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AMES, Fisher (1809) - Works of Fisher Ames (T. B. Wait & Co, Boston, 1809) PDF
AMES, Fisher (1809) - Works of Fisher Ames (T. B. Wait & Co, Boston, 1809) PDF
OF
FISHER AMES.
COMPILED BY A NUMBER OF HIS FRIENDS
^^
TO WHICH ARE PREFIXED.
\\
NOTICES
OF
HIS LIFE
AND CHARACTER
BOSTON
1809.
B.
WAIT
f
^
Independence of the United States of America, Frances Ames, of the said district, has depos
ited in this office, the title of a book, the right whereof she claims as proprietor, in the words
Works of Fisher Ames. Compiled by a number of his Friends. To
following, to wit :
"
An act supplementary
titled,
Prints."
WILLIAM
S.
SHAW,
NOTICES
OF THE LIFE AND CHARACTER OF
FISHER AMES.
,R.
AMES
men
of
won
affection.
He
management
of her councils
and
patriots.
By
he succeeded, as
in surmounting the
BECOMING
1V
When
hope
news of
his death,
Massachusetts
capital of
who had
Those
dis
inhabitants of the
reflect
which
acted, as
all
have in those
"
for
their country
and
for
mankind."
HE
We
flattery
employed
benefit of others.
who
desire
an eminent
expose
it all
man
living in dmes
his character to be
and acting in
situations,
which
We
must
imperfectly understood.
pay respect to that natural and laudable curiosity of mankind,
which asks an explanation of the causes that
may have contributed
Examples of great
By such
lence.
inactive roused.
our to
fill
Emulation
the void
made by
fires
generous
spirits to
endeav
Are
any-
born April
9,
Dedham,
a pleasant
country town about nine miles south of Boston, and the shire
town of Norfolk. He sprung from one of the oldest families
in
Massachusetts.
educated
at
Christ
expulsion in form
controversial tracts.
He was
termined
temper.
FISHER was
The mother,
as if
"
antici
care,"
vi
to see his
of his
genius often
in early years
and lasting
fruit.
On
that a great proportion of those who display extraordinaryin mature life give indications of decided superiority
powers
in youth.
The
accounts of Mr.
When
From
the study of Latin.
a
he
had
variety of instructors in succession.
versity
He
at
whom
to the languages
He
mind
as his deserved
and would
have
provement.
twelfth year, he
was admitted
to Harvard college.
Previous
he was examined by a gentleman accus
tomed
DURING
this period
in the
He
He
was
vii
Young as he was, he did not abuse his power over that portion
of his time which the laws of the institution submit to the dis
cretion of the student, by idleness and trifling
when he came
I
into life
"
whom
fences of discipline, or
come
him
to select.
As
a task or voluntary
trial
of his
skill,
They were
ornament.
IT
is
especially to be told, that the morals of the youngjcolordeal of a four__years residence at_the uni
lejgiJl4>assjedjthe
versity unhurt.
He
to
vice,
x
of
limited
many of our
distinguished
men
in all
professions.
THIS
period, however,
lost to himself.
works
illustrating
antiquities
He
and the
read
my
V passages
dent.
ability to
which he
He
him
a lively
THE
at the prior
discerning, though
the experiment.
MR. AMES
it
must be met by
dis
many of
those
and laws.
who
to decision
and energy
was the
light of genius
xiv
FROM
the
was believed
commencement
On
bill
the
At every
AMES employed
stage of this
his resources of
till
bill
regulations,
to
"
dear" ;
would be unable
it
was feared he
to speak.
for tak
he had
member
finished, a
in opposition
moved
it.
When
to postpone
the decision on the question, that they might not vote under
* Mr. Madison.
of
influence
might
AT
.a
sensibility,
xv
condemn^
the close of the session, in the spring of 1796,
AMES
He
Mr.
thought he
In this
visit
most
He
state,
observing in a
to us, as
them
federal
much
in opposition,
and good
men
"
are no
where generally
hostile to the
cause."
HE
declaration, that he
in their presence.
In conclusion
now
it
said
"for
your country
bosom
He
lawyer, those rural occupations in which he delighted.
applied to the management of his farm and fruitery a portion
xviii
The
partiality to
France
ed the
efforts of
to
them was
distant affected
be done
him
The
as near.
admission of
The despondent
Consider
AMES S writings
to
have
much
effect.
produced
acknowledged
IN the year 1804, Mr. AMES was chosen president
vard College.
will
of
be
Har
to ac
FROM
He was a striking ex
of
and
under
Retain
ample
patience
magnanimity
suffering.
ing always the vigour and serenity of his mind, he appeared
to make those reflections which became his situation.
When
flattering intermissions, until his death.
some time.
Sickness
is
"
I trust I realise
the
It
has in
station,
xix
that respect
ceive
life
without
BUT
whom
terment, at
friend
paid.
FUNERAL honours
offices of
to
decorum and
testimonies of esteem.
appeared
on any similar occasion. It was a great assemblage, drawn by
gratitude and admiration around the bier of one exalted in
their
esteem by
his
pre-eminent
gifts,
and endeared
to their
we
are
who knew him and who heard him in puband private, in saying, that he had a mind of high order,
xx
in
some
to
much more
that quality,
easy to discern than to define ;
without which judgment is cold and knowledge inert; that
so
"
We
to
move
to please, to
"/
to enlighten
charm, to astonish,
fte
Many
and
fulfilling.
ing of rhetorick.
details
were
gram.
It
so rapid as to
seem
his
mind to
apprehend
and
it
discern by a glance,
which common ca
it
pleasing images, adorned with all that is soft and beautiful ; and
rose in the storm, wielding the elements and flashing with
now
/.
xxi
before, but
tional piety,
by an ardent heart.
them
excellent,
abounding
in
So much of the
hibit, that,
skill
though he had
little
art,
they are perhaps fair examples of the leading precepts for the
In debates on important questions
several parts of an oration.
and disinterested
in their views.
He
in
employ.
HE
ing, but his attitude was erect and easy, his gestures manly
and forcible, his intonations varied and expressive, his articu
lation distinct,
written compositions,
it
will
vivacity
ALL
all
xxii
and the
fertility
of his imagina
tion.
attention
effect,
than
The abundance
tellectual stores.
writer
is
not charge
ployed.
He
aimed rather
and vivacity of the short sentence, than the dignity of the full
His style is conspicuous for sententious
and flowing period.
brevity, for
so
much
lustre and
mon
peculiar excellencies
came near
to defects,
he
is
rather to be
trusting
no means neglect
by
much
own
use.
xxiii
and
modern
historians of
care.
Hence
command
HE
never ceased
he often perused
to
two
His knowledge of
years of his death with increased delight.
the French enabled him to read their authors, though not to
speak their language.
He was
accustomed
to
all
he intended
to
make
depending
and figures of
him
in capacity
to
He
him
in writing
justly thought,
history
He
ideas.
xxiv
est interests
national legislature, the spirit of party did not tie the hands of
THE
difficult to
AMES was
sures
sions,
a democracy
is that, in
all
their
mea
polity.
They
are
professed
rulers,
who
They
arc
will pre-
LIFE OF FISHER
AME.
xxv
safe.
those
who
is
to procure
justice nor
make innocence
safe.
MR. AMES
national bribe
but the betrayers of the state." The only resource against this
degeneracy of our affairs and their final catastrophe Mr. AMES
the correctness of the publick opinion, and
Hence his zeal to support
the energy that is to maintain
the federal administration in the constitutional exercise of its
considered to be
"
it."
New-England
state of society.
"
Constitutions,"
said he,
xxviii
he
laid
men, whose
on the
system could
efforts, is
life
The
altar of patriotism.
ill
fine
machinery of his
esteem
for vice
and
folly
derive a pernicious in
seemed
to
its
proper
place.
THE
and of this
life
be
which he
saw
to
faith a fulness
of evidence
little
short of de
his belief in
services.
monstration.
its
At about thirty
five
he
of men.
He
reli
xxix
vions
much on
tle
and that
"
morbid
fanaticism,"
which consists in
men was
faith,
tion,
lips
but his
manner of recurring
character
of Christ
to
The
them
in con
sublime, the
emotion.
He
domestick
life.
In his beloved
home
felicity
of his
The com
pleasing engagement and heartfelt satisfaction.
placency of his looks, the sweetness of his tones, his mild and
often playful
manner of imparting
xxx
treme delight
who
derived from
him
versation and
tuous conduct.
felt that
they
As
to noble
all
and vir
that is
of kindred.
which he cherished
constancy, with
WHEN
in the
space
character and modesty of deportment which he had before
dis^
played, and neglected none of the friends of his youth. He never
yielded to that aversion to the necessary cares of life, which
to high concerns, or fond of letters, some
men, accustomed
HE
tion
felt
sort,
than at superiority.
were competitors
for the
tion.
HE
was tenacious of
The
But
it
temper
his
it
had a perfect
no vulnerable
command
of his
of injury to revenge.
language,
him
He
was easy
If there
to see there
He
position.
gratitude
His
tasted the
how he
xxxi
received
his spirits, as
awaken
much
depress
is
duty
MR. AMES
works.
politeness,
IN
faint lines
worth.
we have sketched
faults,
virtues,
why he
is
man
of
had
to the propriety of
WORKS
OF
FISHER AMES.
PREFACE.
OOME
if
the
numerous
its
publication.
brilliant
paper essays
republication of
news
among
AMES
are believed to be
him
at all
own fame
zens,
liberty
more
its
its
loss.
Some
proceed
which
is
now
who had
less interesting
of those
of
them
citi
in
new
life to
the propo
PREFACE.
IN making a selection from the great mass of his works,
the aim has been to furnish a fair specimen of the talents and
It will
be perceived, that
the
first
time published,
now
for
CONTENTS.
Page
No.
Camillus.
No.
II
Camillus.
No. Ill
Camillus.
12
16
20
26
58
Laocoon.
No.
94
Laocoon.
No. II
103
Eulogy on Washington
School Books
115
134
Falkland.
No.
136
Falkland.
No.
II
139
Falkland.
No. Ill
144
Falkland.
No. IV
150
The Observer
154
No.
Phocion.
No.
Phocion.
No.
Phocion.
No.
Phocion.
No.
Phocion.
The new
The new
The new
The new
The new
No.
No.
156
No.
II
159
On British Influence
On British Influence
III. On British Influence
IV. On British Influence
V. On British Influence
VI. On French Influence
I.
166
II.
170
173
176
180
184
Romans.
No.
188
Romans.
No.
II
191
Romans.
No.
Ill
195
Romans.
No. IV
Romans.
No.
198
203
Russia
208
Foreign Politicks.
No.
209
Foreign Politicks.
No.
II
212
Foreign Politicks.
Hercules
No. Ill
No
Revolutionist
216
222
."
226
CONTENTS.
Equality.
No.
Equality.
No.
II
Ill
Equality.
No.
Equality.
No. IV
Equality.
No.
Equality.
No. VI
"
History
is
230
232
235
239
243
246
Philosophy teaching by
252
Example"
255
Balance of Europe
262
Political
Review.
No.
Political
Review.
No.
II.
265
Political
Review.
No. Ill
268
272
Monitor
Republican.
No.
Republican.
No.
II
276
278
282
War
in
291
Europe
298
Character of Brutus
On
the Prospect of a
New Coalition
302
against France
307
314
317
323
.
335
344
No.
347
No.
II
349
No.
Ill
352
No. IV
354
No.
355
357
360
British Alliance
368
American Literature
Review of
379
of Lycurgus 438
458
Letters
473
477
WORKS
FISHER AMES.
LUCIUS JUNIUS BRUTUS.
First published in the Independent Chronicle, at Boston, October 1?, 1786.
This
political speculation was written after several of the courts ofjustice had been stopped
by the insurgents, and before the marching of the army commanded by general Lincoln,
which happily suppressed that rebellion.
The writer was then young, and had taken no
the discernment to entertain, so many correct ideas upon the critical state of our country.
It is well also to remark, that the principles and opinions of the writer were precisely the
same with
Hen,
Non
hastes,
iniseri cives
inimicaque castra,
iVJLANY
to practise a
little
2
But the present
menacing,
measures.
crisis is too
and half-way
the truth. It is
Every
know
them
IT will be necessary
but
it
European
states,
first
on the
of
list
civil
crimes.
number
In
of persons
is
The head
of the government
is
changed
remains.
it
subsists
by the supposed
is real,
as soon as
it is
dreaded.
No sooner
may overthrow
child
it
it.
it
stand
one
less popular
moral depravity.
SUCH
against the
commonwealth of Massachusetts.
Is
it
late riots
The
certainty of punish
ment
is
manent
national policy
may be
fact,
must
men
to better citizens.
The English
known to be high
with the mob.
Many
pretence of grievances
redress,
commonwealth;
to
convince the
and
that
it is
longer
be allowed to legislate,
and
and
friended
to
every citizen
to
form an imperium
in imperio
effectually
scend
to the injustice
villany
to
hold
to the
disaffected.
IT
may be
The
case,
though important,
by making
mise and arbitration with
the
is
its
simple.
proselytes to
subsist
members
geance.
may
who
will
Government may
individuals.
If
seek
its
buried, at least
till
call it forth,
provided
all
money,
as a tender for
all
debts, should be
questions.
all
made
or that the
grievances are re
all
Is there a
rogue
in the
man in
BUT
it.
morally wrong,
politically right;
that
it
is
necessary to
its
foes
it,
ferer.
to
the
insolence of the
to risk
life
I am
contracts;
I promised alle
and property. I am
constitutional contract.
own
The
is
of the parties
ready
aggressor
competent
-violated, to
Without
my
to
make my
I never gave
you a
consent, or a crime
property.
am I to
If your
But
if ye will suffer
my
life to
ing my own
IN
rights,
my
injuries.
them that,
when they ought
if
government should
to act
should choose
If
BUT
before
as
may be
trusted; the
may
easily
be formed, of such
men
may be
The
Bur
and attempt
its
defence.
let
CAMILLUS. N.
I.
March
1,
1787.
and the two following pieces, were written immediately after the suppression of Shays *
insurrection, and before any measures had been taken either to guard against a repi tilion of.
similar disorders in our own state, or to strengthen the federal government. Two reflec
tions naturally arise in perusing these early productions of Mr. Ames s pen: that he was
Tliis,
first to
federal compact.
He
early
ou the popular side, and tliat despotism would be much more likely to be introduced
leaders, under the garb of patriotism, than by open, direct attacks. He manifests
ardent zeal and anxiety for a republican form of government, and ridicules the idea of
chiefly
by factious
his
the possibility of introducing a monarchy (except an absolute one) in our country. The
reader will notice the wonderful coincidence of this part of these early essays with a posthumous piece, now for the first time published, entitled, The Dangers of American
"
Liberty."
they obviously display the motives of the writer in thus enlarging upon, and depicturing
in gloomy colours, the dangers to which a popular government is liable. It was because
it
perpetually pointing out its hazards. It was the timely admonition of a fond father to
secure the future happiness of a beloved child.
HE
JL
late events have been so interesting and so rapid, that
the publick mind has been confounded by the magnitude, and
oppressed with the variety of the reflections which result from
them.
men
The
and philosophers
made upon
facts,
is
and enthusiasm
to
adorn them.
CAMlLLUS.
BUT
makes
experience, which
a publick
makes
individuals wise,
sometimes
from such events just maxims of policy, for the future benefit
of mankind and it belongs to mankind to keep these maxims
;
cannot be needed.
it
This
But if
be desired,
it
is
furnished so
some
It is
It is the
common
revenue.
All this
is
notorious.
least informed.
more probably
it is
its
repug
The love
have ever made
CAMILLUS.
fa
attention is
it
is
To
will afford
He
floating
When
he
CAMILLUS.
11
contemplate
is
not
The people
of every country,
but our own, though poor and oppressed, bear a patriotick
They
preference to their own laws and national character.
one
to revile
them.
The
Briton,
who
sells
freedom, which
is
know
man,
whom
he stigmatizes as a
slave.
To
Frenchman
is
equally
This prejudice
king.
prompt
is
Every
useful,
political
of political union.
The government
of
Turkey
is
doubtless
Constantinople.
Tyranny receives the homage
of its dupes and its victims
but liberty among us cannot
have no national
preserve the reverence of her sons.
applauded
at
We
We
Asia.
have,
it is
common
follies
accustomed
M3AMILLUS.
12
It is
extolled
by
But
mankind.
far
from contemplating
its
ex
itself.
Devoted
CAMILLUS.
N.
II.
it
sentatives.
We
little
It is
not
make
indif
amazement,
that the men of speculation and refinement have wandered still
more widely from the path of duty and good sense. It will
be amusing to review the extravagances of these framers of
CAMILLUS.
13
the
commence.
BUT
When
electors
make
that odious
which was
right,
wrong.
THEY
Yet
it
sometimes
felt,
and too
instances, but
that the
CAMILLUS.
14
lute despair,
stitution,
of the legislature.
had
to revise,
presumed
Besides, the
expected
when they
felicity.
facts as well as
vociferous committee
purple with
as
all
for it;
men.
and as
or dram-shop
fact of
whenever Providence
blockhead or a
in its
wrath
shall
is,
Luke Day
s in
a.
rascal.
THE
sons of science, who have adopted this reprehensibleof reasoning, are, notwithstanding, the most sincere
lovers of their country
they are not the men to subvert
mode
CAMILLUS.
empires.
15
some observa
tions,
We
burdens
But
man
is
this is
surely
mere
bound
idle spe
to give
his
and pointed
let
out,
most
government. We, who are now upon the stage, bear upon
our memories too deep an impression of the miseries of the
think of attempting another.
an Herculean labour to detail our political absurdities.
last revolution to
IT
is
Where
so
CAMILLUS.
16
government.
government
men.
private
to
make
gratify their
in destruction.
all
CAMILLUS.
WE
NO.
III.
we have
Divided against
tuin.
solved
all
common
union dis
CAMILLUS.
17
rulers.
Fortunately, they have been uninfected with the frenzy
of the times.
They have done their duty, and have shewn
themselves the
faithful
It is
to do.
Large
and are accumulating.
commerce
more than
though intimidated,
We
skill.
the
Agriculture
is
is
are in debt to
The
taxes are
prepared
despondent;
The combusti
may
Sedition,
a period of adversity.
sums are due internally.
THIS
is
which requires
all
the
wisdom
it
is
Where
It is not possible to
first
to anarchy,
and
CAM1LLUS.
13
new maxims
and existence
speculation ;
by paper money, or an abolition of debts ;
nor by implicit submission to the insolence of beggarly con
ventions ; nor by the temporary expedients of little minds,
nor
is it
ous.
required
and,
when
adopted,
tion
must be amended.
WHILE
we
are no
bond
traitors.
Reason
has. ever
condemned our
more
vaga
paltry pre
power.
Until this
is
effected,
we
SOME measures
to provide
what manner,
this
It
When men
of the
established
mode
is
first
it
CAMILLUS.
19
it.
If
we
neglect
it,
if
taken
at
It is in
vain
to
a commonwealth.
THERE
is in
must be
in the administration
number of
which the
first
ANARCHY
choice.
we
how
small influence
to
20
SPEECH
IN
A DO
upon
1788.
this question.
ment which
prevails, as an
discovery of truth.
this subject at last,
impediment
In order that
we
in
we may
WITHOUT
sir,
and
my
I declare, that
consider
it
which
its
veiy essence
may
becomes
s first
useless.
It is
apparent
that.
21
a delegation
member
too far
dangerous to
liberty,
and in
fact
repugnant
to the
purposes
sentative
upon
their approbation.
BEFORE
forbear to premise
when they
delegate
it
divesting themselves
to representatives
and that
representation
disadvantage, because it is but an
image, a copy, fainter and more imperfect than the original,
the people, in whom the light of power is primary and unis to their
all
The
power
obtained
It
government
It is
resides.
is
it,
as
it
the best
in person.
would be inap
It may be of some
plicable to the great countiy we inhabit.
use in this argument, however, to consider, that it would be
decisions
SPEECH ON
22
men who
by
the subject
own
indemnity.
by men.
they do not sacrifice their rights ; they become the true sove
reigns of the country, when they delegate that power, which
they cannot use themselves, to their trustees.
I
KNOW,
sir,
and
assert, that
we
We
can
when
on the removal of
straint
all
restraint
we do
us.
But
may
please to invade
civil liberty
it
for
we have
to
HOPE,
sir,
remove the
some tendency
THAT
they
may never
be divested of
it,
I repeat, that I
am
annual
BIENNIAL ELECTIONS.
23
not follow, because annual elections are safe, that biennial are
dangerous ; for both may be good. Nor is there any foundation
tomed
to
term of
life
supposed defects,
is
in favour of liberty.
