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Saint Thomas Christians
Saint Thomas Christians
Nasrani redirects here. For other uses, see Nasrani (dis- spoke.[6]
ambiguation).
This article is about the Saint Thomas Christian people.
For their churches, see Saint Thomas Christian churches. 1 Terminology
The Saint Thomas Christians, also called Syrian
The Saint Thomas Christians are so called due to their
reverence for Saint Thomas the Apostle, who is said to
have brought Christianity to India. The name dates to
the period of Portuguese colonization. They are also
known, especially locally, as the Nasrani or Nasrani Mappila. Nasrani is a term meaning Christian"; it appears to be a local pronunciation of Nazarine, derived
from Nazareth, the home town of Jesus. Mappila is an
honoric applied to members of non-Indian faiths, including Muslims (Mappila) and the Cochin Jews (Yuda
Mappila).[7][8] Some Syrian Christians of Travancore
continue to attach this honoric title to their names.[9]
The Indian government designates members of the community as Syrian Christians, a term originating with the
Dutch colonial authority distinguishing the Saint Thomas
Christians, who used Syriac as their liturgical language,
from newly evangelized Christians who followed the
Latin liturgy.[10] The term Syrian relates not to their
ethnicity but to their historical, religious and liturgical
connection to the Church of the East, or East Syrian
Church.[7]
2 History
HISTORY
Kerala). As per most recorded versions of the legend, the community began with Thomass conversion
of Brahmin Gramams or families, which are named in
some sources as Pakalomattom, Sankarapuri, Kaliyankal,
Kalli, Kalikay, Kottakali, Kayakkam, Madeipur, Muttal, Nedumpally, and Panakkamattam.[11][12][13][14] The
four families Sankarapuri, Pakalomattam, Kalli, and
Kaliyankal were considered the most preeminent.[14]
An organised Christian presence in India dates to the arrival of East Syrian settlers and missionaries from Persia,
members of what would become the Church of the East,
in around the 3rd century.[35] Saint Thomas Christians
trace the further growth of their community to the arrival of the Thomas of Cana from the Middle East, which
is said to have occurred sometime between the 4th and
8th century. The subgroup of the Saint Thomas Christians known as the Knanaya or Southists trace their lineage to Thomas of Cana, while the group known as the
Northists claim descent from Thomas the Apostles indigenous converts.[22][36]
Classical period
As the community grew and immigration by East Syrians increased, the connection with the Church of
the East, centred in the Persian capital of SeleuciaCtesiphon, strengthened. From the early 4th century
the Patriarch of the Church of the East provided India with clergy, holy texts, and ecclesiastical infrastructure, and around 650 Patriarch Ishoyahb III solidied the
Church of the Easts jurisdiction over the Saint Thomas
Christian community.[40] In the 8th century Patriarch
Timothy I organised the community as the Ecclesiastical
Province of India, one of the churchs Provinces of
the Exterior. After this point the Province of India
was headed by a metropolitan bishop, dispatched from
2.4
3
and the Saint Thomas Christians found themselves under
pressure from the rajas of Calicut and Cochin and other
small kingdoms in the area. The Saint Thomas Christians and the Portuguese newcomers quickly formed an
alliance.[48]
The Portuguese had a keen interest in implanting themselves in the spice trade and in spreading their version of
Christianity, which had been forged during several centuries of warfare in the Reconquista.[49] Facilitating their
goals was the Padroado Real, a series of treaties and decrees in which the Pope conferred upon the Portuguese
government certain authority in ecclesiastical matters in
the foreign territories they conquered. They set up in
Goa, forming a colonial government and a Latin church
hierarchy under the Archbishop of Goa, and quickly
set to bringing the Saint Thomas Christians under his
authority.[50]
HISTORY
even more.[60]
This was the last straw for the Saint Thomas Christians,
and in 1653 Thomas and community representatives met
at the Church of Our Lady in Mattancherry to take bold
action. In a great ceremony before a crucix and lighted
candles, they swore a solemn oath that they would never
obey Garcia or the Portuguese again, and that they accepted only the Archdeacon as their shepherd.[60] The
Malankara Church and all its successor churches regard
this declaration, known as the Coonan Cross Oath after the outdoor cross in the churchyard, as the moment
when their church regained its independence.[60] Shortly
after, the leaders of this newly independent church decided Thomas should be elevated to bishop. Thomas
