily.
in
the
soldiers
tell
extreme
the
form
of
exsense,
us,
measures,
deterring
theCongolesesoldier(hereunderstood
to
amples,wereneededto return
be male),and thesoldieras exemplarofthe Congoleseman/husband/
to a formofnormality
thathad been disfigured
father,
by bothwarring
and bypoverty
and suffering.
In theaboveparagraphs,
we haveshownhowthesoldier'sinterview
texts
in
the
dominant
of
soldiers
and
combatants
the
challenge
representation
DRC. Althoughtheyalso reproducegendereddiscoursespositingthe
embracediscistrong,bravesoldieras masculine,theyoverwhelmingly
and
order
education.
refute
thenotion
Moreover,they
pline,rationality,
of a soldierwho is fuelledby violenceand ethnichatred,and who uncommitsviolentacts. The aspired-to,celebratedsoldier,
controllably
theirtextstellsus,is notthestrong,
buta soldier
tough,merciless
fighter,
who followsordersand even'sitsbehinda desk'.Clearly,soldiersin the
FARDC laud the military
code in similarways thatsoldiersin other
in
militaries
both
Africa
and globally.Indeed,theyofferreasonsfor
do,
joining the armed forceswhichresonatewith the values commonly
understoodas belongingto rationalenlightened
economic
modernity:
and educationalopportunity,
as wellas themuchlessprevalent
discourse
the
macho
films.
soldier
of
Western
reproducing
When examinedtogether,the (sometimesseeminglycontradictory)
as soldiersand theirown
waysthatsoldiersmakesenseoftheiridentities
in violenceemphasisedistinctions
betweenidealisednotions
participation
and thecircumstances
ofsoldiering
thathinderthemfromrealising
their
ideals.In theirattempts
to arriveat cohesivenarratives,
theydistinguish
betweenthe'normal'and the'deviant',and offer
as towhy
explanations
the normalhad becomedeviant.Indeed,in the above paragraphs,
we
haveshownhowthesoldiers'different
and
notionsof'normal'
'deviant'
aboutCongolesesoldiers
upsetand complicatethedominantdiscourses
and combatants
whichsetthestageforthewriting
of thisarticle.29
For
instead
of
violent
as
instance,
accepting
qualities 'normal',the soldiers
explain why the normal becomes deviant under certain circumstances,
most of which are familiarin other contextsof armed conflictwhere
soldierscommitacts ofviolence.In contrastto whatis oftenassumed,they
MAKING
SENSE
OF VIOLENCE
IN THE
CONGO
81
make sense of such unfortunate

and undesirableviolence as the 'result' of
and
and
not as theaccepted naturalstate.In this
suffering poor leadership,
sense, the soldiersneithercelebrateviolence nor do theyrepresentit as
centralin theirconstructionsof an idealised notion of soldiering.They
convey instead that violence occurs when theyare unable to adequately
residein the subjectpositionsallottedthemin the dominantdiscoursesof
soldiering.
Additionally,the soldiers' testimoniesinvite furtheranalyses of how
discoursesof violence are reproduced: 'undesirable' acts of violence are
facilitatedby the productionof 'desirable' acts of violence- and the subjects who are supposed to committheseacts - withinmilitaryinstitutions
and discourses of militarisation.These subject positions,however, are
impossible,leavingthesubjectswho are to be 'hailed' intothesediscourses
with little room for manoeuvre (Hall 1996). Distinctionsbetween the
desirable and undesirableblur, as violence and dehumanisationbecome
the norm.
Furthermore,listeningcarefullyto the accounts of those who commit
acts of violence complicates simplisticdistinctionsbetween victim and
and complex
perpetrator('villain' and 'sufferer'),by revealingthe shifting
web of power relationsand the seemingvortexof violence in the DRC
(cf. Moser & Clark 2001). The soldiers' account tells us that this dire
contextof violence simultaneouslyproduces both 'villains' and 'victims',
turningviolentperpetratorsintovictimsofboth theviolence theycommit
and thepower relationswhichoccasion theirsuffering.
The waysin which
theirtextsforcea blurringof these distinctionshelps humanise simplistic
portrayalsof the (masculine)violentCongolese warrioras bestialand the
violence he/she commitsas somehow 'natural'.
Hence, consideringthewaysin whichsoldiers(and often'perpetrators')
understand themselvesand the violence they commit provides a vital
context for understandingthe seemingly endless ripples of violence
in the Congolese context. While in no way condoning or excusing
violent acts, or reducing the complicated mechanisms of gendered
violence intermeshedwithmechanismof militarisation
and warfaremore
to
the
the
soldiers
themselves,such
generally
'explanations' given by
accounts are vital forachievinga more full-bodiedunderstandingof the
way violence is perceived and experienced also by those who are its
perpetrators.
In sum,in challengingdominantrepresentations
ofsoldiersand warring
in the DRC by paying close attentionto the voices of the 'perpetrators'
themselves,we hope to invitefurther
inquiryintothe particulardiscursive
as well as materialcircumstancesof the armed conflictin the DRC, so as
82
MARIA ERIKSSON
BAAZ AND MARIA STERN
contextin which 'people in