We
FROM
THE
AND
the
more
from the banks of the Ohio, and the shore of Lake Superiour,
ought to have a longer term in office, than the delegates of a
single state, in their
to
own
legislature.
man can
IF
we
is
Germany, or
will remain.
fit
Every
citizen
grows up with a
SPEECH ON
24
time,
can be under
We
their bosoms,
which
when
They nourish
will subsist so
long as
oi
abusing their
do
right.
resides.
On
of passion,
great questions,
artifice,
and
be law.
tions,
which
There
is
we
faction.
first
made by
the citizens,
who have
families and
some independence
in his seat
a candidate.
BIENNIAL ELECTIONS.
BUT,
union.
sir,
One
to justice.
pursue
25
it
to
conviction
FOR
these reasons
am
if
26
RESOLUTIONS.
OX
the 3d of January, 1794, Mr. Madison, a member from Virginia, proposed to the house
of representatives of the United States a series of resolutions, to impose higher duties, and
lay greater restrictions, on the manufactures, products, and ships, and on particular
branches of trade, of a certain nation, or of nations therein described. In explanation of
his motives and views, he spoke of the security and extension of our commerce, as a prin
cipal object for which the federal government was formed. He urged the tendency ot
his resolutions to secure to us an equitable share of the carrying trade; that they would
enable other nations to enter into a competition with England for supplying us with
and in this way he insisted that our country could make her enemies feel
;
the extent of her power, by depriving those who manufactured for us of their bread. He
adverted to the measures enforced by a certain nation, contrary to our maritime rights;
and out of the proceeds of the extra impositions proposed, he recommended a reimburse
manufactures
to our citizens of their losses arising from those measures. He maintained, that, if
the nation cannot protect the rights of its citizens, it ought to repay the damage ; and that
we are bound to obtain reparation for the Injustice of foreign nations to our citizens, or
ment
to
On
"
who
profess to
aim
To him
it
appeared, that under the pretence of making trade better, it was to be annihilated ; that
He saw too plainly that our trade
it in ght serve France, but would certainly injure us.
was
to
wage war
for
our
politicks,
and
resentments.
Jefferson, as secretary
of state, on the same subject, which had been long laboured to give it the aspect which it
bore. Mr. Ames saw, or thought he saw, in these measures, the meditated overthrow of
the commercial prosperity of the United States, and especially of that part of then, wliosa
were particularly confided to bis care. With these impressions, he made the fol
lowing speech on the 27th of the same month, 1794.
interests
HE
JL
question lies within this compass, is there any mea
sure proper to be adopted by congress, which will have the
effect to put our trade and navigation on a better footing ? If
is, it is our undoubted right to adopt it ; if by right is
understood the/zower of self-government, which every indepen
dent nation possesses, and our own as completely as any other,
there
our duty also, for we are the depositaries and the guardians
of the interests of our constituents, which, on every considera-
it is
ought
to
be dear to us.
27
so,
and
body
common
wish the general prosperity, when our private interest does not
happen to stand in the way, is no uncommon sentiment. In
truth,
it
There
is
is
little
self-love,
more
is
always, that
The danger
rush blindly into embarassments, which
of inquiry might have prevented, but from
a prudent spirit
will
which
and
felt
by us
all,
AFTER
fail
WE
to
my
hear
to place
WE
lars of
good
exports annually.
footing,
To
SPEECH ON
28
to
at)
injury.
IT
is
hard to compute
how
demnation.
HAVE framed
com
commerce from
trade
one.
is
MR. MADISON
RESOLUTIONS.
29
t>f
may
The
actual
market
is
Most
We
the
same
we
for.
and
restrict,
why do we talk of a
strenuous exertion
good
if
it effect,
freedom of commerce.
absolute freedom of
commerce never
much
could
we
it,
THE
ill
we
make
to
be doubted whether
it
ever
Such
a state of
Were
will.
it is
very
invested
my
claim, the
monopoly of the
spice trade, for which their ancestors passed their whole lives
in warfare.
The Spaniards and Portuguese would be no less
obstinate.
If
we
calculate
SPEECH ON
30
in wealth, in suffering,
dearly purchased.
not as a source of gain, but as an essential
act,
So many
interests
means of
would be
dis
suffer such
by restrictions of
LET
liberty of
prohibition.
too
many
is
really disposed to
extend the
laws.
little,
That rage
test of experience.
for theory
We
hear
it
portance
that
it is
chiefly
our object,
to see
how we may
assist
MR. MADISON
RESOLUTIONS.
31
good one
any
we
THE
that
it is
many
in the year
dollars.
BUT
it
will
BREAD
THE amount
fisheries,
live animals,
three dollars.
WE
kets,
two
stuff is dutied so
England,
in her
seem
that the
will
do
for the
SPEECH ON
32
The
West-Indies
free,
as to give
our
shewn
it
article, in
Europe,
own
to
buy what
it
The
THUS
it
Great Britain and her dominions, only the value of one million
one hundred and sixty eight thousand dollars was under duty
of a restrictive nature.
Flax-seed to Great
8 473,830
62,415
Britain...
219,924
Total
THESE
to the trade.
is
Yet we
good as
received on even better terms
find,
it is,
756,169
which
is
a good foot
MR. MADISON
RESOLUTIONS.
33
g 858,006
Grain
273,505
hibited.
Great Britain
2,754,493
22,816
Tobacco
One
to
hibited.
Rice
to
Great Britain
j
Seven
To
shillings
W^est-Indies
180,077
To
773,852
West-Indies
240,174
/.
382,48
747,078
Naval stores
Higher
To
to
Great Britain
West-Indies
6,162
190,670
81,612
on other foreign.
$6,510,926
THUS
it
on terms of positive
favour.
SPEECH ON
34
whom we
nation, with
tively
shewn, that
it is
It is better
have
treaties.
which France
our pro
ducts.
France.
which
be hazarded
to
suppose
for,
we
could batter
of prohibitions and restrictions, it would be gaining a loss oneeighth is retricted, and more than six-eighths has restrictions
;
in its favou.
It is as plain as figures
our exports
is at
can
make
we
can
To
terify
restrictions
that, if
it,
suppose that
abolish their
in our favour
is
WE
centre of
iur interests
we
market of France
is
customer
the great
our
Eng
.best
trade particular
favour and privilege while England manifests in her
system
such narrot and selfish views. It is strange to remark such a
;
The
pointed refutation of assertions and opinions by facts.
senl to France herself is very trivial. Either our mer
chants are
of the best markets, or those which they
jgnorant
amount
prefer are
best
and
arguments
tlie
ulage, are
if
still
MR. MADISON
RESOLUTIONS
35
to
bound
are
They
sions.
receives
to
admit
this
position
France
if
little
on terms of
own
only her
If
better.
interest in these
it is
her interest to
as
it
regards
shews
it
if
she does
alleged, and
is
when she
when we are
this,
France,
Her
solid
ground
to rely on.
is,
future.
ed one
any relation
produce
little
of romance.
f ivour is
used
It is in this sense,
and
word
rial
the
to this
discussion.
for at a
cheap
rate.
In
this
SPEECH ON
36
objection
much
There
we
Indies.
land
as
is less
for the
We
consumed, or manufactured
into
rum
which
is
matter
to
islands, because
The
lue.
its sale.
state of
our navigation.
we pay no
say,
it
asserted.
to
go
to the British
West-Indies.
MR. MADISON
It is
RESOLUTIONS.
37
that respect.
than
on
we meet
and
from most of
It is also asserted,
THIS
is
We
greater number
own
vessels
and by
far
We
Sec.
of
1*.
and
our foreign tonnage duty, not to mention the ten per cent, on
the duties on goods in foreign bottoms.
BUT
in the port of
It is for the
the assertions
made by
the
we have heard
mover of the
ill
ports,
resolutions, that
as the British.
is rapidly increasing.
If any thing is meant
natural
of
the
one
would
right
imagine that it
by
carriage,
our proportion
SPEECH ON
S8
it
own
country.
It is
We
invite every
our design to check the sale of our produce.
to
because
of
we
sell
dearest,
expect
purchasers,
description
when
the
is
the greatest.
For
sels
is
an ad
By giving
a steady and
mo
is
most
beneficial to
IN a trade, mutually
beneficial,
it is
The
best
it however for
argument sake, yet it should be noticed, that the loss of two
hundred and twenty thousand tons of shipping is computed
Admitting
Britain,
the distance being greater, our vessels are not so often entered.
Both these circumstances give a false shew to the amount of
British tonnage, compared with the American. It is however
very pleasing to the mind, to see that our tonnage exceeds the
For various reasons, some of
British in the European trade.
which
will
India trade
be mentioned hereafter, the tonnage in the Westis not the proper subject of calculation.
In the
MR. MADISON
F their
RESOLUTIONS.
5,9
tion of
of our
no
own grown up
little
especially.
INDEPENDENTLY of
this circumstance,
Great Britain
is
an
Her
ships
perhaps rather
from the
restrictions of that
British tonnage in
We
timidity of this.
more
amount of
free,
What was
then
which our
allies
is
SPEECH ON
40
hiding place. Look around, and see how the frontier circle
widens, how the interiour improves, and let it be repeated, that
the hopes of the people, when they formed this constitution,
BUT
il*
it
affairs.
Our imports are obtained so plenti
one
that
of the avowed objects of the reso
and
cheaply,
fully
Our exports,
lutions is, to make them scarcer and dearer.
in a year.
We
Who
is
bold
enough
to
say,
our own vessels pay in their ports and what is much more effec
tual, we have imposed ten per cent, on the duties, when the
;
We
have also
dutied articles are borne in foreign bottoms.
made the coasting trade a monopoly to our own vessels. Let
those,
who have
compare
facts
Tons.
American, 1789
297,468
Foreign
265,116
American, 1790
347,663
Foreign
258,916
American, 1791
363,810
Foreign
240,799
American, 1792
415,330
Foreign
244,263
Excess of American
tonnage.
32,352
88,747
123,011
171,067
MR. MADISON
RESOLUTIONS.
41
Many
that nation
We
been confirmed in
it
by experience
and
it
would
more or
merce.
We
com
of restric
is
a vision.
SPEECH ON
42
What we
tomers
to
we have
and to
And
imports.
as
this is to
is
it
France.
Thus,
to
make our
trade
more
free,
to
To make
made nothing.
navigation are regarded, the pre
are not allowed
tences for this contest are confined to two.
So
trade better,
far as
it is
to be
commerce and
We
manufactured
to carry
articles to
own growth
The former,
go, with our own vessels, to the West-Indies.
which is a provision of the navigation act, is of little importance
our interests, as our trade is chiefly a direct one, our shipping
not being equal to the carrying for other nations ; and our
manufactured articles are not furnished in quantities for ex
to
portation, and,
So
tomer.
than
if-
far,
real.
THE
more importance.
force a privilege
yield to us,
with the
it is
effort,
When we
from Great
propose to
Britain,
make an
which she
is
is
of
effort to
loath to
MR. MADISON
probability of success.
exertion
much
less
RESOLUTIONS.
43
A trivial
ought we
The carriage
possession for a slight chance of a less good.
of one half the exports and imports to and from the British
West-Indies, is the object to be contended for. Our whole
We
sell on terms,
exports to Great Britain are to be hazarded.
of privilege and positive favour, as it has been abundantly
We
for what I
are to risk the privilege in this great amount
British West-India trade
belongs to commercial
It
men
to
But
it
in the sale of
We
them.
if
not two.
It
is
than
in which, too,
we do
to
it
should be noticed,
Great Britain
herself.
is
we
much
we add,
sell
If to this
less
that
which, on
trial,
may prove
false,
we may conclude,
without going further into the discussion, that prudence for
bids our engaging in the hazards of a commercial .war that
volved in the war would overthrow at once,
we
chance
is infinitely
necessary to
go
still less, if
the
against us.
fail
of their effect,
it
will
bo
SPEECH OX
44,
all
our wrongs,
and
spirit
to
of enmity,
more than
We are to take
The
measures
active
to shift
it
by
may be
perhaps as
left
However our
own.
zeal
might engage us
to interpose,
our
beyond
tax our
all
justification
own people
and
all
What
example.
for a time,
perhaps
is
it
but to
may at
last sell as
We
shall
gain to this country in the event, but to France.
for a time, and in the end pay no less ; for no object
but that one nation may receive our money, instead of the
pay more
other.
America.
It is sacrificing
what we owe
to
it
is
not just to
our constituents to
We
The
left
to
ornament
fiction.
This
is
The market
MR. MADISON
RESOLUTIONS.
45
that
we
are
bound
common
language,
we
of the French.
Why
made
when
so essential,
?
It is not expected by one of the nations
Holland has declared in her treaty with us, that
act of supererogation
in treaty
for
They
we
are
when peace
to
make by
a law half
but
it
is
inconsistent with
itself.
to the treaty of
from us
SPEECH OX
46
own
like, in
which
The mover
respect to
in effect
pro
some
has,
been informed since the debate began, that she has passed
such acts.
MIGHT remark on
on the most
liberal principles.
The
its
conclusion, ought to be
Mr.
to the publick.
to enter
upon a
seems
to
be incorrect.
THE
with this countiy ; but I ask, whether those, who hold such
language towards that nation as I have heard, can be supposed
to desire a treaty
It
seems
be
to
somewhat singular
embrace them.
our anger
is
to
THE
arrangements
is
not obvious.
We
>te
MR. MADISON
RESOLUTIONS.
will
good
4JT
we
shall beat a
new
is
guns.
It
To
any thing,
it
is
is
not a good
one, or that they have not taken measures to favour our traffick
with them. In either case our system is absurd. The balance
of trade
is
by compelling us to
will be turned still
balance
the
buy dearer and sell cheaper,
more against our country. Neither is the supply from France
lutions can only aggravate that evil, for,
excess of credit
is
an
from England.
which we pretend
evil,
to cure
There,
by check
thus delayed.
remedy
is
capital.
It is best to
must depend on
If
have
it
we
of our
own
if
we have
credit.
employment
and reward
it.
must be
it
not,
we
profits of
establish
it,
is in
To
were possible
do
would so
capital, if it
ment. Fortunately
it is
to
it,
not possible
more need of
the laws are
it.
strict, it will
remedy
SPEECH ON
48
We
may hope
and the nether millstone.
ON
some
liberty left
coun
own system
to
to controul trade
To
to another
The
acts of states,
and the
measure
man
mind
at this time.
To
ment
will appear to him much less urgent, and their efficacy in the
present turbulent state of Europe infinitely less to be relied on.
baffle the
hopes of
its
success.
But
will
cir
if
so
MR. MADISON
much
appears against
it
in this
body
patronised
IT
RESOLUTIONS.
49
stress is laid
how happens
sure,
it
it ?
in favour of
it.
starve
A few
details will
the
hundred and ninety five : at the end of the war, 1783, six
teen thousand five hundred and twenty six.
Ireland exported,
on an average of seven years prior
fifty
thousand barrels.
its
to 1777,
from England and Ireland are but lately banished even from
our markets.
Exports from the now United States, 1773,
horses two thousand seven hundred and sixty eight, cattle one
thousand two hundred and three, sheep and hogs five thousand
three hundred and twenty.
Twenty two years prior to 1791,
were exported from England to all ports, twenty nine thousand
one hundred and thirty one horses. Ireland, on an average of
seven years to 1777, exported four thousand and forty
stock, exclusive of hogs.
The
live
Cape de
Verds, &c. supply sheep and cattle. The islands, since the
war, have increased their dorhestick supplies to a great degree.
THE now
states furnish
when we
7
fancy
wheat
we can
in abundance.
W e are
r
SPEECH ON
50
France
is
at the rate
of sevea
quan
Twenty
one hundred and eighty two millions of bushels.
export, to speak in round numbers, five or six millions of bush
We
tity
Frugality
is
which we supply
a greater resource.
trifle
Instead
Two
is fifty
Rice
to favour their
is
said to be prohibited
own.
ours.
we
least
Raltick.
It is
MR. MADISON
RESOLUTIONS.
51
WE
States.
are told they can sell their rum only to the United
This concerns not their subsistence, but their profit.
Examine
it
however.
now United
In 1773, the
States took
very
demand
much on
The demand
the increase.
It
was
in 1763, five
of Ireland
is
hundred and
THUS we
islanders.
It
we
Instead, however,
its
own
bottoms.
W hile
T
this
it
While Great
SPEECH ON
52
two
fold
fall
on the consumer.
luxurious
and perhaps
will not
new
The
settler,
able to sustain
perience in the
West-India trade
mended,
is,
that
an argument
wants
is
it
will affect
What
our imports.
really an objection.
Who
will
But
is
is
more
recom
offered as
supply our
it is
a subject
would be wrong to
it
Add
will
our consumption. It
Spain, Portugal, and the Italian States.
are expected to depend principally upon France : it is
impossible to examine the ground of this dependence without
is in vain to look
to
We
It is a
adverting to the present situation of that country.
subject, upon whhh I practise no disguise but I do not think
;
MR. MADISON
RESOLUTIONS,
53
and desolation.
now
which used
Capital,
become
tures, is
What
their fuel.
destruction.
France
to the water s
edge
is like
she
to
at present,
shall be, to depend on a part of it for our supply
and for many years, she will not be so much a furnisher as a
consumer. It is therefore obvious, that we shall import our
:
bear.
THAT
our market,
is in
They would
and
if
they did,
we
prodigiously
exaggerate the importance of our consumption to the British
workmen. Important it doubtless is, but a little attention will
fact,
creased
the
and she
is
China
so that
new demands
THE
ill
effect of a
The
privileges
SPEECH ON
54
may
be withdrawn, and
fusions.
politicks.
sought
for,
we
Drive
you would
terms
failure of
OUR
The
loss,
and
we
shall
to
We
might perhaps
find
European
independence
Then
other.
sought
for
resisted.
and though
The
it is,
would be
MR. MADISON
duals, and produce
little
RESOLUTIONS.
55
They
are
WE
to
danger
our peace
which we owe
What
is
at this
to save us
all
the security
to the con
moment
from war
Not our
much exceeding
wall,
is
it is
to strike parliaments
to
WE
but by the
have guarded for ages the monopoly of the colony trade. The
repeal of the navigation act of England, which is cherished as
the palladium of her safety, which time has rendered venera
ble,
from her
weaker
to
her people,
is to
be extorted,
not to be yielded
torn
from
and
but
her;
violently
yet the idea of a
freely,
is
considered as a
to
and
loss,
prevent
indignity
struggle
chimera too ridiculous for sober refutation. She will not dare.
fears of a
nation.
It is
SPEECH ON
56
say they, to resent
it
what
is
treated as a
phantom
is
its
passage.
How
far
it
is
The language
this spirit.
French
of the
proposes, on the
sole condition of a political connection, to extend to us a part
of their West-India commerce. The coincidence of our mea
It
ment.
It
own
HOPE we
shall
shew by our
vote, that
we deem
it
better
we
shall
situa-
>MR.
MADISON
RESOLUTIONS,
5?
make every exertion to do without us. Bycherishing the arts of peace, we shall acquire, and we arc
Inactually acquiring the strength and resources for a war.
tion to be forced to
We
Though America
is
BY
By delaying
we
shall
shew
to
our own*
ments.
shall
be
SPEECH
IN
RESOLVED, That
it is
Britain.
DELIVERED APRIL
28, 17Q6.
IN
our inclinations,
we
we have
to
that
it is
fact.
How can we
make
man
is
Our
ears.
left
unexplored
It
59-
we
to listen to
to believe,
some peculiar
and
to consider
turn
We are me
1
,
we
it is impossible
of
such feelings
dispassionate.
the judgment, and, for a time, pervert the
understanding. But the publick sensibility, and our own,
strong passions
we should be
may becloud
The warmth
mark
its
judgment,
made and thus acting, the cause of truth and the publick
is the more surely promoted.
BUT an attempt has been made to produce an influence
of a nature more stubborn, and more unfriendly to truth. It
thus
good
is
this
by a vote
in the negative.
We
hear
it
SPEECfH
60"
ON THE
reasoned down.
They
For
ask of the
men
of knowledge
of the world, whether they would not hold him for a block
head, that should hope to prevail in an argument, whose
scope and object it is to mortify the self-love of the expected
proselyte
THE
self-love of
an individual
its action,
is
not
warmer
in its sense,
esprit
affection
its
sion.
Why should
we urge an unmeaning
men
because
in a publick
should
which
and duty
censure, or yield
be abandoned,
will
is
we despond
or complain,
if
we
reflect, that
of this assembly. It cherishes the principle of selfpreservation, and without its existence, and its existence
life
with
all
the strength
we
see
it
BRITISH TREATY.
61
courage.
