Nigerian History and Culture

READINGS IN
NIGERIAN
HISTORY AND CULTURE
ESSAYS IN MEMORY OF
PROFESSOR J.A. ATANDA
Edited by: G.O. OGUNTOMISIN AND S. ADEMOLA AJAYI
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Contents
Chapter Fifteen
EVOLUTION AND CHANGE OF THE BALOGUN
INSTITUTION IN ILORIN EMIRATE 1827- 1960
S. Y. Omoiya
235
ii
Chapter Fifteen
EVOLUTION AND CHANGE OF THE BALOGUN
INSTITUTION IN ILORIN EMIRATE 1827- 1960
S. Y. Omoiya
Introduction
The existence and dominance of the Balogun institution in (he political
administration of llorin emirate has remain a historic point of note in the
general evaluation of the emirate system in Nigeria and the evaluation of
traditional African administration of a cosmopolitan community, llorin
community is a cosmopolitan polity that evolved a peculiar political system
that slums it s cultural diversity
Balogun is a Yoruba tit le for war commanders or war lords. Its existence
in an emirate political system which is northern-Nigerian oriented, and
commonly operated amongst the Hausa/Fulani is a peculiar organ of llorin
emirate system that has no equal in the other emirates of Sokoto Caliphate.
The discussion, which follows, would help elucidate the evolution of this
institution from the third decade of the nineteenth century up to Nigeria's
J
CZ 5
independence in 1960.
Military in the Political Transformation of llorin

The appointment of Afonja as the of empire s Aare Ona Kakanfo (the
Generalismo) by Alaalin Aole in the early part of the nineteenth century was a
historical turning point in the growth of llorin from a mere province of Old
Oyo empire to an important polity that played prominent roles in the wars
that characterised the entire Yorubaland. of the century.
The mutual distrust between Alaafin Aole and Aare Afonja which was
first manifested after the installation of Aole as the Alaafin, steadily graduated
to a full scale animosity that affected the well being of the empire. The fact
that Aare Afonja s name was mentioned as an enemy by the newly installed
Alaafin, he was doomed for extermination. The Aare s position as the
commander-in-chief of the empire's army actually shielded him from being
attacked, because the army was to execute such traditional instruction. The
failure of the second attempt made on Aare Afonja's life by Alaafin Aole,
when he concluded with the Esos (palace guards) to trick the Aare to go on an
expedition he was traditionally bound to fail, worsened their relationship. By
Oyo tradition, the failure in a battle imposes death-penalty on the war
commander. - Iwere was a naturally fortified town and a forbidden area for
an Oyo army to attack because it was the material home of Alaafin Abiodun.'
Alaalin Aole deliberately designed to send the Aare (here to simply get rid of
him. Words reached the Aare on the plot before the arrival of the Esos to
deliver the Alaafin s message. On getting to the site of the expedition which
was confirmed to be Iwere. Aare Afonja ordered the massacre of the Hsos
and he sent a covered empty calabash to the Alaafin. 1 A demand for the
Alaafin s Head.
The death of Alaafin Aole naturally conferred victory on Aare Afonja on
the scheme to terminate each other's life. Aare Afonja immediately declared
independence for llonn and with himself as the supreme authority.'' Other
prouncial chiefs like the Onikoyi and the Opele of Gbogun also followed
suite, by declaring independence for their respecti v e l y areas.
Bv the extents that followed Aare Afonja's declaration of independence
for llorin, he certainly did not take chances. He recognised the limitation of
his army and he embarked on the recruitment of new hands. He sought for
spiritual support through his friend Sholagberu. The recruits into the Aares
army were the slaves that revolted against their masters in Oyo town and migrated to llorin town. For the spiritual support, the Aare was introduced to
an Islamic Cleric. Shehu Alimi. He Alimi was encouraged to migrate from
his settlement in Kuwo, a village not too far from llorin township to llorin in
about 1817.'"
It is important at this point to appreciate that most of the newly recruited
slaves into the Aare's army were Moslems by religion. The migration of
Shehu Alimi to llorin township therefore had a major implication on the
practice of their faith and the political future of an independent llorin.
The expressed trust and full support granted the slave soldiers recruited
by Aare Afonja. by implication, granting them an open license to operate.
made them behave without caution. They were called Aare's servants and
treated with high regard and fears. " The slave soldiers were fast to abuse
the liberty by unleashing terror on the people The rapacity was so much
236
that Fagbohun, the left wing commander of the Aare's army, had to formerly
call the attention of the Aare lo the dangers posed to his authority i t s by the
unlimited privileges given to the slave solders.
For the first time, the Aare was made to look inward to appreciate the
wide range of reports against the state soldiers. I le therefore began the moves to
reorganise the arm) with a view of checking the excesses of the slave
soldiers. The wind of the Aare s re-organisations plans got to the slaves
soldiers before its implementation. The were quick at railing themselves to
launch an attack against the Aare, to disalkm him ell eel his plans which
would have far reaching effects on their activities and being
The Transition of Ilorin to an Emirate