was consecrated in a ceremony in which twelve priests
laid hands on him, and he became the metropolitan of
Malankara.[61]
2.4
After the Coonan Cross Oath the Portuguese missionaries attempted for reconciliation with Saint Thomas Christians but was not successful. Later Pope Alexander VII
sent the Roman bishop Joseph Sebastiani at the head
of a Carmelite delegation who succeeded in coercing
some of Saint Thomas Christians, including Palliveettil
Chandy Kathanar and Kadavil Chandy Kathanar. As a
reward for his submission, Palliveettil Chandy Kathanar
was consecrated as the bishop for the Latinized Syrian
Catholics.[62][63][64] This led to the rst permanent split
in the Saint Thomas Christian community. Thereafter,
the faction aliated with the Catholic Church under
Parambil Mar Chandy was designated the Pazhayakuttukar, or Old Party, while the branch aliated with
Mar Thoma was called the Puthankuttukar, or New
Party.[65][66][67][68] These appellations have been somewhat controversial, as both groups considered themselves
the true heirs to the Saint Thomas tradition, and saw the
other as heretical.[69]
After the Coonan Cross Oath, between 1661 and 1662,
out of the 116 churches, the Latinized Syrian Catholics
claimed eighty-four churches, and Archdeacon Mar
Thoma I thirty-two churches. The eighty-four churches
and their congregations were the body from which the
Syro-Malabar Catholic Church and Chaldean Syrian
Church have descended. The other thirty-two churches
and their congregations were the body from which the
Syriac Orthodox (Jacobites & Orthodox), Thozhiyur
(1772), Mar Thoma (1874), Syro-Malankara Catholic
Church have originated.[70]
In 1665, Mar Gregorios Abdul Jaleel, a Bishop sent by
the Syriac Orthodox Patriarch of Antioch arrived in India and the St.Thomas Christians who stayed loyal to the
Coonan Cross Oath, under the leadership of the Archdeacon, welcomed him.[71][72] This visit gradually introduced
the West Syrian liturgy, customs and script to the Malabar
Coast.[65]
The Old Party, who continued with the Latin theological and liturgical tradition and stayed faithful to the Ro-
2.5
British period
5
in favor of the reformed ideologies of the missionaries, stood along with them and joined the CMS. These
Syrian Anglicans, were the rst Reformed group from
among the Saint Thomas Christians. They joined the
missionaries in their evangelical activities among the nonChristians and worked along with the missionaries in their
reformative and educational activities.[85] In 1879, the
Anglican diocese of Travancore and Cochin was established, in Kottayam.[86] On 27 September 1947, a little
over a month after the Indian independence, the Anglican
Church in South India united with similar other reformed
Churches in the region and formed the Church of South
India (CSI);[87] an autonomous Indian church within the
Anglican Communion.[88][89] Since then, the Syrian Anglicans have been members of the CSI, in which they
practically stay ethnically distinct.
The Jacobite prelate Mar Gregorios who came to Kerala in 1751 AD, consecrated Rev. Kurian Kattumangat
as bishop Abraham Mar Koorilose in 1772 AD at Mattancherry church, Cochin.[75] He was driven into exile
from the states of Travancore and Cochin where the majority of St. Thomas Christians lived, to Anjoor in the
state of Malabar. He spent his days in prayer and meditation in a hut. A few relatives and friends joined him
there.[71][76][77][78][79] This group was known as Thozhyoor Church later named as Malabar Independent Syrian
Church, after a court verdict on 28 May 1863.[80]
By June 1875, there were two factions in the Malankara
Church (Puthencoor faction); Jacobite Party (Bava) and
Reform (Methran) Party. Mathews Mar Athanasius was
the Malankara Metropolitan approved by the Govern2.5 British period
ments of Travancore and of Cochin[90] and the group
In 1795, the kings of Travancore and Cochin entered with him was known as Reform Party since Mathews
into tributary alliance with the British East Indian Com- Mar Athanasius was supportive to the reformation of Ja[91]
pany to repel the attacks from Tipu Sultan. The states cobite church with evangelistic ideologies. The Syrian
soon became client regimes of the Company: both were faction, under the leadership of Metropolitan Pulikkottil
forced to disband their military. The political order of Joseph Mar Dionysious II, opposed the attempts to do
the states also began to collapse. Saint Thomas Chris- away with age-old traditions of the church, which re[91]
Being invited by
tians were hit hard by the loss of their privileged mili- sulted in a stir in the community.
tary role, their kalari network was dissolved and many this faction, the Antiochene Patriarch Moran Mar Ig[92]
In June 1876, at
families lost their livelihood.[81] The trading class, as natius Peter III arrived in Kerala.