IF the consequences most unfairly attributed to the vote
in the affirmative were not chimerical, and worse, for they
are deceptive, I should think it a reproach to be found even
moderate
in
my
powers of
be in real danger,
assembly ; and whenever
the present occasion affords proof, that there will be no want
of advocates and champions.
this
they shall
INDEED
which was
possible
it
WHILE
less
it
lavish its
hearing.
I
CANNOT
it,
SPEECH OX THE
62
surmount our
objections.
ones too, perhaps in the
On
most
inclination
than evidence.
LET me
artifice
once more in
IT
will be impossible,
on taking a
fair
in that
on your
of this
mock
table, to
solemnity,
demand,
if
In spite
shall
fore us
tion, to
BY
ing to those
BRITISH TREATY.
63
the appropriation,
action,
we
it is
it
is
not
the nature of
of
quieted.
LET
us examine
still
we
more
still
stronger
for
the
of
our
the
power and
apprehensions
futility
lights
liberty of the house.
IF, as
is
incomplete,
first
question
if it
is,
though published
proclamation,
as a
is still
obligation
We
that
It
SPKEdH ON T1IB
64
to
to claim a share in a
What
claim, as exclusively vested in other departments.
can be more strange than to say, that the compacts of the
president and senate with foreign nations are treaties, without
our agency, ancf yet that those compacts want
power and
all
if it does, lies
of refutation.
BUT, say those who hide the absurdity under the cover of
ambiguous phrases, have we no discretion ? and if we have,
are
we
not to
make use
of
it
in
Let us examine
it
more
makes a bargain
in
nearly.
good
A treaty is a
faith
and what
The
We
We
BRITISH TREATY.
not bind the nation.
tto
treaty, is
made,
its
When
65
on the
though
ratified,
and, as
we choose
to
term
it,
made,
is
hung
We
condemn
suspense, till our sense is ascertained.
the bargain, and it falls, though, as we say, our f ith does
up
in
not.
is
from the
ratification
by the treaty-
hardy enough
quences
to
Is
it
LET me
faith
have fenced_jip
SPEECH ON THE
66
every other.
sume
These
remaining question
SHALL we break
THE
treaty
is
the
fREAfr
is
the cry.
It sacrifices the
very
fatal, as to
I admit
oblige the nation to break its faith.
ought not to be executed. I admit that self-
preservation
is
the
first
uals.
It
camNow,
seems
to
me
something very
like ridicule
con
thrown
BRITISH TREATY.
6?
deed by
This
loss.
trivial
is little
the nation.
it
it
it.
brings
own
its
Extremes speak
What
this body, or of
mass.
no proof
make
article,
tendency, requires
for themselves,
and
law.
if
IT
those mean,
who
say, that
at all,
by
its
forfeited
by treating.
The
treaty itself,
lustre,
The
fact is of a
tradiction.
BUT
again.
France
will resent
we
who
are colonists
tell
us, that
SPEECH ON THE
68
FEW men of any reputation for sense among those who say
the treaty is bad, will put that reputation so much at hazard
as to pretend, that it is so extremely bad as to warrant and
The proper ground
require a violation of the publick faith.
of the controversy, therefore, is really unoccupied by the oppoas the very hinge of the debate is on the
sers of the treaty
;
it
is
too
and
go
it
our other
many opposers
term
for
which
it
was contracted.
When
ly must,
who
shall
it
will
make
it
certain
ing operation
at
all.
Those which
relate to the
disputes
between the two countries will spend their force upon the sub
jects in dispute, and extinguish them. The commercial articles
are
more of a nature
BRITISH TREATY.
69
WILL not
to
me
which
deed
No
lar
free
better morals.
at
all,
SUCH
is
measure always so
als
um
delicate,
least,
upon
SPEECH ON THE
70
I
ADD
whh me it has
and
it
We
we have
To weaken government,
breach of
faith not to
be
life
shortened.
but
when was
it
sound of alarm
is
at the
and traders
of their
own
The very men whose fortunes are staked upon the competency
of that redress, say no such thing. They wait with anxious
fear, lest you should annul that compact, on which all their
hopes are rested.
THUS we
BRITISH TREATY.
nient that proposes to reject them.
to reject is an act of desperation.
71
With this
aspect of things,
on
extensively diffused,
as proof, that the treaty
its
is
first
The
apprehensions so
publication, will be vouched
it
in
abhorrence.
I
AM
more
first
all
our sympathy.
Whatever
they did, the zeal of many went with them, and often went to
excess.
These impressions met with much to inflame, and
SPEECH OX THE
72
how much,
say
nor by
whom,
sacrifice.
Shall I be called
upon
to ofi^r
my
No one has
are here, they are every where.
No one has forgotten the
forgotten the proceedings of 1794.
captures of cur vessels, and the imminent danger of war. The
They
proofs
its
seals prevail at
satisfy
it.
Every
WHY
?
open
on the commerce of the East-Indies ?
that if they reject this, and insist
Why
do they pretend,
made by
The same
gentle
LIKE
this, sir,
we do
because
it is
sincerity.
With
feelings such
BRITISH TREATY.
73
in the sea
and
said, the
if,
liberty, there
mingle in
I
conflict.
\f
OBJECT nothing
to the
all this.
age of reason
be patriotism,
Let
in progress.
you
will
but
it
it
is
be philanthropy,
no
indication, that
let it
is
if
am
un
not
Europe with
to create an influence in
America
its
Our government
own
How
is
all its
arts
this to
be
is
and disappointment
crime.
Has
Britain this
buy
means of
influence
adherents, their
Certainly not.
JO
SPEECH ON THE
74
on our politicks
to be destroyed.
I detest
can bend to a
is
enough
duties,
BUT
to
alliance with
but
citizens,
may
government.
IT is no bad proof of the merit of the
treaty, that,
under
all
sentiment appears to
its
advocates
and
me
clearly preponde
rating to its side.
the most careful review of the several branches of the
ON
treaty, those
tions
little
significantly,
What
however, as
approbation, what
BUT
before
is
leads to
shame and
the Supporters of
it
To
say, that
a proposition
ruin, is
BRITISH TREATY.
75
dividuals, for
whom
THE
it
human
forbidden to
is
foresight to
weakness
it is
vain,
we can
wrought
decep
worse than
it is
escape them. It is
our vote has already
Another tribunal than our own is already
WELL may
ter, that it is
to do
what the
troversy.
no
urge
it
trivial
to
calamity to have
it
contested.
Refusing
Even
if
we should
stand justified at
last,
a character
that
is
tive,
bosom have
SPEECH ON THE
76
fire,
IF therefore
WC
T
have
as
an
it is
THE
after inquiry to
finally to
ought
stitution.
should have
is less
made
more
con
so, if possible,
if
that
we
own
all,
but our
sovereign will
thereby to
less, is
It
Reproach.
to believe
it
ble that
dislike
we
on many accounts) to
this extravagance.
The
is
it
to
declared by
treaty-making power
be vested exclusively in the president and senate. Will
any man in his senses affirm, that it can be a treaty before it
it has any binding force or obligation ?
If it has no binding
it
to
force
upon
answer,
is
us,
it
Let candour
BRITISH TREATY.
77
we
demning the
trine should be
complain,
breach of
she
if
faith,
bound.
is
where none
is
I shall
plighted.
be
told, that
bound
to per
formance, our nation is under a similar obligation : if both parties
be not obliged, neither is obliged it is no compact, no treaty.
Surely
it
This
common
is
his promise.
reason of the thing, and the words of the resolution of
keep
THE
the house, imply, that the United States engage their good
faith in a treaty.
disclaim, say the majority, the treaty-
We
WILL
good
any
man
affirm, the
folly
American
alone to maintain
<
nation
is
engaged by
IT
is
WE
SPEECH ON THE
who
it
nearer home.
eat Britain is
Is the
senate
bound
bound by
?
Bring;
as the
treaty.
Just as
much
to
is
up and avow
we
we
will not
own
reflections
ed, if
ing.
It is too cold,
THIS,
sir, is
and
its
occasion.
an intellect so
On
that is sure.
me
fallible,
the heart.
IT
is
it is
imperfect
What
is
the obligation
If imperfect,
how
perfect or
brought to a conclusion.
pawned
Is half
our honour put at risk, and is that half too cheap to be redeem
ed ? How long has this hair-splitting subdivision of good faith
commandments
to,
or
more
BRITISH TREATY.
THE
79
make
ever, sketch
noticed
be
at all applicable.
been understood
to
its
becoming of
still
force.
the prece
engagement.
Admitting
its
spirit of caution
on
this account, to
he
their doctrine, that treaties bind the nation, but are not to be
in treaties.
The
constitution,
parliament
SPEECH ON THE
SO
WHATEVER
doubt there
may be
as to the parliamentary
modern
ment
Their
treaties
lately witnessed.
The example
may
be,
spirit,
it
of
Eng
dissuades
com
who vouch
those
it
American nation
it.
Our
is
NOT
claim to some
ever accede
to
our interpretation.
The
senate ratified
the.
treaty,
this is the
is to silence
the
murmurs
of Great Britain
Is
it
because a
in its
be recognised
movements
a struggle for
BRITISH TREATY.
81
they
make
pretended
would confer
to
throw
and, if
No
it
would
rest
it
where the
eign nation would confer upon our own a right to forbear the
I repeat it, even in that case, the act of this house
execution.
cannot be admitted as the act of the nation
and
if
the president
We
vance of such
articles,
violence of those,
What
if
must it
sole authority.
The answer
is
That branch of
the legislature has equal power, in this regard, with the house
:
one branch alone cannot express the will
of representatives
of the nation.
11
SPEECH ON THE
82
RIGHT
broken
its articles, is
remain.
power
the house
is
nothing,
power unless
has
it
all
if it
the nation.
ON
resisted
I will
It
would
repulsive sense of
WHAT
where
is
shame and
patriotism
man was
born
and
disgust.
Is
it
ity
ble
that
as sacred.
He
is
life in its
defence
and
is
"
it.
For what
when
a state
BRITISH TREATY.
83
his
SEE no exception
he would be a ban
good
it is
ed.
among na
faith.
none when
it is
decri
It is
ments.
money
but,
when
even Algiers
ratified,
its
obligation.
is
Thus we
see, neither
ments.
If, sir,
make
themselves obliged to
under
IT is painful,
supposition, that
opprobrium.
make even
the
this
No,
let
is
it
hope
me
superfluous, to
sprung, as our
government,
and uncorrupted, a government whose origin is right, and
whose daily discipline is duty, can, upon solemn debate, make
can dare to act what despots dare not
its option to be faithless
;
own example
SPEECH ON THE
64
it into effect.
Is there any language of
reproach pungent enough to express your commentary on the
fact
What would you say, or, rather, what would you not say ?
Would you not tell them, wherever an Englishman might
?
travel,
shame would
stick to
him
You would
We
name
is
their debt.
I
-^
scarcely persuade myself to believe, that the consider
CAN
but,
Five millions
unfortunately, auxiliary arguments are at hand.
of dollars, and probably more, on the score of spoliations com
mitted on our commerce, depend upon the treaty
offers the only prospect of indemnity.
ed
as the
Such
the treaty
r.edress is
in.
promis
Will you inter
it
yeas and nays, and reject the treaty. But what is the effect of
it ? What but this : the very men, formerly so loud for redress,
such fierce champions, that even to ask for justice was too
mean and
too slow,
now
? No.
The
answer was given two years ago, and appears on our journals.
Will you give them letters of marque and reprisal, to pay
themselves by force ? No. That is war. Besides it would be
BRITISH TREATY.
85
a negociation, which
At
is
must be
we have
already gained:
will be confident, that the
Members and
it
should be.
may be
so changed,
the pre
what
being
Whether we shall go on making
opinions
for
From
sequences.
effects.
Western lands
tation
on a
great causes
field
interest of the
we
of battle.
are
to
choose to
Those who
talk so
much of the
how deeply it
will
WILL
one
far
advanced
Perhaps
SPEECH ON THE
86
The
is
Their
them
to
the
of their
<*nd
must
frontiers
bleed.
of the
Western
gentle
settlers
to say,
sir, it will
firm
No,
tomahawk.
ON
find
it
v
cruel
would
renewed
of
BRITISH TREATY.
fatten
your corn-field
you are a
87"
shall
wake
drawn.
If
in
WILL
it
champion
made me
new
known, that
my
of the frontiers
WHO
it .is
will accuse
it.
Who
me
Will any one answer by a sneer, that all this is idle preaching.
Will any one deny, that we are bound, and I would hope to
good purpose, by the most solemn sanctions of duty for the
vote
we
give
Are despots
Are
you
ground the reproach upon cabinets and kings, no practical
influence, no binding force ? Are they merely themes of idle
society at risk,
IT
is
to
SPEECH ON THE
88
whom
do not deem
We
it
are answerable
word of imposture,
paring to
THERE
make
is
our decision
\vill
make,
to the
will
if
no mistake
ex
perience has already been the prophet of events, and the cries
of our future victims have already reached us. The Western
inhabitants are not a silent and uncomplaining sacrifice.
The
It
summons our
It is
no great
imagination
effort of the
wind
tains.
IT
is
dencies of measures
as safe as if
we
forbid that
If
It
man
was formerly un
s faith, to
it
and we are
dangers that
believe
it.
BUT,
we should
we
them.
by rejecting,
all
of our constituents,
vated.
THE
idea of war
least unseasonable,
resort to
it.
Who
is
treated as a bugbear.
and most of
all
This
levity is at
BRITISH TREATY.
8?
us.
IN 1794,
if
we
it
say,
no war,
that,
we
could not expect peace. Now they give excellent comforttruly. Great Britain has seized our vessels and cargoes to the
amount of millions she holds the posts ; she interrupts our
;
But
me
let
tion bear
it
to our hands,
treaty offers
them by
to a point.
force
To
them
no importance.
The/ argument I
use force is war
am
;
ta
LOOK
losses
uncompensated
encroachment on our
territory
every where discontent ; re
sentments tenfold more fierce because they will be impotent
and humbled national discord and abasement. The disputes
;
of the old treaty of 1783, being left to rankle, will revive the
almost extinguished animosities of that period. Wars in all
countries, and
most of
all
in
such as are
free, arise
from the
SPEECH ON THE
90
that
counsels
we
Shall
energies of war
The government,
alas
will
be
no capacity to govern.
Shall
we make our
broken
faith, to
Do gentlemen
rely on the
state of peace,
keep
"will
it
be mutually offered
SUCH
ment
hended, for
this the
them
I
? If in the case
contemplated by them, it should be peace,
do not hesitate to declare, it ought not to be peace.
BRITISH TREATY.
91
war ? Would not the shock of that evil produce another, and
shake down the feeble and then unbraced structure of our
? Is this a chimera ? Is it
going off* the ground of
matter of fact to say, the rejection of the appropriation proceeds
upon the doctrine of a civil war of the departments. Two
branches have ratified a treaty ; and we are going to set it aside.
government
How
is this
exists,
remedy,
is
movements must
its
stop
While
it
And
is this,
in the
judg
con
They seem
to believe,
as if they believed, that our union, our peace, our liberty, are
invulnerable and immortal as if our happy state was not to be
;
They
can see the bright aspects and happy consequences of all this
army of horrours. They can see intestine discords, our govern
ment disorganized, our wrongs aggravated, multiplied and unredressed, peace with dishonour, or war without justice, union
or resources, in
"
philosophy."
BUT
less resolved
forming
it
LET me
some
desire
SPEECH ON THK
92
some respect
measures
for the
which, many will say, produced, and all will confess have pre
served it? Will he not feel some dread, that a change of
system will reverse the scene ? The well grounded fears of our
citizens, in
1794, were
forgotten.
Then
Would not
neutrality.
America
which our
it
when the
justify the engagements of the government. / For,
of
in
our
of
the
war
lowered
the
skirts
horizon,
fiery vapours
our wishes were concentred in
all
we might
grow
and war.
LET
cany
it
fair
pale,
it
weather.
will
If
we
reject
it,
its
and
The
field for
exertion
is
fruitful
and
vast,
peace and good government should be preserved,
the acquisitions of our citizens are not so pleasing as the
if
neutrality is
all
In this
BRITISH TREATY.
progress what seems to be fiction
is
93
found to
fall
short of
experience^
I ROSE to speak under impressions that I would have re
Those who see me will believe, that the
sisted if I could.
reduced
for
stute of
much
my
me, almost
Unprepared
equally,
for debate
by careful reflection in
here,
With
sinking, as
I really
am,
are plunging?
escape
it.
HAVE
had intended.
my
feelings to speak
Yet
more
at
length than
will,
upon
my
life is,
country.
may
outlive the
government and
constitution of
94
LAOCOOX, N.I.
First publislted in
tfie
In the two following essays the party aiming to subvert the federal cause and administrat on,
are termed jacobins. "All who from credulity, envy, angtr, and pride, from ambition or
*
cupidity, urj impatient under the restra nts, or impatient for the trappings of power,"
are arranged in one general class, and denominated from that portion of .it, which the
authour considered most dangerous. In the other parts of his writings, he admits a difference
;
who compose
government. A jacobin, void of this credulity himself, seizes upon it in others, and uses
it as a powerful instrument of h s unbitlon. But they all reason, act, and feel, in a manner
unfavourable to a truly republican system, of which the permanent puWick good is the
proper object and
result.
Hence he
insisted, that
the active citizens, the federal or republican, and the democrat ck or jacobin party. At
the time Laocoon wr.s writti n, the leaders of the democratick party were making despe
rate efforts to bring federal or true republican principles, measures, and men. into hatred ;
their spirit of falsehood and bitter malignity, excited the abhorrence of the writer, while
the apathy and presumption of the friends of government shocked and dismayed him.
Writing under such impressions and feelings ; indignant at the hypocritical and audacious
pretensions of false patriotism, and agitated and overwhelmed by the foresight of the ruin
that would follow the dowufal of the federal system, he does not mark the grades of deme
He speaks of the party generally under the name
rit in those against whom he inve jhs.
of those guides and masters, by whom it is combined, animated, directed, and employed,
men
honest
This alarm,
it
will
and it is
Honest men, it is allowed, reasonably expect to enjoy tran
quillity under the protection of government instead of which, it
sounding
it
rity
inhabitants of a besieged
we
yield,
LAOCOON.
with a weakness which
we
95
and cannot
resist, to
it,
and that he
It is
fire,
may
it is
not possible, to
make
be
apt, in
it bestows, and
joyfully to embrace a political condi
which would somewhat abate the pretension of each indi
vidual to be a sovereign, and require a less painful effort to
million
tion,
maintain
it.
IT
He
us.
amongst
ly
The
very
who
own ignorance
with the
name
cess,
who
they
which
title
will
arise
mounted.
Faction will freedom, like
i*s
shade, pursue
LAOCOON.
WE
foe, destined to
will rise
ground,
and immortal.
again like
though smitten
to the
illustrate
the
folly
Restrained.
own wickedness
and varnished
it
satisfied people,
liberty,
it is
their
least
law
But
if
of one man
eluded by art or by
arc,
many,
flight.
It
The
rage
may be
obscure, who
it
destructive while
ardour of a
it lasts.
summer
remain fresh
in the
The power
soil;
sun, dries
LAOCOON.
97
want of respiration.
It
is
compare
to a
it
It is
in an
it is an
earthquake that loosens its foundations, burying
hour the accumulated wealth and wisdom of ages. Those 3
who,
earth
edifice of the
their beds
This
monuments and
ment, and perhaps our future state. There we see the wretch
edness and degradation of a people, who once had the offer of
liberty,
but have
trifled it
away
still
seem
we"
incredible.
IF,
government
is
in
danger
if like
a body of
own
minute-men they
IT
is
tain as
will
is
however
much
difficult, if
ease, to us
straint,
main
it is
than us to
effort
stir.
to
its
subversion
be
at rest costs
The machinery
them action
them more con
for to
of our zeal
is
wrought
LAOCOON.
98
obstacles,
in its progress.
Any
great exer
Like toads,
bins, like salamanders, can breathe only in fire.
When
they suck no aliment from the earth but its poisons.
they rest in their lurking places, as they did after the publica
tion of the despatches,
shed
it is,
venom
to concoct their
it.
bin character,
whether
it
is
power
at the
fame of
of their
facility
faith,
describe
whom
the federalists
must oppose
and what in
common
times
who
chy
will
thercocks to show
how
over a cataract at
its
outlet
LAOCOON.
99
enough
must
designs a
little
little less.
Take
may
be doubted.
happens
to
its
worse set of
men
than
its
con
querors.
is the great
of
can
its
Where
auxiliary
good government.
weight fall so
as
on
the
its
who
disturb
properly
conspirators
tranquillity
its subversion? The man, who, from passion or
or
bad
folly,
company, happens to believe, that liberty will
rise, when government sinks, may be less criminal, but little
and plot
LAOCOOX.