The mutiny of the slave soldiers, which consumed the Ante s lit e, created
a big gap that could not be readily filled in the military structure that had
sustained llorin as a polity The restive soldiers became wild, lawless and
ferocious The slave soldiers adopted the name Jamaa. meaning group in
Hausa language and they lived on the spoils of their riads on the people ''
The converging centre of the rampaging soldiers or the Jamaa changed from
the camp established for them by Aare Afonja to the mosque, because most of
them were Muslims. At the mosque. Shehu Alimi was the Iman who led the
congregation in prayer and provided leadership guide for the
worshippers. Shehu Alum was fully consumed in his cleric job that he did not
take any advantage of the leadership vacuum after Aare Afonja had been
killed
The death of Shehu Alimi in about 1823 was another turning point in the
historical development of Horn The religious position he held was not
necessarily hereditary. Both Abdnlsalami. Shehu Alums first son, and one
Bako from Serikin Gambari's family, bided to succeed shehu Alimi as Imam
or Amir al mumin, leader of the Muslims With the support of prominent
Yoaiba Muslims, such as Solagbem and friends of Shehu Alimi AbdulSalami
defeated Bako to succeed his father as the Amir al Mumin
Abdulslalami was believed to be a complete gentleman, who would
ordinarily not want to hurt any one. His younger brother, Shitta, was
however noted for a wild political ambition. The selection of AbdulSalami as
the Imam or Amir-al-Muinini was seen as opportunity to translate his
237
political ambition into reality. With the tacit support of Abdulsalami, Shitta
was fast in rallying the support of the slave soldiers who had chosen the
mosque as then rallying point, to prosecute his aims.
A number of prominent and powerful individuals and groups were soon
accused of trying to plot against Abdulsalami's installation as the Amir.
They were attacked and killed one after the other Sholagberu, the renowned
Muslim trader in llorin and close friend of Shehu Alimi lost his life in such
plot An attack was also launched on the Muslim settlement of Oke Sunna.
where a good number of notable scholars were massacred. ''' This was the
strategy of eliminating actual and potential rivals in order to create a political
base.
With the elimination of notable and powerful individuals and groups
who could stand against the realisation of the political ambition of the children of
Shehu Alimi in llorm. Abdulsalami wrote to the caliph in Sokoto pledging his
loyalty and seeking support for the establishment of an emirate in llorin. llorin
was thereafter declared an emirate and Abdulsalami as the Emir.
The Transformation of Abdnlsalami from an Imam or Am:r. a religions
leader, by mere proclamation, to an emir, the political leader of the people
was indeed expected to be resisted even outside llorm In re-organising the
new emirate. Abdulsalami co-opted prominent group leaders into his council
For instance. Olufadi, the leader of the Olufadi Fulani group. Dose, the
leader of the Hausa group, and Usman the leader of the Yoruba group, were
all appointed as Amir al Jash (Head of the army) or Balogun and members
of the Emir's council '. The title was given out to leaders of the linguistic
group in anticipation of military hostility against the new political authority
in Ilorin led by the Fulanis
The political transition of Ilorin from a traditional Yoruba provincial setting
into an emirate, which was totally alien to the history and culture of the area,
was a product of the change in the military leadership. The Emir, being of
Fulani stock and full aware of the insignificant population of the of nonYoruba groups in Ilorin. appreciated the need to bring the varying linguistic
groups in the town on board in his administration This was a survival
strategy. Apart from this, the survival of the newly declared emirate depended
mainly on its military strength to withstand the contending power around
Ilorin at the time Therefore, the co-option of the leaders of the
238
major linguistic groups in llorin, as, Amir al Jash (war commanders) which
was later know n and called Baloguns, could better be regarded as an evolution
rather than the creation of the Bmir.
The involvement of the three major linguistic groups in the political
administration of llorin was essentially born out of the necessity for the
emirate system to survive, llorin, being Yoruba dominated community that
had been under the authority of the Alaafin of Oyo, could not be cash
changed to a foreign political system without some element of force. This
explains why full force and the totalitarian policy were used by the
rampaging soldiers led by the sons of Shehu Alimi (abdul-Salami anil Shilta).
The circumstances under which the Balogun institution emerged among
the various linguistic groups in llorin, gave the Balogun a dual role in the
Finn s council They just arrived at decisions on the political
administration of the emirate with the Emir, and also executed such decisions,
either in the administration of their respective wards within llorin township, or
in the battlefield and in the conquered areas. Being field officers, the
Balogun stood at vantage position to give information on issues to lie
deliberated upon in the Finn s council. In this way they led the council in
formulating polices and taking decisions.
The involvement of llorin emirate army in the nineteenth century warfares
that covered the entire Yorubaland naturally opened the Balogun and the
entire emirate army to various military encounters. The Balogun. or war
commanders, were the central ligures in the wars. The use of the Calvary
and diplomacy placed llorin army at victorious advantage in most of the
wars with the Yorubas, who were often divided and ready to betray one
another to settle old scores. The conquered areas automatically became the
territory of the war commander or the Balogun that led the contingent."
The enormous powers and influence of the four Balogun of llorin in the
administration of the emirate have remained a subject of controversy amoiiL1
scholars of the caliphate history. For instance, there are those who believe
that the position held by the Baloguns were mere expression of then respective
ambition. There are also those who consider the political institution to have
been a product of security situation in which llorin found itself before. during
and after it became an emirate. In all the other emirates of the Sokoto
caliphate the Emir was the supreme authority to whom war title
239
holders like Waziri. Wali and Maiyaki deferred in authority

