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On Chomsky's Learnability Hypothesis A Karmik Linguistic Review
On Chomsky's Learnability Hypothesis A Karmik Linguistic Review
On Chomsky's Learnability Hypothesis A Karmik Linguistic Review
Not much work has been done on how proverbs are acquired by children. However, it
is widely believed that proverbs are learnt at a later stage in life, which is after three
years.
There are three important factors in the acquisition of proverbs and their use:
1. Children’s learning a language precedes the acquisition of proverbs because proverbs
are used in a context as an extension of ordinary language;
2. Proverbs are acquired by:
a) an exposure to them while they are used;
b) interpretation, identification, and memorization after they are heard;
c) mastering the skill of matching them with the contextual action via
prototype - categorical instantiation;
d) choosing an appropriate proverb for the context by cultural competence;
3. Proverbs are acquired only when they are used in the group in which they live
- there are many people who may not use them in their conversation in their
family- life and in such cases, the children may not hear them at all.
Individual proverbs cannot be generated like normal sentences in a
rule-governed fashion because they are minimally constrained by syntax.
Even if we assume that there is a universal grammar, such a grammar needs the
cognitive property of general intelligence for prototype - categorical instantiation. At
the same time, the cultural competence of choosing an appropriate proverb and the
pragmatic competence of identifying the contextual action as a category and using it in
a discourse sensitive structure, say as P1 (proverb alone), or P2 (proverb embedded in
an utterance ) or P3 ( proverb appended either before or after an utterance) ( see
Bhuvaneswar 1998 for more details ) is also essential. Otherwise, “ungrammatical(!), i.e.,
inappropriate or meaningless utterances will be formed. Therefore, proverbs require not
only grammatical competence but also pragmatic and cultural competences as well.
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We also find analogy at work in the formation of new proverbs from old proverbs at the
syntactic as well as semantic levels. “ A bird in the hand is worth two in the bush” is the
mother of many similar proverbs both syntactically and semantically giving rise to even
such humorous ones like “ A girl in the hand is worth two in the car”. Many
antiproverbs are formed by semantic analogy. For example, “ Absence makes the heart
wander”.
In addition to analogy, principles of symmetry, aesthetic appeal, and mnemonicity are
also very much at work. These are observable in other areas of action also. Taj Mahal is
a classic case of symmetry and aesthetic appeal. Mnemonicity is also found in brevity of
remembering actions by their major points of action. For example, in identifying places,
major marks or special topography is noted instead of all the details.
Even the very process of the evolution of the proverb can be construed as a gradual
process. For example, “ a dog in the manger “ is as normal as a phrase as like “ a man in
the street” or “a bird in the sky”. Since a dog in the manger is found to behave in a very
peculiar way, and since it has captured the attention of the people in that community,
they have used this phrase to compare such actions in social praxis. This inter-actional
cognition of action is not a linguistic property per se but it is a property of general
intelligence as can be seen in grouping objects of similarity. Only the other day, I
overheard my neighbour, who is not well, saying, “Like a drunken man, I am faltering”.
This utterance resulted from a semiotic representation of inter-actional cognition of one
action of faltering (caused by ill -health) with another action of faltering caused by
drunkenness at the sub-conscious level. It is a new sentence but the production of this
new sentence is achieved not because of an innately constituted rule system but because
of many factors of cognition of action. First, the speaker has seen a drunken man
faltering - she is middle-aged; second, she has observed her own behaviour; third, she
has found a similarity between the faltering of a drunken person and her own faltering;
third, she has a desire to communicate the state of her position to the listener according
to her svabhavam - she did not feel unhappy about it (self -censure ); fourth, which is
our main concern here, she has the knowledge of a mutually shared and learnt system
of semiotic representation through which she can express this knowledge as
information - she has not acquired it by innateness but by a cultural transmission of a
code in terms of phonology and lexicon, in terms of syntax, and in terms of semantics ;
and finally, she did it by that system. How did she acquire that system?- by exposure,
interaction, innately constituted properties of memory, intelligence, creativity, and
cultural norms, and physical properties of vocal organs to co-ordinate the production of
that sentence in that form, and svabhavam, in fact , by a combination of personality
traits, psychological and physical abilities, and pragmatic and cultural competence that
bring about the ability to semiotically represent that action as grammatical competence.