100
indulged
those
tell
Will you
who
water, that
it
let
him have
his
way
to
death
Will
it
decency" to tell
be against
man
is
"
candour and
mad? The
gentle
those
receive
as if reproach
whereas
it is
it
have
the sword of public opinion drawn in its defence, and not only
drawn but whetted by satire to an edge to hew its adversaries
clown.
mock candour
The
co-operate.
by examples
and
blasts,
and withers
let
them club
FRAME
citizens.
at the elections.
if
the citizen
to the
is to
The time
to
do
this, is
fatal
abuse.
LAOCOON.
at last the jacobins
101
threshing
one of our towns, it is a fact, that the vote would have been
unanimous for our worthy chief magistrate; but a turbulent
man who
kept two great dogs, but could not keep his estate,
to gain five or six votes for the anti-
candidate
their designs
scheme of
their
they will try again next year, never despairing of their final
success should they succeed, they would use the power of,
Massachusetts against the laws and government of the United
:
and
it
dare
the
is
as soon as they
the
countenance of
they get
state governments.
They are already in
if
New-England
arms in Pennsylvania? and Virginia holds
IvAOCOON.
102
encouragement
to their rising,
bosoms of the
carried on.
IF they would rise and try the issue in the field, they
would be beaten. Let them then come out but while they
depend on lies and industry in spreading them, they will
;
beat us.
THEY
and
and morals of
in the virtue
weak
indeed.
least,
The
political
federalists,
their ignorance of
despicable
the u diplomatick skill" of France, is not only obvious, but they
are concerned to urge the last as an excuse, for if they are
not ignorant they are wicked : it is possible they are both.
As to talents in the field, on which side do they appear ? The
;
reader
may
WITH
all
be
left to
these undoubted
bins to be despised ?
numbers are rather to be pitied
is
Then they
sent
moment,
LAOCOON.
103
we
more
than once saved the country. Now is the time and the occa
sion again to display it, for the faction turns its evil eyes to
the elections of the house of representatives of the state ;
and if they obtain even a large minority, they will spread the
infection with
ties are
large a
mass of poison
their graves.
New-England
By
would make
civil
war,
will
swords.
LAOCOON,
NO.
II.
political
104
LAOCOOK..
change
adherence
there
is
impose
Faction
silence.
is
an
to
France.
He
numbers who
who
are misled.
Among
the Jihilosofihers
would
call
the pre
We
fession of their
far
men
whom
aristocrats,
we
are
bound
to approve,
The
LAOCOOX.
103-
(so
absolute falsehood of their political notions.
France has confessedly lost liberty, and the spirit and love of
to the
called)
it,
and has become infatuated with the passion for rapine and
yet they still insist, that, though France has not
conquest
regarded
cies or corruptions of
If,
if
he
feels
contempt
and
indeed for the very reason that they are absurd, he sees
that;
formidable for
its
mines and
laying*
who
and sworn
for,
all
that
we have
toiled
and fought
to preserve, is
line of
The
and terrour
in
all
their strength,
Let the
soft
into moderation.
much
of our support as
we can
afford
all
it
our
with*
LAOCOOX.
106
out
making enemies.
make
But
that is
ter in their
more than
is
Jesuit labours of
we
shall
their affected
It is
support.
of
the
friends
of
order
is
at
all
spirit
times weak, excepting only when the danger is so near and
obvious as to rouse an universal alarm and a common exertion.
its
sary, or that
LAOCOON.
107
on the honesty
frailty of those hopes, which too many repose
of the factious, and which incline them to behold the despera
tion of their measures without much iear, because they trust
that the individuals of the party will flinch as soon as things
the
This
am
as ready as others to
Of
parties.
none
then
all
make excuses
for the
deluded of
all
is
?
We
We
We
mean
well.
The
SOME
it
may
traitors.
it
political hypocrites of a
fail
to
some
integrity of heart.
This
will
make them
less distrustful
LAOCOOX,
108
fire
of his
own
many excuses
compunction, and
to perpetrate
intelligent politician
knows,
un
thinking dupes and honest fools are the rashest. The crimes
they can excuse, and even persuade themselves to call virtues,
they do not blush to commit.
They are not afraid of shame,
because they adopt the creed of their teachers, and glory in it.
They dance on the edge of a precipice, and think it a firm
plain
all
round their
feet.
They
foresee but
little,
and dread
deterred by unforeseen
danger, and strongly allured by imaginary good, that will be
the sure reward of their patriot labours, if successful, the duty
little
Little
other.
The
ing
atrocities,
LAOCOON.
109
feet, to
liberty in
There these
down with the
tigers of
side.
lamb-like
America,
THE
will begin.
knaves, however,
who
own
insufficient
whose
cold thinking villains who lead,
black blood runs temperately bad," desire on the contrary no
to satisfy
them.
The
"
their ambition
first
despoilers,
till
much
profited by
even of
them
their policy,
and
and
this
that, as
it
own
personal
no
LAonoox.
is
much
Is
it
governments
to exist
without parties ? Such a thing has never yet been and probably
never will be. Is it in the nature of party to exist without
passion
and obstacles
in
good
Is
it
it
faith, to
means
retarded
designs,
led by philosophers, soft to persuade, when it is callous to
pity, and fearless of consequences.
Party moderation is chil
dren
mit
s talk.
Who will
to eat grass
THE
criticks
fore, that, if
on
no good
they apprehend.
is
LAOCOOtf.
hate with
and
more
inveteracy than
Ill
to sooth
to flatter.
THERE
are
some who
and
virulent,
such as
is
to
its
to the patriotism
of
the English navy of her arms ; that all fear of invasion may be
dismissed ; and even if a few thousand negroes should be
is
more
friends have
its
jacobins
depend
now
little
feel their
at all
and the
on France.
This
is,
These
defence.
WHEN
state,
we
crater of a half-extinguished
another.
On this side see a little Italian state beginning to
belch revolutionary fires ; on that another lies like a little
mount on the great French volcano, a jumbled mass of lava
and ruins.
Can we think
there
is
more.
mangled birds
life
and being
to digest in the
now they
French tiger
maw.
One
LAOCOOXi
112
nation alone resists these new Romans, and prevents the estab
lishment of a universal domination, and a despotism over the
That
dence.
single nation,
erful in wealth as
w ell
r
as spirit,
of standing
may
of France,
ones.
of Trajan
all Italy,
land.
It is
more than
lies.
is
perfect,
whose
spirit is
des
putting
something combustible
vice,
to
every passion,
granting
is
ail
that is
an imfierium in imjierio
THEY
this is
our condition,
opinion.
it is
all
Behold
And \vhat
LAOCOON.
too,
they
113
till
came
and then divided between the executive and senate on one side,
to the treaty, and the house who shewed a dispo
who adhered
annul
sition to
it.
night
itself.
s less
With
speed in rallying,
all
lost.
WHEN
discernment of
its citizens,
to discover
and independence
where
fickle,
political situation is
Opinion
is
every
cedented
middle
and our
as to lay our
and to the
bosoms bare
hostility
of his
and
to expense.
it is
our
foe,
it is
war
Such a
114
LAOOOON":
THE
malady of a foreign
faction has
grown
inveterate
by-
it
AT
independence of free
states,
duties and
its
destiny.
It
it
deemed
the
Hespe
tect
it
from
assassination.
115
EULOGY ON WASHINGTON.
DELIVERED, AT THE REQUEST OF THE LEGISLATURE OP MASSA
CHUSETTS, FEB. 8,1800.
AT
is
arisen,
who
number
to their benefactors.
ever,
who were
born, and
who
acted,
through
Of those, how
life,
as if they
were born, not for themselves, but for their country and
are recorded in the
the whole human race, how few, alas
1
long annals of ages, and how wide the intervals of time and
space that divide them. In all this dreary length of way, they
appear like five or six light houses on as many thousand miles
of coast: they gleam upon the surrounding darkness, with an
inextinguishable splendour, like stars seen through a mist;
WASHINGTON
he
is
stars, to
now added
to that small
number.
Already
curiosity,
spicuously, as if
it
like
sky.
BY commemorating
his death,
we
could, raise
my
voice,
and speak
to
men, I would,
mankind in a strain
E ULOGY ON
116
But
IF I could
my
in
perform
it,
if I
discourse as he displayed
fame, as
ful
lavish and
perform them.
is
and
to
discriminate
not
elogium
praise
undistinguishing
such excellent qualities as were characteristick and peculiar
to praise great aciions, as to
to
ed
WITH
that
whatever
if it
were well
fidelity I
even
to
represented of a giant
They who
meanly of
human
WASHINGTON
Others,
nature, will
should think
as he acted
devote his
Do
thrill
fails to
Forbear.
Time never
strict scrutiny
the
WASHINGTON.
world, in passing the judgment that
will deny all partiality even to the
Let
be denied, for
it
SUCH
life
as
its
is
117
never to be reversed,
name
of
WASHINGTON.
WASHINGTON
up a
life s
youth.
stock of materials for solid reflection,
committed the
IT
is
but
it
is
occasion of Braddock
her
own
She
terms.
bours
tectors.
and
we
strong allies for their aid, but authority : nations that want
Our settlements, no longer
protectors, will have masters.
and
it
EULOGY ON
118
was discovered,
defend
IN
that
itself.
this,
they
OUR
from
made no
secret.
its
When WASHINGTON
courage.
were
his sacrifices
satisfied.
When
he explored
his
own undaunted
We
affairs.
much
were personal
to
ROME
did not
Our
owe more
to Fabius, than
America to
WASH
him
INGTON.
THE
felicity
and
knew, nor
felt curiosity to
settlements,
much
whom
want, and
made
soli
barbarians.
WASHINGTON.
119
expected
it
admiration to
that is
all
was
lers,
Our
short.
highest point
It
final
and
is
due
to
new
Americans
to the
all
order of
men and
travel
their representations, as
WASHINGTON
they allowed to
to transcendent virtue,
more than
race of
its
due
the combat.
to
would be
things adapted to
new
it
world, with
that here
we
to emigrate.
entirely
THEY
the rights of men and the duties of rulers. They have led the
citizens to look for liberty, where it is not ; and to consider
the government, which
WASHINGTON
is its castle,
retired to
He
as
its
prison.
left his
countrymen
and their passions, and their glory soon departed. Europe
began to be undeceived, and it seemed, for a time, as if, by the
city
were disappointed.
to form
confederation was then the only compact made
a perfect union of the states, to establish justice, to ensure the
The
"
"
tranquillity,
"
name that
still
commanded
;"
and*
reverence,
EULOGY ON
J20
The system
iii
some of
unbalanced democracies.
their constitutions
governments should not be agitated by parand that prevailing parties should not be vindictive and
unjust. Accordingly, in some of the states, creditors were treat*
possible that such
tics,
ed as outlaws
persecutors
society
was
dreaded
its
abuse almost as
much as
its loss
who
The project of
already sharpening their weapons to cut it.
three separate empires in America was beginning to be broach
ed, and the progress of licentiousness would have soon render
ed her citizens
An
them.
age of
blood and misery would have punished our disunion but these
were not the considerations to deter ambition from its purpose,
:
AT
many circumstances
it.
which
all
the wise so
much dreaded at
much more
who possess
His name,
at the
head of such a
list
of worthies as would
God
the constitu*
WASHINGTON.
121
ness
and which
which
it
is
its
invaluable
if
established.
much
to be taught
by their
scars and
wounds of
THE amendments
to
their adversity.
them
in
some of
well remembered.
ful,
later,
ALTHOUGH
INGTON
that,
United
States.
As
own
civil
16
all
EULOGY ON
122
No
seemed
its
auspicious
Com
were incessant
employed
his exhortations,
and
to excite zeal
able officers
were
and some of
of beneficence.
Though
by
it
has
rigour or injustice,
its
wretched.
SUCH was
and did
it
not
seem
possess their whole heart s desire ? They had seen and suffer
ed long the want of an efficient constitution they had freelyratified it; they saw WASHINGTON, their tried friend, the
;
was
such as no
man
office
title,
in its purity to
by his shadow.
man
superiour
even the gross could discern in his life the infinite superiority
of her rewards. Mankind perceived some change in their
WASHINGTON.
123
not
they
would be a bribe
THIS
is
far
his
fame
but
its
empire
too,
not exaggeration
man
solidly
established.
IF
it
liberty,
become
tion, in
They
pity, for
and agitations
is
more
Who
glistening to the last with the blaze of the very fire that con
sumed
it ?
DO not know
EULOGY ON
124
even
to say,
the
is
it
it.
Who, on
modern Greece
this contrast,
Greece
glory,
that lives in
still
The
fresh in
who
liberty,
can forbear
the ancient
its
excellence.
who
misfortune
admiration of
someness of
TON was
is,
that those
its
its restraints.
We
that
to duty
and even
never long
false or
men
arc
The
fellowships thus
THUS
by a
rivalship, fear,
is
animated
When
this
No
wonder then,
and glory of
that as
made, by calumny,
greatest of
WASHINGTON were
all
to
his trials,
ble to president
ever lived.
The
WASHINGTON,
life
should happen
to be so infatuated or inflamed as to
abandon
its
WASHINGTON.
defence,
its
125
tragical,
WHILE
ment
in so wise
not,
on
began
teem with
it,
you
to express,
though
my
I will
my thoughts
;
its
des
potism, by the mob or the military, from the first, and its
Scenes have passed there
hypocrisy of morals to the last.
which exceed description, and which, for other reasons, I will
frost,
That revolution
pulse.
vicissitudes,
and
its
.has
promises
newed,
to establish philosophy
sword.
The
Greeks,
all
its
its
find their
nations of
Roman
litude to these
conquering ambition.
it,
signally illustrated
his virtues.
EULOGY ON
126
first
Thus
power, and plunder, and vengeance. Thus all France has been,
and still is, as much the prize of the ruling party, as a captured
ship, and if any right or possession has escaped confiscation,
there
is
THUS
liable to
it.
is revolutionary ;
not only different from, but directly contrary to, every
regular and well-ordered society. It is a danger, similar in its
its
that
is,
and
to
cost
it
efforts of
allies.
been a
of
all
state
ing in practice
of removing a
most
efficient auxiliaries.
WASHINGTON.
WHO
then,
French and
on careful
127
reflection, will
made
flattered,
while they were insulted with the idea, that our example was
copied, and our principles pursued.
Nothing was ever more
or more fascinating. Our liberty depends on our educa
our
tion,
laws, and habits, to which even prejudices yield ; on
the dispersion of our people on farms, and on the almost equal
diffusion of property ; it is founded on morals and religion,
false,
American
liberty
passions, like an angel that says to the winds and troubled seas,
be still ; but how has French licentiousness appeared to the
Do
not their
She
EXPERIENCE
is lost
upon
us, if
we
worthy
to
be
deny, that
it
had seized
It is as sober,
and
intel
we have
misled
us.
EULOGY ON
128
murmur
consummated
THE
its
views of these
country should
:
nothing else could
here perfectly inevitable.
FOR
minds of the
citizens
make
were
a revolution
artfully inflam
moment was
manner
Who
of us does not
ways
Shame would
one of the
states,
publick order.
fight for
her
WASHINGTON.
129
AM
know
oppressed, and
subject.
WASHINGTON,
not
how
blessed be
to
GOD
proceed with
with
my
WASHINGTON
trious
man
s life.
command under
wise and
his
upright successor, how his life was unspotted like his fame,
and how his death was worthy of his life, are so many distinct
subjects of instruction, and each of them singly more than
for an elogium.
I leave the task, however, to his
enough
man
whole
before us.
life.
We
There has
17
The
all
is
WASHINGTON
man,
EULOGY ON
130
in his
life
When
by his admirers.
time, or
it is
com
maxims
to the
same maxims.
of
life,
all
his conduct
his life
but
when
More
to think
when
the
is
indeed almost as
difficult to
draw
we
virtue
eminence
studied before
it
will
be striking
and then
it
will
!
be admitted
WASHINGTON
IT
is
no
less difficult to
131.
They were
them
not called
forth
from their
from any
we
sinister motives,
it
seemed
it.
as a soldier, he
was more
for,
might be
his qualities
and were
His habits of
to the interest,
from
it,
so long as he had
all
men
many
difficult
scenes,
presumed
to err.
is
rare,
EULOGY ON
132
is
Thebes
fell
with Epaminondas.
But such comparisons
far, without departing from the similitude.
cannot be pursued
For we
shall find
rivers
some we admire
it
as difficult to
as great
it,
seemed,
like the
Ohio, to choose
its
or like his
his channel, as
HOWEVER
a citizen.
his military
mankind,
it is
makes nothing
is
The fame
of heroes
war
WASHINGTON.
BUT
133
WASHINGTON
appears
like the pole star in a clear sky, to direct the skilful states
WASHINGTON.
along
and delight
As
which the
fame,
it is
subsist,
first
even
TON
S.
WASHING
134
SCHOOL BOOKS.
IifSt published in the Palladium^ January, 1801.
IT has
drawn from the fable, they know not why and when
they gain wisdom from experience, they will see the restric
tions and exceptions which are necessary to the rules of
conduct laid down in their books, but which such books do
not give. Some of the most admired works of this kind
abound with a frothy sort of sentiment as the readers of novels
are pleased to call it, the chief merit of which consists in
moral
is
shedding
tears,
make
it
right, or agree
more
ten
der
restrained by wisdom.
IT is not clear, that the heart, at thirty, is any the softer for
weeping, at ten, over one of Berquin s fables, the point of
which turns on a beggar boy s being ragged, and a rich man s
enough
WHY
must be
retained,
as they will be, should not the bible regain the place it once
held as a school book ? Its morals are pure, its examples
The
SCHOOL BOOKS.
135
One
consideration
more
is
important.
In no book
is
there
by pompous Johnsonian
affectation, will
be restored.
136
FALKLAND. N.
I.
180.1,,
TO NEW-ENGLAND MEN.
Ji
II
is
an event
to create surprise
How
will
In Europe,
it
it
its effects
Those who did not reason deeply, but took their opinions of
America as they found them most prevalent, will exclaim,
Paine, and Barlow, and half the book-makers, and more than
half the expatriated American travellers, have told us, that
republican principles were pure in the new world, as they
flowed from the fountain head, the people, and the rights of
man, and
WHATEVER
may take in
these
government had enemies, and that our political millenium has bred thousands of malecontents. They will see,
that the men who said the constitution ought not to have had
that the
of the nation, and that the Americans are sick of their repub
lican experiment.
FALKLAND.
Is
it
not to
all
the
137
facts,
we
that
who
scrutiny,
men,
may be shifted to
we know something of Mr. Monroe,
morrow. They
will say,
no
and the
less astonishing
this
minister
judge, they will cry, of the spirit and character of the new
American rulers ; for he ib in credit, and his party associates
Will Mazzei
tri,"
will
to be protected
we
maintain soldiers
Colonel Fries
is
now attached
to the.
FALKLAND.
138
men
on
like
militia, to
refirMlcd
at a sedition poie.
down
Retrench
upon
it,
that
The
fatten
blood
suckers will grow thin, perhaps die, but the fieofile will thrive :
they will be freed from exaction and guarded against cor
So long as their lands, and houses, and distilleries
ruption.
pay
pamper
WISE Europeans
the few,
them
One
when
We
To European
pear
to
sadden, and
FALKLAND.
thought
make
all this
feasts
and
Ag-gredere
would be
to
in their
exclaim
which, in English,
is,
mag-nos, aderi*
now
139
is
get offices.
IF they should administer the government according to the
of the party, and
principles they have avowed in the gazettes
the examples in France which they have so much admired,
and if they should abolish and new model all that they have so
FALKLAND N. II.
TO NEW-ENGLAND MEN.
BEFORE
wisdom
remedies.
It
would
The
ne cede mails, sed contra audentior ito.
con
division
of
the
union
of
this
and
opinion
publick spirit
stitute a force, which the enemies of our constitutions and
defence.
Tu
to corrupt,
to withstand.
FOR New-England
Their opinions
will
FALKLAND.
140
choose to mask under the most specious disguises the violaand the contempt of opinions.
lion of rights
is
We
of these
and wars augment navies, and both augment expenses, and this
brings forth funding systems, banks, and corrupt influence.
new politicians,
some famous
heads that do not repose within its cells, and condensed their
thin essences into schemes of political reform, projects of
cheap governments, that are to be rich without revenue, strong
without force, venerable with popular prejudice directed by
faction against them. Learned fools are of all the greatest, as
well as the most indocile.
Accordingly, in despite of the ex
perience of all the world and of our own, in despite of common
cancer that eats, and will kill unless cut or burnt out with
causticks that if we have any superfluity, foreigners will come
:
it, if
and seem
that
to
would be a
tell
folly
and
us with emphasis,
America ought
and
it
fight, while
let
the
we Americans
mad
Chinese,
enjoying abundance, independence, and liberty.