In Ilorin, the Balogun Agba (the oldest on the throne among the four
Baloguns) was the actual ruler -'' The involvement of llorin emirate army in
the protracted wars which ravaged Yorubaland throughout the whole of
nineteenth century naturally placed the warlords who were led by the Balogun at
a vantage-position to rule For major part of the period during, which llorin
emirate existed, before the advent of direct colonial rule, the Balogun Agba,
rather than the Emir. was the actual ruler of the emirate. Fv en though the
Baloguns attended the emirate council meetings al the Emir's palace where
major decisions weie taken, they were actually not in control of the Hunt
They were rather the pilot and pivot of all decisions reached.
For instance, different positions held by Emir Aliyu (1868-1891) and the then
Baiugun Agba, Abubakar. (popularly known as Karara) the Balogun Gamban.
over Norm's retaliation on Offa for i t s roles in causing the mass death of
llorin army in the Jalumi war, shows, and clearly too, the power base of the
emirate While the Firm openly expressed his desire that llorin should not
attack Offa the Balogun Agba. Kaiara. held a totally different view, in fact,
the Balogun had to openly caution the Emir not to over-stress his view:-, and
that if the Firm defied his instructions, he would dethrone him and enthrone
his younger brother Mania. The Balogun eventually left Norm with Mania
to attack Offa and vowed not to return to llorin until Finn Aliyu died.
In relating the traditional political arrangement inform emirate wi t h the
contemporary structural systems, the l l o r i n emirate could simple be said to
have operated a conlederacv. Apart from the fact that each of the Balogun
ran autonomous government in his administrative ward within she township,
their control of conquered territories remained a clear testimony of their
powers.
Colonial Conquest of llorin

As at the time the British government decided to change its policies in Africa
to establish colonies in 1900. the actual power holder in Norm was the
Balogun Agba and not the Emir This explains why it was the Balogun that
sternly resisted the colonial rule, while the Emir Sulyman ( 1895-1915)
240
collaborated with the British authority to cause the dethronement and

deportation of many of the Baloguns.
The abolition of the Atlantic- slave trade by the British government and
the consequent policing of the high seas and West African Coast by the antislave trade naval squadron in West Africa brought about the conquest of a
number of West African Coastal regions. Where the traditional rulers were
recalcitrant to the anti slave trade laws, military option was resorted lo.
Such places were captured and proclaimed British colonies. Following the
conquest, "legitimate trade'' was instituted and thus opened the area up as
market for the fast growing industries in Europe.
As part of Governor Carter of Lagos" efforts to translate the objective of
the British government into reality in Nigeria, he committed himself to
stopping the inter-tribal wars that had been ravaging the entire Yorubaland.
This was aimed at ensuring that the route in the hinterland was free and safe
for the promotion of legitimate trade
The efforts of Captain Bower, the British Resident in Ibadan to intervene
in the rivalry between llorin and Ibadan in 1 894 on the instruction of Governor
Carter, which had always resorted in communal clash, was a major factor in
the events that eventually culminated in the conquest of llorin in I897 Liven
though Ilorin emirate was under the control of the Royal Niger Company, its
incessant warfare with Ibadan. a territory already under the control of Lagos.
made Governor Carter to direct the colonial Resident in Ibadan to fix a
boundary between the rival traditional communities That was because then
encounters had direct impact on the entire Yorubaland Naturally llorin was
il l disposed to Captain Bower's v i s i t and boundary demarcation between it
and Ibadan. Ilorin believed that Captain Bower had no business in meddling
in the affair between it and Ibadans. The rulers of Ilorin were also of the
view that they were at a disadvantage if a person like Captain Bovver, who
was already the Colonial Resident in Ibadan, was to fix a boundary between
them and Ibadan. Hence, the Ilorin Baloguns were openly rude to Captain
Bower
The colonial resident in Ibadan filled in a report about his encounter with
Ilorin Baloguns. The Governor was also infuriated by what he considered a
confrontational attitude of a local authority to the colonial power. He sent a
report to the colonial office in London arguing that llorin was traditionally
241
part of Yorubaland, and therefore was supposed to be under his control. He

