Ranil Held The Key..!

You might also like

Download as odt, pdf, or txt
Download as odt, pdf, or txt
You are on page 1of 6

Ranil held the Key..!

By Krishantha Prasad Cooray

(Lanka-e-News
-07.Jan.2016, 2.45AM) Victory never
falls from the sky. In politics victories
are produced when the conditions for
meaningful and effective struggle
mature and more importantly those
who struggle are empowered by single
minded determination, unity of
purpose, coherence, coordination and
synergy in action, and visionary leadership. It is said and not without cause
that victory begets a thousand fathers and that defeat is always a
foundling. Indeed victory is not only fathered severally it is interpreted
severally as well. The result of the Presidential Election held on the 8thof
January 2015 is no exception.
It can be argued that corruption, wastage, abuse of state power, political
patronage, absence of law and order and all the other factors that had seen
discontent rise after the defeat of the LTTE in May 2009 were not attributes
specific to the Mahinda Rajapaksa regime. However, a lot that was
forgiven, ignored or even considered inevitable due to the war were
expected to be rectified in the post-war scenario. This did not happen.
Instead it was perceived that not only was there an absolute disinterest in
reining in corruption and wastage, these things were encouraged and
worse, indulged in, by the then incumbent. Arrogance and cronyism
pervaded all spheres.
The fact that the executive presidency was useful in executing the military
offensive against the LTTE dulled the objections, but the treatment of
Sarath Fonseka after his failed bid to oust Rajapaksa, the removal of Chief
Justice Shiranee Bandaranayake, the 18th Amendment and a myriad of
other moves clearly showed that it had outlived its usefulness.
It was clear that the entire system needed to be overhauled. In political
terms this had to begin with constitutional reform. For that, Mahinda
Rajapaksa had to be defeated since it was apparent by this time that no
reform was possible unless this was done. He was standing in the way of
the re-democratization that the country sorely needed. He had to be
removed.

The discontent was a necessary but not sufficient condition to orchestrate


regime change. Where was the single-minded determination to come from?
How could a diverse group of actors be united for a purpose? How could
coherence be brought about? How about synergy in action? Where was the
visionary leadership to come from? These were questions that had to be
answered.
There are various theories about how Maithripala Sirisena came to be made
the common presidential candidate. Lets leave those aside. The truth is
that a lot had to happen before coming up with a credible candidate.
In the early days, long before it became a Rajapaksa-Sirisena battle, there
were a number of people who worked tirelessly to prepare the ground. The
late Ven Madoluwawe Sobitha Thero led a group of concerned citizens,
some prominent and some not, in developing an idea around which key
sections of the opposition could unite. What came out of that exercise was
a concept, not a personality. The presidency and not the president was the
main issue. In his last days Sobitha Thero in fact reiterated this fact and
this might have been why President Sirisena pledged at the late Theros
funeral to complete the undone task of abolishing the executive
presidency.
People started supporting Ven Sobitha Thero. The idea of abolishing the
executive presidency was clear, logical and by that time seen as something
that had to be done. Important organizations such as the Bar Association
took up the cry. Professionals and academics became vocal. One of the
key change-factors was that these groups gave confidence to ordinary
people and in particular activists from all sections of society to add their
voices to the struggle. Senior politicians of the caliber of Karu Jayasuriya
also helped bring key political actors and organizations from all
communities on to the same political platform, principally around the
concept that Sobitha Thero championed, the abolishing of the executive
presidency. He tirelessly worked towards keeping them together. Thats
how momentum was generated.
For all this, the go-ahead had to come from the main opposition party. No
candidate however popular or credible in terms of possessing necessary
attributes that were in concert with the political objective of democratizing
could hope to oust Mahinda Rajapaksa without a strong, widespread
network and a well-oiled political machine.
Ranil Wickremesinghe was not only a credible candidate but an alternative
could have no chance without his endorsement. In other words, he held the
key to the door that had to be opened for there to be a credible campaign.
It was not easy. There were many in the UNP who wanted him to contest.
A close finish in 2005, a disaster in 2010 added to two decades without a

