Inflow and redistribution of Roman imperial denarii in the area of Przeworsk, Wielbark and Chernyakhiv cultures and in the Baltic islands in the light of chronological of coin hoards / Arkadiusz Dymowski, Kirill Myzgin

3
Tom IX
MUZEUM NARODOWE W KRAKOWIE

SEKCJA NUMIZMATYCZNA
KOMISJI ARCHEOLOGICZNEJ PAN
ODDZIA W KRAKOWIE
Krakw 2014
Komitet naukowy / Scientific Committee:

Peter van Alfen, Aleksander Bursche, Franois de Callata, Karsten Dahmen, Georges Depeyrot,
Zofia Goubiew, Bogumia Haczewska, Wiesaw Kaczanowicz, Elbieta Korczyska, Adam Makiewicz,
Mariusz Mielczarek, Ji Militk, Janusz A. Ostrowski, Maciej Salamon, Bernhard Weisser
Redakcja / Editorial Board:
Redaktor / Editor in Chief Jarosaw Bodzek
Zastpca redaktora / Associate Editor Mateusz Woniak
Sekretarze / Secretaries Kamil Kopij, Dorota Malarczyk
Redaktor tematyczny / Theme Editor:
Peter van Alfen
Redaktor jzykowy / Linguistic Editor:
Peter van Alfen
Recenzenci / Reviewers:
Michael Alram, Michel Amandry, Barbara Butent-Stefaniak, Marek Ferenc, Wolfgang Fischer-Bossert,
Gerard Fussman, Witold Garbaczewski, Dobrochna Gorliska, Johan van Heesch, Lutz Ilisch, Andrew Meadows,
Vlastimil Novk, Marek Olbrycht, Tomasz Panfil, Zenon Piech, Nikolaus Schindel, Luke Treadwell,
Eliza Walczak, David Wigg-Wolf, Marcin Wooszyn
Redaktor prowadzcy / Managing Editor:
Anna Kowalczyk
Adiustacja tekstu / Editing:

Barbara Leszczyska-Cyganik, Monika Myszkiewicz
Korekta / Proofreading:
Marta Orczykowska, Magdalena Pawowicz
Tumaczenia / Translations:
Jarosaw Bodzek, Marcin Fijak
Opracowanie graficzne / Graphic Design:
Luiza Berdak
Adres redakcji / Address of the Editorial Office:

Muzeum Narodowe w Krakowie
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tel. (+48) 12 433 58 50
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Wyczn odpowiedzialno za przestrzeganie praw autorskich dotyczcych materiau ilustracyjnego ponosz autorzy tekstw.
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The print edition of the Notae Numismaticae Zapiski Numizmatyczne is treated as its original version.
Muzeum Narodowe w Krakowie i Autorzy, 2014

ISSN 1426-5435
SPIS TRECI / CONTENTS
Od redakcji / From the Editors
ARTYKUY / ARTICLES

13
20
25
34
Uwaga o pewnej monecie satrapiej czyby kolejna emisja Mazakesa?
FRAN STROOBANTS
How the Sagalassians Stick to Their Gods. Some Unpublished 3rd-Century Coins
from Sagalassos
Przywizanie Sagalassyjczykw do wasnych bogw. Kilka niepublikowanych monet Sagalassos
z III wieku
39
57
JAROSAW BODZEK
A Note on a Satrapal Coin Perhaps another Mazaces Issue?
ARKADIUSZ DYMOWSKI, KIRILL MYZGIN

Inflow and Redistribution of Roman Imperial Denarii in the Area of the Przeworsk,
Wielbark and Chernyakhiv Cultures and in the Baltic Islands in the Light
of Chronological Structure of Coin Hoards
Napyw i redystrybucja rzymskich denarw z okresu cesarstwa na terenie kultur przeworskiej,
wielbarskiej i czerniachowskiej oraz na wyspach batyckich w wietle struktury chronologicznej skarbw
71
88
95
116
VITAL SIDAROVICH
The Finds of Greek and Roman Provincial Coins in Belarus
Znaleziska greckich i rzymskich prowincjonalnych monet na Biaorusi
ANNA ZAPOLSKA
The Coins from the Goldsmith Hoard of Frombork Reconsidered
Monety ze Skarbu Zotnika z Fromborka rozpatrzone na nowo

117
128
DOROTA MALARCZYK
The Early-Medieval Silver Hoard from the Environs of Gniezno. Islamic Coins

135
142
143
MATEUSZ BOGUCKI
Czy istniej monety Miecawa, zbuntowanego czenika Mieszka II?
Appendix [Mateusz Bogucki, Jacek Magiera]
Wczesnoredniowieczny skarb srebrny z okolic Gniezna. Monety islamskie
Are there Coins of Miecaw, a Rebellious Cup-Bearer of King Mieszko II?

147

163
LILIA DERGACIOVA
Powizania systemw monetarnych litewskiego i modawskiego na pocztku
XVI wieku

173

181
PAULINA TARADAJ
Medal z 1789 roku upamitniajcy sejm i uchwa o powikszeniu armii
ze zbiorw Gabinetu Numizmatycznego Muzeum Narodowego w Krakowie
from the Collection of the Numismatic Cabinet of the National Museum in Krakow

185

190
ANNA BOCHNAK, AGATA SZTYBER

Monety nowoytne ze stanowiska 28 w Zakrzowie, gm. Niepoomice,
pow. wielicki, woj. maopolskie
Poland Voivodeship

195

214
PRZEMYSAW MARCIN UKOWSKI

Wadysaw Bartynowski (18321918). ycie, twrczo i spucizna archiwalna
w zbiorach Muzeum Narodowego w Krakowie
of the National Museum in Krakow

219

223
ANNA BOCHNAK
Spis monet polskich i z polskiemi styczno majcych znajdujcych si
w zbiorze Emeryka Czapskiego 1846 r. 5 Decembra Wilno pierwszy katalog
monet Emeryka Hutten-Czapskiego, wiadectwo modzieczych zainteresowa
synnego kolekcjonera
of Emeryk Czapski, as of December 5, 1846, Vilnius Emeryk Hutten-Czapskis First Catalogue
of Coins, Testimony to the Famous Collectors Youthful Interests
Relations between Lithuanian and Moldavian Monetary Systems in the Early 16th Century
Medal Struck in 1789 in Commemoration of the Polish Sejm Resolution on Army Enlargement,
The Modern Coins Found at Zakrzw, Site 28, Niepoomice Borough, Wieliczka County, Lesser
Wadysaw Bartynowski (18321918): Life, Work and Archival Heritage in the Collection
A Register of Polish Coins, and of Those Historically Associated with Poland, in the Collection
RECENZJE / REVIEWS

231

ALEKSANDER BURSCHE
TERESA GIOVE Pompei. Rinvenimenti monetali nella Regio I, Studi
e Materiali 16, Istituto Italiano di Numismatica, Roma 2013, 395 pages,
numerous tables and graphics, ISBN 978-8-8859-1455-1

238

ARKADIUSZ DYMOWSKI
HELLE W. HORSNS Crossing Boundaries. An Analysis of Roman Coins in
Danish Contexts. Vol. 2: Finds from Bornholm, Studies in Archaeology and
History, Vol. 18:2, Copenhagen 2013, 213 pages, ISBN 978-87-7602-188-7
PAWE GOYNIAK

243

DOROTA MALARCZYK
VLASTIMIL NOVK with an excursus by MILENA BRAVERMANOV
The Kel Hoard Revised: Fragments of Islamic Silver Coins, Monumenta
Numismatica, vol. 1, Prague 2010, 115 pages, 24 plates, ISBN 978-80-7007-324-7
249

GABRIELLA TASSINARI Giovanni Pichler. Raccolta di impronte di intagli

e di cammei del Gabinetto Numismatico e Medagliere delle Raccolte Artistiche
del Castello Sforzesco di Milano (Dattilioteche 1), Raccolte Artistiche del
Castello Sforzesco Milano, Edizioni ennerre S.r.l., Milano 2012, 441 pages,
illustrations (chiefly colour), 20 figures, hardcover, ISBN 978-88-87235-73-9
KRONIKA / CHRONICLE

255
261
ANDA JAWORUCKA-DRATH
Kronika Gabinetu Numizmatycznego Muzeum Narodowego w Krakowie (2013)
Chronicle of the National Museum in Krakows Numismatic Cabinet (2013)

269
273
DIANA BOSKA
Archiwum Numizmatykw podsumowanie projektu po pierwszym roku realizacji
The Numismatistss Archive: A Recapitulation of the Project Inaugurated in 2013
NEKROLOG / OBITUARY

279
282
ANNA ZAWADZKA
Jerzy Kolendo numizmatyk (9 czerwca 1933 28 lutego 2014)
In Memory of Jerzy Kolendo (9 June 1933 28 February 2014)
Tom IX
Krakw 2014
ARKADIUSZ DYMOWSKI
Gdynia
KIRILL MYZGIN
V.N. Karazin Kharkiv National University
Inlow and Redistribution of Roman Imperial Denarii