THIS is said by persons clad in English broadcloth and Irish
linen,
who import
politicks
their conveniences
from France.
It is
FALKLAND.
than the sheep, and
it is,
inconsistently
141
Jour regiments.
it,
yet
dooms
it to be delivered over to
projectors and philosothe
first
of the sort who ever had the chance to play
phists,
the statesman, will they have the temerity ta undertake, and
sure
will they
IN free
states, so
Mr.
he
Jefferson should
reputed a
man
come
into office
with
all
his refinements,
of genius.
FALKLAND.
142
and
they.
NEW-ENGLAND now
all
ing to America and to humanity, more unlike and more superiour to other people, (the English excepted) than the old
Roman race to their neighbours and competitors. This peo
ple,
whose
on an
to say, things
many
farmers.
It is
absurd to say
contempt.
Protec
IT
is
administration
must be
and candid
tions, that
to
may not be
tried before
it
can be known.
It is fair
it.
Mr. Jefferson
we must make
it,
is,
however,
common men
FALKLAND.
foundation of matter of
foible of genius, to be
fact.
It is
145
tiie
it is
also the
imagination
men
and such
comprehended
and confusion of a
state,
fine arts.
The
statesman
is
bewildered
own
with his
into
off the sleep of ignorance and the fetters of the law, a gorgeous
new being, invested with perfectibility, a saint in purity, a
KNOW
as
little
blaze.
make
shall extract
FALKLAND.
144
every thing precious from the cinders and dross that must be
thrown away.
YET
if
we
ascribe to
vagaries, so dear
if they
the results
become
satisfaction of a philosopher.
the world
He may
think
it
prudent to
more
wait
till
is
He
will stoop to the prejudice that will not rise with him,
family of labour, brown with West-India suns, or glisten
ing and rancid with whale oil, will tell him, that they had
rather tread a ship s deck than the wilderness, and prefer the
lity.
The
conflict
will tell
submit,
when
at the pole,
perish in
politicians,
prove, en calculation,
it
is
it.
FALKLAND. N. III.
TO NEW-ENGLAND MEN.
THE
They
men, and
FALKLAND.
the iron-bound shores, with
the
Miami
citizens will
145
their towns,
all
expen
welcome arms to
so does death its more wel
receive them.
They
will reply,
come arms.
men
most
ardour in
callous apathy
to politicks.
to do but to
against five
and despair.
resources, for
it.
They
all
all
it
be in
in so
fear,
and
if their
rude a manner as to
emotions, he
will
be as
FALKLAND.
146
They
will
democrats pledged themselves for the event, that the new pre
sident will be averse from violent counsels, that he is so from
principle, character,
the head of the party cannot wholly reject, nor, perhaps, very
materially alter, the system prescribed to him by his political
supporters. If he does, he will be a federalist. If he will sup
port principles, they will not oppose him : they will not, like
must
act right.
ficial
culture
it
if at all,
without
arti
Like
yet
from.
leader and
become
it,
their instrument.
FALKLAND
147
have
little
it
for
who have no
it
to secure,
and that
little,
perhaps,
its
impartial
it
scatters blessings
impediment
to liberty,
that
it
is
power.
ALL such reason, when they can, and act, and feel in a man
ner unfavourable to the support of the constitution and laws.
Their opinions and creeds are various, and many of them are
and seem to be moderate.
plausible,
all,
impelled by a
at
common
instinct? as blind as
it is
steady and
FALKLANB.
148
and in views,
yet, while
they are
all
its
to
embrace
government.
all
fire
moderation.
it is
discreetly suppressed.
sense to denounce
We
counteract restraint
God
or
Mammon.
good
BY
government.
FALKLAND.
149
all
their power.
Against
ous government
Of
is
and vigor
ed by
constitution in
its
to
will
be
The
Irishmen
office
He
will
FALKLAND,
150
A
BUT
party
seem
state,
if this
would do
they will
expect
for
him,
it
much and
for his
FALKLAND N.
IV.
TO NEW-ENGLAND MEN.
TO
decorous.
to destroy
human
ment may
to act.
periment
is to
try
it.
FALKLAND.
THEY
1$1
may deem
In
its own
deem it proper
go by
when
an even
It is
to
let
it
The
immediate
evfl to
The body
vitriol.
health while
sons, will
The
politick,
it
wasted their
first
THEN
will profess to
own.
a confederation.
cramp
British
commerce, and
will
cramp our
then
peace.
THE
New-England,
There
is
universally a presumption in
FALKLAND.
152
The
jacobins and
demo
though these
latter
do not know
it,
democrats.
newspaper essay,
much
are
addressed to
w eak enough
r
it will be safe in
jacobin hands, as
the true and intelligent, who rightly
our excellent government, in this the day of
to think
conclude, that,
THIS
is
no day
trimming.
modera
smooth professions,
with which
it
will
alists
its
THAT
The
cause, though endangered, is not desperate.
have
that
the
their
pretended,
people
approve
designs ;
jacobins
but their partial success has been owing to the concealment of
those designs.
They have played the part of hypocrisy with
an audacity of impudence that is unparalleled : they have af
fected to be federalists, republicans, friends, admirers, and
champions of the constitution they have recommended jaco
:
bin
FALKLAND.
153
which he
is
known, and,
as
much
it is
believed, well-known to
as his adherents.
These protes
have had
effect,
fold.
safer to insult
effect.
them, and
political principles
154
THE OBSERVER.
First published in the Palladium^ February, 1801.
1 HE
French revolution
philosophy, in which
many
is
and found
The
mend
them
wanting.
They
immor
tality has not yet been fairly tried, and that some aristocratick
patients stopped breathing only to effect the disgrace of their
nostrums.
if
France
how
little
more than
know
but
many
jacobins,
it
is
certJ.n,
still
they are
ancient crusaders.
itself safe
No
to disturb
ferment, equal to
be safe, while
state could
them
and every
:
state that
France
that yet stand, are those that resisted with courage.
has not changed ; the danger to other nations is not less, and
the only path to safety is thorny and perilous it is to be
trodden in arms. Mithridates, Antiochus, Perseus, the Eto:
THE OBSERVER.
155
Perseus
servitude.
France now
:
Buonaparte keeps down jacobinism at home, but it
him to stir it up in every other state, where
concerns
deeply
French influence is wanted. Jacobinism is, therefore, more
as ever
the
It is
moment
trade the
We
are
still
Library
Californi*
it
at
N.
I.
and
injustice.
Wrought up almost to a state of phrenzy by
an unexampled combination of circumstances and events, they
have applied principles and adopted practices with a skill and
them
at their
of
all
and
Italy.
con
that
pro
they
which tended
to ruin the
common
cause by
157
and p-inick-struck
at the
ed, with a feeble struggle, her resources and liberties into the
tyrants,
who
have, at length,
broken her ancient spirit, and still continue to drill and whip
her to the performance of the most humiliating services for
the great nation.
Spain, paralyzed with fear, and willing to
make any
most solemn
the church and the throne to rest quietly upon their ancient
foundations ? The destruction of kings and priests, is the first
article in the revolutionary
ed the tree of
of
civil
liberty in
code
Upon the
to superiour light
and wisdom.
In
every other country, where, by arts and arms, they have obtain
ed a permanent footing, existing establishments have been sub
for
from
that,
riably pursued.
"
It is
SKETCHES OF THE
158
prise,
commerce of her
have thrown
themselves
then, have been the motives, which, while they have deterred
the French from adding Spain and Portugal to the list of new
WHILE
grand
from
alliance, in
Italy in a single
France.
It is probable, that
artifices of
war,
who
victory,
Hotze himself
killed,
STATE OP EUROPE.
159
first
the coalition.
being led to suspect that the allies meant to weaken his power
by employing his troops as mercenaries against France, with
drew from the alliance with indignation. At this time, it is
probable that his attention was diverted with the idea of extend
-to
N.
THE
facts
II.
Whether
to attract attention.
is
this
change originated
from mere whim and fickleness of temper of the emperour,
or from deep views of future advantage to Russia, we know
very
little,
factory
and the
little
ground even
that
for
we do know
conjecture.
affords
no very
satis
Politically speaking.
SKETCHES OF THE
160
member
Russia, as a
covered country
and so barbarous,
it is
it is
like that
which
BE
it
may, it is impossible to look at the present
of
the
position
great European powers without being struck
with this contrast: in 1793, alPwere joined with Great Britain
that as
in opposition to France,
Great Britain.
is
power
THE
frivolous
to Russia.
cramped by searches.
less,
and
British
its
men
pend on such
as are industrious
and rich
but
it is
absurd to
man
say that Russia is or can be the rival of England.
barefoot is no rival of the shoemaker ; a naked man in a cold
must depend on the woollen-draper. Russia sells a
superfluity, that it cannot use nor work up, and that nobody
climate
would pay
for, if
therefore,
it
when
for if
England
STATE OF EUROPE.
tlid
the
I6i
loins.
TURKEY
on mine.
France
is
at
ei.ger to esta
England
what
is
IT
is
arms.
The
contest
is,
is
active in its
measures
of her resources.
SKETCHES OF THE
162
industry, and such a
can command.
Our
its
earnings,-
we
trust, is
such a government
and
fisheries,
GREAT
it is
v/ords, to fight
it
We
thank
God
The
British naval
power
is
a conn-
STATE OF EUROPE.
Each of these nations
terpoise.
among
is
162
the powers
Rome
ing as that of
to spread her
THE
there are
many hundreds
of their readers
weak
enough
to accept
of that despot.
feeble states
It is
states
who can
must be
traitors or fools.
dent nations.
is
feeble.
little,
its
its
strength was
It has
little less.
fill
SKETCHES OF THE
164
than he did
it is
crushed.
made
less resistance is
broken up into
man
Rome
and now
the legions of
it is
tin
who should be
their masters.
it
must be
^is
will
changes
Europe, they will be chiefly such
consolidate the monstrous confederations of many
violently
lieads without a
Biuallcr
powers
made
in
common
will
STATE OF EUROPE,
165
WE
we
are not
As
they are,
We
stood in New-England.
166
PHOCION. N.
I.
JFIRST
1805.
BRITISH INFLUENCE.
CORRECT
ence, then
in ;uirers will,
be
let it
definitions. Influ
and
is
exerted
to
It
may be
it
and be in
its
have done
it ;
they have never been popular opinions, and of
course have never had political influence. Nor is it material,
that
some persons
still
father s sepulchres.
THEY may
in which the
of
and
institutions,
in
England, and which they brought over and planted here, entitle
that nation to our respectful remembrance.
If even the Eng
lish character should
if their
magnanimous
spirit in
war,
PHOCION.
167
They
dare not avow, that such are their sentiments. No, though we
sprung from English parents, the only language that can be
used, without the risk of persecution, is that of rage, abhor
At the hazard of disgracing our own
rence, and contempt.
are
we
summoned, six times a week, in the jacobin
pedigree,
gazettes, to treat the British subjects as the slaves of a tyrant,
whose spirit is as wretched as their lot. The publick opinion
is certainly
and
it is
the
mea
we have mentioned.
THE
base will say, and the base will believe, that Britain has
gold enough to buy friends and to carry a vote in congress as
often as her interests require the expense.
charge of this
own
is for sale,
They
consider
all
wanted
own
for their
is
them
it
is
shew
rest
as if the
not:
PHOCION.
168
AFTER
it
winces, they will say. But even this burden of proof, however
unfairly imposed, may be fearlessly assumed by the friends of
the federal administration of our government.
IT is proper to remark to the men who are observers of
human
nature, that of
ruption
it is,
minds
all
first for
igno
to
it
is
who wanted
power to brag that it had been tempted. More than half the
indictments for rapes, are founded on the charges of women
of no virtue. There
of a bribe, and so
is
so
much
much shame
glory in refusing
more tempting
bribe,
it,
which determines
the conduct.
to
Jew
bill, if I
the cruelties of the Spanish guarda-costas, his gold and his art
failed to secure a majority in parliament.
In the late attempt
to unite
ministerial influence,
mons.
The
ed the measure.
swallowed up
and
seemed
to
be
lost
and
inward horrour, of
ments
members
felt
influence;
19
PIIOCION.
it
may, therefore, be
hard to bribe
said,
with
members even
sir
to
known
voice of the
nation.
ALL
when
it
influence
because that
side,
:
members,
As many
is
the unsus
in that case,
can be
nor with
much
on the British
effect
French
unexampled assurances,
tures,
and rejoice
that
side
in their losses, if
IT
will
be asked,
was bribed
also, if bribes
Washington
Was the
ought
to
go
to
France
to enjoy
"
republick,"
IT
is
news
22
and circumstantial
iro
PPIOCIOX.
it is
scarcely tolerated
its
it,
such as
Wash
twelve prosperous
hands
it is
;
arraigned at the bar like a culprit, and called to
plead to a charge of bribery and corruption. If those who will
rail could reason, the scandalous necessity of this vindication
it
fire
of
PHOCION. N.
II.
British Influence.
BRITISH
sell
it
influence,
way
of bribes.
Even
if
could
scarcely
members would
how few
of iniquity.
need of bribing
will
work
votes.
for popularity
it.
Let it be remembered, that a
famous democratick member on the floor of congress once
said, when the French minister applied for anticipation of an
instalment of the French debt, before it was due, and there
effect for
wages against
PHOCIOX.
tvhen
was convenient
it
to
tude.
had
171
it
its
IT
is
This
the
is
power of necromancy,
come and
is false,
Somniferous as
it is,
it is
French influence.
wand of Mercury,
power
it
has the
to
were bought
to
be
it
lost.
attention
in
would be
which
silly to
partiality for
affords
no
less dear to
PHOCION.
172
fabricks and
French bottoms
to British
and
this
would have
Does not
When
were
was Hamilton
The
Said,
s plan,
and
all
privateers
we
This
the federal
will confiscate
let
New-England
fit
out
more
towards France
not lost
its
confusion.
strike
Shame, if it had
them dumb with
we
baffled, is
still
hope, that
we
renewed
shall
PHOCTON.
173
no
poiitical
power
measures of our
government
N.
PHOCION.
credulity will
game
still
be
of imposture.
III.
British Influence.
IT
merce
ions, the
word monarchy
estates, without
making
ourselves.
THERE is
a previous question
are
we more
maxims
likely to
become,
citizens of
London
of our democracies
Perhaps
it
will
IH
PHOCION.
to kindle,
spirits
smoking and
Zeal
is
ever
it.
The
spirit
that
its
scribbling
enough
imagine, that all the kings and ministers in Europe
were watching our republican administration with eyes of fear
to
and jealousy.
The
regarded America as
sidered.
We
employ British
borrower
as in the
objects of
is
to be
it is
filling it
is
obvious.
The
real estate of
PHOCION.
ItS
mercy of a
dal of
to
it
stipulates security to
THE
British creditor,
who
citi
is
payment
be tested by experience.
If political power has followed
British debts, then the greatest display and most flagrant
abuse of that power is to be expected in the states, where
there
is
PHOCIOJf.
176
owes
fifty
times as
much
A man
might be
to
a debtor there
thousands
dragon
WHO
many
to
keep
off
creditors
Who
is
leaven of anti-federalism at
first,
The
Happy
will
it
be, if
the Northern people are not, in the end, made victims of that
hatred; if a system of irritation should not be cunningly de
vised, and blindly adopted, that
New-England may be
strip
ped of
its
PHOCION. N.
IV.
British Influence.
THE
first settlers
peopled by the
but New-England
first
;
PHOCIOtf.
its
177
fess, I consider as
tians, of pure,
size.
spirit.
New-
prove
liberal plan.
men
1~8
PHOCION.
fixed,
states.
They, perhaps sincerely, consider these as buruensome and tyrannical restraints, and, without very well know
ing what they are, unite in disclaiming them as English,
and remnants of bigotry. Hence the laws and customs of
so
England are
much
Hence
it is,
They
say, an
Englishman
from the midland counties, suddenly transplanted into NewEngland, would scarcely know he was not in his o\\ n coun
try
4
they say,
dangerous
TRITE
to
is
our republicanism.
make impression on
the
two-fold account, that they are plausible, and that they are
so loose and indefinite that they are not precisely understood.
It seems to be very possible, that we should reverence the
Pitt,
was able
yet
it
to exercise
It is, perhaps, to be
and
sense
good order of Connecticut,
good
had
influence
have
not
elections,
enough to procure the
iHOCION.
THUS
seems
it
179
it
WE adopt
we
long as
is
it
imitating their
ment
As
a different thing from political influence.
be said, that by copying their books, or even
new invented
labour-saving machines,
we aug
their influence.
NEXT
power of
to the
the
wrong
causes.
will
(and democracy
make them
demagogues
for
managing
their
BUT,
It is
we
Eng
lish, it will
ence.
We
consider
we revenge
our
self-love.
Comparisons
spirit
Mnd
who
PHOCION
180
is
us, and
even
if
the
ren
resemble Frenchmen so
dious comparison
little,
that there is
no ground
for invi
we
but Englishmen
Partial as
all
we
this
done
them.
? Is not their
power held up as a bug-bear ? Is not
an instrument to work upon the passions of our citi
and which of our demagogues could hold his authority
lar irritation
this fear
zens
without using
them, because
THE
hatred of England
our
is
political
PHOCION. N.
V.
British Influence.
FOREIGN
some
attention
political situation
THE
tical
good and
PHOCION.
shame or
either
principle.
It is
181
maxims and
England will
dictates.
Be it so.
what
their
interest
pursue
ENGLAND then is commercial. Her commerce thrives by
exactly alike
the
immense
She
who owe should pay. But the essence, and almost the
quintessence, of a good government is, to protect property and
its rights.
When these are protected, there is scarcely any
those
booty
left for
oppression to seize
to usurpation
life
perty
by rules and principles, there is liberty. It is
such
a government that Great Britain wishes to find
precisely
is
and
to
She
is,
safe
sustain,
Where
them
as
much manufactures
as Britain could
ments
no matter whether monarchies or repubGovernments that will compel debtors to be just, are
all, in their form and administration, that British influence, in
this point of view, could be
employed to make them. Accord
in existence,
licks.
ingly,
we do
we do
not find%
PHOCION.
182
that
difficult to
is
; yet
recollected even to introduce this blessing insi
The subjects of despots con
diously among her customers.
sume little and pay less : the diffusion of true and stable liberty
no attempt
is
men
is
able-bodied
ham
man
at the
and Sheffield,
is
A free
more
be soldiers
is
no
out of reach.
the sword
Rich
the dearest of
wear armour
The ragged
peasantry of
France, half employed, less than half paid, were ever ready to
listen to the enchanting eloquence of a recruiting sergeant.
is
all tools.
War
of
all
first in
PHOCION.
tb her
commerce
Gentoos offered
and, let
little
183
it
resistance to her
feeble.
IT
may
be
said, therefore,
hired as soldiers.
her arms.
and wisdom.
commerce
superiority
is
employed
to extend her
if
conquer extensive
Thus
the
territories,
means she
we
PHOG1ON.
184
THE
application of these
remarks
We
is easy.
try-
conceive
her wishes
justice.
in our
The
own
ships, rivals
and competitors in
all
marts, inferiour
has none,
PHOCION. N.
when
the hatred
VI.
French Influence.
FRENCH
ambition as France.
Whether
this arises
her power, which has ever been military, or the extent of it,
which, for two centuries, has proved an overmatch for any
European state ; whether two centuries spent in efforts for
habits, or
whether the
all
rilOCIOX.
X85
The
satisfy.
a conquering
nation
the empire of the Turks; in Ireland, the auxiliary of a bloodydemocracy in Spain and Italy, a papist in Egypt, a mussul;
man
in India, a
bramin
and
at
home, an
atheist
countenanc
be
said, that it is
their armies
IT
is
may
win or
lose a battle
incredible to
and make
sort,
glory
is
not bread.
many,
perform labours
most perilous and astonishing kind,
Those, however, who reason against the
efforts of the
of the
in the forum,
to the enrol
ment
engaged
to
glory of the
Terminus
sons of business,
who do
spirit, will
God
The
be slow to be-
riiOCION.
186
large a portion of
or Crassus.
it,
lus,
if
only state in which the sword is the only trade. Commerce has
not a single ship ; arts and manufactures exist in ruins and memory
only; credit is a spectre that haunts its burying place ; justice
has fallen on its own sword ; and liberty, after being sold to
A people,
robbers.
FROM
all
its
There
is
at pleasure.
employment
is
England
in all
her ambitious
at
EVERY
influence.
stir
em
perour Paul, till he has forced the Turks to banish the English
from the Mediterranean. Egypt is seized to secure a station
on the
land, that
may
finally
PHOCIOX.