UNPer in the driving seat had generated a lot of frustration. Many felt that
this was the UNPs moment. Many felt that Ranil Wickremesinghe could do
it. Perhaps he might have been able to, but this was a political moment
whose gravity could not be underestimated. It was going to be an uphill
battle, a David vs Goliath encounter. The concept that had been turned into
a winning brand, needed a brand ambassador who could undermine the
competitor by wresting away his loyalists. It was thus that Maithripala
Sirisenas name came to be proposed.
In this exercise, a lot of credit is due to former President Chandrika
Kumaratunga. As a patron of the SLFP, a former president, a staunch critic
of Mahinda Rajapaksa and a person with a strong personality, she alone,
perhaps, had what it took to persuade Maithripala Sirisena to break ranks
with the man he would have to contest against heavy odds.
Clearly, it would have to be a brave man that could accept the challenge,
especially since the repercussions of possible defeat were obvious and
clearly foreboding. Maithripala Sirisena may have been the name that
could go along with the concept that civil society had developed, but he
had the courage to make the run worthwhile.
There were others who played key roles. In addition to Sobitha Thero,
Chandrika Kumaratunga and Karu Jayasuriya , special mention should be
made of Ven Athureliye Rathana Thero of the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU). It
was the rejection of his Pivithuru Hetak proposal by Mahinda Rajapaksa
that paved the way for that party to leave the Government. Rathana Thero
and party leader Champika Ranawaka had the voices that could articulate
best the concept that the opposition had developed. They left the ruling
coalition impoverished ideologically and in terms of oratorical edge. They
addressed the Rajapaksa constituency best and helped swing the floating
vote towards the Sirisena campaign.
Similarly, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), although it did not back the
Opposition candidate, played a key role in mobilizing support against the
regime first by not fielding a candidate and secondly by supporting the idea
of abolishing the executive presidency and as importantly the reestablishment of good governance. Anura Kumara Dissanayake and the JVP
operated separately but towards the same objective of defeating Mahinda
Rajapaksa.
The Tamil National Alliance and the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress as well as
other political groups bolstered the Opposition campaign by getting the
anti-Rajapaksa voters to the polling booths on the 8th of January. Their
contribution cannot be underestimated. They were an integral part of what
had snowballed into a national movement for democracy.
For all this, the role of the UNP and in particular Ranil Wickremesinghe, as

we mentioned, was the most important factor in the 8th of January result.
Ranil Wickremesinghe had to convince his party that the country should
come first not only in rhetoric but by concrete action. He had to convince
his party that the long term interest of the country can only be served by
creating a level-playing field. He had to convince his party that things were
so bad that they could not take any chances and that Maithripala Sirisena,
since he could draw a sizeable chunk of the SLFP vote, had a better chance.
He had to convince his party that Maithripala Sirisena needed the fullest
support of the UNP and that the national interest called for the UNP to
extend him that support. This is where Ranil Wickremesinghe
demonstrated best the qualities of determination, political maturity and
leadership. He united the party to back a winning idea. He gave coherence
to a campaign that may very well have floundered without the backing of a
national party with a nation-wide network and campaign machine. He
helped coordinate what might otherwise have been a bits and pieces
campaign. He brought about synergy. He could do all this because he had
visionary leadership qualities which today even his one-time detractors
would not hesitate to acknowledge.
In these efforts, he was ably supported by his General Secretary Kabir
Hashim. Indeed, Hashim came to the forefront because his predecessor
Tissa Attanayake had crossed over to the enemy camp in the eleventh hour.
That move actually boomeranged on the Rajapaksa campaign, for Hashim
proved he was far more effective and efficient at mobilizing the partys
grassroots and putting the party machinery in top gear. Party seniors such
as Ravi Karunanayake, Lakshman Kiriella, Mangala Samaraweera, Thalatha
Athukorale, Vajira Abeywardena, Wijedasa Rajapaksha, and new faces with
strong professional credentials like Eran Wickramaratne and Harsha De
Silva were voices of reason that helped convince the partys rank and file
that the decision to support Maithripala Sirisena made sense. They gave
coherence to the Opposition campaign.
A couple of examples might help demonstrate the considerable
commitment, skill and courage of a number of key players in the election
drama that culminated in Maithripala Sirisena being elected President.
Just before election day a document was discovered detailing military
deployment on the day of the election. Maithripala Sirisena, Ranil
Wickremesinghe, Chandrika Kumaratunga, Karu Jayasuriya, Champika
Ranawaka, Sarath Fonseka, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, M. Sumanthiran,
Wijedasa Rajapaksa and J.C. Weliamuna met with the Elections
Commissioner Mahinda Deshapriya. Deshapriya immediately wrote to the
General Secretaries of the SLFP and the SLFP-led coalition, the UPFA as well
as the service commanders and the IGP regarding this. That was principled
civil service at its highest. His resolve was complemented by that of
Sobitha Thero who said that if the will of the people is hijacked he would