in the Area of the Przeworsk, Wielbark and Chernyakhiv
Cultures and in the Baltic Islands in the Light
of Chronological Structure of Coin Hoards
It is quite obvious that Roman coins discovered to the north of the Danubian limes and to the
east of the Rhine limes must be treated as evidence of the inlux of Roman coinage to Barbaricum and
redistribution of these coins within Barbaricum.1 In many cases it is very hard to conclude whether
a given ind is to be interpreted as a direct import from the Empire2 or is more likely to be linked with
intertribal, secondary exchange in the Barbarian territory.3 At the current level of research we can
1
The authors are indebted to Dr Helle Horsns of the Royal Collection of Coins and Medals, National
Museum of Denmark, to Dr Lennart Lind of the Stockholm University and to Vitaliy Sidorovich of the Belarusian State University for their assistance in obtaining access to the most recent material from the territories of
Denmark, Sweden and Belarus and their advice on how to interpret it. We also extend our thanks to Dr Cristian
Gzdac of the Romanian Academy of Science, for similar assistance with inds from the Danubian area.
2
A detailed analysis of circumstances in which Roman coinage passed into Barbarian hands is given by
Peter Kehne (P. KEHNE, Ausknfte antiker Schriftquellen zu Umstnden und Groenordnungen des Ablusses
rmischer Mnzen ins Barbaricum vom 1.5. Jahrhundert n. Chr. Eine Problemskizze in: A. BURSCHE,
R. CIOEK, R. WOLTERS (eds.), Roman Coins outside the Empire. Ways and Phases, Contexts and Functions, Wetteren 2008 (Collection Moneta, vol. 82), pp. 7581; cf. also A. BURSCHE, Later Roman-Barbarian
Contacts in Central Europe. Numismatic Evidence, Berlin 1996 (Studien zu Fundmnzen der Antike, vol. 11),
pp. 101121 and IDEM, Dalsze monety ze skarbu w Liwie, powiat Wgrw. Trzeciowieczne denary na terenach
Barbaricum in: W. KACZANOWICZ (ed.), Studia z dziejw antyku. Pamici Profesora Andrzeja Kunisza, Katowice 2004, p. 198. The political circumstances of the coin inlow to Barbaricum would be e.g., as tribute (e.g.,
for military support or to guarantee peace), contribution (e.g., paid to the client states of the Roman Empire), loot,
ransom, or soldiers pay.
3
In the Barbarian territory Roman coins could have been redistributed through intertribal exchange, gifts,
plunder (cf. A. BURSCHE, Illerup dal 14. Die Mnzen, rhus 2013 (Jutland Archaeological Society Publications XXV:14, 2010), p. 84) or even grave robbery (cf. M. MCZYSKA, D. RUDNICKA, Uwagi wstpne
o skarbie z okresu rzymskiego z ubianej, woj. gdaskie in: J. KOLENDO (ed.), Nowe znaleziska importw
rzymskich z ziem Polski I, Warszawa 1998 (Corpus der rmischen Funde im europischen Barbaricum, Suplement, vol. 1), pp. 4245).
39
40
specify different zones of inlux and redistribution of Roman coins within the European Barbaricum.
These zones can be characterized by speciic features of coin inds, e.g., chronological and denominational structure of coinage and frequency. One of these zones is the region of the West Balt cultures
where in contrast to adjacent areas there is an evident domination of bronze coinage, mainly
2nd and 3rd century sestertii.4 Another example is pre-Roman Dacia where there is an interesting
phenomenon of numerous hoards of Roman Republican denarii recorded in the territory of modern
Romania.5 The large lands inhabited by the people of the Przeworsk, Wielbark and Chernyakhiv cultures during the Roman Period (i.e., contemporary Poland, Ukraine, Moldova, western Belarus and
western Russia), and also some of the Baltic islands Gotland, Bornholm and, most probably, land6
form a separate zone of inlux and redistribution of 1st2nd (3rd) century Imperial denarii.
The Przeworsk culture took form in central and southern parts of present-day Poland as a result of adaptation by the local population of models from the La Tne (Celtic) culture.7 In its early
stages during the late pre-Roman Period (2nd-1st century BC; phases A1-A3) its territory included,
Lower, and parts of Upper Silesia, Greater Poland, Kuyavia, parts of Mazovia, Podlahia, the Lublin
Region and Lesser Poland. During phase A3, Przeworsk settlement spread to the upper reaches of
the Southern Bug and the Dniester.8 During the early Roman Period (beginning of the 1st - middle of
the 2nd century AD; phases B1-B2) the distribution area of Przeworsk inds expanded signiicantly
from Lower Silesia, northern Greater Poland, Kuyavia, northern Mazovia and western Podlahia to
the Lublin Region and eastern Lesser Poland.9 The beginning of the late Roman Period (the second
half of the 2nd century; phases B2/C1-C1a) was a time of a major shift of the Przeworsk culture
region caused by the expansion of the Wielbark culture people. The most notable development was
the relocation of the population southward (to eastern Slovakia, north-eastern Hungary and northern
Romania) and, during phase C2, a signiicant expansion to the south-east and the west, to the area of
modern north-western Ukraine.10 The late Roman period (phase C3) brings signiicant changes in the
4
A. BURSCHE, Roman coinage in the West Baltic Circle, Barbaricum 2, Warszawa 1992, pp. 231239;
A. ZAPOLSKA, Rmische Mnzen in Wesbaltischen Kulturkreis Kontexte un Funktionen in: A. BURSCHE,
R. CIOEK, R. WOLTERS (eds.), Roman Coins outside the Empire. Ways and Phases, Contexts and Functions,
Wetteren 2008 (Collection Moneta, vol. 82), pp. 181188.
5
M.H. CRAWFORD, Coinage and Money under the Roman Republic. Italy and the Mediterranean Economy, BerkleyLos Angeles 1985, pp. 226235; K. LOCKYEAR, Patterns and process in late Roman Republican
coin hoards, 1572 BC, Oxford 2007, pp. 167168.
6
Cf. L. LIND, The Monetary Reforms of the Romans and the Finds of Roman Denarii in Eastern and
Northern Europe, Current Swedish Archaeology 1, 1993, pp. 136140; A. BURSCHE, Roman coins in Scandinavia. Some remarks from the Continental perspective in: J. PIND et al. (eds.), Drik og du vil leve sknt.
Festskrift til Ula Lund Hansen p 60-rsdagen d. 18 august 2002, Copenhagen 2002, p. 71; IDEM, Dalsze monety, p. 200; IDEM, Relations between the Late Roman World and Barbarian Europe in the light of the coin
inds, Bulletin du Cercle dtudes Numismatiques 43, 2006, pp. 221222; H. HORSNS, Crossing Boundaries.
An Analysis of Roman Coins in Danish Contexts. Vol. 2: Finds from Bornholm, Copenhagen 2013, pp. 7380.
7
J. ANDRZEJOWSKI, Przeworsk Culture. A brief story (for the foreigners) in: U. LUND HANSEN,
A. BITNER-WRBLEWSKA (eds.), Worlds Apart? Contacts across the Baltic Sea in the Iron Age. Network
DenmarkPoland, 20052008, KobenhavnWarszawa 2010, p. 60.
8
Ibidem, p. 61, igs. 13.
9
Ibidem, p. 70, ig. 9.
10
Ibidem, pp. 7778, igs. 1920.
INFLOW AND REDISTRIBUTION...
material culture and funeral rite.11 The latest Przeworsk culture deposits are dated to the Migration
Period (phase D1), not later than the 1st half middle of the 5th century, and its range is now limited
to the areas of central Poland.12
The origin of the Wielbark culture is associated with the migration during the irst half of the 1st
century AD of Gothic tribes from Scandinavia to the region of the Oksywie culture.13 Two phases are
distinguished in the existence of this culture: Lubowice (B1B2) and Cecele (C1/C2D1).14 During
its early stage the Wielbark culture occupied the lands of Pomerania (except for its western part),
areas to the east of the Lower Vistula and north-western reaches of Greater Poland.15 During the
second half of the 2nd century, i.e., in late Roman Period phases B2/C1 (onset of C1a), the culture
spread south-east, to the lands occupied by the Przeworsk culture.16 During phase C2 the Wielbark
culture took in its range the eastern area of Mazovia and Podlahia in the north, lands on the Middle
Vistula in the west; in the south, it extended beyond the river Wieprz and in the east, to the lands of
western Polessia and Volhynia.17 During its inal phase (C3D1) its easternmost regions came under
the Chernyakhiv culture settlement. The latest Wielbark culture deposits are datable to phase D1.18
Many scholars identiied the people of the Chernyakhiv culture with a Gothic federation of
Germanic and non-Germanic tribes.19 Genetically the archaeological material of this culture is connected with the Przeworsk Culture, and especially, with the Wielbark culture. According to Boris
Magomedov, at its onset (230270s; phase C1b) the Chernyakhiv culture took in its range areas of
western and central Ukraine and the territory of Moldova.20 During its next phase, one of greater
stability (270330s, phase C2 early C3) its territory expanded to the area between the rivers Prut
and Siret, to Muntenia and the north-western Black Sea region.21 During the 330370s, (the era of
Ermanaric; phase C3) the culture is still established in Muntenia and parts of Transylvania, and also,
in the forest-steppe zone on the left bank of the Dnieper and extends north to the Desna and Seym
rivers, in the east to the Seversky Donets and the lower reaches of the Dnieper.22 The end of the
Chernyakhiv culture came with the arrival and domination of the Huns in late 4th beginning of the
5th century, which in relative chronology corresponds to phase D1.23
Ibidem, p. 81.
Ibidem, pp. 9192; ig. 34.
13
A. KOKOWSKI, Die Wielbark-Kultur Goten in Mittel- und Osteuropa in: U. LUND HANSEN,
A. BITNER-WRBLEWSKA (eds.), Worlds Apart? Contacts across the Baltic Sea in the Iron Age. Network
DenmarkPoland, 20052008, KobenhavnWarszawa 2010, pp. 111112.
14
Ibidem, p. 113.
15
Ibidem, p. 114, maps 1 and 2.
16
Ibidem, p. 115, map 3.
17
18
19
M. SHCHUKIN, M. KAZANSKI, O. SHAROV, Des Goths aux Huns: Le Nord de la mer Noire au
Bas Empire et a lpoque des Grandes Migrations, Oxford 2006, p. 38; B.V. MAGOMEDOV, Chernkhovska
kultura. Problema etnosa, Lublin 2001, p. 140.
20
Ibidem, p. 139, ig. 88.
21
Ibidem, pp. 140141, ig. 89.
22
Ibidem, p. 143, ig. 90.
23
Ibidem, pp. 146147, ig. 91.
11
12
41
As regards Scandinavia, including Gotland, land and Bornholm, in Roman times (the Roman
Iron Age, 1st-4th century AD), directly before and after that, there is no signiicant cultural change.
There region continued to be settled groups from the circle of post-Celtic cultures of the Roman Period. Changes in material culture primarily relect a strong inluence of the Roman Empire. The result
is the appearance of a large variety of Roman imports in Scandinavia.24
42
On the territory of the European Barbaricum at large and especially within the Przeworsk
WielbarkChernyakhivBaltic zone indicated in the title, both hoards and small (stray) inds (i.e.,
single and cumulative inds; both with and without an archaeological context) of Roman coins show
a strong domination of 1st2nd century denarii, late Nero (5468) to early Septimius Severus (193
211), with a small group of 3rd century issues.25 In terms of chronological structure there is some
evident similarity between individual denarius hoards26 and also, between hoards and single inds.27
Contrary to past views expressed by Polish researchers, more notably, Andrzej Kunisz28 and Jerzy
Wielowiejski,29 who propose to connect the inlux of Roman coins, continuous but varying in its
intensity, with long-distance trade, the results of more recent studies indicate that the inlow of 1st2nd
century denarii from the Empire to the European Barbaricum ought to be dated to the 2nd century, or
possibly, at the latest, to the irst half of the 3rd century. According to Aleksander Bursche the great
wave of denarius inlux, issued in the period between AD 64 and 194/195, to the regions of the Przeworsk, Wielbark and Chernyakhiv cultures, and to the Baltic islands, deinitely is associated with
political contacts between Romans and Barbarians. Roman coinage entered the region during a short
period between the Marcomannic Wars (167180) and the early reign of Septimius Severus.30 In the
irst half of the 3rd century the gradually devalued silver coinage found its way to the Barbarian hinterland in a relatively insigniicant number.31 According to quite similar views voiced by Frank Berger,
1st2nd century denarii were brought to north-western Germany in the period of Marcus Aurelius
(161180) to early Septimius Severus.32 Reinhard Wolters speculated that the mass inlux of denarii
24
J. ULRIKSEN, The Late Iron Age and Early Medieval Period in the Western Baltic in: K.M. HANSEN,
K.B. PEDERSEN (eds.), Across the Western Baltic, Vordingborg 2006, pp. 231234.
25
Cf. T. LUCCHELLI, La moneta nei rapporti tra Roma e lEuropa barbarica: aspetti e problemi, Firenze
1998, pp. 4163.
26
LIND, The Monetary Reforms, pp. 137139; A. BURSCHE, Die Markomannenkriege und der
Zulu rmischer Mnzen in das Barbaricum in: H. FRIESINGER, J. TEJRAL, A. STUPPNER (eds.), Markomannenkrige. Ursachen und Wirkungen, Brno 1994, pp. 472474; R. REECE, Roman coin hoards in Dacia and beyond in: Roman Coins and Archaeology. Collected Papers, Wetteren 2003 (Collection Moneta,
vol. 32), pp. 195304; A. DYMOWSKI, Chronologia napywu denarw rzymskich z IIII w. na ziemie Polski
w wietle analizy nowego materiau ze znalezisk drobnych, Wiadomoci Numizmatyczne LVII, 2013, pp. 105
109; HORSNS, Crossing, p. 78.
27
DYMOWSKI, Chronologia, p. 104; HORSNS, Crossing, p. 52.
28
A. KUNISZ, Kontakty ludnoci ziem polskich z Imperium Rzymskim w wietle znalezisk monetarnych, Wiadomoci Numizmatyczne IX, 1965, pp. 164171; IDEM, Chronologia napywu pienidza rzymskiego
na ziemie Maopolski, Wrocaw 1969, pp. 14137.
29
J. WIELOWIEJSKI, Kontakty Noricum i Pannonii z ludami pnocnymi, Wrocaw 1970, pp. 119146;
IDEM (ed.), Prahistoria ziem polskich. Tom V: Pny okres lateski i okres rzymski, Wrocaw 1981, pp. 400410.
30
BURSCHE, Die Markomannenkriege, pp. 472475; IDEM, Dalsze monety, pp. 196198;
IDEM, Relations, p. 222.
31
Ibidem, p. 222.
32
F. BERGER, Untersuchungen zu rmerzeitlichen Mnzfunden in Nordwestdeutschland, Berlin 1992,
pp. 157159; IDEM, Die Rmischen Fundmnzen in Niedersachsen und Westfalen. Kontext und Funktionen
to the North began in the reign of Antoninus Pius (138161), or possibly, Marcus Aurelius and ceased
in the inal years of Commodus (180192), possibly shortly after the accession of Septimius Severus.33 On the other hand, basing mostly on Swedish inds, Lennart Lind presented a thesis that payments of 1st3rd century denarii made to Barbarians from the Roman state treasury started not earlier
than in the 240s260s.34 However, this thesis was criticised by other researchers.35 Tomaso Lucchelli,
having analysed inds, especially hoards, from the territory of the whole northern, central and eastern
European Barbaricum, dated the onset of the denarius inlux to the period from Trajan36 (98117) to
Antoninus Pius, its end to AD 194195 or slightly later.37 In the opinion of Michael Erdrich, a great
amount of subsidia was paid by the Romans to the Germanic tribes on the north-western border of
the Empire starting from the Marcomannic Wars, in the reign of Marcus Aurelius, until the death
of Commodus and the coming to power of Pertinax in AD 192/193. On occasions, the payments
continued to around AD 198 when, after the civil war, Septimius Severus deinitely strengthened the
limes.38 And inally, Richard Reece, based on the chronological structure of selected hoards from the
Barbarian territory, accepts that 1st3rd century denarii might have continued to enter the region in
a great quantity into the 230s or even for a little longer.39 As regards the inlux of denarii to the Baltic
islands the dominant view is that redistributed coins came there from the mainland, especially from