to betterredressthe complexand interrelated
uniforms'do terriblethings.
NOTES
in theIturi,whichlater
ofrumours
ofcannibalism
analysisoftheemergence
I. For an interesting
in theinitialpresscitations)
see
in Westernpress(as exemplified
came to receivea lot of attention
driven
as a 'politically
ofall be understood
Pottier2007.As Pottierargues,theserumoursmustfirst
violenceand suffering'.
metaphorofextreme
frommanydifferent
Brett&
collection
ofchildsoldiers'narratives
2. In theirfascinating
contexts,
also bringvoicesofchildsoldiersin theDRC to thefore.
Specht(2o004)
(1996)as
1998,forsimilarpoints.Huntington
3. See also Broch-Due2005,Keen 2004,Nordstrom
wellas Kaldor(1999)can be seenas lendingpurchaseto thenotionofmodernwarfarein Africaas
or a 'blackhole'.
and backwardlooking,
'primitive'
2006; Fresard& Munoz-Rojas2004;
4. See,forexample,Apter1997;Broch-Due2005;Kassimeris
ofanalysisofrapein warsee,forexample,Card 1996; Goldstein2001;
Staub 1992.For an overview
Horwood2007;Hynes2004;Niarchos1995,Seifert
1996;Vikman2005.Sexualisedviolencehasbeen
in theDRC. In thisarticlewe do notspecifiaspectoftheconflict
perhapsthemostwidelyreported
as a crucial
sexualviolencefigures
callyfocuson thesoldiers'accountsofsexualviolence;nonetheless
in thesoldiers'testimonies
as theyare
reflected
on violence,and is therefore
aspectoftheirnarratives
recountedhere.However,we deemedthattheissueofsexualisedviolenceas an aspectofwarring
in a
and havetherefore
moreextensive
warranted
treatment,
exploredthissubjectmoreextensively
Baaz & Sterndraftms.a).
separatearticle(Eriksson
see Broch-Due2005,as wellas fora more
ofinterview
textsas narrative,
discussion
5. Fora further
Sternand True 2006; Stern2005.
Ackerly,
generaloverview,
forabout40 % ofthesexualviolence(23 % wascommitted
6. FARDC wasresponsible
bythePolice
Forceand 37% bymilitiagroupsand others)(MONUC 8.02.2007).
in total171soldiers/officers.
involving
7. 41 groupinterviews,
8. Womenhavebeen in theArmedForcesin theDRC since1966(longerthatin mostplacesin
in militiagroupsduringthewar.
Europe),and womenalsoparticipated
wereconductedas an integral
partofa largerresearchprojecton genderdis9. The interviews
in theDRC Congo and Mozambique,fundedby theSwedishInternational
coursesin themilitary
Development
CooperationAgency(Sida-Sarec).
who in mostinstanceshad been ordered
ofthelatteris also thatthesoldiers,
io. One reflection
oftenhad no clue whatsoever
locationfortheinterview,
to be at thespecific
whythey
by superiors
the soldiersof thepurposeof thesessionwith
werethere.Hence, ratherthansuperiors
informing
instructions
ofwhatto sayand whatnot,thesoldiersknewnothing.
in interview
see Ackerly,
on theco-construction
ofnarratives
discussion
situations,
Ii. For further
Stern& True 2006.
in thevast
12. The meddlingofUganda and Rwandain theDRC is explainedby theirinterest
oftheDRC (cf.HRW 2005;UNSC 2002).The April2002ReportoftheUN Panel
naturalresources
of
thenaturalresources
ofExpertsshowshowbothcountieshavebenefited
substantially
byexploiting
theDRC.
plan, the processesof DDR and Military
13. Accordingto the DRC nationalDDR strategy
- for
commun
a combinedcore- tronc
shouldbe carriedoutin an interrelated
way,through
Integration
whether
The combinedcoremeansthatall fighters,
thetwoprogrammes.
theyare to entertheDDR
whichinvolves
intothenew army,shouldfollowthesameprocedures,
or be recruited
programme
intotheunified
identification
offighters,
disarmament,
leadingto theirintegration
awareness-raising,
intocivilianlife.
armyFARDC or reintegration
theillegal
came fromlegitimating
themeaningof la dibrouillardise
['do ityourself']
14. Originally
afterthesecessionofthestateofSouthKasai in theI960s.Since
practiceofartisandiamonddigging
to be Article15 of the
thestatelackeda budget,itsleader,AlbertKalondji,decreeddibrouillez-vous
oftheLuba-Kasai,including
MIBA territory,
thusliberalising
thediamond
constitution
oftheterritory
& Bazenguissa-Ganga
was subsequently
2002).This simpleorderdibrouillez-vous
industry
(MacGaffey
givento the wholenationby PresidentMobutu,and has sincebecomeassociatedwithall illegal
activities:corruption,
embezzlement
and so on (cf.de Villers2002; MacGaffey
theft,
smuggling,
MAKING
SENSE
OF VIOLENCE
IN THE
CONGO
83
& Bazenguissa-Ganga
Lemarchand(2002) describesla
2002). While perhapsa bit exaggerated,
dibrouillardise
as a system
of:'hustling
andpeddling,
and dealing... swappingand smuggling,
wheeling
in shortmakingthemostofwhatever
and stealing,
and facilitating,
opportunities