well as the oce bearers, also suered the setback and the synod of Mulanthuruthy, presided over by the Patrimany Europeans who visited the states between 1801 and arch, the Syrian faction formally came under the Antioch[93]
1820 noted the poor and depressed condition of Saint ene Patriarchate. The synod condemned Mathews Mar
Thomas Christians of the Puthiyakoottukar . Some parti- Athanasius for abstaining from it, but his followers stayed
[91]
san fund allocation for the churches by the British ocials rm with him. His successor Thomas Mar Athanasius
triggered a breakdown in the relationship between Saint and the bishops faction lost the lawsuit to the PatriarThomas Christians and prominent Hindu castes, at least chal faction in the Royal Court of Travancore on 12 July
[94]
temporarily.[82] In 1815, the British Resident, Colonel 1889. Nonetheless, the Reform Party continued as an
John Munro, founded a seminary in Kottayam, for the independent, Malankara Church and thereafter a series
theological education of Jacobite Christian priests and in- of suits arose on the rights over churches and associated
vited the Anglican missionaries to teach there. This could properties. Later they chose the name Malankara Mar
[91]
be regarded as the beginning of the relationship between Thoma Syrian Church.
the CMS (Church Mission Society) and the Saint Thomas In 1912, due to attempts by the Antiochean Patriarch
Christians of the Puthiyakoottukar.[83]
to gain temporal powers over the Malankara Church
2.5.1
Further divisions
HISTORY
7
when the Revenue Department was separated from the
Devaswom, a semi-government organization that managed the Hindu temples, thus removing the restriction on
non-Hindus and avarnas in the executive service. In the
1920s, Saint Thomas Christian leaders such as George
Joseph were advised by Mahatma Gandhi to detach from
Vaikom Satyagraha, an agitation for the temple entry
rights of avarna Hindus, as he considered the issue to be
one of concern to Hindus alone.[102][103]
With the institution in 1932 of a bicameral legislature in
Travancore, four Saint Thomas Christians found a place
in among the 24 seats of the lower house, but not comparable with other forward castes.[101] The partisan and
oppressive behaviour of Diwan Sir C. P. Ramaswamy
Iyer, especially towards the Saint Thomas Christians, further provoked the community members. Iyer reected
a concern among Hindus that the Christian population
was rising and that there was a consequent danger of
Travancore becoming a Christian state. The 1931 census recorded over 31 per cent of the population as being
Christian, compared to around 4 per cent in 1820.[104]
Some restrictions were imposed on Saint Thomas Christian parishes to start new schools and later on the Diwan attempted to take over the schools owned by the
community.[102] In 1933, some prominent Saint Thomas
Christians, including T. M. Varghese, worked to organize other communities on a common platform called
the Joint Political Congress, which then decided to abstain from participation in the assembly elections, an action that has become known as the Abstention Movement.
There followed a period of erce confrontation between
the Diwan and Saint Thomas Christiansmany leaders were arrested, prominent news papers were banned
and large banks owned by the community members were
liquidated.[102][105] But the agitations continued and to resolve the issue, government appointed a franchise and
delimitation commissioner to solve the problem of representation in the legislator with special reference to backward communities. Though there was no denite assurance to Saint Thomas Christians, Joint Political Congress
decided to withdraw the agitation. According to the recommendations of commissioner, franchise power was extended beyond the caste bars. In 1937, general elections were held and Joint Political Congress played a signicant role to attain much better representation for allied communities.[106] T.M. Varghese was elected as the
Deputy President of the Assembly where Iyer was the ex
ocio President. But in 1938, he was ousted by Iyer
for cooperating with rebels, which led to a worsening of
relation between the Saint Thomas Christians and Iyer.
On the collapse of Joint Political Congress due to internal conicts, Saint Thomas Christian leaders allied with
Nairs in a common platform- Travancore State Congress
where they fought together for responsible government
and also to oust Iyer.[101] Many Saint Thomas Christian bishops like Metropolitans Abraham Mar Thoma,
Yuhanon Marthoma,Mar James Kalaserry supported the
nationalistic movements in 1930s and 1940s.Abraham
CHURCH ARCHITECTURE
4 Church architecture
The earliest documentary evidence is Tharisapally Copper Plate, which refers to the construction of the church
of Tharisapally in Quilon between 823 and 849 AD. Antonio Gouvea, Portuguese envoy to Malabar, mentions
9
in his 16th-century work Jornada that almost all the
churches of Saint Thomas Christians followed the models
of Hindu temples of that period, but were distinguished
by the huge granite cross in the front yard of the church.