187
neutrality,
men
to enlist
in
stability
its
of our govern
The
shew
in
our elections
and
188
N.
I.
wisdom from
gone before
us.
human
affairs,
French
WITH
enumeration preserved by
Romans
state.
The
pay
rll
citizens of
Rome were
toils in
all
im
maxims of
mense
soldiers
war was
they had no
pillage.
Poor
189
as they were, and bands of robbers are ever poor, the spoils of
an enemy s camp, or the division of conquered lands, was am
trade,
all
were
prodigious difference
three thousand was raised with the design, and possesses the
force and means, as well as disposition, to enslave the people
and
come
Romans,
all
soldiers, as the
French.
It is
had
the proportion, during the most trying periods of the war with
France. There is, however, reason to believe, that, in the ener
gies of Robespiereism, France, with her sixteen armies, ar
rayed within and without her territory nearly one twelfth of her
vast population.
Without a merchant ship, her navy hauled
190
momentary
distresses
it
spirit.
civil
its
it
is
exercise.
French bosom
We
who came here and to England, bespattered with the blood and
brains of their fathers, and wives, and kindred, strut, on the
news
valry
is
not gone
spirit,
the crusades
men
be
honour and
integrity.
They were brought down, as might
be
to
the rank in which they were held,
naturally
expected,
191
distinction
THE
and
arts,
institutions,
of
with the
liberty.
this
vain of their consuls and tribunes, and they have adopted the
haughty demeanour, as well as the insidious art of the Roman
senate.
modern
If
they ought
to
mark the
it is
N.
II.
CONQUEST
rit
was
i
to train
up men
to
be conquering
soldiers.
They believed,
more than other
192
patriotism was
little
:
they heard of nothing
they lived, and acted, and
man, and
an Arnold.
that the
force of this
soldiers
march loaded
carry
their
Their
celerity in
promptness
This
num
of Tigranes or Jugurtha
they expected,
and experience
would be more
jects and allies,
Roman name
193
the
French,
their
it is
command
scum
for their
armies
is
so remarkably
In France, too, as in
Rome,
there
is
were considered
as in a
degree military
him
the
first
place
make him
in the cabinet,
report
Caligula made his horse a
as able and learned as Sieyes, but
when
and ignorant of
that.
When,
been carried
therefore,
title
all
glory,
all dis
to a share in the
to the military,
no wonder that
194
systems of
all
and that
is
corrupted by idleness.
become unwarlike,
The
to
glory.
The
it
mies
From
and
to
Nether
The French
numerous
artillery,
concert in
many
state is
now subdued, as
take a town
the
a
map
camp
pied in such a manner, that the two wings of the army are,
perhaps, one hundred and fifty miles apart : if one of the ene
my
from
195
them, he must fall back to take the next best position in his
and thus a country falls in a day, and, perhaps, without a
rear,
battle.
IT
is
armies, and
incessantly,
new method
of employing so vast
fix for
ART
states
were feeble by
their divi
their kings led armies into Italy, and parcelled out its govern
ments, as Buonaparte has done. The splendour of the reign
of
victories,
as
much
as their late
to
be
We
know
characters of individual
the
men
power
form the
by continual
its
still
THE
196
Elizabeth, introduced
NEW
ROMANS.
commerce and
new
and Lancaster, afforded any respite from arms, and any interiour order in the kingdom, two consequences resulted : a
greater portion of the English inhabited the country, the
country being as safe to inhabit as the cities ; the yeomanry,
or cultivators of land, increased in wealth and influence in the
state,
and connected with the former, was, that the English were
afterwards engaged less actively and, indeed, less dangerously
in wars than their rivals except the incursions of the Scotch,
:
their wars
w ere
duration.
When
rule
is
other glory.
THE causes which have led to this national character, not
only
lie
deep
more recent
in the
most remote
their preponderance.
tinental states of
Europe.
The
Thus
it
197
was nothing
France.
in
Cities
commerce.
in arts,
and not
at all
at their tables
they followed them in war, and their multitude was the rule,
by which the magnificence and power of the nobles was mea
sured and displayed.
THUS
life.
engrossed
all
tion of peace.
as the instrument to
FROM hence
man couid
it
followed, that
which
so
chivalry
much
198
all
France.
The
would throw
all
power of France
them
into
hand as a machine, he wielded it as a weapon, while the emperour and the king of Great Britain, whom the French call
despots, could command only the surplus of the revenues, and
BUT
it
it
deems worthy of
its
N.
IT
IV.
been the
from
their appetites
But
fear, and,
in polished societies,
men
199
who
feel
it,
Absolute want
is felt
by
Man
ty.
which
is
sword
men
of the
did.
THIS being
it
is
moment,
ks hold on the
all
mean
mean
to
govern a republick,
all
whose
and
to
be
at the top,
it,
whom
manner
republicanism
How
200
INDEED
is it to gratify
is
and
to
All democracies
These cannot
exist and
be
at rest
by
banks
ONE
French
must not be
its
proper place
it
liberty
relief in another
lation,
ALL
with
all its
who claimed
to
be nobles, and
who knew no
other way to display it, than the usual and acknowledged one
for men of rank, by military distinction.
ACCORDINGLY, in
the
first
liberty with
self-love
too intimately to
201
No
Frenchman
felt his
individual
title to
pre-eminence, as well
He now
as that of the nation, to be subjected to a trial.
be
freer
than
an
to
to
than
the
be
freer
claimed
free,
Eng
lishman or American, as he had ever pretended to be the first
among polished and^ brave men. Their common sentiment
was, of course, that the friendship of those who resembled
them in liberty was a debt ; the submission of those who
them
were inferiour
to
in force
The supposed
if possible, to
make
criticism distrustful of
its rules,
THE
political body,
tion of that
aliment of
and yet
pungent
its life,
But, while
in its
spirit, that
and
is
now
its
this pervad
and
the
of
enthusiastick
with
ing heat,
twitching
spasms
pas
sion, its popular leaders, assuming imposing names, and
exercising a despotism that had neither known limits nor
tion.
definition,
all
that
seemed miraculous.
like
2Q2
down an enemy
him
rather to be furious,
demo
much
strength
it
new
The
first,
claims of
and every
were not
it
that road, and that illusion concealed their chains and soothed
it,
that they
were not freemen, it was what they were used and reconcil
ed to but they would not bear not to be conquerors. Their
Ac
their vanity untractable.
love of liberty was tractable
;
THE
NEW
ROMANS.
203
They
all
its
has had
its
banquets
its
now
it
dainties.
N.
AMIDST
all
ment of France,
V.
three months,
all,
unless as a conqueror
204
diaries
the convention.
race.
all states
would
ments.
The
apologists for
French extravagances,
govern
after
some
on
port.
When
marked with
But Gregorei,
rights,
in his
is,
home.
It is a
amount
to half their
complement.
THE
WITH
such a
terests and
spirit as
means
NEW
ROMANS.
205
man
set at his
house
my
is
of brick
let
my
next neighbour burn ; the fire will burn out, and then the
Such are the speeches
bustle and danger will be over.
made, and with great popular effect, to inflame the admirers
of democracy with a zeal for injured, invaded France.
Jam proximus
ardet
Ucalegon.
The
dered
France
will not
political character,
many
states in
there
is
means
Europe
still,
that
might tempt
a conqueror
not one, except Great Britain, that has the spirit and
to resist
him.
all
France shouted
for joy.
THE
is truly
manner, in which
Roman.
France has not made her ally. The emperour and the king
of Naples are to be dishonoured by a stipulation, that their
206
Portugal
ports.
is
supposed, by
this time, to
be forced to
Paul of Russia.
happy
will
it
be,
if,
it
it
should be set
in 1648.
to
whom
of
Rome
against him.
till
his
that neither
made
treaties of
sure to employ
all
THERE
is
207
Roman
policy, in
to
We
it.
208
RUSSIA.
first published in the Palladium, yuly, 1301.
1
EW
sia.
first,
and then
it
it
dependence
and ring
all
French principles
to sprout in
of course,
is
in
The
naval power of Great Britain is, ever has been, and must
; the territorial
greatness of France
ever will be an impediment. France is interested to keep
be favourable to Russia
Turkey from
falling
to see
any power
and France
pri>
209
FOREIGN POLITICKS. N.
I.
PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.
JL UROPEAN
as much as the
position to backbite and persecute each other,
is often offended, that
Our
of
pride
party spirit requires.
rage
our country makes a figure in the world so little conspicuous,
we
suffer
it
and
all
the
their pure love for the people never ceases to animate them
enough to imitate what they admire, and to introduce what they
we
tells
us,
it
is
Nevertheless,
if
is
Aurora
under Buonaparte.
France should be superiour in the war, and
nonsense
to talk of liberty
should dictate the terms of peace, our inbred faction, her faith
The civilized world can
ful ally, would be superiour here.
enjoy neither safety nor repose,
bitious nation in
27
it,
obtains
what
if
it
has struggled
for,
am
a more
FOREIGN POLITICKS.
210
than
of
resistless
power
to
its
land
if all
So
indeed,
far,
last
be called
demonium would
left to
men
what
is called
their self-government,
yield to a
pan
kerchiefs,
were not
ON
established.
grounds
so solid
to the
en
"
EXPERIENCE
it
ought to be of
all
teaching
FOREIGN POLITICKS.
211
the pas
pulses, any plan that excites, instead of restraining,
in its
even
:
is
it
sions of the multitude, is a despotism
not,
it;
vanity of
its
epitaph.
great contest between England and France, also, shews
the stability and the resources of free governments, and the
THE
from time
We
to time, the
WE
we
address
them
we
to
do with Europe
we
are a
tions,
fortune
we do not
we must survey
ground."
And
if
"
take a view of
it,
and our in
we
we
it
is
ob*
FOREIGN POLITICKS.
212.
dom
much
as possible, errour
WE
invite
in our labours
we
affairs
FOREIGN POLITICKS.
GREAT BRITAIN
is
evident, that
all
The French
part.
II.
it
call
France,
Rome,
ment
is
more
faction is a
little
less virulent
more durably
established, and
The
more
is
more
clearly, as
effectively display
it
best,
were
little
son was, that the ships of war were rowed alongside their an
tagonists, and being grappled firmly together, the combat was
maintained, as in fights on land, by a body of soldiers on each
side.
This being the ordinary event of a seafight, no wonder
the Roman soldiers, whose valour was the steadiest and the
best trained in the world, prevailed over the mercenaries of
upon
now depends on
little
naval
There
though
is
seldom a
seafight, in
conquerors.
al
Great Britain,
FOREIGN POLITICKS.
213
hands of labour
will
to rapine, as in France.
nation will get rid of her military tyrants ?nd her revolutionary
spirit
and,
till
times
and
in its colonies
Rome, she
campaign
in
Egypt evinces,
that
sol
seamen.
won
plains.
CARTHAGE was
called free,
war.
None
We
FOREIGN POLITICKS.
214
own government,
beggared, and must have peace if she took servitude with it.
The opposition assured the nation of the event ; yet time has
confuted these predictions ; wealth goes on augmenting ; cre
dit is the steadier for the shocks that have waved its branches,
stir its roots.
The war is chiefly naval and the
now formed, and indeed have grown up in the war y
sufficient numbers.
The expenses, great as they are, are
seamen
in
are
in 1794
There
is able to
Her
never so
little
Her
tons of ship
ping and her trade are greater than at any former period.
Her capital is doubled and it is as sure to create employment,
;
as
is to
employment
accumulate
capital.
tains of wealth,
It is a great evil to
people, than Great Britain is by the war.
a nation to be obliged to exert all its energies to preserve it
self
from French
times greater to
THE
proper
that they
fraternity
fall
under
but
it
may appear
would be
a hundred
of these observations
is not,
to oftcnd against
an- evil
it.
Inqui-
FOREIGN POLITICKS.
sitive persons,
and fair-minded
and even
215
if
examine,
SUCH
and
We
leave
it
to
mawkish aliment
faction.
is
on the
men
and seize
in
it
it
a second time
to revolutionary
that these
were
France was of
all
could spend all, and then attack the new holders of property,
and spend it as often as the necessities of liberty might require.
By a formal decree, all property in France has been declared
In a state of requisition.
whose splendour
is
brilliant ruin.
France
is
now
destitute of
ordinary,
they are almost as unproductive, as they are
She looks for means abroad ; she looks to Portugal,
odious.
to Italy, to Spain, and to Holland. The field of plunder will not
till
it is
FOREIGN POLITICKS.
216
sees the varnish of his popularity wearing off, and the hopes
of his slaves fading into disappointment.
Already he fe^rs
the effects of that temper of the French, which is ever putient
submit
to his dictates.
is
too
much
The
the con
and also
jects,
to
enemy
to disarm.
But,
if
will
all
giving no respite
The
it
revolutionary fire
is
not quenched
FOREIGN POLITICKS. N.
FEW
III.
little
care,
and so
much
is
is
deemed
FOREIGN POLITICKS.
and liberty can
victory, plenty,
make
217
The grounds
her.
of
Men more
books
most
all
that
we presume
to
undertake, and even for that, the materials are scanty, and the
rage of party has confused and mutilated them. Every booby
as of patriotism.
well
It is
our market
it
seemed
as if lies
for
customers.
The
it
from
The
"
"
conquer.
Egypt
and Turks.
the
is
now
way of peace
yet,
removed
difficulties in
for if
unfavourable to England.
28
FOREIGN POLITICKS.
218
YET,
as
France
is
shall
safety lies, as
it
certainly does, in
it
seems
.time to
monopoly,
is
will
now
Would
it
if
Britain
should purchase for herself a short truce, full -of treachery and
danger, that would refresh her enemy, and leave to her neither
a respite nor the
FOREIGN POLITICKS.
219
land
WAR
is
dishonour,
a greater.
It
make
it
deny her, security and repose, what are the chances of this
mighty and long-protracted contest ? England is all powerful at
sea
Thus
far
merce from
invasion
is
Two
or three hundred
English ships and frigates will almost touch one another in the
channel, and effectually prevent a fleet of French flat -bottomed
boats from landing an
army by
surprise.
An
English army of
liberty, and
life,
states,
sup
plied all expenses ; so that, for more than one hundred years,
no taxes were imposed on the Roman people. Let it be noted,
more.
To
this
infinitely less
artillery,
add the
Roman
plunder
FOREIGN POLITICKS.
220
the
Roman
maritime
strife this
while
it
trembles.
With
yet
it
all
France
may
tion of subjects
means
Let
it,
however, be noted,
that these very conquests require a large part of her force and
treasure to preserve them.
Perhaps they now require as
much
yield
as they supply.
The immense
more than
all
this
old debt
jews and bankers of Paris ; she has stript the churches of the
Austrian Netherlands, and of Italy taxed the Dutch six per
;
all
her
own
FOREIGN POLITICKS.
subjects.
The
221
it
ple, nor have they a feeble government they will discern the
almost certainty of their success, and will persevere to ensure
it. The civilized world,
long endangered by France, will then
:
be again in security.
222
HERCULES.
VIRST PUBLISHED IX THE PALLADIUM, OCTOBER,
ISOi.
TO PRINTERS.
AT
as
seems
much
as if
as any other.
us surprisingly.
shocking.
Gazettes,
room
newspaper
destitute of matter, if
cides, prodigies, or
it
it
is
seriously to be
feared, will
to
is
pronounced
monstrous
births.
SOME
Are
Is the history of
or
is it
mon
Newgate the
?
Pray
our free presses are to diffuse informa
and we, the poor ignorant people, can get it no other way
tell us,
tion^
men
of ink,
if
if
were intended
for
Roman
We
make account
of such things.
ridicule the papists for
yet, if all the trumpery of our papers is be
have little right to laugh at any set of people -on
their credulity
lieved,
earth
we
and
readers,
if it is
not believed,
why
is it
printed
HERCULES.
223
THIS country
acres, and
is
it.
said to
Who
the full
dows
amount of twenty
shillings to
mend
their glass
win
tions,
another man,
dwelling
it-would be strange, if all of them should escape fire
Yet is it very profitable for a man to be
for twelve months.
come a deep student of all the accidents, by which they are
houses
care of his
chimney corner,
floor.
wonders?
counts of
Who
is
them ? On
They make
a thousand old
HERCULES.
224
bed alone.
do as
men
to
When
do.
North church
fifty
the
man
and Ravaillac,
who
body
detain
s ears, to
all
tem
familiarly contemplate
to be a sort of rival-
ship among printers, who shall have the most wonders, and
the strangest and most horrible crimes. This taste will mul
tiply prodigies.
The
superstitious
Romans used
to forbid re
EVERY
but,
ON the
from familiar
truth, because
it is
not shocking.
HERCULES.
Messrs. Printers,
Now,
to banish
as
craft,
mon
as their readers
template
225
and
to study nature,
in those of
is,
ground
for
29
226
NO REVOLUTIONIST.
First published in the Palladium,
1VJ.ANY
November, 1801.
they affect to
take,
to a
s side
Thus
attempts to deceive.
We have
and an attempt
What then,
an enlightened people,
it is
who
are
the means.
this
to
it.
The
We
In our
we have
We
some
solid
power
could always
and
command
that,
on other bubbles.
thesr
Politician
NO REVOLUTIONIST.
227
it is
when
it
knows.
lar passions
The
agents that
move
popu
him
and
lazi
tells
demagogue
makes him
is
of the society
is
sure to be
awed
is
republicks.
ANSWER.
.If
it
fall,
as.it
may very
contend for
its
them reverence
prevent,
struct,
lican
its
fate
and
let
its
;
system may
government. Despair not only hastens the
evil,
NO REVOLUTIONIST.
remedy unavailing.
that sooths
Time,
all
be jury masts,
THE
all
managers of the
filan
try
them.
will
They
numerous
are a desperate
They
more overbearing
are
in
their dispositions
or form vaster
more
of them.
as
They
flatter
make use
them,
in
1648, in England.
THEY
they will
to Virginia.
to
They
will
will surely
then they will expect, that the resentments of the honest federal
ists will assist the jacobins to supplant the democrats.
The
yet,
ruling party contains within itself the seeds of discord
though the revolutionary spirit, once indulged, naturally leads
;
changes
for the
worse
more
THE
question, therefore,
seems
to be,
NO REVOLUTIONIST.
Our assailants
are, therefore,
2^9
infatuated, of
which there
is,
230
EQUALITY. N.
First published in the Pallarlwm,
I.
November, 1801.
TH ERE
faith are
proclaims to all men, that they arc free and equal. This
creed is older than its supposed author, and was thread-bare
America, before Mr. Paine ever saw our shores yet it had
the effect, in other parts of the world, of novelty. It was ?iews)
It
that the French revolution scattered through the world.
in
new
change.
They
believed that by
making
their
own and
other
men
as so
many wrongs.
The
soldiers of
EQUALITY.
231
liberty, as for
Societies
were formed
dices
in both countries,
ALL men
from
whom we
owes no obedience
to its institutions
last,
owes
them
and
and
that
we
correctly of
WITH
has
They longed
xpiving in tortures.
e. .pressed in verse.
to see kings,
and
priests,
and
The massacres
so
many
Th
"
if
many
their oppressors.
enlightened"
the world, as
upon
EQUALITY.
232
mere
some
star,
lutions
with
it
it
were unpeopled
sure of curiosity, on
its
all
the plea
gration.
c<?r-
make them
minists have proposed, as the indemnity for all the crimes and
misery of France, and all the horrours of the new revolutions,
that they wish to
the Baltick.
what
is its
jWhat
value
EQUALITY. N.
THE
philosophers
among
II.
an equal right
right,
it
is as
much
to
that to
for, as
the
EQUALITY.
233
good reason
^ for
it
enacts, that
and, as,
to be venerated forefathers,
right.
stable,
it is
from what they now enjoy. You have earned your estate,
it descended to
you from your father of course, my
Am I then to
right to your estate is not as good as yours.
or
new
have, in the
as
till
have
laid
up a competent sum
make
the attempt
30
fully succeeded,
234
EQUALITY.
and others
in
in
order of things.
THEY consider a republican government as the only one,
in which this sort of equality can exist at all.
tyrant, or
a king, which all democrats suppose to be words of like im
port,
The
whom
must be
it
to see strangled
To
their enjoyment,
is,
that
all
the citizens
gogue
to
title
of the
man of
was, in
fact, after
1776, a resistance
235
EQUALITY.
We
to foreign
power was
seem
people,
restrain
to all
themselves
will
cause.
EQUALITY. N.
III.
which
EQUALITY.
236
from rescinding
in
majority
no longer
to
it
rules.