the area of present-day Poland.40
From an Eastern European point of view the problem of the time of arrival of 1st2nd century
denarii to the territory of Eastern Europe, more speciically modern Ukraine, the region of the
Chernyakhiv culture included has quite an impressive historiography with two separate groups of
views. One are researchers who claim that Roman denarii came to the Eastern European Barbaricum simultaneously with their circulation on the territory of the Empire, or only with a little delay.
Aleksandr Fenin41 and Mikhail Braichevskii42 related the beginning of the inlux to the second half of
in: A. BURSCHE, R. CIOEK, R. WOLTERS (eds.), Roman Coins outside the Empire. Ways and Phases, Contexts and Functions, Wetteren 2008 (Collection Moneta, vol. 82), p. 105.
33
R. WOLTERS, Nummi Signati. Untersuchungen zur rmischen Mnzprgungen und Geldwittschaft,
Mnchen 1999, pp. 385386.
34
L. LIND, Romerska denarer funna i Sverige, Stockholm 1988, pp. 205208.
35
K. SKAARE, Zur Methode der Fundauswertung Rmischer Denare in Hinblick auf das skandinavische
Fundaufkomen, Wien 1992 (Letterae Numismaticae Vindobonenses, vol. 4), pp. 2627; LUCCHELLI, La moneta, pp. 154156; WOLTERS, Nummi, p. 388; BURSCHE, Roman coins, pp. 7172; HORSNS,
Crossing, p. 7879.
36
To be precise, after 107 AD, when Trajan withdrew denarii struck before AD 64; LUCCHELLI, La moneta, pp. 160161.
37
Ibidem, pp. 161162.
38
M. ERDRICH, Rom und die Barbaren. Das Verhltnis zwischen dem Imperium Romanum und den germanischen Stmmen vor seiner Nordwestgrenze vor der spten Republik bis zum Gallischen Sonderreich, Mainz
2001, pp. 127128.
39
R. REECE, Roman silver goes abroad in: A. BURSCHE, R. CIOEK, R. WOLTERS (eds.), Roman
Coins outside the Empire. Ways and Phases, Contexts and Functions, Wetteren 2008 (Collection Moneta, vol.
82), p. 70.
40
LIND, The Monetary Reforms, pp. 139140; HORSNS, Crossing, p. 85.
41
O.V. FENIN, Znahidki rimskikh monet u Prikarpatti, Arkheologi V, 1951, p. 101.
42
M.. BRAICHEVSKII, Rimska moneta ta teritori Ukrani, Kiv 1959, p. 18.
43
the 1st century. Vladislav Kropotkin,43 Georgi Fedorov,44 Emmanuil Rikman,45 Avraam Nudelman,46
Georgi Nebeeridze and several other researchers proposed the beginning of the 2nd century as the
earliest date of the denarius inlux. Virtually all of these researchers associated the process of Roman
denarius inlow to the Barbarian territory with a lively trade maintained with the Roman Empire and
the reduction of the denarius low with the deterioration of the quality of silver coinage in late 2nd
century. It is also notable that this starting date of the denarius inlux was almost the only argument
in favour of the early dating of the Chernyakhiv culture. Only Vladislav Kropotkin suggested that
a signiicant proportion of coins could have arrived as a result of military and political activity of the
Barbarians during the 3rd century.47 In late 1960s and 70s the early dating of the Chernyakhiv culture
was re-examined and shifted to the onset of the 3rd century.48 With this dating the denarii no longer
it the chronological frames of that culture and look archaic. In this situation it was necessary to
propose a different date for the onset of the denarius inlow and to ind a different source for it. Boris
Magomedov concluded that the Roman denarii came to the Chernyakhiv area with a signiicant delay
during the Gothic wars of the mid-3rd century as plunder or payments made by the Romans.49 This
view has some support of other researchers.50 A comparative quantitative analysis of 1st2nd century
denarius hoards discovered in the regions of the Wielbark, Przeworsk and Chernyakhiv cultures
led Kirill Myzgin to conclude that the coins came to Eastern Europe with the arrival of a Germanic
population from the Central European Barbaricum.51
44
Before we start comparing the chronological structure of individual coin series from inds it
may be useful to note the differences in the time span of circulation of 1st and 2nd century denarii.
In the Roman Empire they are no longer in evidence at the end of the irst half of the 3rd century.52
43
V.V. KROPOTKIN, Ekonomicheskie svzi Vostochnoi Evropy v I tyscheletii nashei ery, Moskva 1967,
pp. 7981.
44
G.B. FEDOROV, Rimskie i rannevizantiiskie monety na territorii Moldavskoi SSR in: M. MACREA
(ed.), Omagiu lui Constantin Daicoviciu cu prilejulmplinirii a 60 de ani, Bucureti 1960, p. 186.
45
E.A. RIKMAN, Etnicheska istorija Podnestrov i prilegashego Podunav v pervykh vekakh nashei
ery, Moskva 1975, p. 232.
46
.. NUDELMAN, Rimska moneta v mezhdureche Dnestra, Pruta i Dunaja in: V.L. NIN (ed.),
Numizmatika antichnogo Prichernomor, Kiev 1982, p. 129.
47
V.V. KROPOTKIN, Klady rimskikh monet na territorii SSSR, Moskva 1961 (Svod arkheologicheskikh
istochnikov, Vyp. G. 44), pp. 2425.
48
M.B. SHCHUKIN, O treh datirovkakh chernkhovskoi kultury, Kratkie soobshchenija Instituta
arkheologii Akademii Nauk SSSR 166, 1967, pp. 813; IDEM, O nachalnoi date chernkhovskoi kultury,
Prace Archeologiczne 422, part 22, 1976, pp. 303317; IDEM, K voprosu o verkhnei khronologicheskoi granice
chernkhovskoi kultury, Kratkie soobshchenija Instituta arheologii Akademii Nauk SSSR 178, 1979, pp. 1722.
49
B.V. MAGOMEDOV, Chernkhovska kultura Severo-Zapadnogo Prichernomor, Kiev 1987, p. 79.
50
S.V. PIVOVAROV, Rymski moneti v starozhitnostkh chernkhivskoi kultury in: G.K. KOZHOLIAK
(ed.), Pitann starodavnoi ta serednovichnoi istorii, arkheologii i etnologii, vol. 2, Chernivci 1999, p. 22; M.B.
SHCHUKIN, Gotskij put. Goty, Rim i chernkhovska kultura, Sankt-Peterburg 2005, p. 202; .V. AROV, Keramicheskij kompleks nekropol Chatyr-Dag. Khronologi kompleksov s rimskimi importami (krasnolakova keramika),
Sankt-Peterburg 2007, pp. 3435; K.V. MYZGIN, K voprosu o vremeni postupleni rimskikh monet v sredu chernkhovskogo naseleni, Vestnik Kharkivskogo nationalnogo universitetu imeni V.N. Karazina 40, 2008, pp. 5152.
51
IDEM, Rimskie monety v areale chernkhovskoj kultury: problema istichnikov postu pleni, Stratum
plus Anthropology and Archaeology 4, 2013, p. 223.
52
Cf. H. SCHUBERT, Das Verhltnis von Denar zu Antoninian in der Mnzschtzen der ersten Hlfte des
3. Jahrhunderts n. Chr., Wien 1992 (Letterae Numismaticae Vindobonenses, vol. 4), pp. 267271.
In the European Barbaricum these same denarii continue in evidence until the Migration Period, at
least until approximately AD 500. This is conirmed by numerous inds from the Migration Period.53
Consequently, the denarius inds from Barbaricum cannot be directly compared to the denarius inds
from the Roman territory.54 It is also necessary to take into consideration the speciic character of
the Barbarian inds. The pool of 1st2nd century denarii, presumably brought to Barbaricum before
the end of the 2nd century, continued in use there much longer and, presumably, in different ways55 to
that within the Empire. Moreover, on Roman territory new issues of denarii, struck in the inal years
of the 2nd century and during the 3rd century, entered circulation and, because of inlation, replaced
older coins56 on a very much larger scale than within Barbaricum. For this reason the chronological
structure of coin sets formed in Barbaricum may be very individual, different from the chronological
structure of deposits from the Empire. Possible similarities may be misleading.57 At the same time,
as coins continued to be used within Barbaricum, assemblages of 1st2nd century denarii were augmented by adding later coins which presumably found their way into Barbarian hands later and
independently from the 1st2nd century denarii, e.g., the 3rd century denarii mentioned earlier, or 4th
century solidi.58 Thus, as part of the barbarian assemblages with a chronological structure that we
can refer directly to the pool of 1st2nd century denarii in circulation within the Empire at the time of
the export of the denarii beyond the limes, we have a relatively small number of later coins, added
at a later date. In a similar way groups of 1st2nd century denarii obtained directly from the Empire
may have had added to them other 1st2nd century denarii, so commonly used by the Barbarians. If
the number of these secondary additions was negligible in relation to the size of the assemblage, they
did not disrupt their original, imperial chronological structure in any signiicant manner but may
represent in it the oldest or, especially, the youngest coins. Thus, for assemblages of 1st2nd century
denarii from Barbaricum we should adopt the rule something that we are aware may be regarded as
highly controversial that the youngest coin in an assemblage marks the terminus post quem of its
deposition but cannot be the decisive factor dating the time of inlux from the territory of the Empire
53
A brief and comprehensive description of the phenomenon is given by Aleksander Bursche in: A. BURSCHE, Rola rde numizmatycznych w studiach nad sytuacj osadnicz i kulturow na ziemiach polskich
u schyku staroytnoci in: P. KACZANOWSKI, M. PARCZEWSKI (eds.), Archeologia o pocztkach Sowian,
Krakw 2005, pp. 203205. One example we can quote in this context is the hoard from Zagrzyn (now Zagorzyn) in Greater Poland. Dated by objects accompanying the coins to not earlier than the turn of the 5th and
6th cc., the hoard comprised around 3000 (possibly more) 1st2nd century denarii (with only 13 specimens recorded, Hadrian to Commodus), 4th century solidi, at least six gold medallions and two gold Germanic bracteates
(A. BURSCHE, Zote medaliony rzymskie w Barbaricum. Symbolika prestiu i wadzy spoeczestw barbarzyskich u schyku staroytnoci, Warszawa 1998 (wiatowit, Supplement Series A: Antiquity, vol. 2), pp. 5161).
54
Cf. REECE, Roman coin hoards, pp. 295304; IDEM, Roman silver, pp. 6971.
55
See A. BURSCHE, Function of Roman coins in Barbaricum of Later Antiquity. An anthropological essay in: A. BURSCHE, R. CIOEK, R. WOLTERS (eds.), Roman Coins outside the Empire. Ways and Phases,
Contexts and Functions, Wetteren 2008 (Collection Moneta, vol. 82), pp. 398408.
56
Cf. SCHUBERT, Das Verhltnis, pp. 267271.
57
Cf. LIND, The Monetary Reforms, pp. 138139; IDEM, Greshams Law and the Disappearance
of the pre-Severen Denarii in the Roman Empire during the Third Century AD in: M. ASOLATI, G. GORINI
(eds.), Atti del III Congresso Internazionale di Numismatica e di Storia Monetaria, Padova, 2829 ottobre 2005,
Padova 2006, pp. 5966.
58
BURSCHE, Dalsze monety, pp. 202204.
45
of the main body of the hoard denarii. The factor recognized in this case as decisive would be the
chronological structure of the deposit (Figs. 111).
A comparative analysis of the chronological structure of small inds and hoards of Imperial denarii from Poland led Arkadiusz Dymowski to conclude that these two categories appear to be parts
of the same, highly homogeneous pool of coins.59 The study of the chronological pattern of inds from
Bornholm conducted by Helle Horsns brought the same result.60 Once it is made for denarius inds
from other regions of Barbaricum, especially Ukraine, this line of research may be expected to bring
analogical conclusions. The hoards might then be treated as a representative pool of Roman denarii
from all manner of inds from a given area. What is evident at present is that the hoards from Poland,
Ukraine, Moldova, western Belarus, western Russia, Gotland, Bornholm and land all have a highly
similar chronological structure within a few speciied types.61 And this is the starting point for the
analysis presented below.
Currently we have a record of 86 hoards containing not less than 50 Imperial denarii (excluding
Barbarian imitations) with a well determined chronological composition:62 37 deposits from Poland,63
DYMOWSKI, Chronologia, pp. 93121.
HORSNS, Crossing, p. 52.
61
Cf. LIND, The Monetary Reforms, pp. 137139; BURSCHE, Die Markomannenkriege, pp.
471485; REECE, Roman coin hoards, pp. 299303; DYMOWSKI, Chronologia, pp. 104109;
62
It is notable that quite often the hoard composition is known only from early archival records, sometimes
as old as the 18th or 19th century. They cannot be treated as fully reliable but are all that is available to us.
63
Botnica Strzelecka (A. KUNISZ, Katalog skarbw monet rzymskich odkrytych na ziemiach polskich,
Warszawa 1973 (Materiay do prahistorii ziem polskich, vol. V, part 5), pp. 1415; P. KACZANOWSKI,
U. MARGOS, Tabula Imperii Romani. M-34 Krakw, Krakw 2002, p. 17; R. CIOEK, Die Fundmnzen
der Rmischen Zeit in Polen: Schlesien, Wetteren 2008 (Collection Moneta, vol. 83), pp. 2325), Chmielw
Piaskowy (KUNISZ, Katalog, pp. 2224; IDEM, Znaleziska monet rzymskich z Maopolski, Wrocaw 1985,
pp. 3745; KACZANOWSKI, MARGOS, Tabula, pp. 2734), Dbrowno (KUNISZ, Katalog, pp. 2426;
IDEM, Znaleziska, pp. 4956; KACZANOWSKI, MARGOS, Tabula, pp. 4247), Dorotowo (KUNISZ,
Katalog, p. 27; R. CIOEK, Die Fundmnzen der Rmischen Zeit in Polen: Pommern, Wetteren 2007 (Collection Moneta, vol. 67), pp. 3638), Drzewicz Nowy (now Nowy Drzewicz) (KUNISZ, Katalog, pp. 2728;
A. KRZYANOWSKA, Skarb denarw rzymskich z Drzewicza, Wrocaw 1976; S. KUBIAK, Znaleziska monet
rzymskich z Mazowsza i Podlasia, Wrocaw 1979, pp. 2943), Dziedzice (KUNISZ, Katalog, p. 28; CIOEK,
Die Fundmnzen Schlesien, pp. 6061), Giero (KUNISZ, Katalog, p. 32; CIOEK, Die Fundmnzen Pommern, pp. 6366), Golub-Dobrzy (KUNISZ, Katalog, pp. 3435; CIOEK, Die Fundmnzen Pommern, pp.
6782), Gostynin (KUNISZ, Katalog, p. 36; KUBIAK, Znaleziska, pp. 4445), Iwno (KUNISZ, Katalog,
pp. 4243), Jerzmanowice II (A. DYMOWSKI, Skarby monet rzymskich odkryte w ostatnim czasie na terenie
Jury Krakowsko-Czstochowskiej, Wiadomoci Numizmatyczne LI, 2007, pp. 6368; IDEM, Znaleziska monet
rzymskich z terenu Polski rejestrowane w pierwszych latach XXI wieku. Aspekty rdoznawcze, Zielona Gra 2011,
pp. 203209), Korzkiew (KUNISZ, Katalog, p. 53; IDEM, Znaleziska, pp. 8993; KACZANOWSKI,
MARGOS, Tabula, pp. 105108), Ld (KUNISZ, Katalog, p. 6061), Liw (ibidem, p. 61; KUBIAK, Znaleziska, pp. 4950; A. ROMANOWSKI, Die Fundmnzen der Rmischen Zeit in Polen: Rechtsufriges Masowien und Podlachien, Wetteren 2008 (Collection Moneta, vol. 84), pp. 6069), gowo (KUNISZ, Katalog,
pp. 6162), Malkowice (ibidem, pp. 6465; IDEM, Znaleziska, pp. 113117; KACZANOWSKI, MARGOS,
Tabula, pp. 138141), Nietulisko Mae I (KUNISZ, Katalog, pp. 7172; IDEM, Znaleziska, pp. 126148;
K. MITKOWA-SZUBERT, The Nietulisko Mae Hoards of Roman Denarii, Warszawa 1989; KACZANOWSKI,
MARGOS, Tabula, pp. 147203; M. BIBORSKI, J. BODZEK, P. KACZANOWSKI, Nietulisko Mae Hoard I Rediscovered Preliminary Information, Notae Numismaticae V, 2004, pp. 4959), Nietulisko Mae II
(KUNISZ, Katalog, pp. 7273; IDEM, Znaleziska, pp. 148149; MITKOWA-SZUBERT, The Nietulisko;
KACZANOWSKI, MARGOS, Tabula, pp. 203220), Ossa-Rywadzik (KUNISZ, Katalog, p. 79; CIOEK,
Die Fundmnzen Pommern, pp. 139150), Pacztowice (KUNISZ, Katalog, p. 81; IDEM, Znaleziska,
pp. 159160; KACZANOWSKI, MARGOS, Tabula, pp. 233237), Podzamcze (KUNISZ, Katalog, p. 64;
59
60
46
25 from Ukraine,64 3 from Russia,65 2 from Belarus,66 1 from Moldova,67 15 from Gotland,68 2 from
KUBIAK, Znaleziska, pp. 5960; KACZANOWSKI, MARGOS, Tabula, pp. 136137; ROMANOWSKI,
Die Fundmnzen, pp. 100106; IDEM, Kolejne denary rzymskie z miejscowoci Podzamcze, pow. garwoliski. Rejon ujcia Okrzejki w wietle znalezisk monet rzymskich, Wiadomoci Numizmatyczne LIII, 2009,
pp. 225230), Przewodw (KUNISZ, Katalog, p. 90; IDEM, Znaleziska, pp. 174178; KACZANOWSKI,
MARGOS, Tabula, pp. 253256), Przdzel (KUNISZ, Katalog, p. 9192; IDEM, Znaleziska, pp. 179181;