argued further to justify why he should be given the mandate to subjugate
llorin. to be able to realise the set objectives of the colonial governcmnt.29
Rather than merely approving the request of Governor Carter, to forcefully
bring Ilorin under control, the Colonial Office in London requested the Royal
Niger Company to respond to the charges against Ilorin by the Governor . Sir
George Taubman Golden, the head of the Royal Niger Company, who had
had no strained relationship with Ilorin, absolved the town of the charges of
insubordination and confrontation with the colonial authorities. Sir Goldie
concluded his response to the colonial office in London by stressing the
cordial relations between llorin and the company
The attacks of a detachment of the Lagos constabulary force stationed at
Odo-Otin by the forces of Ilorin in 18%, which was again reported to the
London Office by Governor Carter, stained the beautiful report of Sir Goldie
on the existing "cordial relationship between Ilorin and the British officers
The Royal Niger Company was therefore instructed to forcefully occupy
Ilorin and make it obey the instructions of the colonial authority and as well
reduce its confrontational attitude. On the 15th of February 1897 the
company's forces arrived Ilorin. The Emir was ordered to surrender the
town but he refused Fighting broke out and it lasted until the 16th of February
when the Emir and the Balogun had to flee for their safety to the outlying
villages of Ilorin. In 1897, the company was in a position to dictate terms. Sir
Taubman Goldie eventually sought out the Emir and the Baloguns and on
the 18 th February 1897 signed a new treaty with them; florin was
compelled to accept the boundary fixed with Ibadan, on the authority of
Lagos.3S
It is important to appreciate at this point that the victory of the colonial
forces against Ilorin did not bring about any change in the emirate's
administration and its political structure The colonial forces pulled out of
Ilorin and expected the local authority to comply with the terms of the new
treaty The aggressiveness of the Baloguns was naturally checked because of
the humiliating defeat they suffered in the hands of the British led army and
the large number of men they lost in the encounter. They therefore resorted to
what can be described as passive resistance against the British. By this, the
Baloguns engaged in a systematic scheme to erode all the influence of
242
the British in their areas The reports of Mm in people's hostility towards the
British projects in the area, especially1 the eonstriietion ol telegraph line,
made the colonial army commander. Willcoek. stationed in Jebba to send a
warning notice to the Emir on the situation in llonn The Lmn s servant, to
whom Willcoek s letter was fust given, threyy it on the ground. The Hmir
himself warned the corporal and a feu soldiers sent that ifthey ever returned
to llonn. they would be killed ' Willcock was naturally angry and by 2S1'1 of
September. IS ( )X he sent another warning to the Knur of llorin. This time
fifty soldiers led b y an Luropcan ofhcci named Somcisct carried the
commander s letter to llorin. As it was the tradition, the Emir summoned a
general meeting of his Balogun for the formal presentation of Somersets
letter and in the presence ol The Baloguns and a jpiowd ol people, the Lmn
refused to take the letter from Somcise! By October I H l ' S . the llonn
Baloguns were preparing for another ciu.ounlcr with the Biitisli lorees
Instructions were uivcn to the people thai food should not be- sold to the
contingents led by Somerset and that li any of them ucrc found y\ i i l n n llonn
lownship they should be killed.' 1 "1
Political Power Play and the Impact of the British