Despite the external similarity with temples, the structuring of the interior space of the church always followed
the East Syrian architectural theology. Thus the contemporary style is formed as an amalgamation of Indian
architecture and Chaldean liturgical concepts.[126] The
church is arranged east-to-west, with the interior structured into three levels: the madbaha (sanctuary), the qestroma (choir) and the haykla (nave).
The madbaha, arranged in the topmost platform at the
eastern side of the building, represents Heaven. The primary altar is attached to the eastern wall. To the north of
the madbaha is the diaqonikon (sacristry); to the south
is the baptistery. The madbaha is protected with rails
and is veiled by a red curtain most of the time; this is
opened during the Holy Qurbana (Eucharist). An oil
lamp within the sanctuary is kept glowing at all times
to represent the presence of God. The madbaha is connected to the qestroma and haykla by a low-walled path
called the sqaqona. The qestroma contains seats for the
choir and lower clergy. The haykla contains an elevated
platform or bema, which includes an altar, two lecterns
for reading, and chairs for higher clergy. Worshipers
stand before the altar, with separate seating for men and
women. The main entrance is on the western side of the
building; a vestibule, pillars, pilasters, and other architectural ornaments adorn the front end, and a ag mast
stands in the front yard. One or two bells are installed
in the back yard to signal the timing of ritual services,
the death of a church member, or to inform the public of
calamities.[127][128]
Nasrani symbol
10
attain a good proportion of the Central and State Government jobs.[134] With their level of education and limited
employment opportunities within the state of Kerala, they
became the community with the highest rate of migration. Their resultant foreign remittances have also helped
the socioeconomic progress of the community. According to the Kerala Migration Survey (1998) by the Center
for Developmental Studies, Kerala, Saint Thomas Christians top all other communities in Kerala with respect to
the Socioeconomic Development Index which is based on
parameters such as the possession of land,housing & consumer durables, education and employment status.[137]
6.2
The rituals and ceremonies of Saint Thomas Christians related to house building, astrology, birth and
marriage have close similarity with those of Hindus
in Kerala. Death rituals express Christian canonical themes very distantly and the inuence of Hindu
culture is quite noticeable. Much stress is given to
ideas concerning life after death and the anticipation
of nal judgment.[142]
Saint Thomas Christians do not marry close relatives. The rule is that the bride and groom must not
be related for at least ve generations.
Saint Thomas Christians generally prefer arranged
marriages and the prospective partners see each
11
other in the Pennukanal (Bride Viewing) ceremony
at brides home.[143]
Saint Thomas Christians did not use any iconography or statues of Jesus or the saints in their churches
until after the arrival of the Portuguese, prior to
which time the use of such symbols was deemed
idolatrous.
Saint Thomas Christians widely use Nilavilakku
(a lighted metal lamp) in their houses and
churches.[144]
Saint Thomas Christians use terms like Eeesho
(Jesus name in Aramaic[145] ), Yeshu (Hebrew
name Yeshua) to denote Jesus Christ.
The traditional dress of a Saint Thomas Christian woman is the Chatta and Mundu, a seamless
white garment, which is now limited to older female adherents. Following the general trend, the
Sari and Churidar have become predominant among
the younger generations.[141][146]
6.3
Demographics
Kunniparampil Zachariah notes that the 20th century was period of signicant transition for the Saint
Thomas Christians in terms of its demographic and
socioeconomic status. Around 1900, the community was
concentrated in a few areas, was geographically static and
"... was characterised by very high death rate, very high
birth rate, very early age at marriage, and 10 to 12 children per married woman. The population had increased
eight-fold during the preceding century, from a base gure of about 100,000, and comprised nearly 50 per cent
children. But, the population growth of Saint Thomas
Christians came down drastically after 1960s, with the
lowest birth rate, highest age at marriage, highest family
planning user rate, and lowest fertility rate compared to
other communities in Kerala. The proportion of children
has come down to less than 25%. The absolute and relative size of the community is in a diminishing trend and
is approaching a Zero Population Growth regime.[147]
As of 2001, in Kerala, more than 85 per cent of the Saint
Thomas Christian population live in the six central districts of the state - Pathanamthitta, Alapuzha, Kottayam,
Idukki, Ernakulam and Trissur. They have also migrated
to other cities in India like Ooty, Mangalore, Bangalore,
Chennai, Pune, Delhi, Mumbai, Coimbatore, Hyderabad
and Kolkata.[137] Migration steeply increased in the postindependence period and major destinations were United
States of America, Canada, Western Europe, Australia
and the Middle East. According to a rough estimate, 20
25% of the Saint Thomas Christians live outside the state
of Kerala.[137]
7 Caste status
Despite the sectarian dierences, Saint Thomas Christians share a common social status within the Caste system of Kerala and is considered as Forward Caste.[148]
Saint Thomas Christians historically have claimed a high
caste status on the basis of the tradition that they are
descended from the upper-caste Hindus, particularly
Nambudiri Brahmins. Historically in the Kingdoms of
Cochin and Travancore and other Kingdoms in Kerala,
they were granted caste privileges that put them at least
on the same level as Savarna Hindus, such as the Nairs.
