Violence from Below: Left Wing Guerilla Group: M-19 of Colombia

Written by:
Carlos Collazos, Melisa Yepes, Folake Amosu, and Daniela Campos
Professor: Astrid Arrars, CPO4057

Violence from Below: Left Wing Guerilla Group: M-19 of Colombia

Table of Contents

Carlos Collazos:
Introduction
1. Origins/ Historical Context
2. Actor/ Agent
Melisa Yepes:
3. Goals/ Ideology
4. Target
Folake Amosu:
5. Resources
6. Tactics
Daniela Campos:
7. Evolution
8. Outcomes

Introduction, Origins/ Historical Context, Actor/ Agent

Introduction: Movimiento 19 de Abril (M19) was a guerilla movement in Colombia and was
second largest to the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). It later became a
political party known as the Alianza Democrtica M-19 (AD/M-19) after demobilization. At
present, some of its members are still involved in Colombian politics.

During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the Liberal and Conservative parties
dominated Colombian politics (Leech). Ideological differences between these two parties
resulted in outbreaks of violence in the society. There was inequality in this society that was
made up of a minority of elites, large middle class, and majority of lower class peasants. In spite
of this inequality, there was economic growth in the country due to coffee being the main export
during the 1940s and 1950s and led to both industrialization and urbanization. Still, clashes
between the Conservatives and Liberals continued. On April 9, 1948, leading Liberal presidential
candidate Jorge Elicer Gaitn was assassinated in the capital city of Bogota. This resulted in a
popular uprising by the Liberal lower class. This occurrence sparked La Violencia Civil War,
which lasted through the late 1950s. La Violencia ended in 1958 with the implementation of a
power sharing agreement known as the National Front in which the two parties alternated fouryear terms (Leech). During the 1960s guerrilla groups emerged such as the Revolutionary
Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) which roots can be traced back to the peasant movements
during La Violencia period. Other guerilla groups that emerged were the National Liberation
Army (ELN) and Popular Army of Liberation (EPL) that were Cuban Revolution inspired and
supported movements responding to domestic political, social and economic conditions. In 1960,
Gustavo Rojas Pinilla helped form an independent political party known as the National Popular

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Alliance (ANAPO) (Perdomo). During the 1960s this political party rose in popularity and had
many supporters. Gustavo Rojas Pinilla ran as ANAPOs candidate during the presidential
election on April 19, 1970. During the election, Pinilla was taking the lead but ultimately denied
victory and lost to Misael Pastrana Borrero after a fraudulent count of votes (Perdomo). In
response to this electoral fraud, socialist members of ANAPO formed the Movimiento 19 de
Abril or M-19 guerrilla group in 1972. This guerrilla movement was made up of intellectuals
from urban areas and included women (Perdomo). The guerrilla commander was Carlos Pizarro
Leongmez who was later replaced by Antonio Navarro Wolff. Gustavo Petro was also an M-19
guerrilla member who later became a Congressman.

Goals/ Ideology, Targets

The revolutionary goal of the M-19 was to convince the Colombian population to begin a
Populist revolution against the bourgeois group and also to counterattack American
imperialism, especially in the economic intervention of the United States in Colombia. They
were not only interested in throwing a revolution but also they were careful with their actions so
that they were impressive and were able to show their capacity to make fun of the security of
certain institutions. The ideology of the M-19 Guerrilla movement was a combination of
revolutionary populism and socialism, which was encouraged by other South American
metropolitan Guerrilla groups such as the Montoneros in Argentina and the Tupamaros in
Uruguay (ISU). The M-19 ideology was also based on Marxist and Leninist ideas. Other
ideologies of the M-19 were the Foco theory and left-wing nationalism (ISU). The ideology of
the M-19 was no that radical as other military organizations, but in the contrary it was simple. In

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Revolutionary socialism, the idea is to acquire political power through mass movements of the
middle class so that the Bourgeois class is not under control but instead the working class.
Populism is the political principle in which they united with the people against the elites, to
defend the rights and power of the lower classes. Left-wing nationalism is a form of nationalism
that focused on popular sovereignty, equality for everyone and national determinism. The M-19
used the Foco theory as one of their ideologies because they could achieve with relative fastness
the revolutions expansion by obtaining the rise of the masses and the overthrow of the regime.
The Foco theory is the revolutionary theory termed by Che Guevara in which the Guerrilla does
not take the common stages known in Marxism and Maoism but instead the M-19 skipped these
stages and made unexpected actions to cause a faster overthrow.
The Targets of the M-19 were mainly multinational companies, political leaders,
institutions, symbolic strikes such as the Palace of Justice and the robbery of the weapons of the
Canton Norte, which is a military base in Bogota. The M-19 used multinational companies and
its executives for kidnapping and extortion; targets such as Texaco and Sears. They also
sabotaged petroleum-manufacturing facilities. In 1979, the M-19 captured the Nicaraguan
Ambassador, Barquero Montiel as a way to demonstrate support with the Sandinista cause. In
1980, the M-19 also seized 15 diplomats and other victims in the Dominican Embassy and was
detained for two months asking for a safe trip to Cuba and some monetary payment (19 th of April
Movement). They also attacked the United States Embassy in Bogota was also with a missile
causing small harms. The most extremist action that the M-19 took was in 1985 when they
attacked the Justice Ministry Building at Bogota, where around 500 people were captured
including members of the Council of State and the Supreme Court (19th of April Movement).