The arrival of the Colonial Resident in llorin in June 1400, which followed
Lord Lugard s proclamation of a B r i t i s h Protectorate over the areas
previously under the control of the Royal Niger Company, was a unique
opportunity for clearly understanding the fragility of the traditional emirate
system in llorin and in fact the mutual distrust that existed between the
principal institutions and operator of the emirate system. While the Balogun
and the people actually continued with then hostility against the acting
Resident. Carnage, the Emir singularly received the Resident with warmth.
It is important at this point to fully examine the attempts of the Linus to
change their limited political influence of powers in llorin emirate system. visa-vis the dominance of the Balogun. led by the oldest Balogun (Balogun
Agba). The pivoting role of the military in the emergence, political transition,
survival, expansion and sustenance of llorin emirate naturally placed the
Baloguns at an advantage. They possessed so much powers that the Emir
yvas just a figure head. For instance, the persuasive opinion of Emir Aliyu
(1868-1891) on the revenge on Off a for i t s roles in Jalumi war. which the
243
Balogun Agba. Buivuiim Karara had vowed undertake, never mattered to the
Balogun The firm was rather warned that if he did not stop his attempt to
dissuade the Balogun from his determined course to punish Offa, he (the
Emir) would be dethroned and replaced by his younger brother. Mama19 .
The realisation of the titular status of the Emir in the emirate system in
liorin made Aliyu's successor Emir Mama (I S() I -1 Xl)5) to chart a course of
friendship with the Colonial Governor in Lagos while the Baloguns were
veracious in their hostility Mama s attempt to outwit the Baloguns . by
aligning w i t h t h e colonial governor in Lagos considered superior to the
Baloguns, made the Baloguns to plot against him by mobilising his younger
brother to k i l l him." The then Balogun Agba, Balogun Inakoju Ah of
Alanamu uas identified as the nominator of Sulyman man, who succeeded
Mama in I895.
Emir Sulymna (1895-1915) remained a loyal and humble Emir to the
Balogun until the arrival of the Colonial Resident in llorin in June, 1900. The decision
of Emir Sulyman to be friendly with the Colonial Resident sent to llorin in
1900 could be examined from the main perspective In vicyy of the repeated
failures of the past traditional authority in llorm to resist the incursion ol the
British, the Linn must ha\ e decided to face the reality of the time by adopting
a friendly attitude to the colonial officers The second factor is the
unsatisfactory l i l u i a i status of the Emir in the operation of the emirate svslein
in llorm The m i l i t a r y powers at the disposal of the colonial officers made the
Lmir to see the possibility of regaining his lost powers to the Baloguns
While these two possible factors could be suggested for the Lmir s singular
support for the British government, it was indeed a betrayal of the traditional
political system and the l l o r in community to which he was the symbolic head
The friendly disposition of Emir Sulyman and the hostile stance of Balogun
and the people of llonn were promptly reported to Lord Lugard. as part of
the Resident's situation report on his arrival at Ilorin. The Resident
acknowledged the frequent at which the Emir paid him visits to guide him in
the handling of the people s resistance against the British rule, led by the
BaloiHin. The Resident concluded his report w i t h a number of suggestions
^
d} *'
on how to get o\er the problems Based on his assessment of the political
situation and the administration of lionn emirate, the Resident. David
244
Carnegie acknowledged the titular status of the Emir1- He reported the

enormity of the Balogun's powers and the absolute control they have on the
people '"-. The Resident therefore suggested that the only way for the colonial
government to be established in llorin was to fully back the Emir, who neither
had any power nor influence, against the Baloguns".
Shortly after, David Carnegie left llorin as the Colonial Resident and
was succeeded by P Dwyer. The new Resident inherited Carnegie's problems of
open hostility against the British rule in llorin. In his monthly report of August
1900, P. Dwyer also reported thus:
The cause of the unsatisfactory stale of the town and
district is not hard to find. It is due to the poverty and
weariness of the Emir and the enormous power possessed
by the Baloguns and chiefs especially the Balogun
Alanamu who has been virtually king of the country for
the past six years lo my own personal knowledge'"
P. Dwyer did not stop at reporting but he went further to suggest that
Balogun Alanamu should be arrested, deposed and deported out of llorin
emirate. He opined that the action will have so much effect on the other
Baloguns and their supporters that the hostile situation would be resolved1' .
He also stressed the advantages of backing the Emir by force and recognising
him alone as the authority in the emirate1'*. This he also opined would make
the people accept the colonial rule in llorin at the least cost to the colonial
government. In a reply to P. Dwyer, the High Commissioner, Lord Lugard.
did not only agree with all the suggestions made by the Resident but he also
urged that they tarry in then moves for the arrival of the forces from Asante
before they swung into action Lugard also advised Dwyer to constantly
monitor the .movement of Balogun Alanamu. to be able to charge him for an
offence and then provide rational grounds for his deposition and deportation.
By 1902 the stage was set, and Balogun Inakoju Ali, the Balogun Agba
(Alanamu) became the first victim of the colonial government s schemes to
subjugate the traditional authority1 in llorin emirate to the Limit As S. Hogben
puts it in his book The Mohammadan Emirates of Nigeria
... This Emir, finding himself backed up by the Resident,
broke away from the constraining hands of Alanamu
245
and other duels and commenced to act up his position