KACZANOWSKI, MARGOS, Tabula, pp. 256257), Resko (KUNISZ, Katalog, p. 96; CIOEK, Die Fundmnzen Pommern, pp. 200206), Romanw (KUNISZ, Katalog, p. 98; IDEM, Znaleziska, pp. 185188;
KACZANOWSKI, MARGOS, Tabula, pp. 268281; W. FEDOROWICZ, Trzecia cz skarbu denarw
rzymskich z Romanowa, Lubelskie Wiadomoci Numizmatyczne XII, 2003, pp. 547), Ruszczyzna (KUNISZ,
Katalog, p. 99; IDEM, Znaleziska, pp. 191194; KACZANOWSKI, MARGOS, Tabula, pp. 284288),
Siedlimowo (KUNISZ, Katalog, p. 102103), Skrobaczw (ibidem, p. 104; IDEM, Znaleziska, pp. 201204;
KACZANOWSKI, MARGOS, Tabula, pp. 298300), Sochy Annopolskie (unpublished); Sopot (KUNISZ,
Katalog, pp. 106107; CIOEK, Die Fundmnzen Pommern, pp. 222227), Swaryczw (KUNISZ, Katalog, pp. 110111; IDEM, Znaleziska, pp. 211214; KACZANOWSKI, MARGOS, Tabula, pp. 312315),
Szczytno (KUNISZ, Katalog, p. 112; W. NOWAKOWSKI, Corpus der rmischen Funde im europischen
Barbaricum, Polen Band I: Masuren, Warszawa 2001, p. 107), Tokary (KUNISZ, Katalog, pp. 114115;
IDEM, Znaleziska, pp. 219233; KACZANOWSKI, MARGOS, Tabula, pp. 322330), Wilkw (KUNISZ,
Katalog, pp.126127; IDEM, Znaleziska, pp. 241245; KACZANOWSKI, MARGOS, Tabula, pp. 343
346), Wrocaw (KUNISZ, Katalog, pp. 131132; CIOEK, Die Fundmnzen Schlesien, pp. 293295), Zbjna (KUNISZ, Katalog, p. 136; KUBIAK, Znaleziska, pp. 7778; ROMANOWSKI, Die Fundmnzen,
pp. 150152), ulice (KUNISZ, Znaleziska, pp. 259260; KACZANOWSKI, MARGOS, Tabula, pp. 366
374, B. PASZKIEWICZ, Skarb z ulic [1970] bez koca in: P. UCZKIEWICZ et. al. (eds.), Europa Barbarica. wier wieku archeologii w Masomczu, Lublin 2005, Monumenta Studia Gothica, vol. IV, pp. 369373).
64
Antonvka (V.V. KROPOTKIN, Dopolnenie k spisku nahodok rimskih monet, Stratum plus Anthropology & Archaeology 6, 2000, p. 61, no. 1169), Borochice (K. MITKOWA-SZUBERT, Zawarto, losy
i prba interpretacji skarbu rzymskiego z Boroczyc na Woyniu, Wiadomoci Numizmatyczne XLIII, 1999, pp.
137150); Boryn (KROPOTKIN, Dopolnenie, p. 54, no. 347), ernic (ibidem, pp. 6061, no. 868a (393)),
Chutove (G.V. BEIDIN, K.V. MYZGIN, Monetno-veshevoi klad rimskogo vremeni iz srednego techeni basseina
r. Vorskla, Odessa 2010 (Zapiski otdela numizmatiki i torevtiki Odesskogo arkheologicheskogo muze, Vyp.
2), pp. 4464), Glinsk I (B.V. MAGOMEDOV, L.R. KAROEVA, Skarb denariv bil s. Glinsk, Arheologi
62, 1988, pp. 8286; . SHILIN, Nova informaci pro chernkhivske poselenn bl s. Glinsk Vinnicko oblast in: T.R. SOLOMONOVA (ed.) Podlska starovina. Naukovij zbiornik. Do 85richcha v chasu zasnuvanna
Vinnickogo oblasnogo kraeznavchogo muzeu, Vinnic 2003, pp. 5865), Harkv (Kharkiv) environs (unpublished), Kolantav (KROPOTKIN, Dopolnenie, p. 27, no. 1800), Lipovec (ibidem, p. 24, no. 1738), Luchic
(ibidem, p. 59, no. 676), Lukishina (V.P. GLUSHENKO, Klad rimskikh denariev iz s. Lukishina, Numizmatika
i epigraika IV, Moskva 1989, pp. 1952), Mazepinc (KROPOTKIN, Klady, p. 60, no. 496), Novooleksandrvka
(M.. BRAICHEVSKII, Rimska moneta, p. 132, no. 124), Novograd (Novohrad) Volinski (KROPOTKIN,
Klady, p. 55, no. 382), Pereorki (ibidem, p. 51, no. 295), Roginc (ibidem, p. 78, no. 955), Rubche (IDEM,
Dopolnenie, pp. 5758, no. 317), Sarniki (Gornye) (IDEM, Klady, p. 76, no. 914), Star Valki I (S.V. KODACKIJ, K.V. MYZGIN, Novi skarb rimskih denariv z okolic sela Star Valki, forthcoming), Star Valki II
(ibidem), (Star) Romanvka (KROPOTKIN, Dopolnenie, p. 26, no. 1775), Tur (IDEM, Klady, p. 89,
no. 1271), Ulnvka (G.E. HRABAN, Klad rimskikh denariev iz s. Pogorelogo, Sovetska arkheologi 2, 1958,
p. 255), Vnnic (Vinnytsia) environs (O. KUZMENKO, Klad rimskikh denariv, Numizmatika i faleristika
3 (39), 2006, pp. 610), Zbuzh (KROPOTKIN, Dopolnenie, p. 60, no 839).
65
Belgorod (V.P. GLUSHENKO, Novyj klad rimskikh denariev, Vestnik drevnej istorii 2 (189), 1989,
pp. 6874), Prmicyno (O.A. RADSH, Nakhodki monet rimskogo vremeni s territorii Kurskoj oblasti in:
V.V. ENUKOV, K.F. SOKOL (eds.), Slavnorusskie drevnosti Dneprovskogo Levoberezh: materialy konf.,
posbsh. 75-leti so dl podeni K. F. Sokola, Kursk 2008, p. 143), Sevenki (ibidem, p. 142).
66
Lyshchytsy (V.S. SIDOROVICH, Lyickij klad rimskikh monet in: XV Vserossijska numizmaticheska konferenci. Tezisy dokladov i soobshenij, Moskva 2009, pp. 4445), Malech (IDEM, Malechskij klad rimskikh denariev (osnovnye itogi issledovani) in: K. FILIPOW, B. KUKLIK (eds.), Pienidz i systemy monetarne
wsplne dziedzictwo Europy, AugustwWarszawa 2012, pp. 2935).
67
Bendery-Tighina (A. POPA, L. CIOBANU, Moneda roman n Basarabia. Ghid metodic, Chiinu 2003,
p. 67).
68
Bjrs I (L. LIND, Roman denarii found in Sweden, 2. Catalogue. Text, Stockholm 1981 (Acta Universitatis Stockholmiensis. Stockholm Studies in Classical Archaeology, vol. 11:2), pp. 4243, no. 46), Bomunds
47
48
Bornholm69 and 1 from land.70 Barbarian imitations, pre-Neronian denarii and coins of denominations other than denarii present in these hoards are not taken into account in subsequent statistical
analysis. The number of hoards recorded in each region cannot be regarded as a reliable index of the
distribution of deposits because of the differences in the status of research. The level of recording of
inds in Poland is much lower than in the Scandinavian countries but on the other hand much higher
than in Ukraine and other countries of the former Soviet Union. For this reason the actual number of
denarii hoards in Ukraine may be much higher than has been recorded in reference literature.
With the exception of some rare pre-Neronian denarii (mostly Republican) and a small quantity
rd
of 3 century denarii, the 86 hoards named above comprise coins struck during the later reign of Nero
(from AD 64 onwards) until the early reign of Septimius Severus (to around AD 194/195). According
to Aleksander Bursche, later denarii found in hoards, especially 3rd century issues, may be regarded
as later, presumably secondary, additions made on the Barbarian territory.71 Although the chronological framework of these hoards is closely deined, their chronological structure is quite diverse. Some
hoards have an older structure. Others are characterized by a relatively younger distribution of issues.
Based on the Polish inds Arkadiusz Dymowski deined ive types of hoards of 1st2nd century denarii:
A, B, C, BC and D.72 It appears that Ukrainian, Russian, Belarusian and Moldovan hoards, as well as
the deposits from the Baltic islands, can be described using the same system. The only exception is
a Ukrainian hoard discovered in the environs of Vnnic (Vinnytsia), that is so far hard to interpret.
Hoards containing coins not later than Hadrian (117138), very rare indeed, may be classiied
as type A and divided into two sub-types: A1 and A2 (for details see Table 1). Sub-type A2 hoards
(Fig. 1) are deposits ending in the denarii of Hadrian recorded on the Przeworsk culture territory
(Map 1). Type A1 would be hoards which end in the coins of Trajan or earlier. Small inds, mostly
from the area of the Przeworsk culture, have yielded quite a large group of denarii of Trajan which
have no analogy in the hoards. Perhaps, these coins should be interpreted as the irst wave of Imperial
denarii which came to the area of present-day central and southern Poland, probably in connection
i Burgen (ibidem, p. 78, no. 79), Boters (ibidem, pp. 1922, no. 9), Djupbrunns (ibidem, pp. 6972, no. 63; IDEM,
Hoards, Gotland, Hogrn par., Djupbrunns, Stockholm University 2013 (Roman Denarii. Hoards and Stray
Finds in Sweden, 2013, vol. 2), pp. 132), Gandarve II (IDEM, Roman denarii, pp. 1419, no. 8ag), Hallegrda I (ibidem, pp. 4448, no. 53ab), Havor (ibidem, pp. 4950, no. 55), Kams (ibidem, pp. 7577, no. 73),
ja (ibidem, pp. 9495, no. 121), jvide I (ibidem, pp. 7980, no. 85a), Oxarve (ibidem, pp. 5253, no. 61ab),
Robbenarve (ibidem, pp. 3741, no. 43), Sigdes (ibidem, pp. 2431, no. 18), Sindarve (ibidem, pp. 5369, no. 62),
Sojvide (ibidem, pp. 8287, no. 89).
69
Robbedale (ibidem, p. 113, no. 193), Udmarken (ibidem, p. 113, no. 194). There are also a few new hoards
found recently on Bornholm, mostly by amateur metal detectorists, e.g., Sorte Muld and Smrenge (HORSNS,
Crossing, p. 44). Unfortunately, at these sites there is no possibility to distinguish conclusively between coins
from single inds and coins from hoards scattered during agricultural ieldwork. At the same time, according to
the research of Helle Horsns, the chronological pattern of hoards discovered in the past (such as e.g., Robbedale
and Udmarken) and of assemblages of recently discovered denarii is very similar (ibidem, pp. 4345, 52). For
this reason, from the perspective of their chronological structure, the Robbedale and Udmarken deposits may be
treated as series representative for Bornholm.
70
Hulterstad (LIND, Roman denarii, pp. 103104, no. 148).
71
72
with the Dacian Wars (101106 AD).73 And that is why, although no type A1 hoards have been
recorded so far it is quite probable that they will be discovered in future. It is notable that not all the
deposits of denarii lacking coins younger than Hadrian ought to be attributed as a matter of course
to type A. The chronological structure of a small hoard from the environs of Polanw in Pomerania
(with only 18 recorded coins, Otho to Hadrian)74 is similar to assemblages type B described below.
The hoard is too small to analyse its composition more reliably but in terms of its chronological structure, it might have originally been an assemblage similar to those dated to the period after the death
of Hadrian, to the reign of Antoninus Pius, or even a little later. It looks as if the coins of Antoninus
Pius did not make it into the small statistical sample of the 18 coins from Polanw, although one
would expect to see them here.
The irst large group of hoards, mostly from the areas of the Przeworsk and Wielbark cultures
(Map 1), are deposits of later chronological structure with the youngest coins of Marcus Aurelius
according to the classiication of Aleksander Bursche;75 in our later discussion they are referred to as
hoards type B76 (Table 1) and dated to the second half of the reign of Antoninus Pius (sub-type B-1;
Fig. 2) until the early years of Marcus Aurelius77 (sub-type B-2; Fig. 3), or possibly, even to the irst
years of the reign of Commodus (sub-type B-3; Fig. 4). Most probably some of these denarii entered
our area during the second half of the reign of Antoninus Pius, in circumstances dificult to determine.78 Moreover, a view that most of these coins reached the territory of present-day Poland during
the early years of the reign of Marcus Aurelius in connection with the Marcomannic Wars cannot be
discounted.79 Given the historical events, especially, the Marcomannic Wars, and the similarity of
type B hoards to some deposits known from the Danubian region80 (see Table 1), a southern direction
of import is highly probable.
The second big group of hoards according to Aleksander Bursche, found in the Przeworsk,
Wielbark and Chernyakhiv areas, as well as in Gotland (Map 1), are deposits of an earlier chronological structure with the youngest coins of Septimius Severus;81 in our later discussion they are referred
to as hoards type C82 (Table 1) and dated for the most part to the irst years of the reign of Septimius
73
KUNISZ, Chronologia, pp. 6263; A. ROMANOWSKI, Dolina rodkowej Prosny w wietle znalezisk monet rzymskich in: S. SUCHODOLSKI, M. ZAWADZKI (eds.), Od Kalisii do Kalisza. Skarby Doliny
Prosny. Katalog wystawy. Zamek Krlewski w Warszawie, 30 kwietnia 2010 30 maja 2010, Warszawa 2010,
p. 38; DYMOWSKI, Chronologia, p. 112.
74
CIOEK, Die Fundmnzen Pommern, pp. 180181.
75
BURSCHE, Die Markomannenkriege, pp. 471473, 479.
76
DYMOWSKI, Chronologia, p. 105.
77
In our view, the younger coins (late Marcus Aurelius and Commodus) in hoards subtypes B-1 and B-2
should be treated as later additions.
78
Ibidem, p. 106107.
79
BURSCHE, Die Markomannenkriege, pp. 471475; IDEM, Dalsze monety, pp. 196198;
IDEM, Relations, p. 222.
80
Cf. C. GZDAC, Monetary Circulation in Dacia and the Provinces from Middle and Lower Danube
from Trajan to Constantine I (AD 106337), ClujNapoca 2010 (Second edition, revised and added, Coins from
Roman Sites and Collections of Roman Coins from Romania, vol. VII), pp. 6974 and material on enclosed CD.
81
BURSCHE, Die Markomannenkriege, pp. 471473, 480.
82
DYMOWSKI, Chronologia, p. 107.
49
50
Severus (sub-type C-3; Fig. 7). Looking into the reasons for the inlow one can formulate a hypothesis that these were payments from the Imperial treasury made in exchange for keeping the peace on
the Danubian border,83 which was left without protection during the 193197 civil war in the Empire.
This would explain why the Barbarians did not attack the weakly defended limes, the same area that
had seen some ierce ighting several years earlier. Payments made to Barbarians allowed Septimius
Severus to use the Danubian army in the internal struggle for the imperial throne.84 There is also
a much smaller number of type C hoards that we can date tentatively to the later reign of Marcus
Aurelius (sub-type C-1; Fig. 5) and to the reign of Commodus (sub-type C-2; Fig. 6). Considering
the chronological structure of the Commodan and Severan hoards recorded in the Roman provinces
on the Danube85 the probability of the Danubian direction of import of a type C pool of denarii is low.
Hoards type BC (see Table 1), present in the Przeworsk, Wielbark and Chernyakhiv areas and,
possibly, in Gotland (Map 1), usually ending in coins of Septimius Severus, have a chronological pattern
similar to hoard types B (especially their part up to Antoninus Pius) and C (especially their part from
Marcus Aurelius) (Fig. 7). From the Polish perspective, where inds are dominated by type B and C
pools of denarii, this structure resembles a mixed set of subsets of type B and C of similar size.86 However, if we take into account a wider spectrum of inds, especially from Scandinavia and present-day
Romania, these hoards must be regarded as early Severan deposits, with a chronological pattern alternative to type C-3. They could have been brought in from the Danubian region during the irst years of the
reign of Septimius Severus, in similar circumstances (but from a different direction?) as type C-3 hoards.
Group D87 (see Table 1) are hoards of a later chronological structure with the youngest coins
of Septimius Severus according to the classiication of Aleksander Bursche.88 They are recorded
across the PrzeworskWielbarkChernyakhivBaltic zone. These are deposits which appeared in
Barbaricum as a result of the ageing of type C hoards, and perhaps, also type B/C hoards, or
alternately, were formed in a secondary manner drawing from the aged pool of coins circulating
within Barbaricum outside of hoards. As a result of the extended use of 1st2nd century denarii until
the Migration Period a part of them became seriously worn and damaged. The irst to become so
would have been the older, 1st century coins, followed by early 2nd century coins. In this way hoards
with a decreasing number of coins of the Flavian dynasty were formed, followed in succession by
those with coins of Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian. Thus, hoards type D would be assemblages having
a chronological structure of the original sets modiied as a result of the gradual wear and tear of coins,
initially of the older ones, which makes such modiied hoards similar to the younger group of deposits from the Roman territory, but with the reservation that Barbarian hoards type D are not topped up
with 3rd century denarii, brought to Barbaricum in trace amounts, on a scale not larger than minimal.
BURSCHE, Dalsze monety, p. 198.