Supreme
this is
liberty,
liberty without
Is
it
is
it.
this uncontrolled
power
it
of the people
it is
others
cisecl
fast
How
is it,
then, that
ber
many
make popular
Why
They
are usurjia-
EQUALITY.
tions,
23r
prove useful
if in practice
they
precedent sanctions
Neither Commodus nor Caligula
who
listen to
demagogues.
it is not more
extravagant than they
represent it themselves. They often, indeed, affirm, that
they are not admirers of a mere democracy : they know it
will prove licentious
they are in favour of an energetick
is
not caricatured
government.
IT is both more satisfactory and more
is
absolutely uncontrolled, or the executive
the
senate, and the courts of law, are the branches
authority,
constituted to check it.
Now, is it not notorious, that one
of
the
great complaint
jacobins against the federalists is, that
are,
dicate, in their
They
all
say
it
is
federalists,
and thus
all
officers
should displace
his creatures
become
Yet every
cle-
EQUALITY.
-238
was thus
sentatives, that
to be
must be
are so
being his
be, in
willy
all its
and he
good behaviour
but,
as they stand upon the law, that very foundation, the demo
So that one great barrier of
crats tell us, can be torn up.
"
feel
Indirectly^
right,"
may
be subverted
EQUALITY.
239
but they say they will get round it. Instead of stop
flood of democratick licentiousness, this dam is to
the
ping
be the first obstacle that is swept away.
ever
if ;
LET
let
them weigh
the consequences
tremendous changes that
them
to bring
them about
for
men who
"
are so
infuriated
man
much
will
infatuated
lost liberty
know how
to value and
to trust.
EQUALITY. N.
IV.
THERE
EQUALITY.
240
certainly, not
tion
in
These
and oblivion.
Our
barbarians.
lofty
jiatriotick sophists
their claim.
some
is
now
in its teens,
its
in its cradle.
gant
plete.
that cannot
to
rewards
it.
WHEN
other words,
let
Down
dismounted
in an
in extravagance.
acclamation.
The
sovereign
mob
241
EQUALITY.
called St. Antoine and
bastile
was taken
liberty celebrated
won
tory
Is not the
their freedom
EVERY
free,
all
these questions in
the affirmative.
NOBODY seemed
They had
little is it
of prince or people,
straint is liberty.
makes tyranny
A stupid,
ferocious multitude,
who
are unfit
to be free,
when
there
is
no end
to the
REVIEW
liberty.
more impossible
is
no condition of a
state, in
it
which
will
it
is
more nearly
triumphs in
THE
old
its
stead.
but the
new
no
liberty at all
absolutely none
from the
first,
no reasonable
hope, scarcely a lucky chance for it. Who had liberty ? Clearly
not the king, the nobles, nor the priests, nor the king s minis-
EQUALITY.
242
they
were so stripped, that their race was extinct they were known
only on the grave-stones of Nantz and Lyons they were re
;
membered
mammoth, by
say the democrats, the people, the many, in other words, the
rabble of the cities, were free : bread was issued to them by
the publick. Yes, but it was the bread of soldiers, for which
they were enrolled as national guards to uphold the tyranny of
robbers and usurpers and as soon as this very rabble relucted
;
at their
were called
IT
is
for, to
shoot
them
in the streets.
forcibly
king
own
still
and,
France was
still
governed by new
chiefs.
subject to military
Now
it
all
The
power.
for the
democratick de-
any other rights, but such as that law saw fit to spare, they
ought now to tell us, as they gave no reason at the time, why
they roasted oxen on account of the triumphs of French liberty.
THE
consideration.
some
further
EQUALITY.
EQUALITY.
243
NO. V.
THE
The
ple ; and who, in those times of violence, had any liberty, but
the possessors of that force ? No liberty was then thought
more
ACCORDINGLY,
The
ruin of trade
scores of thousands to
which was,
become
at that
very period of
its supposed
emancipa
and bleeding under its lash. The
rights of a Frenchman were never less, nor was there ever a
time when he so little dared to resist or even to complain.
free,
THE
but the
kings of France,
new
it is
liberty-leaders
true,
had as
much
to plunder,
EQUALITY.
244
had an
their kings
affections, but
of the French.
WHILE
ern, at least, as
and when
duced them
THIS, bad as
it is, is
and
to invent
new
torments.
Liberty
not to be enjoyed, indeed it cannot exist, without the habits
of just subordination it consists, not so much in removing all
is
restraint
Now
first
the
as in
imposing
step in a revolution, is to
it
make
on the
violent.
these restraints
and overturn
altars,
and thrones, a
mad
fitted for
The con
brings joy only as it secures booty and vengeance.
faction
soon
and
one
its
divides,
partizans
quering
part arrays
in arms against the other ; or, more frequently, by treachery
245
EQUALITY.
and surprise cuts
they reduce
weakness and
more
it
to
blood, and
IT
is
new triumphs
for liberty
faction,
Then more
slavery.
!
and
booty,
it is
not be
disarms them
itself,
it
be tranquil in
its
and instruments of
the only
its
mode from
power
may keep
it
subordinate to the
cannot do.
THE mock
amples.
They use
selves to the
same
the
same popular
cant,
Our
246
EQUALITY.
EQUALITY. N.
THE NATURE AND
EVERY
BASIS OF
democrat more or
VI.
BUONAPARTE S POWER.
really
ed
America
world.
in
IT
It
is
fell
is essential,
Each
any mutinous
general
mob
citizen,
conduct.
his
is at first
stage of
its
The power
EVERY
the
silly
man
s nature,
EQUALITY.
247
We
to
our
judgment upon
nations enfeebled.
resist
her singly
They
are too
much
of mankind, too
defence.
A POSITION
it
in France,
even
and
will not
necessity.
RUSSIA alone
is
reality,
will not,
of circumstances,
but
There
its
is
no exterior
obstacles are to be
EQUALITY.
248
And
itself.
hand, and
it
in order,
is
simple as
the
its
machinery seems
management of a skilful
many little
by rightly touching
kept
wheels and springs.
IT is indeed true, that discipline is the ruling principle of
but what is discipline more than the fear of the
armies
;
general
suffer
to
more than
revolt any
SUPPOSE,
from
citizens.
command
they
As
commander.
the
thirst for
rank
to the danger,
worth
little,
is
men
life,
He must
rival
he
will
may be
forced to
While
249
EQUALITY.
on
Thus, he
his soldiers.
Nobody
will
be able
nation s wealth
willing to do
is at
will,
do others so
to
much
evil, nor,
before a
them good,
as he.
IT
is
nate consideration.
IT
will,
military class, holding the chief power, will claim the first
place, in point of rank and honour. Soldiers would grow weary
of their condition,
if
whom
IT follows,
many
arbitrary
governments venture
if
We
self-defence.
ment,
is,
32
250
EQUALITY.
FOR
the
government
may
consider
many
as worthy only of
libels
and
moderate
lies as idle
fines
be jealous, and
IT
is
many
others
no safety in per
tamper with an army.
is
is
scarcely permitted to
fears will make it
its
little
liberty they
words
but there
it
throughout Europe.
to
main
tain in tranquillity.
be expected
would be
is
Those
THE
is
merely per
ed to
it.
hasten changes.
army
to gain a party to
be ready
251
EQUALITY.
to salute
come
them emperours,
odious.
ANOTHER
power
to reign,
and
it
will
men
The supreme
if it
by bestowing
common
it
it
was
to
be
on the des
soldiery.
These
in six
THUS
liberty hopeless*
HISTORY
IS
PHILOSOPHY TEACHING BY
First
MONO
252
piMuhedtn
states
EXAMPLE."
and nations the law of the powerful is desare, perhaps, of more than two hundred
Yet there
povi.-.m.
want of information.
very modest
from them
affects to
in requiring
more abominable
T HERE
vv t cs
Rome
victorious, be
France
servile copy.
Rome did
evil that
it is
like sacrifices.
more
original, or a
Almost no
now
not
inflict,
scarcely
any humiliation that she did not impose on her allies. The
people of Latium were denominated her conft derates, and en
titled to
juts
in slavery.
insisted,
as well they might, tiiat they would not follow the Romans in
their wars, their refusal was called treason ; a war ensued, and
Rome
Those nearest
tempted by
all
forth
failed
HTSTORY
to use
were
TS
PHILOSOPHY.
253
sion, they
He
distant expedition.
failed.
The
winning glory.
The men
Two
early
Much
Romans.
more might be
said,
on
this subject.
The
advanced
slaves,
ROME
allies.
service of
assist in
success,
oppressing
was
in the
it.
government
of Carthage.
It
was popular,
HISTORY
254
PHILOSOPHY.
IS
superiority.
dence
country.
THE Romans
Macedon, as long
When
Philip.
to say to
America
it.
THE
Rome
HE, and
would be lord of
all
Greece
in his history.
BY
dividing, the
Romans conquered.
Weak
confederacies
are so
strong factions
America.
progress.
and her
allies,
their
work
they have
made
255
BALANCE OF EUROPE.
First publisfied in
tJtc
WO
L
hundred and eighty years ago, Francis I. king of
France, and Charles V. emperour of Germany, king of Spain,
possessor of the dominions of the house of Austria in Ger
many,
Italy,
and the
Low
aid.
XIV
AT
Low Countries
monarchy.
BALANCE OF POWER.
256
tained
ONE
may be
as
European
difficult to
large, and
more
in pro
balance, without
will
rest slaves.
BY
demned
WHATEVER
whatever
is
every war,
own
is
divided,
Germany
is
weakened
and, in politicks,
exposed as a prey.
Accordingly, in
furnished soldiers for France, and her
weakened,
is
since
the enemy,
it
s throats.
and, instead of
its
extinguished
being
proved in 1794, the auxiliary of French domi
;
nation.
that the
weak
states of
Europe have
lately
proved more
BALANCE OF POWER.
than passive to France : they have
themselves to destruction.
made
257
a merit of devoting
kingdom
to a distance,
degree, as to
PRUSSIA has gained prodigiously by the partition of Poland.
It was natural to think, that Prussia had become powerful
enough
to disregard
France
but
it
FRANCE,
Sweden
their
RUSSIA
a colossus, but,
is
is
her
Poland
is
an
nearly as
with one
foot
Latium was
on the Frozen
ocean, and the other on the Black sea, she cannot reach her
antagonist in the south of Europe.
No foe is near enough, or powerful
Britain.
IT
will
val strength
33
Why,
therefore,
it
will
be
BALANCE OF POWER,
258
much more
and
as a tyrant
THE
in our way,
sometimes
as a competitor, often
answer
is,
that the
modern balance
of
power in Europe
is
ted.
The
nist.
counterpoise, but,
still
more formidable
spirit
of France.
IT
is
may be
aggran
dizement, than any other. It is very likely to provoke ene
mies, and not well adapted to subdue them. It is a glitteringdefensive armour. And, surely, all independent nations ought
to rejoice, that Great Britain wears it. Great as its energy is,
If it be
not too great to defend her from her adversary.
navy to be so great, it is clearly a less evil,
than for the French power to be freed from its resistance.
it is
an
Remove
that resistance,
civilized
world.
TURKEY was
But
Aus
and Russia.
as
WE
himself of Egypt
Turkish dominions, as a
station to con-
BALANCE OP POWER.
fine the
259
and resources
spoils.
IT
is
occupation but that of the sword : she has destroyed her artisans
and multiplied her soldiers. This has ensured her poverty, and
filled her army, and emptied her work
on
the
shops.
England,
contrary, has found her prosperity an
to
her
warlike
operations. A man s labour is worth
impediment
her conquests
much
it
has
war
in England,
it is
resources
BALANCE OF POWER.
260
FRANCE
let
work or make
it.
BUT England
spirit.
Our democrats
subject to a standing
army the
;
truth
is,
rnilitia,
an effective
ADD
On the
power in
India.
without
nor
is it possible, that
infinite peril,
her
fall
should happen,
of
periority is widened.
THIS review,
policy, if it
be
Jiolicy^
proper
light, the
ing our little army to nothing, and our navy to the worms.
IT is in peace only that armies can be trained it is in peace
;
We
man felly
tiujijierlcss to
merce
to
wear shackles
Nothing
is
BALANCE OP POWER.
261
eciuip,
to inquire,
its
preserve
independence weakness is subjugation. Si -vis
pacem, para helium, is a maxim of good sense, but not of the
democrats. To be without force or treasure, used to be deemed
its
is to
without popularity.
How
so selfish and so mean, that begins and ends with the indivi
who act for us, is too gross to be mis
It ap
understood, and too mischievous long to be tolerated.
pears probable, that the PEOPLE will clearly discern how they
ought to vote, two years before they will have the opportunity.
Federal truth has begun its awful progress, and it will prevail :
its sun has set to rise
again.
262
POLITICAL REVIEW.
N.
J-
TH E war
.
is
irst
I.
of arms
is at
an end
among
their neighbours.
To
IT
is
it
was
it
no new resources
its
to
her entire
her enemies,
who
Peace
it
it.
that
own
war gave
a ship, are
understood
We
Americans
and the distant ultimate security of war.
choose to say, and we are vain-glorious enough to believe, that
POLITICAL REVIEW.
263
the people are not counted for any thing any where, except in
America. The truth is, the voice of the nation, when it con
its
veys
wisdom
trate audibly,
or
its
deliberate mistakes,
and with
The
those of Monticello.
aad, therefore,
British nation
was ended.
it
is
Peace
more sure
to
of St. James
pene
s,
than
danger, which
its
nice problem
it is.
America
is infinitely
interested in
its
favourable solution.
WHEN
we
sibilities,
which the
him
we
We
Chains.
alas
in
England
Nelson or Smith.
The
little
states are
no Philip
he
is
hewing
power
only an Attalus or Eumenes, under
first to
they are turned into the ranks. They will be cudgelled, if they
prove refractory. They will be made to obey, like slaves, and
yet to say and to swear, on occasion, that they are sovereign
and independent, as may best suit the ambitious policy of
France. Old Rome was too cautious and too much in earnest
in
her plan, to
make
till
pretty,
every
little,
snug indepen
and gone,
educated in independence
her
bitter
drugs
POLITICAL REVIEW.
264
were
given in honey.
all
So
is
it
with France.
Europe has
Her
wonder
when we
We
at the events
of Europe.
tims to their
we
whom
will inquire
are
Dutchmen
statesmen,
we
arts.
in shillings.
Every penny of
all
these
So
where they
rot.
far has
her rich
"
ransomed Dutch
liberty,"
so far
from the hands of the opulent
with a vengeance,
she took counsel from the Worcester Farmer or he from her
"
:"
POLITICAL REVIEW.
Etruria
tricked
is
out in
to treud the
monarch,
purple
stage in
robes,
mock
265
like
dignity.
playhouse
The proud
Spaniard finds for France gold and dollars, and for that proof
headservant in Buonaparte s
civism" he is treated as
of
kitchen. So that to favour kings, and to depress, plunder, and
"
LET
of liberty.
silly lie,
that
terrible.
we triumph
voice
seems
with France.
to issue
POLITICAL REVIEW.
ONE of the
to
empire was,
II.
N.
and his
rivals
grand Turk has renewed his old treaties with the man, whose
expedition to Egypt, in a time of profound peace, shewed his
Russia smothers her
absolute contempt of their obligation.
anger on account of Malta and Corfu. All Europe is striving
to
make
AFTER
how
only concern
is,
how
France
there
is
34
POLITICAL REVIEW.
J66
France
became
pacifick and
FRANCE
as
Rome
is
as corrupt,
to corrupt her,
Yet
it is
other.
little
In order to
comparison
fairly,
therefore, pro
we must suppose
make
the
enemy
left.
FRANCE,
finds,
then, as military as
in these obstacles,
Rome
her
as to
greater.
The power
of England, depend
We
some thousands of
POLITICAL REVIEW.
267
we
All
this, so
FRANCE
will
to her,
and
all
She waits
Ameri
cans recover from their fears, and have her partisans profit by
She will depend on our
their superiority in our counsels.
ever, at the
need of
OUR
In a
view,
force.
268
POLITICAL REVIEW.
to
ed wealth
take
them
she
is
bound
and
off,
England, France
in
to put
is
Parisian rabble
was in
1790, prone
change, because there is much wealth to
be gained, none to be hazarded. Our half-witted democrats
So far is this from
insist, that great wealth produces war.
to any
being true, that the pursuit and the possession of wealth make
a nation not less servile than sordid, willing to take kicks for
France has
pay, and to prefer gain to honour and security.
the spiiit of a camp ; the peace of Amiens shews, that
Eng
POLITICAL REVIEW. N.
CORRECT
III.
We
long, too long, amused with the democratick prattle about the
love of peace, and the love of our fellow-men, and the millen
umphant mob,
and functions.
On
among
we
nations,
more than
royal rights
Peace
will afford
POLITICAL REVIEW.
It will turn
interval of
269
her
militia,
such a war,
How
is
She has
river.
tures
WITH
whenever
and Dutch provinces, and with her legion of honour, the con
suls, pretorian guards, and with the draft of twice sixty thou
sand men, to fill up the ranks of her armies, who will doubt,
that she is intent on the schemes of her ambition, and will go
to
war on the
ment
first
WHETHER
Great Britain
is
competent
to
defend herself
it.
POLITICAL REVIEW.
270
We
TIHE examination of
invite
men
The world
despotism.
to look for
make
conjectures.
IN
will assist us to
is
this scene
some
at the
millions.
Her whole
them
to
do
for themselves.
Hence,
own
affairs,
POLITICAL REVIEW.
no gains but freight.
was obviously proper
This observation
to
make
as the
it,
is
271
a digression, but
commerce.
The
it
nations,
all
her
example. Indeed
her policy is, to stir up every
nation to a contest with England, to break down the English
friend of
it is
commercial
sys
THE
all
much,
territory.
Great
by
her union with Ireland, a measure, that will extend her growth
for Ireland is yet semi-barbarous, and the
for some ages
;
more
more
it civilizes,
the
The conquest
the globe.
was
in
Jamaica.
ON the whole, France has gained power, and has lost nothing
of her arrogance Great Britain sees her danger, and, without
having lost any of her strength, has recovered her spirits.
;
I 272
MONITOR.
First published in the Palladium, April, 1804.
dumb
will be.
It is
thus that
we roused
No.
Yet
We
lie in
more
let
all
was born a
soldier,
those .only
who had
But when
Rome
extended her empire over all Italy, and then over all
Asia Minor, her size rendered her politicks unmanageable ;
and power
in
constitution, as
all
Washington
all
right, liberty,
left
it,
is
WE
where
now
Rome
We
length
it,
Our
amend
and justice.
good
but as
it is
no longer the
with hers
failed
at
virtue, extinguished
row
think
it
as the district of
Columbia.
is
MONITOR.
275
mans, with the Scipios, and Catuli, and Catos, could not keep,
we, with our Jeffersons, cannot lose. Those great Romans
it
thought
care
more
all,
than to
and
we
live slaves
but
we
dishonour.
it:
we compensated
the
we
took, not
If
Rome
merely
liberty, as if
virtue,
their blood
we
joyfully truck
With such
it
love
off
it
a difference of
spirit,
are
we
judgment upon them. Surely that people have lost their morals,
who bestow their votes on those who have none j surely they
MONITOR.
274
have
when
more than
their culprits.
THE Romans
We
THE Romans,
no more bounds
tion, set
ments. While
like
manner deposed.
Pompey was
unlimited
authority
hundred
all
We,
in
made, by
Except
in removals
from
office,
the dominant
manifest, that
faction,
it
is
in
this
rival
till
Marius
morals
and
power. But when the Thomas Paines,
and those who recommended him, as a champion against the
religion lost their
"
of
Rome, but
flowed
in.
of
all
Italy,
and of
all
MONITOR.
more be found
trymen
in the
in
Rome
than
we
own coun
Duanes and
The
present day.
itself,
275
governed it.
seemed to govern the world, and the worst
single assembly
men in it governed
that assembly.
THE
ple,
lies
advance
its
see destruction as
that will not
OUR
it
stir,
it
comes
though
it
or by
see3
its
its
it.
all
the elements.
276
THE REPUBLICAN.
N.
I.
WE
it
how
short
date
its
its
We
We
lasting reward.
bation
political
pro
when once
fairly
HENCE
and here
it is,
citizens have
shall thy
been so ready
to look
subvert
it.
We
those
whom
breed
factions,
this faction,
but
and
its
favourites
who
We
have seen
asserts, that
All this
we
THE REPUBLICAN.
2J7
constitutionally
tablished by law.
forms of
election,
some members
We
when
the substance
is
full
exercise of the
gone.
We
meanness
have
to repre
union
we have
much
We
any
;"
rence.
We
We
r
still
vanity.
still
expect, that
men
at
THE REPUBLICAN.