brokering
trafficking
ariseto avoidstarvation'.
the
is toclosewithand destroy
thegoaland objectiveofthemilitary
15. 'The purpose,themission,
tokillpeopleandblowup stuff.
You don'thavetolikethat,but
enemy.We wantandneedourmilitary
to do that.That
untilYOU wantto pickup a rifleand standa post,youwantand needthemilitary
hardcharging,
machines.Machinesmore
meansyouneedarrogant,
moreballsthanbrains,fighting
focusedon kickingbuttand takingnamesthanany politically
correct,outcome-based,
sensitivity
trainedratexcrement'
(Metcalf1999).
ofthisliterature.
16. See Stern& Nystrand
2006,foran overview
'Le
mantraamongFAZ and FADRC. In thedocumentary
17. Thesewordsseemtobe themilitary
whotook
cycledu serpent',GeneralMaheleusestheexactsamephraseto upbraidtheFAZ elements
partin the1991'pillages'(Gondola,personalcorrespondence).
in thepopularcultureofKinois,theMONUC was nicknamed
18. Interestingly,
'Monique', not
just becauseKinoiscan't pronouncethe 'U' in MONUC, but because theMONUC forceswere
to be ineffective
and weak(Gondola,personalcorrespondence).
thought
19. See forexample,Reardon1993,Rehn& Sirleaf2002,UNIFEM 2004.
Baaz & Sterndraftms.b).
20. We developthispointelsewhere
(Eriksson
Westernmovies(in particularHollywoodproduced)have
21. Since the time of colonialism,
and genderedidentities
to theshapingofurban(butincreasingly
also rural)experiences
contributed
in terms
thisinfluence
cannotbe understood
(see Gondola 2007).However,as in othercontexts,
and reinvention
but hybridisation
ofWesternisation,
(Bhabha 1994; Gondola 2007; Pieterse1995)- sometimesinto a vehicle of resistance,
and transformed
The movies are re-appropriated
in the
as has happenedwiththe cowboymoviesintroducedby the Belgiancolonialauthority
was deemedsuitableto the natives''primitive
1940S(Gondola2007).This genre,whichironically
minds'and introduced
as a way to 'pacify'them,was reappropriated
by urbanmaleyouth- selfnamedthebills(fromBuffaloBill).The genrecame to frametheirviolentcritiqueof the colonial
system
(ibid.).
to notethattheterm'gardecivil'has becomean oxymoronic
22. It is interesting
term,especially
failedto provide
forthecivilians,
thekindofprotection
thattheynonetheless
suggesting
ironically
civilians
underMobutuand Kabila.
on
soldiersalso have freetransport
23. Accordingto therules,government
employeesincluding
as 'fauxtite',
tothesoldiers,
theyareoftendeniedthisrightand/orridiculed
privatebuses.According
henceas somebodywhodoesnotpay/asa 'lost' income.
an idea thata
as reflecting
24. The expression
'somebody'swoman' couldeasilybe interpreted
is alsousedinrelation
tomenwomanbelongstoa man,husbandorfather.
However,theexpression
batuand childrenmwanayabatu.It is evenused in relationto material
'somebody'smen' mobaliya
an idea thatwomenspecifically
batu.Hence,ratherthansignifying
'belongtopeople/
objectsbilokoya
an idea thatpeopleand materialobjectsthatbelongtopeoplehavetobe respected.
men',itexpresses
forexamplechildrenabandonedby their
It shouldalso be notedthatpeoplewho have no family,
batu.
to as mwanaya
parents,stillare referred
thesefrustrations
25. Whilesexualviolencesurelycannotbe reducedto beinga resultofpoverty,
role(strongly
connectedto idealmasculinity),
mustbe
createdbythefailureto liveup to theprovider
to thehighlevelofviolenceand sexualviolence.See Eriksson
Baaz & Sterndraft
seenas contributing
ms.a.
kindsof rape. Primarily,
betweendifferent
26. The soldiersdifferentiated
theydistinguished
weretheresultofunfulfilled
sexualneeds,and 'bad'
between'normal'rapes,which,theyexplained,
or werecommitted
or 'evil' rapes.These 'bad' rapesofteninvolvedmutilations
againstchildren.
as a weaponofwarfare.
Forfurther
'bad' rapesarethosethatwereoftenusedexplicitly
Additionally,
see Eriksson
Baaz & Sterndraftms.a.
discussion
27. Experiencesof US soldiersin theVietnamwar provideperhapsthe mostexploredcase of
bothviolenceand thetrauma
how the'crazinessofwar' coupledwiththeuse ofdrugsperpetuates
associatedwithit.
in the Congo. During2006 some officers
and
therehas been totalimpunity
28. Untilrecently,
is stilltherule.
forsexualviolence.However,impunity
soldiersweresentenced,
particularly
to acknowledge,
29. In lightof this,it is important
yetstillstrongly
discourage,how the above
masculineviolencewhich
accountscouldalso be readto supportthenotionofsomesortofinherent
codes. One could argue,forexample,
military
requiresthe tightcontrolof modernuniversalised
84
MARIA
ERIKSSON
BAAZ AND MARIA
STERN
who emergesin theseaccountsecho thefamiliar