R. CIOEK, Znaleziska monet rzymskich na lsku: wnioski z nowego inwentarza, Wiadomoci Numizmatyczne LIII, 2009, p. 159.
85
GZDAC, Monetary circulation, and material on enclosed CD.
86
87
Ibidem, pp. 108109.
88
BURSCHE, Die Markomannenkriege, pp. 471473, 481, see also p. 483.
83
84
Based on the chronological pattern one can assume there were relative differences in the time-period
over which individual pools of denarii type D took form. For example, the Giero hoard, which contained quite a large number of Vespasianic and Trajanic issues, may be treated as a deposit buried in
the ground a little earlier than the Swaryczw hoard, with its single Vespasianic coin and no denarii
of Trajan at all. This leads us to deine sub-types D-1 (oldest structure), D-2 (median structure) and
D-3 (the youngest structure) for different chronological patterns of hoard type D (Table 1). In case
of type D hoards these sub-types are just one marker supporting the (relative) dating of the time of
deposition of the hoard; other markers would be, for example, the archaeological context and objects
present in these hoards next to the coins. The legitimacy of late dating of type D hoards is supported
by the fact that among 68 hoards from the Przeworsk, Wielbark and Chernyakhiv areas taken into account there are three, all of them type D (Borochice,89 Chutove90 and Dbrowno91), which, apart from
the denarii, included artifacts dated to the late Roman Period or the Migration Period.92 At the same
time, analogical artifacts with a similarly late dating were present also in a type C hoard (Djupbrunns,
Gotland93). It is quite likely that in some cases (especially on Gotland?) the denarii found in hoards
could have been subject to slower wear and, for this reason, the coin sets could have retained their
pattern of a type C hoard deeper into the Migration Period. Could it be that the denarii from Gotland
inds were used in a slightly different manner than in the continental parts of Barbaricum?
As regards type D deposits from the PrzeworskWielbarkChernyakhivBaltic zone, they are
a group deined by Richard Reece as forward-looking hoards of Septimius Severus (i.e., of a chronological pattern indicating a later dating than that suggested by the youngest coin) and, probably, also
as normal hoards of Severus Alexander (i.e., of a chronological pattern indicating that the deposit
should be dated according to the date of issue of the youngest coin).94 Richard Reece assumed that
the core of these hoards had been formed inside the Empire, which implicated their chronological
structure as a whole,95 and this leads us to the conclusion that denarius pool type D had left the Empire after Septimius Severus, in the 230s, or even later.96 However, this theory does not explain why
89
The hoard contained a gold medallion of Jovian (9solidi multiplum with a suspension loop and frame)
struck in 364 AD (MITKOWA-SZUBERT, Zawarto, pp. 145146).
90
The hoard contained an iron ire steel with an eyelet for suspension, Type IA of Andrzej Kokowski
(Przeworsk type), a lint, fragments of an iron chain, and a clay biconical spindlewhorl (BEIDIN, MYZGIN,
Monetnoveevoi, p. 48).
91
Next to the denarii the hoard contained a gold necklace dated to the Migration Period (KACZANOWSKI,
MARGOS, Tabula, pp. 4247; BURSCHE, Dalsze monety, p. 203).
92
Some other hoards of 1st2nd century denarii from the territory of the Central and Eastern European
Barbaricum also contained 4th century coins and artifacts with a late dating (see e.g., ibidem, p. 202203; K.V.
MYZGIN, Monetnoveevje klady na territorii ernhovskoj kultury, Drevnosti 10, 2011, pp. 130138;
V. SHAPOSHNIK, Kompleks chernkhovskoi kultury iz Kharkovskoj oblasti, Domongol 1, 2010, pp. 147
148). Unfortunately, with no closer information at hand we cannot determine the chronological pattern of the
denarii within those deposits.
93
In the Djupbrunns hoard there were two gold Germanic bracteats dated to the Migration Period (LIND,
Roman denarii, p. 69; IDEM, Hoards, pp. 4, 30).
94
REECE, Roman silver, pp. 6970; cf. IDEM, The normal hoard (1981) in: Roman Coins and
Archaeology. Collected Papers, Wetteren 2003 (Collection Moneta, vol. 32), pp. 283288.
95
IDEM, Roman silver, pp. 6465.
96
Ibidem, p. 71.
51
within such a larger number of type D there are so few denarii, or none at all, issued later than the irst
years of the reign of Septimius Severus. In assemblages formed on the territory of the Empire after
the reign of Septimius Severus there should deinitely be a larger number of younger denarii.97 As
a rule, Richard Reece does not allow the possibility that assemblages of 1st2nd (3rd) century denarii
were formed in Barbaricum. We also agree with this assumption but, in our opinion, in Barbaricum
there was a possibility of quite a deep modiication of the original chronological structure of the denarius assemblages. This process was caused by the gradual wear of the coins, irst of all, of the older
issues which had been circulated inside the Empire for several dozen years earlier and used by the
Barbarians for a long period of time after that. Assemblages formed in this way in Barbaricum can be
very similar to sets formed within the Empire in the irst decades of the 3rd century, but the Barbarian assemblages contain a much smaller number of 3rd century denarii than the Imperial deposits.98
52
Normal hoards of Severus Alexander, subsequently referred to as hoard type E-1 (Table 1),
are presumably also to be found in the PrzeworskWielbarkChernyakhivBaltic zone but have not
been recorded as yet as sets that we could describe in detail. A possible type E-1 deposit is the hoard
found in the region of Vnnic (Vinnytsia). The Alwernia hoard99 from southern Poland is another,
surviving only as a small fragment (7 determined pieces). In some cases it is dificult to decide
whether a given hoard is a type D deposit with some later additions of 3rd century denarii or type E-1.
A good example of this is the Hulterstad hoard from land (in the present paper referred to as type
D), containing 66 denarii determined as 1st2nd century, and three 3rd century denarii. We propose
to distinguish as type E-2 (Table 1) mixed sets of 1st3rd century denarii and 3rd century antoniniani
ending in coins not later than Valerian I (253260). A very good example of a type E-2 deposit is
a rather small hoard (17 determined pieces) from Owczarnia100 in northern Poland, in the Wielbark
culture region. This small coin pool of types E-1 and E-2 was deinitely imported to the Przeworsk
WielbarkChernyakhivBaltic zone from the Empire during the 3rd century.
As a matter of fact, there is an alternative explanation of the way in which type B, C and D
hoards discovered in the territory of present-day Poland, Ukraine, Russia, Belarus, Moldova and
Scandinavia were formed. As Helmut Schubert has proved, hoards found within the Empire dated
to the same period can differ signiicantly in their chronological pattern.101 Some hoards have an
obviously archaic structure (Frhere Vermgen former wealth), other hoards have an intermediate
structure and apparently were formed over a longer period (Gesparte Gelder savings), still others
are dominated by the latest emissions (Verborgene Geldbetrge hidden salary). In this case type
B-1 deposits would be former wealth, imaginably taken out of the Empire in times of Marcus Aurelius as implied by the youngest coins in most of these hoards. Deposits types C-3 and D, especially
those topped up with one or more 3rd century denarii, could be treated as former wealth, amassed
See SCHUBERT, Das Verhltnis, pp. 262267.
Cf. BURSCHE, Dalsze monety, pp. 198204.
99
KUNISZ, Katalog, p. 12; IDEM, Znaleziska, p. 2324; B. PASZKIEWICZ, Znaleziska monet zarejestrowane w Katedrze Archeologii UMCS w 1999 r., Fontes Numismatici I, 2000, p. 10; KACZANOWSKI,
MARGOS, Tabula, p. 7.
100
KUNISZ, Katalog, p. 80; CIOEK, Die Fundmnzen Pommern, pp. 152153.
101
SCHUBERT, Das Verhltnis, pp. 260278; see also REECE, Roman silver, pp. 6871.
97
98
still in the territory of the Empire during the irst decades of the 3rd century and exported to Barbaricum during the same period. If so, it would be dificult to explain why there are (almost) no type
C and D hoards dated to the 220s230s in the PrzeworskWielbarkChernyakhivBaltic zone that
we could classify as savings and hidden salary imported from the Empire. The suggestion that
Barbarians refused to accept devalued denarii struck after AD 194102 or that 1st2nd century denarii
had been kept by the Roman authorities for at least a few decades and later issued to Barbarians in
the 3rd century,103 are unconvincing.
Our view is that the territorial distribution of hoard types A, B, C, BC and D is of key importance. As Richard Reece observed some time ago, hoards from the lands of the former Soviet Union
(predominantly present-day Ukraine) have a younger chronological pattern than deposits found farther to the west.104 What is the reason for this? Simply, we have a great number of type A, B, C and
BC hoards from Poland. Hoards type D are also quite numerous but they do not prevail, unlike in
Ukraine, where type D hoards dominate strongly and have a later chronological pattern. More speciically, in Przeworsk culture region only two type A (A-2) hoards have been discovered so far. Next
to them there were numerous hoards type B-1, B-2, C-3 and D, and some rare type B-3, C-2 and BC
deposits (Maps 1105 and 2). In the Wielbark culture region, hoards type B (B-1 and B-2) and C (C-3)
appear to be less numerous than in the Przeworsk region (see map 1). There was also a single type
BC hoard and a large number of type D hoards. The latter dominate in the area of the Chernyakhiv
culture, where hoards type B, C and BC are very rare. Finally, we have a record of some rare hoards
from the Przeworsk, Wielbark and Chernyakhiv areas we can classify tentatively as type E.
As regards the Baltic islands, we have two classic hoards from Bornholm (Udmarken and
Robbedale) with a type D structure (D-1 and D-2 respectively). Similarly, the chronological pattern
of the whole pool of denarii from Bornholm seems to be type D-1.106 Most of the hoards from Gotland
are type C-3 deposits with just a handful of type D-1. Also from Gotland, we have a single type C-1
hoard (Bomunds i Burgen) and a single deposit we can classify tentatively as type BC (ja). The
Gotland pool of denarii from small inds (leaving out coins younger than Septimius Severus and imitations) seems to be chronologically a borderline case of C-3 and D-1.107 And inally, the only hoard
from land (Hulterstad) can be described as type D-3.
In our opinion all of the numismatic data, taken in tandem with input from archaeology, indicates that a great wave of Roman Imperial denarii came to the Przeworsk culture area from the
102
KUNISZ, Chronologia, pp. 9092; WIELOWIEJSKI, Kontakty, pp. 134138. Opposing view in:
103
LIND, Greshams Law, pp. 6263. Opposing views in: SKAARE, Zur Methode, pp. 2627;
LUCCHELLI, La moneta, pp. 154156; WOLTERS, Nummi, p. 388; BURSCHE, Roman coins,
pp. 7172; HORSNS, Crossing, pp. 7879.
104
REECE, Roman coin hoards, p. 303.
105
Hoard types A and B from the Przeworsk culture region occupied by the Wielbark culture during phase
B2/C1 (western Mazovia and Podlahia, Lublin Region and western Belarus) presumably may be attributed to the
Przeworsk culture population.
106
See HORSNS, Crossing, pp. 53, ig. 23.
107
See ibidem, p. 74, ig. 49.
53
54
territory of the Empire between the reign of Trajan108 and Septimius Severus. For the Wielbark culture area the same started a little later, in the reign of Antoninus Pius, or possibly, of Marcus Aurelius.
This wave is likely to have had two peaks:109 the irst one (smaller, typically with hoard types B-1 and
B-2) in the reign of Antoninus Pius and/or Marcus Aurelius, and the second one (much bigger, with
hoards type C-3 and a small number of type BC deposits), in the early reign of Septimius Severus.
There are some hoards (mainly in the Przeworsk area?) datable to the in-between period (until late
Marcus Aurelius or until Commodus) but these are very rare. Pool B denarii are much more prominent in small inds from the Przeworsk culture region than in those on the Wielbark culture area.110
Because of this we cannot rule out the possibility that the target area of direct import from the Empire
of B-1 and B-2 pools of denarii was limited only to the Przeworsk culture region; this earlier subwave could have reached the Wielbark culture region through redistribution from their neighbours to
the south, i.e., from Przeworsk culture region.
Some of this coinage found its way into the ground (as dropped coins and hoard types A, B,
C, BC) in the Przeworsk and Wielbark regions (Map 1) before the end of Roman Period phase C1a
(i.e., before the end of the irst decade of the 3rd century). The rest, type C-3 in particular, continued
in circulation in this area until the Migration Period (probably between phase C1b and phase D, possibly even until phase E), gradually evolving in their pattern into hoards type D (Map 2). Moreover,
the denarius pool D was taken by the migrating Wielbark (Gothic) people on their way south-east.
Especially that, according to the current views, the Wielbark culture played a decisive role during the
initial stage of emergence of the Chernyakhiv culture when its population penetrated to the lands on
the Dniester and the area of present-day Moldova during the irst half of the 3rd century (phases C1a
C1b).111 The mass occurrence of 1st2nd century Roman denarii on the territory of Eastern Europe is
also linked to the Wielbark (Gothic) population.112 Consequently, hoards type D discovered on the
Chernyakhiv region (Map 2) should be considered as evidence of a late redistribution (at the earliest,
during phase C1b, i.e., AD 210s or later) of 1st2nd century denarii brought in from the Wielbark culture region. The limited number of type B, C and BC deposits discovered on the Chernyakhiv culture
area may be interpreted as structurally unmodiied family wealth brought by Gothic ancestors from
their Wielbark homeland.
108
There is a noticeable modest proportion of denarii of Domitian in inds from southern and central Poland.
A signiicant part of these denarii, struck from slightly better quality silver than earlier and later denarii, disappeared from circulation within the Empire during the 2nd century (LIND, The Monetary Reforms, p. 139). It
is possible that the denarii of Domitian were taken out from circulation as a result of damnatio memoriae (condemnation of memory) passed on the emperor after his death in 96 (DYMOWSKI, Znaleziska, pp. 78, 105).
Moreover, among Przeworsk culture inds in general there are no denarii older than AD 64, withdrawn from circulation in the territory of the Empire under Trajans edict of 107 (LUCCHELLI, La moneta, pp. 160161). This
would be indirect evidence for dating the inlow of the whole pool of 1st2nd-century denarii to the 2nd century.
109
DYMOWSKI, Chronologia, pp. 110113. Basing on the chronological composition of denarius
inds in Barbaricum, Helle Horsns reached a similar conclusion, namely that there were two major and quite
distinct groups of hoards, one of them earlier than the other; HORSNS, Crossing, p. 78.
110
111
MAGOMEDOV, Chernkhovska etnosa, pp. 115116; SHCHUKIN, Gotskij, pp. 103108;
.V. SHAROV, Rania faza chernkhovskoi kultury, Stratum plus (Kiinev) 4, 2011, pp. 321340.
112
MYZGIN, Rimskie, p. 223.
A small number of denarii from later years of the reign of Septimius Severus and his 3rd century successors, mixed presumably to some extent with older denarii,113 was introduced during the
3rd century, until the end of the 230s and 240s (to the area covering the Przeworsk and Chernyakhiv
cultures?), or possibly later, around the mid-3rd century, as an addition to antoniniani114 (to the regions
of the Wielbark culture and, possibly, also that of the Chernyakhiv culture). These late denarii could
have been hoarded in type E deposits or used to top up type C and D assemblages.115
In the case of Bornholm, and possibly also of land, we agree with the claim that 1st2nd century
denarii came there as a result of redistribution, from the territory of present-day Poland. As with the
Chernyakhiv culture, this may have happened during Roman Period phase C1b at the earliest or, very
likely, later. In the case of Gotland, the problem is more complex. Finds from this island are dominated by hoard type C-3. It seems that most of the coins came there as an unmodiied pool of a Severan
pattern. Basing only on the chronological structure of inds from Gotland it is hard to decide whether
the Imperial denarii came to the island directly from the Empire or were redistributed from the continental part of Barbaricum. What is quite certain is that they must have come relatively early, at the
end of the 2nd century, perhaps slightly later. The dating proposed for the Bomunds i Burgen hoard
(in the later reign of Marcus Aurelius?) suggests the process could have started even a little earlier.
When it comes to the denarius hoards, the occurrence of type D deposits is the most typical
feature in the PrzeworskWielbarkChernyakhivBaltic zone. In general, deposits of this kind are
recorded in abundance everywhere on this area (Map 2). At the same time, some type D hoards (or
their close analogies) have been discovered outside this zone, especially in north-western Germany116
(Laatzen, Lengerich) and on the Great Hungarian Plain117 (Kecel II and Mende in Hungary, Ghiria II
in Romania). There are a few ways to explain this. Firstly, other Barbarian territories may have been
supported with Roman denarii during the same period, from the same direction, for the same reason,
and used in the same way as in the PrzeworskWielbarkChernyakhivBaltic zone. The same is
equally likely for north-western Germany and the Great Hungarian Plain, where type C (C-3) hoards,
a modiication of which interpreted as type D are also recorded (Lashorst in Germany, Miskolc in
Hungary). Secondly, some of the Barbarian tribes had been migrating during the late Roman Period
and the Migration Period. For example, some of the Przeworsk culture population, identiied with the
Vandals, moved in the direction of the Great Hungarian Plain during the late Roman Period.118 Most
113
During the 230s, possibly even later, until the mid-3rd century, many 2nd-century denarii, as well as some
older ones, continued in circulation within the Empire; cf. SCHUBERT, Das Verhltnis, pp. 262271.
114
BURSCHE, Dalsze monety, p. 201; A. DYMOWSKI, A Roman antoninianus of Egnatia Mariniana
found in the Kujavian region. The third century silver coinage in the region of the Przeworsk culture, Notae
Numismaticae Zapiski Numizmatyczne VII, 2012, pp. 95100.
115
Cf. BURSCHE, Dalsze monety, pp. 200204.
116
117
Ibidem, p. 7380; cf. LIND, The Monetary Reforms, p. 137.
118
P. KACZANOWSKI, R. MADYDA-LEGUTKO, Strefy kulturowe w Europie rodkowej w okresie
rzymskim in: P. KACZANOWSKI, M. PARCZEWSKI (eds.), Archeologia o pocztkach Sowian, Krakw
2005, p. 130. The Hungarian researchers tend to attribute all hoards of the Imperial denarii found on the Great
Hungarian Plain invariably to Sarmatians (E. FARKAS, M. TORBGYI, Sarmatians and the Roman coins
in: A. BURSCHE, R. CIOEK, R. WOLTERS (eds.), Roman Coins outside the Empire. Ways and Phases, Contexts and Functions, Wetteren 2008 (Collection Moneta, vol. 82), pp. 255264; I. VIDA, Late 2nd Century
55
56
probably, they took their wealth, Roman denarii included, to their new homeland. Type D depositions
discovered in the former Roman province of Dacia (Lujerdiu) abandoned by the Romans during the
270s and subsequently occupied by various Barbarian tribes, including the Goths, can be interpreted
in the same way. Thirdly, we have to take into consideration the possibility of intertribal redistribution of Roman denarii. In the case of north-western Germany, Helle Horsns named that a relux of
2nd century denarii from more distant areas in the east.119
In any case, the comparative analysis of hoards from Central and Eastern European Barbaricum, as well as from Scandinavian inds, once again highlights the crucial issue of the time and
direction of the inlow of 1st2nd (3rd) century Roman coinage to the Barbarian environment, and is
relevant for the much-discussed question of the origin of the Chernyakhiv culture and the connections between continental Barbaricum and the Baltic islands. We can see that Roman 1st2nd century
denarii, whether found in hoards or in small inds, are a direct relection on a complex of cultural and
historical processes taking place in Barbaricum during the Roman Period and the Migration Period,
between the 2nd and 5th centuries, or even later.
Future studies should focus irst of all on documenting and cataloguing inds of Imperial denarii, especially small (stray) inds from Ukraine, Poland and Belarus, using modern academic standards. This record needs analysis and interpretation. Hoards and small inds should be compared
within subregions, especially on the areas of archaeological cultures in the PrzeworskWielbark
ChernyakhivBaltic zone. Moreover, we need to compare the inds from this zone against deposits
from all other regions of the European Barbaricum, and from the Roman provinces too. Other than
that, there is need to continue the study of imitative coins and their geographic distribution. We need
to correlate the numismatic material with the input from archaeology, something that appears to be
crucial in the study of Roman coin inds on the Barbarian territory. This is not to say that this has not
been done before, but more in-depth and comprehensive research is needed to resolve issues still in
need of resolution.
The authors of this article acknowledge the funding received from the National Centre of Science, granted
on the basis of Decision no. DEC-2011/02/A/HS3/00389.
Contact the authors at: arekdym@yahoo.com, myzgin@mail.ru
Proofreading: Anna Kinecka
Sarmatian Coin Hoards in: S. BR (ed.), Ex oficina Studia in honorem Dnes Gabler, Gyr 2009, pp.
574577). However it is possible that some of these hoards are assemblages deposited by Germanic tribes while
they stayed in the region, during the late Roman Period and in the Migration Period.
119
STRESZCZENIE
Napyw i redystrybucja rzymskich denarw z okresu cesarstwa
na terenie kultur przeworskiej, wielbarskiej i czerniachowskiej
oraz na wyspach batyckich w wietle struktury chronologicznej
skarbw
W opinii autorw tereny zamieszkae w okresie wpyww rzymskich przez
ludno kultur przeworskiej, wielbarskiej i czerniachowskiej (obszary wspczesnej Polski, Ukrainy, Modawii, zachodniej Biaorusi i zachodniej Rosji) oraz niektre z wysp batyckich (Gotlandia, Bornholm i przypuszczalnie rwnie Olandia)
w wietle struktury chronologicznej znalezisk powinny by traktowane jako oddzielna strefa napywu i redystrybucji denarw cesarstwa rzymskiego z III (III) w.
Na terenie europejskiego Barbaricum, a w szczeglnoci w ramach strefy
przeworsko-wielbarsko-czerniachowsko-batyckiej, w znaleziskach drobnych (pojedynczych i kumulatywnych) i w skarbach zaznacza si wyrana dominacja denarw z III w., wybitych w okresie pomidzy ostatnimi latami panowania Nerona
a pocztkiem rzdw Septymiusza Sewera. Wykorzystujc jako materia rdowy 86 skarbw z opisanego wyej terenu, zawierajcych nie mniej ni 50 denarw o okrelonej chronologii emisji, mona okreli sze gwnych typw depozytw pod wzgldem ich struktury chronologicznej. Grupa A to skarby z monetami nie pniejszymi ni emisje Hadriana. Drug z grup stanowi depozyty
typu B, datowane na okres od drugiej poowy rzdw Antoninusa Piusa do wczesnych lat rzdw Marka Aureliusza. Trzeci i czwart grup s depozyty typu C
i BC, w wikszoci datowane na pierwsze lata rzdw Septymiusza Sewera. Z kolei skarby grupy D, nalece do pitej grupy, to zespoy o zmodyikowanej strukturze chronologicznej zespow pierwotnych (przede wszystkim typu C) w wyniku stopniowego zuywania si monet, w pierwszej kolejnoci starszych. Szsta
grupa, typu E, to depozyty denarw lub mieszane denarw i antoninianw, ktre
napyny z terenu imperium w III w., nie pniej ni na pocztku lat 50. tego
stulecia. Cech wyrniajc stref przeworsko-wielbarsko-czerniachowsko-batyck jest powszechne wystpowanie na tym terenie depozytw typu D.
Zdaniem autorw materia numizmatyczny (w tym wypadku struktura chronologiczna skarbw i znalezisk drobnych) w poczeniu z danymi archeologicznymi wskazuje, e wielka fala napywu denarw cesarskich dotara do terenw kultury przeworskiej midzy panowaniem Trajana a panowaniem Septymiusza Sewera.
Dla terenw kultury wielbarskiej to samo zjawisko rozpoczo si nieco pniej,
za rzdw Antoninusa Piusa lub Marka Aureliusza. Dwa wyrane nasilenia tej fali
57
58
naley datowa na okres panowania Antoninusa Piusa lub/i Marka Aureliusza (mniejsza kulminacja) oraz na pocztek rzdw Septymiusza Sewera (znacznie wiksze
nasilenie). Cz tego pienidza traia do ziemi na terenach kultury przeworskiej
i wielbarskiej przed kocem pierwszej dekady III w., jako zespoy typu A, B, C
i BC. Pozostae denary, w przewaajcej mierze pula typu C, byy w uyciu na tym
terenie po okres wdrwek ludw, stopniowo zmieniajc swoj struktur w pul
typu D. Ponadto pienidz ten w ramach redystrybucji zosta zabrany przez migrujce plemiona gockie na poudniowy wschd, na tereny kultury czerniachowskiej.
Proces ten rozpocz si nie wczeniej ni w pierwszych latach III w. Nieliczne
denary z III w., zapewne w jakim stopniu przemieszane z denarami starszymi,
napyway na tereny kultur przeworskiej, wielbarskiej i czerniachowskiej w III w.,
do przeomu lat 30. i 40. tego stulecia, bd te pniej, w poowie III w., jako
domieszka do antoninianw, w ramach zespow typu E. W wypadku Bornholmu
i Olandii, gdzie odnotowano wycznie zespoy typu D, denary rzymskie z III w.
traiy przypuszczalnie w ramach redystrybucji z terenw obecnej Polski, nie
wczeniej ni w III w. Przypadek Gotlandii jest nieco bardziej skomplikowany:
wikszo skarbw z tej wyspy ma struktur chronologiczn typu C, nieco mniej
liczne s depozyty typu D. Albo denary cesarskie w swojej masie napyny tam
za Septymiusza Sewera bezporednio z obszaru imperium, albo dotary na wysp
za porednictwem kontynentalnej czci Barbaricum, w tym samym czasie lub
niewiele pniej.
MAP 1
59
Geographic distribution of hoard types A, B, C and BC