in a way winch showed that he realized how the tide had
changed. No longer was he figure head shaking in shoes
with dread of a sudden death, but an Emir, supported by
the Government, who insisted on the payment of
tributes."1
Hogben goes further to narrate how the Balogun Agba, Balogun Inakoju
Ali of Alanamu was snapped by traps set by the colonial government:
Alanamu's time had come. At an enormous meeting
outside the Emir's palace he was judged to have been
unfit lo hold his position, was publicly deposed and
stripped of his estate.51
The Balogun was immediately arrested and deported to Jebba, where a
contingent of the colonial army was already waiting in preparation for any
eventuality that could attend the deposition order. The exodus of people
from llorin to Jebba to see the Balogun and demonstrate their support for
his cause made the colonial government appreciate the fact that it was not an
issue they could control with mere presence of the army, without resorting to
.violence. To avoid unnecessary blood letting. Balogun Inakoju Ali was thus
move from Jebba to Lokoja a more distant place from llorin.
Apart from people's demonstration of support for Balogun Inakoju Ah.
the actions of the other Balogun and the people totally betrayed the
postulations of both the colonial Resident in llorin. P. Dwyer and Lord Lugard
that the great effect on the others not to give any further trouble. Reactions
to both the new status of the Emir, as the sole administrator in llorin emirate,
and the restrictions mounted on the traditional powers of the Baloguns
explain the continuous confrontational posture to the colonial policies, which
were often traced to the influence of the Baloguns. The hostility against the
Emir by his people became intense, forcing the colonial authorities to change
their policy in l02.
The height of hostility was so much against the Emir and the colonial
authorities that in 1902 the government changed its policy of recognising
the Emir as a sole authority in the llorin emirate The Baloguns too became
recognized; while the Emir was placed on Grade 1 position, the Baloguns
246
Even though the arrangement cached by the colonial government to review its
stance against the Balogun and the Emir on the operation or implementation of
colonial policies in Ilorin continued to register violent public reactions. For
instance, in 1907 when the hunters m llorin emirate were charged to pay special
levy for arms and other limiting implements, they mobilised themselves to
resist the policy. They assembled at Olofin Ganga to start with protest against
the newly introduced policy The mere fact that the Emir sent a warning
message to them in fu r i ated them and the protest turned violent. The I'.mir s
messenger wa^' k i l l e d and main of" the hnnlers lost their lives in a couiiK t
dclcnsi \ L ' b\ (he colonial <?ov eminent The hunter's not of Olofiuganga m
i l > 0 7 was doscK associated w i t h the inlliiciicc of Balogun Hiala of Ajikobi
the high casualty recorded in (he 'hunter 's revolt accounted tor the deposition
and deportation of Balognn Hiala \
As eaihei discussed llorin emnalc operates a system of government that
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an administrative unit \ \ i t h i n the touuslnp called waul and (he f'mii "s ward
administered In the Ma|agm dan At the terntoiial level, the areas captured
or acquired b\ each of the Balognns automatically tell within his authority
while the tcnitone* controlled by the Emirs were the ones given lo him as
gilts I I O I H the icspccmc Balogun lliaf led an condition lo acquire the area for
l l o r i n The Balogun or the Emir appointed their respective loyal
representatives to administer such c-aplmed area, either from among their
family members or trusted stress the act of appointing l i e f holders was
done independent!1 ! In the Emir and the Baloguns
Belxveeii I1'!).:' ami \' -> 0 /. seiious oppie>si\e measures were taken by the
loloiiia! go-i er ;i iu -. !i( to humiliate (he Baloguns and reduce their authority
and eonlioi in t i i e emirate at a l l costs. I he deposition and deportation of
fnikiiMin !!i;'k-.i|u , \ l i ol'Alanamu and Baiogun Biaia of Ajikobi were among (he
assa n i l on liu: Baiogun insiiiul ion \ \ i t i u n this peiiod These efforts of the
247
the territories under llorin emirate to meet their administrative desire. The
territories were grouped into eighteen ( I S ) units called districts The Districts
were Akanbi. Afon. Ovvode. Ajasse. Igbaja, Offa, Awtun. Oinu. Oso. Shonga.
Share. Iponrin. Lanwa. Li|idongan. Oloru. Paiye, Maleteand Omre . Since none
of the traditional authorities in llorm emirate was consulted, even Emir
Sulymaii. the strong proponent of colonial rule, was for the first time opposed to
the redefinition of llorin emirate territories into eighteen districts. Time had to
be taken by the colonial government to explain the advantages of the colonial
government s decision as a means of strengthening the influence of the Emir
over the Baloguns, who had hitherto shared in the control of the traditional
fiefs. To the Baiogun, it was another negative policy of the colonial government
aimed not only at reducing their powers and influence, but also meant to
subject them to the control of the Emir. Even with this knowledge, the
Baiogun could not readily organise any resistance against the British authority
at this time. The deposition and deportation of Baiogun Brala of Apkobi was
s t i l l very much fresh in their memories.
It was indeed an accident that some of the places grouped into districts
still fell within the influence of the respective Baloguns Some of their original
appointees were retained as District Heads of some of the newly created
districts. The appointed district heads were quickly made to know (hat they
were not officers of the colonial government but subjects of the Emir'' and
on no account could any of them relate directly with the Colonial Resident.
They were made to know that they were totally responsible to the Emir
either by appointment or by operation. The Baiogun had to console
themselves with the fact that some of their original appointees were s t i l l
retained as District Heads. But they were also fully aware of the fact that
their respective control and influences in the newly created districts were no
more
Because the Emir himself was not involved in the formulation of the
colonial policy on the new district arrangements, he was initially unhappy
about the reorganisation but with the explanation that the new arrangements
will favour his interest and grant him more powers, even in the fiefs, he
became disposed to the change.
By 1 9 7, the colonial government in llorin under Mr. Hennon-Hodge
248
had seen reasons to create more districts and re-organise the administrative
structure within the districts to accommodate the participation of those who
could not be appointed as districts of Oro. Ekan. lloffa and Share Yomba
were created'1''. Recognised individuals were appointed or recognised as village
heads of the constituted village areas'1". The tact that the appointees as village
head of the constituted village areas were placed on salary also confirmed
their recognition. They were specifically instructed to make their submissions to
the District Head who would in turn submit to the Emir With the
involvement of more people in the administration of the District, the growing
tension, especially large districts, was actually reduced to the bearest
minimum The administrative chain of operation created by the colonial
authority whereby the Emir was placed at the apex, followed by the Baloguns.
the District Heads, and Village Heads, was made functional.
Concluding Remarks
The Native Authority was the administrative machinery put in place by
the colonial authority in Ilorin as it were in other places to monitor and coordinate its activities. Even though the Emir was designated as the chief
administrative officer he was fully subjected to the Colonial Resident and he
operated only within the stipulated rules or polities of the colonial
administration. Like the contemporary government structure, the native
authority was made up of the three components: the Resident and the Emir
in Council represented the sources of instructions of laws; Area courts were
established to handle cases ranging from criminal to civil matter; while the
administrative arm of the native authority comprised the Treasury, revenue
officers and the Police The notable snag in the operation of the native
authority was the involvement of the Emir in the formulation of local policies,
the implementation of the policies and in the judicial interpretation of the
policies. Indeed, the Emir in Ilorin during the colonial period could simply be
said to have an absolute power. While the operation of the native authority in
the other parts of the caliphate, that is, in other emirates of the present dav
Northern Nigeria, could be regarded as normal because the Emirs were
traditionally absolute in power, the new powers conferred on the Emir of
Ilorin was totally strange and against the traditional setting in the emirate.
This situation explains the persistent crisis registered in florin emirate
249
throughout the period of colonial rule This is also linked with the high rate at
which the colonial government reviewed its policies in Ilorin emirate. For
instance, after the dethronement and deportation of Balogun Inakoju of
Alanamu in 1902 and that of Balogun Baale of Ajikobi in 1907. the colonial
government continued to witness resistance to its rules and policies in the
Ilorin emirate. The 1913 Palmer's review panel was set up by the colonial
government to fully digest the root of the reoccurring problems in Ilorin
emirate. By the Palmer s panel s report, the disproportionate representation
in the political arrangement imposed on Ilorin emirate by the colonial
government was identified as the key issue, which needed urgent attention to
achieve a peaceful administration The panel's report went further to
recommend that the Yorubas who were in the majority in the population of
Ilorin township and emirate should be more involved in the administration By
this, the panel recommended that the families of Aare Afonja and his younger
brother. Agoin. should be made members of the Emirate Council."-Even though
the 1 913 Palmer's report was not fully implemented until 19^6 when the Magaji
Aare and the Babalsale were effectively co-opted into the emirate council, the
persistence of the problem did not allow them to continue to ignore the report,
because the Emir did not like it to be implemented.
On the whole, the operation of the native authority in Ilorin emirate and
the Districts remained peculiar when compared to its operation in the other
emirates of the caliphate. The frequency at which the colonial government
changed policies shows that all was not well throughout the period of British
administration of Ilorin emirate.
Notes and References
1.
Samuel Johnson. The History oj the Ion/has, CMS Bookshop, Lagos. 1921
(reprinted) 1976pp. 185-197.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid.
4 Ibi d
5. Ibid.
6. Ibid.
7. Ibid.
8.
S.Y. Oinoiya. "The impact of Colonial Administration on Political Institution
250
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
of Government in llorin I807-|<)]0" M.A. thesis submitted to the Department