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Resources and Tactics

The M-19 was not like many other guerrilla groups. They were a political movement.
They did not just parade around the country killing masses of people just so they could be feared
or respected, their goal was much bigger than that, and because they were a small urban group,
they benefitted more having the support of the public, rather than the fear of them. There are a lot
of important things a guerrilla group needs to be successful in their mission, some of which are
that their goals attract many supporters, the more people backing a movement, the more effective
it might be. Other important things are the tactics that will be used to bring about the outcome
they want, and also very important will be funding, where the money be coming from and how
much of it will be coming in.
The M-19 knew that other groups used violence as a means to bring about their goals, but
they opted not to. In fact they were very involved in the community, which is something that is
very important for a group of people trying to become a political party, and in order for that to
happen, the support of the people, who are the voters is extremely important. When violence is
used especially as a political party, it comes off as if a dictatorship or authoritarian regime is
inevitable, and that is not what the M-19 wanted. They had somewhat of a Robin Hood approach
to the way they practiced politics. They distributed newspapers and bulletins to spread their
propaganda to the people in the working class, teachers and students. They went to schools and
gave out toys to the children. They directed some of their violence to employers to push them to
solve the labor issues of the workers. They sought out to understand the people and their
interests, and because of that, their actions won them the support of the public. (Mauricio Garcia
Duran)

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In order to gain national attention, the first symbolic thing they did was stealing the sword
of Simon Bolivar. In the years to come, the M-19 would carry out kidnappings and bank
robberies, which was where their funding came from. Even though they did have outside
resources such as Panama, Cuba, Mexico, and Venezuela, those resources did not come in
monetary form. What they got from these countries were logistical support, and political support,
and also help with training members, but that was all the help they got, all their funding came
from their own means. Another was the taking over of the Dominican Republic Embassy in
Bogota, which led to a 61-day negotiation process. At the end of the 61 days, the hostages were
set free, unharmed, and the members of the M-19 who were the hostage takers, were allowed to
leave Colombia, and be exiled to Cuba. There are some other reports that say they were awarded
over 2million American dollars as ransom. The negotiation carried out opened the eyes of the
members of the group to the fact that, maybe they did not have to do take such drastic measures,
and that a peaceful end result is possible, especially since their mission was starting to wear out
on the people, and they were being painted as terrorists, which is not what they wanted to
happen. After the taking of the embassy, there was a ceasefire agreement between members of
the M-19 and the President Belisario Betancur, which eventually was broken because the
members of the group felt that the government went back on their promises of political reforms,
and as a result decided to take over the Palace of Justice inn Bogota. They have hostages and
refused to give them up until a negotiation took place. This time Betancur was not willing to
negotiate, and instead sent in the military to attack the group. Over 100 people were killed in the
violent attack, including some members of the M-19, Supreme Court judges, and members of the
military. After that ordeal, the members were very determined to have some type of peaceful
settlement, as they had adapted peace as a tactic to obtain their goal. They then decided to kidnap

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Alvaro Gomez Hurtado, who was a presidential candidate. He was later released once they were
promised peace talks. (Buchanan)