1 hoard type A; 2 hoard type B; 3 hoard type C; 4 hoard type BC; 5 range of the Wielbark culture (phase
C1a); 6 former territories of the Przeworsk culture occupied by the Wielbark culture during Roman Period phase
B2/C1; 7 territorial range of the Przeworsk culture (phase C1a). Hoard numbering as in Table 1.
MAP 2
60
Geographic distribution of hoard type D

1 hoard type D; 2 territorial range of the Wielbark culture (phases C1bC3); 2 range of the Przeworsk culture
(phases C1bC3); 2 range of the Chernyakhiv culture (phases C1bC3). Hoard numbering in Table 1.
Fig. 1. Chronological proile120 of hoard type A-2 (Gostynin)
61
Fig. 2. Chronological proiles of type B-1 hoards (ulice, gowo, Star Valki I + II)
120
Frequency polygon based on the model described in: DYMOWSKI, Chronologia, pp. 99103.
Fig. 3. Chronological proiles of type B-2 hoards (Korzkiew, Sopot, Lyshchytsy)
62
Fig. 4. Chronological proile of type B-3 hoard (Dziedzice)
Fig. 5. Chronological proile of type C-1 hoard (Bomunds i Burgen)
63
Fig. 6. Chronological proile of type C-2 hoard (Iwno)
Fig. 7. Chronological proiles of type C-3 hoards (Drzewicz Nowy, Sindarve, Antonvka)
64
Fig. 8. Chronological proiles of type BC hoards (Ossa-Rywadzik, Chmielw Piaskowy, Lukishina)
Fig. 9. Chronological proiles of type D-1 hoards (Kams, Giero, Udmarken, Ulnvka)
65
Fig. 10. Chronological proiles of type D-2 hoards (Borochice, Rogincy, Robbedale)
Fig. 11. Chronological proiles of type D-3 hoards (Golub-Dobrzy, Swaryczw, Glinsk I, Pereorki)
66
TABLE 1
Hoards of Imperial denarii from the Przeworsk, Wielbark and Chernyakhiv culture areas and from the Baltic islands by type
Hoard
Type
Characteristics
(Only denarii)
Hoards
Territorial
distribution
Outlow time
from the Empire
Notes
Taking into consideration
the chronological structure
of single and cumulative
inds from the Przeworsk
culture territory, deposits
of this type are quite likely
to be found in the future.
A-1
Deposit ends in coins of Trajan.
None recorded to date
Przeworsk
culture (?)
Trajan (98117)
A-2
Deposit ends in coins of Hadrian.