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All these factors are essential for the acquisition of that ability and the production of
that utterance. So ‘the dog in the manger’ has been chosen for comparison by somebody
in the society and we get the British potential proverbial expression “Like a dog in the
manger” ellipsed with a simile marker ‘like’. Later on, it catches on because of its
imagery, aesthetic appeal, familiarity, and similarity to many other such behavioural
instances. Now, it becomes a popular phrase used to compare similar actions. In other
words, a single instance of its usage percolates in the society and becomes, as it were, a
culturally accepted way of comparing similar actions with that phrase. Alternatively, to
put it technically, it becomes a cultural prototype to categorize such actions. As a result,
it is frozen, memorized, and transmitted to comment on social practices that become
categorical to it. If the society is beauty conscious, it will be polished but within the
structural constraints - that is why, it becomes difficult to preserve figures of speech
such as alliteration, etc., in translation of the proverb from one language to another.
Let us take another example “The early bid catches the worm”. It is a generalization of
the action of birds in search of food. Somebody saw that the early birds get worms -
when they are available- and birds that go late for hunting do not get them because they
already eaten by other birds or insects. So he might have made a generalization just like
“ The sun rises in the east”. As we have already seen, we can use this sentence as a
simile: “ As the early bid catches the worm, so did I pick the flowers in the garden very
early in the morning”. But the community saw its function more in advising or
commenting rather than in clarification or elaboration or illustration. Taking brevity,
punch, and indirectness ( or politeness) into consideration, they might have turned it
into a metaphor. We can see such a process in another example where both the simile
and the metaphor are retained: “As a dog returns to his vomit, so a fool returns his
folly”; “A dog always returns to his vomit”. In yet another example, “Honesty is the
best policy”, neither a simile nor a metaphor but a literal sentence is used. In this case,
the evolution is from the literary to the proverbial in a straight leap. But in all these
instances, we observe an evolution from one stage to another stage. “Honesty is the best
policy” is the moral of a story in Aesop’s Fables. Later on, it has been adopted as a piece
of advice that is culturally accepted and then it became a prototype. Finally, it has
evolved into a proverb in a frozen form.
If this view is correct, then we can say that such cognitive processes as
prototypicalization can be placed in a hierarchy: mono-actional cognition;poly-actional
cognition; inter-actional cognition; and complex actional cognition. In mon- actional
cognition, only one type of action is represented (e.g., An apple doesn’t fall from its
tree); in poly-actional cognition, more than one action is represented (e.g., The dog has
returned to his vomit again, and the sow that was washed to her allowing in the mire).
In inter-actional cognition, one action is seen in terms of another action as in similes,
metaphors, and prototypes. That is why acquisition in proverbs is more complex as it
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In our critique of generative grammar, we have examined how generative grammar fits
in as a model for the analysis of proverbs on the conditions of
The theory of generative grammar has been critically evaluated in the light of the
formation, and use of proverbs on the one hand and an examination of the properties of
the brain as obtained in neuropsychological research.
B. Conclusion
Since proverbs are inter-categorially constructed , it is observed that a one-sided
approach to the description of proverbs as language results in explanatory adequacy.
To account for proverbs in a principled way, we require not only grammatical
competence but also pragmatic, cultural and dispositional competences.
References
Radford, R. ( ). English Syntax An introduction
Bhuvaneswar, Chilukuri (1998). “The Structure of the Telugu Proverb in I/E Exchange Structure”. A PhD
Term Paper. Hyderabad: CIEFL
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