walk to the Elections Commission and was prepared to die because guns
can take a life but cannot destroy an idea. The JVP also issued a statement
saying that they will mobilize the entire rank and file of the party to protect
the vote. These moves no doubt dissuaded those who sought to overturn a
peoples verdict through extra-constitutional measures.
Deshapriya, in fact, was a hero in his own right. Heading a commission that
had been shackled by the repealing of the 17th Amendment, he
compensated with courage and skill, mobilizing his department and
employees to ensure that wrongdoing was kept to a minimum.
On election day the state-owned Rupavahini telecasted a false and clearly
mischievous news item claiming that the UNPs Deputy Leader Sajith
Premadasa had crossed over to the Rajapaksa camp. Deshapriya
personally went to the Rupavahini Corporation and demanded a correction.
That was going the extra mile, something that few civil servants have had
the courage to do when it comes to elections or anything else.
The ruling party also circulated a rumour in the Jaffna Peninsula that the
election was going to be postponed. Another duty conscious officer, Deputy
Elections Commissioner Achchudan took all necessary steps to inform the
people that this was an absolute lie and that the election will indeed be
held. A senior legal brain in the Rajapaksa camp took up the legality or
otherwise of Achchudans intervention with the Elections Commissioner but
Deshapriya stood his ground. All credit to him.
The media, by and large, continued to support Rajapaksa, for reasons of
loyalty perhaps but probably out of concern regarding possible and
unsavoury repercussions. When Maithripala Sirisena invited the editors of
newspapers and other media heads for a suhada hamuwa or friendly
meeting, only two editors turned up. That should indicate in what kind of
hostile media environment the Sirisena campaign had to operate.
Finally, when it was becoming clear that Maithripala Sirisena was going to
win the election, Mahinda Rajapaksa summoned the Attorney General, the
Chief Justice, the Army Commander and the IGP, inquiring if Emergency
could be imposed to stop the counting. Perhaps he wanted to find a way to
complete the last two years of his terms. The Attorney General, after
consulting seniors in the Department said no. The IGP echoed his
sentiments. By and large saner counsel prevailed among these key
individuals. In any event, by this time and as indicated by the results of the
postal vote, the lower ranks of all state institutions had overwhelmingly
determined that they would no longer bend to any pressure from the top
regardless of who would give the orders.
This is why the 8th of January result, all things considered, was a peoples
victory. Many played important roles, as detailed above. Ranil

Wickremesinghe, more than anyone else, held the political trumps and he
played them in Maithripala Sirisenas favour. He was from beginning to end
the leader of the struggle.
For all that, however, the true owner of this unprecedented victory for
democracy and good governance, is the ordinary voter whose
dissatisfaction with the previous regime was the impetus in the first
instance for Ven Sobitha Thero to launch this campaign. They were the
manifestations of the maturing of conditions for meaningful and effective
political struggle. It was the bedrock that is the peoples will that
everything else was built upon. It was their sentiments that made
everything else possible, including Ranil Wickremesinghes effective and
critical interventions.
The ordinary voter made a statement. The ordinary voter gave a mandate.
Rest assured, the ordinary voter will continue to be the main protagonist in
seeing that the mandate is implemented to the letter, regardless of
personalities that may have to be sidelined or might fall along the way.

By Krishantha Prasad Cooray


---------------------------

by

(2016-01-06 21:27:54)

Posted by Thavam

You might also like