of History', University of lb;id;m. 1988pp. 15-25.
Ibid.
Samuel Johnson, op. cit. pp. 1920198.
Ibid.
H.O Danmole, "The Frontier Emirate". A History of Islam in llorin" Ph.D.
thesis submitted lo University of Birmingham 1980, pp. 16-20.
Ibid. pp. 22-32.
Oral evidence collected I'rom Alh. Saka Alcsinloyc. the Baba Isale of llorin,
aged 69 years. 1.3"'August. 1987.
Ibid.
S. Y. Omoiya. "The life and Times of Balogun liiakoju Ali 1875-1910" B.A.
Hons Long Essay submitted to Hie University of llorin 1986 pp. 9-15.
S.A.Balogun, "Historical significance of llorin - A preliminary survey"
Cnn/IiicHcc. An academic journal of Kvvara Slate Council for Arls and
Culture, vol 1 No I June 1978 pp 17-23
H.O.Danmole. op ci t . pp 19-25.
An oral evidence collected from Mallam Mustapha Aliu Balogun Gambari,
Aged 87 years December. 1988.
NAK/SNP/15/I1 Dvvyer to High Commissioner Monthly report, August. 1900.
R.A.Adelcyc. 1'owcr ami Diplomacy in Northern Nigeria 1804-1906
Longman Group Ltd.. London 1917pp. 185-197.
Ibid pp. 187-189
Balogun. opcil. Pp. 9-1
NACK/SNP/15/11 Dwver to High Commissioner 31 August. 1900. monthly
rcport.
R. A. Adcleye. Power and Diplomacy in Northern Nigeria opcil. Pp. 185-192.
Obare Ikimc. The full oj'Nigeria Heinemann Ed. Book l i d . , Ibadan. 1977.
Pp. 120-128.
Ibid. pp. 120-128.
Ibid. pp. 120-128.
Ibid. pp. 120-128.
Ibid. pp. 120-128.
Ibid. pp. 123-125
Ibid. pp. 123-125.
251
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41.
42.
Ibid. pp. 123 125.