Anthropologist, L.K. Ananthakrishna Iyer, recorded they
were given privileges in addition to those granted to
groups such as Nairs, such as the right to have enclosures
in front of their houses, which was otherwise only granted
to the Brahmins, and were placed almost on par with the
Sovereigns".[149]
Historically, Saint Thomas Christians followed the same
rules of caste and pollution as that of Hindus and
sometimes they were even considered as pollution
neutralizers.[119] Decree II of Action IX of the Synod
of Diamper enforced by the Portuguese Inquisition in
1599 prohibited the practice of untouchability by the
St Thomas Christians except in practical circumstances
when required by law and when it was necessary to ensure social contact with the Savarna Hindus such as Nairs.
The same decree noted that some St Thomas Christians
in the southern regions practiced untouchability against
the Nairs even though this was not required by the law.
This practice was abolished by the decree.[150]
They tend to be endogamous, and tend not to intermarry
even with other Christian groupings.
Internal division of Saint Thomas Christians into Northists and Southists and also into a number of sects based
on the ecclesiastical orientation makes the pattern of segmentation an exceedingly complex one.[148]
Forrester suggests that the Northist-Southist division
forms two groups within the Saint Thomas Christian
community which are closely analogous to sub-castes.[148]
At the same time, dierent Saint Thomas Christian denominations like Catholic, Jacobite, Mar Thomite, etc.
are better regarded as sects, rather than sub-castes, since
the recruitment to these sects cannot be strictly ascribed
to birth.[149] Also, internal mobility is allowed among
these Saint Thomas Christian sects and the caste status
is kept even if the sect allegiance is switched (for example, from Syrian Orthodox to Syrian Catholic).[149]
8 See also
List of Saint Thomas Christians
Suriyani Malayalam
12
9 NOTES
Notes
[1] Eparchy of Saint Thomas the Apostle of Chicago (SyroMalabarese)". Catholic-Hierarchy.org. David M. Cheney.
Retrieved 23 January 2015.
[2] http://www.indianchristianity.com/html/STCEI.htm
[3] Ross, Israel J. (1979) Ritual and Music in South India:
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[4] The Encyclopedia of Christianity, Volume 5 by Erwin
Fahlbusch. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing - 2008. p. 285.
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[5] The Jews of India: A Story of Three Communities by Orpa
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[6] Tharoor, Ishaan (2014-05-27). What language did Jesus
speak? The pope and Israels prime minister disagree..
The Washington Post. Retrieved 2015-09-06.
[7] upanov, Ines G. (2005). Missionary Tropics: The
Catholic Frontier in India (16th17th centuries), p. 99 and
note. University of Michigan Press. ISBN 0-472-114905
[8] Bindu Malieckal (2005) Muslims, Matriliny, and A Midsummer Nights Dream: European Encounters with the
Mappilas of Malabar, India; The Muslim World Volume
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[9] The Mappila sherfolk of Kerala: a study in interrelationship between habitat, technology, economy, society,
and culture (1977), P. R. G. Mathur, Anthropological Survey of India, Kerala Historical Society, p. 1
[10] Vadakkekara, Benedict (2007). Origin of Christianity in
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[11] L.Krishna Ananthakrishna Iyer: Anthropology of Syrian
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[12] Leslie Brown, The Indian Christians of St. Thomas
[14] Frykenberg, Eric (2008). Christianity in India: from Beginnings to the Present], p. 101. Oxford University Press.