The number of Domitian coins is
similar to those of Vespasian and
Trajan respectively.
1) Gostynin, POL121
2) Sochy Annopolskie, POL
Przeworsk
culture
Hadrian (117138),
or possibly, the irst
years of the reign
of Antoninus Pius
(138161)
B-1
Deposits of a characteristic
chronological structure: about
70-80% coins up to Trajan and
90% or more coins up to Hadrian;
usually the amount of Domitian
coins is relatively very small in
comparison to Vespasian and
Trajan emissions; more Trajan
coins than emissions of Hadrian.
The latest coins (not numerous)
are Antoninus Pius, Marcus
Aurelius or Commodus.
3) Dorotowo, POL
4) gowo, POL
5) Przewodw, POL
6) Przdzel, POL
7) Star Valki I, UKR
8) Star Valki II, UKR
9) ulice, POL
Examples of other
analogies:122
Jever, DEU
Kluk, CZE
Ndudvar, HUN
Neuhaus/Oste, DEU
Schwepnitz, DEU
Vykovce nad Iplom, SVK
Zalahosszufalu II, HUN
Przeworsk
culture
Wielbark
culture
Chernyakhiv
culture
(occasionally (?))
Half of the reign of

Antoninus Pius
(138161) or the irst
years of the reign
of Marcus Aurelius
(161180) (?)
B-2
chronological structure (similar
10) Korzkiew, POL
to B-1, but relatively younger):
11) Lyshchytsy, BLR
less than 60% coins up to Trajan
12) Pacztowice, POL
or less than 85% coins up to
13) Siedlimowo, POL
Hadrian; usually the amount of
14) Sopot, POL
Domitian coins is relatively very
Examples of other analogies:
small in comparison to Vespasian
Durostorum (Silistra) II, BGR
and Trajan emissions; usually
Hede, SWE
more (or similar amount) coins
Mocsolad, HUN
of Trajan than of Hadrian. The
Rmose, DNK
latest coins (not numerous) are
Marcus Aurelius or Commodus.
Coins of Marcus Aurelius