Ibid. pp. 123-125.
Ephmslons. Ga/etleer of llorin Province London Press 1921 pp. 9-10.
NAK/ILO/PRO/139 - District System in llorin.
Obaro Ikime, opcit. Pp. 185-192.
Ibid. pp. 125.
Adeleye. Opcil. Pp. 185-192.
Ibid.
Obaro Ikimc. opcit. Pp. 125.
Nak. SNP/15/11 David Carnegie to the High Commissioner, situation report,
July. 1900.
4V Ibid.
44. Ibid.
45. NAK/SNP/15/11 T.Duyer lo High Commissioner. Monthly Report August. 1900
46. Ibid.
47 S Hoi'bon Tin' Moh/iiiiiiitinilun l''ininiti'/ Nigeria Pub. Oxford University
Press pp 161 -1 6V
Ibid.
Ibid.
Ibid.
Onioiya. The life and Times of Balogun liiakoju All (1875 -1902)" A
Bachelor Degree long Essay submilted to University of llorin
52. NAK/ILO/PRO/I/I - Report No. 6 January 1903.
53. NAK/ILO/PROF./5D 3640 llorin in Prof. 1906.
54. Eplinstone, (faze/leer,^ of the Northern Provinces oj Nigeria, Vol. Il l , the
Central Kingdom, p. 9
55. NAK/llorin prof/4/1: 829A/19I7 "Iloriu Emirate: Reorganisation of Districts"
56. Ibid.
57. Ibid.
58. NAK/llorin prof/ 1 3 9 /1 9 1 V "Horm Provioncc Report for 191 2 by resident
HR Palmer
59. Ibid.
60. Ibid.
61 Ibid.
62. Ibid.
48.
49.
50.
51.
252

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READINGS IN

Edited by: G.O. OGUNTOMISIN AND S. ADEMOLA AJAYI

Military in the Political Transformation of llorin

The Transition of Ilorin to an Emirate

holders like Waziri. Wali and Maiyaki deferred in authority

Colonial Conquest of llorin

collaborated with the British authority to cause the dethronement and

part of Yorubaland, and therefore was supposed to be under his control. He

Political Power Play and the Impact of the British

Carnegie acknowledged the titular status of the Emir1- He reported the

and other duels and commenced to act up his position

- . a t >< i A i;,,.. ; . - i n i juKiguii> ul i l i i i i l l liau

S.Y. Oinoiya. "The impact of Colonial Administration on Political Institution

of Government in llorin I807-|<)]0" M.A. thesis submitted to the Department

Ibid. pp. 123 125.

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