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[32] MLA Malekandathil, Pius. Maritime India: trade, religion and polity in the Indian Ocean. Primus Books, 2010.
pp.38-61
13
[50] Frykenberg, Eric (2008). Christianity in India: from Beginnings to the Present, pp. 127128. Oxford University
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[34] MLA Malekandathil, Pius. Maritime India: trade, religion and polity in the Indian Ocean. Primus Books, 2010.
pp38-61
[51] Frykenberg, Eric (2008). Christianity in India: from Beginnings to the Present, pp. 130134. Oxford University
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[35] Frykenberg, Eric (2008). Christianity in India: from Beginnings to the Present, pp. 102107; 115.. Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-826377-5.
[53] Neill, Stephen (2004). A History of Christianity in India: The Beginnings to AD 1707. Cambridge University
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[54] Prasad, Rajendra (2009). A Historical-Developmental
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[56] Van der Ploeg, J. P. L., O.P. The Christians of St. Thomas
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[57] Frykenberg, Eric (2008). Christianity in India: from Beginnings to the Present, p. 136. Oxford University Press.
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[58] Frykenberg, Eric (2008). Christianity in India: from Beginnings to the Present, p. 367. Oxford University Press.
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[59] Neill, Stephen (2004). A History of Christianity in India:
The Beginnings to AD 1707. Cambridge University Press.
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[60] Neill, Stephen (2004). A History of Christianity in India:
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[62] Joseph Thekkedathu, pous cit pp96-100
[63] Rev Dr Placid Podipara, The Hierarchy of Syro Malabar
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[64] Christians of Saint Thomas (Christian groups, India) Encyclopedia Britannica. Britannica.com. Retrieved
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[65] Vadakkekara, p. 84; 86.
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[97] Rev. Thomas, P.T. & Rev. P.C. Zachariah. It Happened
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[98] Thomas, K.T. & Rev. T.N. Koshy. Faith On Trial. Ernakulam. 1965.
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10 FURTHER READING
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10
Further reading
Mundadan, A. Mathias. (1984) History of Christianity in India, vol.1, Bangalore, India: Church History Association of India.
Podipara, Placid J. (1970) The Thomas Christians. London: Darton, Longman and Tidd,
1970. (is a readable and exhaustive study of the St.
Thomas Christians.)
Iyer, K.V. Krishna, Keralas Relations with the Outside World, pp. 70, 71 in The Cochin Synagogue Quatercentenary Celebrations Commemoration Volume, Kerala History Association, Cochin,
1971.
Joseph, T. K. The Malabar Christians and Their Ancient Documents. Trivandrum, India, 1929.
Landstrom, Bjorn (1964) The Quest for India,
Double day English Edition, Stockholm.
Mariamma Joseph (1994).Marriage Among Indian
Christians.Jaipur: Rawat Publications
Mathew, N. M. St. Thomas Christians of Malabar
Through Ages. CSS Tiruvalla. 2003.
Menachery, Professor George. (2000) Kodungallur The Cradle of Christianity In India, Thrissur:
Marthoma Pontical Shrine.
17
Susan Visvanathan (1986) Reconstructions of the
Past among the Syrian Christians of Kerala, Contributions to Indian Sociology (Sage Publishers), July
1986; vol. 20, 2: pp. 241260.
Susan Visvanathan (2010)."The Status of Christian
Women in Kerala,in 'World Christianity:Critical
Concepts in Religious Studies, edited by Elizabeth
Koepping, London: Routledge, 2010.
Susan Visvanathan (2011) The Eucharist in a Syrian Christian Church, in T.N.Madan (edited) 'Indias Religions : Perspectives from Sociology and
History'.New Delhi: Oxford University Press
Tamcke, M. (ed.) (2001) : Orientalische Christen
zwischen Repression und Migration (Studien zur Orientalischen Kirchengeschichte 13; Mnster: LIT).
Thayil, Thomas (2003). The Latin Christians of Kerala: A Study on Their Origin. Kristu Jyoti Publications. ISBN 81-87370-18-1
The Land of the Perumals, or Cochin, Its Past and
Present Madras: Gantz Brothers 1863.
Thomas, P. J; (1932) Roman Trade Centres in Malabar, Kerala Society Papers, II.
Tisserant, E. (1957) Eastern Christianity in India: A
History of the Syro-Malabar Church from the Earliest Times to the Present Day. Trans. and ed. by E.
R. Hambye. Westminster, MD: Newman Press.
Vellian Jacob (2001) Knanite community: History
and culture; Syrian church series; vol. XVII; Jyothi
Book House, Kottayam
Veluthat, K. (1978). Brahmin settlements in Kerala: Historical studies. Calicut: Calicut University,
Sandhya Publications.
11
External links
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