and Commodus in the
hoard should be treated
as later additions?
67
Przeworsk
culture
Wielbark
culture
First years of the reign

of Marcus Aurelius
(161180)
Coins of Commodus in
the hoard should be
treated as later additions?
121
According to the ISO 3166-1 standard: AUS=Austria, BGR=Bulgaria, BLR=Belarus, CZE=Czech Republic, DEU=Germany, DNK=Denmark, HUN=Hungary, MDA=Moldova, NDL= Netherlands, POL=Poland,
ROU=Romania, RUS=Russian Federation, SRB=Serbia, SWE=Sweden, SVK=Slovakia, SVN=Slovenia,
UKR=Ukraine.
122
Composition of hoards after: G. DEPEYROT, D. MOISIL, Les trsors de deniers de Trajan Balbin en Roumanie, Wetteren 2008 (Collection Moneta, vol. 73) (Romanian hoards); FARKAS, TORBGYI,
Sarmatians. (Ndudvar, Zalahosszufalu II); M.R.-ALFLDI, H. GEBHART, H.-M. VON KAENEL,
K. KRAFT (eds.), Die Fundmnzen der Rmischen Zeit in Deuschland, vol. IXIV, Berlin 19602010 (German
hoards); GZDAC, Monetary circulation(Bela Reka, Durostorum II, Mocsolad, Pavlikeni, Prelasko, Vindobona II); KACZANOWSKI, MARGOS, Tabula (Vykovce nad Iplom); LIND, Roman denarii (Swedish
hoards and also Kecel II, Mende and Rmose), LUCCHELLI, La moneta (BargerCompascuum, Miskolc);
J. MILITK, Nlezy eckch, mskch a ran byzantskch minc v echch (5. stolet ped Kristem a
7. stolet po Kristu). Komentovan katalog nlezovho fondu, Praha 2013 (Kluk).
Later years of the reign

of Marcus Aurelius
(161180) or irst
years of the reign of
Commodus (180192)
(?)
B-3
Deposits of a chronological
structure similar to B-1 and B-2,
but relatively younger; the latest
coins (about 20%) are Marcus
Aurelius (or Commodus (?)).
C-1
chronological structure: over 20%
coins up to Trajan and about 50%
coins up to Hadrian; not as many
coins of Trajan and more
of Antoninus Pius than Hadrian;
not as many coins of Marcus
Aurelius than of Antoninus Pius.
The latest coins are from the reign
of Marcus Aurelius.
16) Bomunds
i Burgen, SWE-Gotland
Gotland
C-2
chronological structure
(similar to C-1 but relatively
younger): at least 10% coins
up to Trajan, at least 20% coins
up to Hadrian, most coins struck
under Antoninus Pius. The latest
coins are Commodus
(not numerous).
17) Iwno, POL (?)

Barger-Compascuum, NDL
Bela Reka, SRB
Prelasko, SVN
Vindobona II, AUS
Przeworsk
culture (?)
C-3
chronological structure
(similar to C-1 and C-2 but
relatively younger): at least 10%
coins up to Trajan and at least 20%
coins up to Hadrian; about 5060%
coins struck under Antoninus Pius
and Marcus Aurelius; smaller
number of Commodus coins than
of Marcus Aurelius.
The latest coins are Commodus
or Septimius Severus
(not numerous).
18) Antonvka, UKR

19) Bjrs I, SWE-Gotland
20) Botnica Strzelecka, POL
21) Djupbrunns, SWEGotland
22) Drzewicz Nowy, POL
23) Gandarve II, SWEGotland
24) Hallegrda I, SWEGotland
25) Kolantav, UKR
26) Nietulisko Mae I, POL
27) Nietulisko Mae II, POL
28) jvide I, SWE-Gotland
29) Oxarve, SWE-Gotland
30) Resko, POL
31) Robbenarve, SWEGotland
32) Sigdes, SWE-Gotland
33) Sindarve, SWE-Gotland
34) Sojvide, SWE-Gotland
Lashorst, DEU
Miskolc, HUN
Munteneti, ROU
Przeworsk
culture
Wielbark
culture
Chernyakhiv
culture
Gotland
Coins younger than

First years of the reign the irst years of the reign
of Septimius Severus
(193211)
should be treated as later
additions to hoards.
BC
chronological structure with
features similar to both
B-type (especially in part up
to Antoninus Pius) and C-type
(especially in part from Marcus
Aurelius) hoards. The structure
resembles a mix of subsets
of B and C type of similar size.
The latest coins are Commodus
or Septimius Severus
(not numerous).
35) Chmielw Piaskowy, POL

36) Ossa-Rywadzik, POL
37) Lukishina, UKR (?)
38) ja, SWE-Gotland (?)
Ciolpani, ROU
Flintarp, SWE
Mgura, ROU
Puriceni, ROU
Przeworsk
culture
Wielbark
culture
Chernyakhiv
culture (?)
Gotland (?)

(193211)
68
15) Dziedzice, POL (?)

Alba Iulia (Apulum) I, ROU
Pavlikeni, BGR
Przeworsk
culture (?)
Hard to deine due to lack

of closely determined
inds in suficient quantity
in the study area.
Later years of the reign
Sub-types B-3, C-1 and
of Marcus Aurelius
C-2 have been deined
(161180) (?)
on the basis of one hoard
each but we expect to
see deposits having an
analogical chronological
structure recorded
sometime in the future in
the study area.
Commodus (180192).
D-1
D-2
D-3
39) Anga, SWE-Gotland

40) Belgorod, RUS
41) Bendery (Tighina), MDA
42) Chutove, UKR
43) Giero, POL
44) Havor, SWE-Gotland
45) Kams, SWE-Gotland
46) Ld, POL
47) Liw, POL
48) Podzamcze, POL
49) Prmicyno, RUS
50) (Stara) Romanvka, UKR
51) Ruszczyzna, POL
52) Sevenki, RUS
53) Szczytno, POL
54) Tur, UKR
55) Udmarken, DNKBornholm
56) Ulnvka, UKR
Kecel II, HUN
Laatzen, DEU
Mende, HUN
Przeworsk
culture
Wielbark
culture
Chernyakhiv
culture
Bornholm
Gotland
57) Borochice, UKR

58) Boryn, UKR
59) Chernic, UKR
60) Dbrowno, POL
61) Harkv (Kharkiv)
As above, but less than 5% coins
environs, UKR
up to Trajan and at least 10%
62) Jerzmanowice II, POL
coins up to Hadrian; over 60%
63) Malech, BLR
(up to over 80%) coins struck
64) Malkowice, POL
under Antoninus Pius
65) Novooleksandrvka, UKR
and Marcus Aurelius.
66) Robbedale, DNKBornholm
67) Roginc, UKR
68) Rubche, UKR
69) Skorbaczw, POL
Przeworsk
culture
Chernyakhiv
culture
Bornholm
70) Glinsk I, UKR

71) Golub-Dobrzy, POL
72) Hulterstad, SWE-land (?)
73) Lipovec, UKR
74) Luchic, UKR
75) Mazepinc, UKR
76) Novograd (Novohrad)
Volinskj, UKR
As above, but less than 10% coins
77) Pereorki, UKR
up to Hadrian; over 60%
78) Romanw, POL
(up to over 90%) coins struck
79) Sarniki (Gornye), UKR
under Antoninus Pius
80) Swaryczw, POL
and Marcus Aurelius.
81) Tokary, POL
82) Wilkw, POL
83) Wrocaw, POL
84) Zbjna, POL
85) Zbuzh, UKR
Ghiria II, ROU
Lengerich, DEU
Lujerdiu, ROU
Przeworsk
culture
Wielbark
culture
Chernyakhiv
culture
land (?)
Deposits similar to type C hoards

(particularly C-3), but with
a younger proile
(esp. fewer coins up to Hadrian);
at least 5% coins up to Trajan and
at least 10% coins up to Hadrian;
usually over 60% coins struck
under Antoninus Pius and Marcus
Aurelius. The latest coins are
Septimius Severus.
Hoards which probably

appeared as a result
of the ageing of hoards
of type C (C-3) in the area
of Barbaricum.
As a result of a long use
of 1st2nd century denarii
until the Migration Period
a part of them became
seriously worn. The irst
to be so affected were
older coins
(up to Hadrian).
(193211)
Apparently, type D-1
hoards were deposited
irst, followed by type
D-2, and inally,
type D-3.
Coins later than from
the irst years of the reign
found in hoards should
be treated as later
additions.
E-1
Deposits of 1st2nd c. denarii

with a signiicant percentage
of 3rd c. denarii
86) Vnnic (Vinnytsia)

environs, UKR (?)
(Alwernia, POL (?))
Przeworsk
culture (?)
Chernyakhiv
culture (?)
230s (?)
E-2
As above, but with addition

of 3rd c. antoniniani
(struck before Valerian I)
(Owczarnia, POL)
Wielbark
culture
(Chernyakhiv
culture (?))
late 240s/early 250s
Hard to deine due

to lack of closely
determined inds in
suficient quantity.
69

Inflow and redistribution of Roman imperial denarii in the area of Przeworsk, Wielbark and Chernyakhiv cultures and in the Baltic islands in the light of chronological of coin hoards / Arkadiusz Dymowski, Kirill Myzgin

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Inflow and redistribution of Roman imperial denarii in the area of Przeworsk, Wielbark and Chernyakhiv cultures and in the Baltic islands in the light of chronological of coin hoards / Arkadiusz Dymowski, Kirill Myzgin

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MUZEUM NARODOWE W KRAKOWIE

Komitet naukowy / Scientific Committee:

Adiustacja tekstu / Editing:

Adres redakcji / Address of the Editorial Office:

Muzeum Narodowe w Krakowie i Autorzy, 2014

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of the National Museum in Krakow

of Emeryk Czapski, as of December 5, 1846, Vilnius Emeryk Hutten-Czapskis First Catalogue

of Coins, Testimony to the Famous Collectors Youthful Interests

GABRIELLA TASSINARI Giovanni Pichler. Raccolta di impronte di intagli

Inlow and Redistribution of Roman Imperial Denarii

ARKADIUSZ DYMOWSKI, KIRILL MYZGIN