colonial
thattherepresentations
ofthesoldier-self
discourseoftheemotional
AfricanOtherunableto controlhisviolentimpulses.
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Making Sense of Violence: Voices of Soldiers in The Congo (DRC)

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Making Sense of Violence: Voices of Soldiers in The Congo (DRC)

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Making Sense of Violence: Voices of Soldiers in the Congo (DRC)

Author(s): Maria Eriksson Baaz and Maria Stern

Making sense of violence: voices

During the lastyearsthe DRC has made itselfknownin the worldforterribleacts

Armed militia groups in the Democratic Republic of the Congo kidnapped

BAAZ AND MARIA

SilvanoRuaro,an Italianpriestwhohas servedin Congofor33 years,once

theirvictims(see also Broch-Due2005: 33; Keen 2004: 3).1Moreover,

BAAZ AND MARIA

Most of the soldiers and officersinterviewedhad recent experience

BAAZ AND MARIA

Rather than merely repeating some kind of accommodated image of

The externaland internalcompetitionforCongo's vast naturalresources,

resultofthe directand indirectconsequencesofthe ongoingconflict(IGC

BAAZ AND MARIA

BAAZ AND MARIA

International2007). The contempt and instances of violence against

What mightit mean to be a good soldierin the Congo at thisjunctureof

of the military(Pin-Fat& Stern2005). This line of argumentis familiarto

Some oftheFARDC soldiersinterviewed

BAAZ AND MARIA

This respondentequated soldieringwith qualities that were considered

reasons echoed in discussionsabout the feminisation

Some femalesoldiers'desireto become 'strongfighters',

BAAZ AND MARIA

thecase amongthewomenwe interviewed).

BAAZ AND MARIA

theywantequality,theyshouldgetequality.Then theyshouldbe at thefront

Anothersoldieremphasisedhis dashed hopes thatthe Armywould

which many of the soldiersviewed the relativeimportanceof qualities

BAAZ AND MARIA

BAAZ AND MARIA

related to povertyand neglect.The general 'craziness of war' was also

superiors,theyexplained,theirgreed,which destroysthe army/discipline

BAAZ AND MARIA

which the soldiersmake sense of the mix of poverty,suffering,

'The spiritand crazinessofwar' and the use ofdrugsprovidedanother

This explanation resonateswith more generalisednotions of warfare

character;instead,violence is induced by drugsand the crazinessofwar,

BAAZ AND MARIA

make sense of such unfortunate

BAAZ AND MARIA STERN

contextin which 'people in

BAAZ AND MARIA

who emergesin theseaccountsecho thefamiliar

MAKING SENSE OF VIOLENCE

BAAZ AND MARIA

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