Evolution of Violence and Outcomes

Even though the motivation to take the weapons takes place because of the fraud in the
elections of April 19th of 1970, by the end of the period of Misaels Pastrana presidency is when
it is possible to distinguish an established organization whose ideology would produce a strong
effect in Colombian society later in the decade of 1980.
With the robbery of Simons Bolvar sword the M-19 subversive group started with a
publicity campaign that would mark the special characteristic of this urban guerilla, which will
be an important actor in the 1980s and 1990s till the present days. Their special characteristic of
strikes with a deep meaning will represent the ideals of the guerrilla group; the main objective of
this action was to let people know their main prerogative: with weapons to the power
(Viviana).
From the above, taking into the account that the tactics of this insurgent group are meant
to be surprising and at the same time destabilizing, it is important to mention that in December of
1978 the group robed 4000 fusils from a Military Base in Bogot called Cantn Norte.
Although this event did not cause any death, it is clearly the advent of the rise of the M-19
political strikes and later violent actions (Viviana).
The evolution of violence concerning the M-19 starts with the kidnapping of the trader
unionist Jos Raquel Mercado. This event is pivotal for this guerrillas history taking into the
account that this is the initial action in which they show a part of their targets and also to
demonstrate that through violent actions this guerrilla would continue on their struggle.
Following the history of the M-19 Guerrilla, it is crucial to mention that in 1980 the
group decides to increase the level of damage and echo of their actions by an aggressive take

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over of the Dominican Republic embassy. This is clearly a proof of the negative evolution of
violent actions because of the shootings and as consequence deaths of personal of the embassy
and some members of the guerrilla as well. The provocation of terror is evident in order to get
their demands (Viviana).
Through all the decade of 1980 the M-19 continues to expand their violent and military
actions with the exception that with the change of government to Belisarios Betancur in 1982
the Government and the guerrilla group tried to make a peace agreement in which would happen
a cease of fire. The direct consequence of this approaches ended in several attacks to some of the
leaders of the insurgent group. In this sense the peace agreement leaves a sensation of not a full
trust in the guaranties of the leaders.
In 1985 it is possible to envision a tired but powerful guerrilla in terms of tactics that is
evident in the siege of the palace of justice in Bogot in which the guerrilla takes as hostages
members of the judicial branch like the main ministers, judges and lawyers. This action needed a
great control of military tactics and equipment, a really strategic plan, which lead to the most
violent action that this insurgent group did through their entire history. The hostage situation in
order to pressure the government to get the groups demands and finally the murders of some of
the supreme judges, the murders of the personal of the palace, the reaction of the police and
military, and the reaction of the government left Bogot that 6 th of November of 1985 in a
complete chaos and confusion. It is since the 9 of April of 1948 one of the most chaotic event in
Bogot, it was clearly a strong attempt of delegitimizing the political institutions of the country.
Finally the increase of the violence left a tired guerrilla, with a lot of their leaders killed
in combat and assassinated. In 1990 this group decide to sign a peace agreement, receive an
amnesty and demobilized. The evolution of the insurgent group in a left wing political party with
participation that still remains today.

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The M-19 pressures to the government towards to some demands that are accomplished
on the late 1980s decade. First is important to mention that the guerrilla demobilized and return
to the civil life, as a consequence, the process of reintegration states a precedent of the
functionality of a peace agreement in Colombia. The political participation of the demobilized
members lead to a left wing political party (Alianza Democrtica M-19) and to the cooperation
in the writing of 1991s constitution and some other reforms in the three branches of power in
Colombia.
In addition to the above besides the reintegration to the civil life, the action of the
guerrilla through the decades of 1970 and 1980 left serious episodes of violence traduced in
political struggle, that left a lot of crimes and innocent victims that nowadays remain unpunished
because of the amnesty that the members of the insurgent received in the 1990s.
On the contrary of what everybody would think, the M-19 left an open door to think of
the way in which the executive power and the armed forces where taking decisions regarding the
countrys future.
Today there are still important figures as Antonio Navarro Wolf and Gustavo Petro
(former leaders of the guerrilla) that are still very active in politics and belong to the senate or
other public institutions in Colombia.

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Sources
Leech, Gary. "Fifty Years of Violence." Colombia Journal (1999).
Perdomo, Maria Eugenia Vasquez. My Life as a Colombian Revolutionary:
Reflections of a Former Guerillera. Philadelphia: Temple University Press,
2005.
ISU. ISU. 20 November 2013 <http://www.isu.edu/~andesean/M19.htm >.
19th of April Movement. 20 November 2013
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/19th_of_April_Movement >.
Buchanan, Cate. "Laying Down Arms: The M-19 Reunification of violence in
Colombia." Viewpoints. n.d. 12-18.

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Mauricio Garcia Duran, Vera Grabe Loewenherz, Otty Patino Hormaza. "The
M-19's Journey from Armed Struggle to Democratic Politics." Berghof
Transitions Series Resistance/Liberation Movements and Transition to
Politics. 2008.
Viviana, B. Anlisis de los diferentes actores y factores de poder que influyeron en la toma del
palacio de justiciapg14 . Retrieved from http://hdl.handle.net/10336/1837
Viviana, B. Anlisis de los diferentes actores y factores de poder que influyeron en la toma del
palacio de justiciapg20. Retrieved from http://hdl.handle.net/10336/1837