2?8
Her
errour.
will
will
awe tumult
voice will
SUCH
it is
into silence
half exploded
bedlam gives
revolution
the thunder
to philosophy,
rility
all
our
danger
BUT
men who
other
all
it
would not
wisdom made
known course of
Our
republicks.
to our virtue to
it
it,
armed our
WHAT
we
fore,
now,
late as it is,
tion, that, if
still,
as hereto
we rouse
till
we
cannot escape,
we
THE REPUBLICAN. N.
our
fate
II.
civil liberty as
the most
exalted, to
blessing, except
of the universe.
small, spots
little
desire
world
lies
bound
in its fetters.
THE REPUBLICAN.
279
passions of man,
We
much
experience.
to defend,
indeed,
for,
which,
Thus
nature,
is,
will
happen, and, as
it
sleeps
the course of
though
it is
it
control and
IT
it
all,
lives,
in bondage.
and
but their
government enough.
there
may
most
be,
and probably
will
where the
and where the old
liberty there,
them.
duct
and without
excellent habits
impaired
The
limits.
kept in agitation,
till
we
till it is
is lost
whom manners
or greatly
and morals
and that
THE REPUBLICAN.
280
force a dominant
TAKE
faction derives
its
adherents
a hundred
by six or eight
the arts of these leaders had trained for their purpose. Could
a feeble government, could mere truth and calm reason, point
ing out the best publick interest, have carried that treaty
through and effected its execution in good faith, had not the
virtue and firmness of Washington supplied an almost super
human energy
to its
powers
at the
moment ? No
treaty
made
and confusion,
if
own
treaties
LET
who
any man,
passions, inevitably
FACTS,
of the people.
What
limits
it lie,
to
is
those
THE REPUBLICAN.
for
an
assault,
tion, alas
can
now be reduced by
o$i
The
famine.
constitu
monument
but history.
Louisiana, in
whether the
little
is
liberty.
Judge,
be calm
282
A SKETCH
OF
HE following sketch, written immediately after the death of the ever to be lamented
Hamilton, was read to a select company of friends, and at their desire it first appeared in
the Repertory, July. 1804.
AT
is
excellence of both
is
of their impression.
an experience of
five
this case,
could have
it is
safe
IT
is
citizens be
that
weeps
for its
bereavement.
We
is
no counterfeited heaviness.
IT is here proper and not invidious to remark, that, as the
emulation excited by conducting great affairs commonly trains
and exhibits great talents, it is seldom the case, that the fairest
exclusively,
to
be gained,
action.
Per
sometimes enemies
envious or cold.
The
still
oftener
formed
SKETCH OP HAMILTON.
283
BUT the body of the people, who cannot feel a spirit of rivalship towards those, whom they see elevated by nature and
education so far above their heads, are more equitable, and,
supposing a competent time and opportunity for information
on the subject, more intelligent judges. Even party rancour,
eager
to
maim
gonist. Then, if not sooner, the very multitude will fairly decide
on character, according to their experience of its impression
and as long as virtue, not unfrequently for a time obscured, is
;
death of
is
for the
to the passions
of the multitude by condescending, in defiance of his honour
and conscience, to become their instrument he is not lamented,
dicates
itself.
because a
skilful flatterer is
now mute
for ever. It
was by the
its
is
fulgence of a
IT
is,
star,
till
indeed, no imagined
wound
that inflicts so
keen an
grief,
can
which
make
is
itself felt
dumb,
284
SKETCH OF
it
same instant
from
to
passes
NewhampGeorgia
shire,
THERE
is
disaster,
rivets
them
contempla
now
except
THAT
tor,
this
to a closer
lost,
to
who
all
who
intimately
it
his
inspire genius
where
it is
not
there
is
it is
it
if
in his admiration
of virtue.
BUT who
more
supposition
any other, had produced two
one
of
them
HAMILTONS,
might then have depicted the other.
To delineate genius one must feel its power: HAMILTON, and
fruitful than
man, who
is
is
very
difficult for
He
praise.
so
when
magnanimous,
ble to
all
HAMILTON.
through his
lasted
worthy man
MEN of the
We
life.
who had
his foe,
285
left an}
discernment of character.
in
his
manly
spi
suspected
its
to
his
own whispers
He was
yet, as his
He
force,
and evinced,
of gentleness or modesty.
THE
on
liquid as I write,
weep
know
too for
my
could pour
it
it is,
could
does not
its loss.
It deeply laments, when it turns its
and
sees
was ; but my soul stiffens
what
HAMILTON
eyes back,
with despair, when I think what HAMILTON would have been.
the half of
His
social affections
not,
however,
and commanding
in the world.
qualities that
SKETCH OF
286
all
life
of active useful
ness has placed him, we find him not more remarkably dis
tinguished by the extent, than by the variety and versatility of
his talents. In every place he made it apparent, that no other
man could
tance, in
have
filled it
so well
and in times of
critical
his
impor
services
As secretary of
justly deemed absolutely indispensable.
the treasury, his was the powerful spirit that presided over
the chaos :
were
Stood ruled
....
ew
much
upon
of
it
in plan,
much
s merit,
his minister.
As
revenue
them,
potick
is
bills,
there to be found a single clause that savours of desnot one that the sagest champions of law and
;
power
liberty would,
HAMILTON.
IT
a man,
is rare, that
who owes
so
287
much
descends
to nature,
to his subject,
he had exhausted
till
it.
Hence
the
uncommon
seemed
by every
auxiliary, learning,
These
to be fortified
ners, by his
taste,
fame and
wit,
his virtues.
It is difficult, in
the midst
discerned truth
merely made
tion from his
seemed
it
it
was not
come
it
to
men
other
as convinced.
He
his.
convert
rence, which,
it
for
it
in his
own.
dom
SKETCH OF
288
No man
BUT
voked opposition.
patriot, and such a
office,
without
patriot, as,
artifice,
that they
it
were disinterested.
make him.
SOME have
plausibly,
Such men,
HAMILTON.
289
from envy, when bad men rose, though he felt anxiety for the
He was perfectly content and at ease, in private
Of what was he ambitious? Not of wealth no man
life.
publick.
held
it
Was
cheaper.
it
of popularity
own
force,
tall
enough
comprehend, as
views
satisfy, his
he thirsted only
for that
fame, which virtue would not blush to confer, nor time to con
THE
aspire,
to
her embrace.
best,
general.
We
unavailing regrets.
Such honours
And
Ilion to
37
shade.
SKETCH OF HAMILTON.
290
THE
most
great
men
from
their
its
servitude, for
may
may
is
But the
offend taste, and traditions that baffle conjecture.
glory of Greece is imperishable, or will last as long as learn
ing
itself,
which is
its
monument
it
May
our country
their glory.
291
REFLECTIONS ON THE
First published in
tlie
WAR
Repertory,
IN EUROPE.
May,
1805.
WELVE
JL
years ago, the war that was kindled by the
French revolution was represented to be exclusively worthy
of the attention of Americans. While the French were pul
ling down their government, nothing seemed so fine us their
one
is, the jacobins have got their object, and our govern
ment is down; the other is, the mask of French hypocrisy-
has dropped
off,
or
is
we can
and
to consider
Our
They
REFLECTIONS ON
292
to the trade
with
St.
may by
its
at
emperour think
its
interdiction is better,
no doubt
WE
harm do we
It is childish to inquire,
what
We
to please
him,
it is
effective
for
France and
hostility
England.
NOR
is
ernment
293
in
all
The con
up the void
that
The
and prolong
this exclusively
France as a
political
phenomenon,
the successors of
THE Romans,
Mahomet
in like
the
manner, contended,
In conquering
them and
Romans
REFLECTIONS ON
294
chains, and to
of Greece,
the
quenched with
it fell
its liberty.
without a contest.
had an
infinite
number of men,
his
filled
its difficulty.
with barbarians,
who had
not the sense nor perhaps the power to unite against Cesar,
and they fell in succession. Spain resisted longer and more
desperately, but not as a nation combined to resist an invader,
but by endless partial insurrections to throw off its chains.
THE power
composed
ye<
many
THUS
to
it
had
FRANCE,
in like
ercised in arms.
is
now
floor
by
her hatred of Prussia, her dread of France, and, perhaps, her
Fear and policy will both
still greater dread of Russia.
to
make her subservient
Buonaparte, unless he should prefer
the active assistance of Prussia to that of Austria.
He seems
On
this supposition,
we can
alliance against
its
was the care of all, the ambition of France was more trouble
some than
this
formidable.
gymnasium,
in
which
THE WAR
IN EUROPE.
295
The
victor.
Less fighting,
done.
all
her ardour
more than
is
awakened by
work
will
ary resources. The Dutch and Italians sow, and the French
reap. Sic vos non -uobis fertia aratra doves. Old Rome, after
the conquest of Macedonia, subsisted for more than a hun
dred years by tributes without taxes. Mahomet, Genghis
taxes,
NOR
will the
army
is
CAN
from
it
be,
some
fled
swept
all
the
comrades
in
REFLECTIONS ON
296
efforts against
it
the proud
Romans were
on their
new Roman
depend
domination. Russia
common
be the
moment
in this discussion, is
France.
cordial
enough
of any
the reduction of the power of
is
German
German
indemnities.
She
ing
in the
now
fills
These
Aus
tria, that the one should be neutral, and the other an associ
war is to be expected. In
and
an
money
English army should aid the
case English
allies,
Buonaparte would
BUT
eome
expensive
To
j
297
men of buckram
fit
million of volunteers.
It is
than frivolous.
The
strength of a
modern
state at
war
consists
land consumes
thus chained
its
down
men
and means
to the
sive system.
the
LET
not the
men
in
power
in
298
CHARACTER OF BRUTUS.
Firtt puHithed In the Repertory, Attgiisf, 1805.
B RUTUS
THIS
the
example worse
applied.
He
phy
had
arts,
or of his
The
people
kind master, and they lamented him. Brutus sum
them to make efforts and sacrifices, and they viewed his
lost a
moned
still
of the
officers left,
and among
men
whom
Brutus,
talents
for
CHARACTER OF BRUTUS.
WHATEVER
doubt there
may be
299
his actions
were conformed
to his principles.
become
the champion and martyr of liberty, and will flourish and look
green in declamation, as long as the people are prone to be
lieve, that those are their best friends,
ASK
sination
Would
question is a horrible insult.
and
in
his
smile
while
face,
you practise hypocrisy
your con
is
to
and
him into
his
confidence
to
lull
spiracy
ripening,
gain
benefactor
No.
The
away
his
life
the bare suggestion, feels his blood thicken and stagnate at his
heart. Yet in this picture we see Brutus. It would, perhaps,
be scarcely just to hold him up to abhorrence it is, certainly,
;
HE
To
kill
a tyrant,
is
as
they loved their safety, their ease, their sports, and their
favourites a great deal better. They quietly looked
demagogue
it
to the legions of
Anthony, and
CHARACTER OF BRUTUS.
300
games
killing of a tyrant,
its
SHALL we be
because
But
it
will
Is
it
to
overcome our
become a
of a state
is
part of our
to be stabbed or
calm in despotism
BUT when
has
it
as in liberty.
to extinguish tyranny
nature
is
teeth.
To
must
we must
fortify
CHARACTER OF BRUTUS.
liberty.
When its
friends
become
301
indolent or disheartened,
it
is
will for
fear is the
They
will
aug
HAVE we
of Brutus
is
.302
ON THE PROSPECT
OF
AT
We
expected
to
latter.
is to
The
be renewed
and Denmark,
IT
is natural,
is foretold.
much
in their inception
promise
in their progress.
all
first battle
is
almost
one another
No
jealous
NEW
COALITION.
303
infinitely less
war from
calculation. It
may
part in
first
It
may be
but her
and
Europe
means
said, that
she
may dread a
England
she
is rich,
and
will
supply
expense will not be left, after all the English guineas are count
ed in St. Petersburg, to be defrayed by the Russian govern
ment. These are reasons, therefore, for a natural apprehension,
that the efforts of the Russians will be made upon a less scale,
and with less energy, and continued for a much shorter time,
than any man will prescribe for effecting the only rational
object of a continental war, a reduction of the colossal power
All independent nations must quake within sight
and almost within touch of their fetters, till this is done.
of France.
AND,
France
to
do
it
surely,
is
necessary.
neck,
if
the
a confederacy
is
a rope of
sand, and will break to pieces, or, at least, manifest its total
inefficiency, in a year. But, as soon as the English nation can
much
its
XEW
304
COALITION.
may
especially,
of a longer perseverance.
dismembering ambition would
quench all hope of tranquillity in Europe. It would also inevi
tably dissolve any coalition that could
FRANCE
new empire.
all
All
that
do, will be
maintain them,
French, as
Rome,
Neither
arms can
be formed.
much
it
is,
French vanity
will not,
extravagant project.
men
first
then
make
BUT
To
Jight
other nations
may
to her
former
size, so that
and independence,
NEW
COALITION.
305
hopes
fears
ephemeral
While they
last,
For England
safety.
is
still
we
alone,
down
to the
repeat
combat.
it,
To
is
pledged, is pin
and take blows
sit
brings
life
its
and honour.
The
it
By
eighteen
when
at all,
she contends for the reduction of that power, she enjoys both
existence and glory.
She is, therefore, to choose war, not as
a state preferable to peace, but preferable to the ignominy of
every
be irresistible)
England
weapon of wur, and
a soldier or sailor to wield it.
The minister will
thing in
will
become
every man
have reason to rely on the &bundaxic
is
more
to the
will
of resources,
..
nd,
what
39
NEW
306
COALITION.
coalitions
at
mercenary
laugh
can have no commerce
by
can buy.
THESE
persons
years standing
or a campaign
attend
it is
is to
many
many
human
is
made,
in
307
Library.
Of
JL
HE
power of France
is
so tremendously preponderant,
must wish
too see
it
reduced.
United
States deserve one half the praise they take to themselves for
good sense, such must be their wish. Men s heads and hearts
must be indeed
To
nations.
they would
put
it
incline,
the question
mestick tyrant over our own. Every lover of liberty and inde
pendence must, therefore, of necessity, be the enemy, as far
as wishing goes, of the French arms in the present great
contest. He will anxiously inquire, is the new coalition likely
to reduce the
French power
WHEN
ready to exclaim,
To this
time, the odds of numbers is against her.
who
of
armies
add
the
are
we
the
Swedes,
English,
array
is
and
Hun
it
the
Austrians
thousand,
said,
embarking,
fifty
the
first
garians, who may yet rise en masse to reinforce their emperour, and the immense body of Russians, who are kept
ready to enter Germany and Italy.
very soon count up a
We
men
million of
on pa}ier, and
we
MEN
millions of
in arms,
may want ;
308
Add
French
France
to
outnumber
their
enemies
in the
to this,
is as
ANOTHER
consideration, of no
is
surrounded by
German
little
moment,
states
circles
to France,
mode
Italy.
It will
be asked,
who
are told
tries
and
Italians, as if
be
and disposed
to
of servitude.
it
is
evident, the
AND FRANCE.
jects of her enemies.
309
we
we can doubt
the
government
most formidable despotism existing on the face of the earth,
and can draw forth those means. Of men and warlike re
sources, then, France has enough.
moreover,
IT
is,
little,
that the
is
infirmities.
can resist
it,
yet
whose
is a
its
first
indeed, to display
us
hills, that
really interest,
nothing
sufficient
he must
number
nary share of
give
ail
inveterate,
aggravating.
ed
in riot, is
more
most capable of
energy.
Every thing
is
alluring in
at
its
all
reach.
that
All
310
France has teemed with ambition, like the earth in seed time.
These circumstances have imparted to the French character,
always highly susceptible, a most extraordinary energy. And
if any persons, wedded to a favourite system, shall please to
say, that, as the hope of liberty is now extinguished, the French
are no longer ardent enthusiasts, but reluctant slaves, let them
be told, that the ardour for glory remains, though the passion
for liberty is
intelligible, and,
be
it
added, a
more enchanting
in a
pursuit.
more
They
believe, that they know how to beat their enemies ; and that
they do not know how to prevent or remedy the oppressions
of their rulers.
It will be conceded, also, that the revolution
has brought forward the ablest generals, and that Buonaparte
ADMITTING,
commanded, and
enough,
have the double advantage of
strict discipline
numerous
it is
The
better,
is certainly
is
if
first
AND
is
much
lesced powers
cam
out to resist
all
*
Frenchmen
pity
it is,
not
Injustice to the writer of these speculations, it must be remarked, that they were pen
least ten days before the report arrived of the capture of thirty thousand Austrian*.
ned at
Etiif*r.
AND FRANCE,
311
WE
shall
by
defeats,
spirit.
be told in reply,
French
it is
But
Bourbons there
:
revolution.
The Bourbons might pardon rebels
and usurpers ; but could they employ them all, or trust any of
them ? Could they refuse to employ, or trust the emigrant
nobility, who have borne exile and poverty with them ? Yet
work of the
this
WHERE, then,
make
is
Where
is
as France,
we
little
to fear
say, still
from
smarting
corrode
it
might break
with rust
limbs
its
in fifty years
it
may
and time
be
still
will slowly
hateful to
its
We
have not
neighbours, and dreadful only to Frenchmen.
the most to hope from the powers, that are nearest its own
size
longest resistance : we
have before assigned, it
is
our
belief, the
it is
now
French despotism
:
if it
will
312
its
finished.
to the question,
so perpetually recurring to
to
conquer England?
IT is commonly said, if the British navy did not protect that
island, it would be certainly conquered. This is no part of our
creed.
is
faction in England,
which
in the
is
now
equally destitute of
courage
to
maintain
it,
even
if
coast of Essex.
WITH
these opinions
it
it
as the attempt
execution, there
serious intention to
is
make
GREAT BRITAIN,
for hindering
Englishmen
are, unhappily,
AND FRANCE.
will ultimately fail of their object.
others, too
little
They depend
313
much on
too
on themselves.
down
more
to rest
sion.
to
.he sleeps, to
If,
by the inva
her .enemy
them.
tary
We Americans
seamen.
consumes
all
British goods
all
England.
WHAT,
then, are
we
it
affects
England, but that it will deceive her hopes and aggravate her
embarrassments ? Standing alone, and depending solely on her
self, she is invincible. It is in her power without any material
diminution of her wealth, and with a diminished hazard of her
safety, to fight
France,
till
with
its
tions
till
314
&
II
Manh,
1806.
The means,
of his power, have failed of their effect, and have gone to swell
the Colossal mass that oppresses Europe his foes are become
:
Austria, the
his satellites.
German
Prussia, Naples,
states,
We
is
its
of space, and
is
HE
Roman domi
nation.
WE
may
her morals,
Rome
preserved
France be-
BUOXAPARTE
SUCCESSES.
315
Rome
Roman
to a gigantick stature
from
republick, after
having grown
soundness, rotted
its
when
it
died
ended
it.
The
lution
in turn,
made
the nation
as arise
from the
just
French ambition.
THUS
THUS
Italy,
government.
The
like
was done
in Holland
and Switzer
land.
BUONAPARTE
316
SUCCESSES.
was
iron,
to rule in the
and
it
that
when
we
an ostentation of
hostility to
England,
to
Are we determined
come
forward, with
to leave nothing to
in
our
but
to
volunteer
chance,
forging our chains ?
industry
intercourse laws.
sir
A HE
t/ie
Rc/iertory,
May,
1.
1806.
political
may
it
rope.
Rome
province, that
little
is
now
much as
who occupied a
in twelve years, as
The
Samnites,
a part of the
kingdom of Naples,
resisted the
after
had
enemy worthy
of
no
He proved an
and courage, yet he was
Roman
discipline
unsuccessful.
Rome.
WHEN
in arts,
ing prey to
Roman
ambition.
She
fell
witn
all
her confederated
ment
for factions in a
Whether
in their
Madisons stand or
Their
is
fugitive,
Old
Rome
had
DANGEROUS POWER
318
patriots, but \vho
theatre
seek
it
would expect
the gladiators ?
in the contests of party.
among
The
will be found,
seeming digression,
Rome
Rome,
Rome
all.
;
The Greeks
conquer Macedonia
Affecting a
allies of
and the
joyfully aided
to
we
do.
Roman
arms.
than one
It
enemy
was remarkable,
that
to fight at a time
fell
by the
title
of
it
in succession
was embittered
allies.
TRANCE
are over
it.
ON
With
naparte.
He
men
OF FRANCE.
to
319
s resist
frontiers, to
oppose them.
Yet
this
ed
its
BUT
still,
not daring to
or,
battle of Austerlitz
when we
point,
make
son
bosom
into Buonaparte
s.
To
them
from
it
all
that
men
make men
possibly can
d.
do,
DANGEROUS POWER
320
OLD Rome
each of
Two
or other Italian
made
allies
many
legions,
of the Latin
Such
an army routed the numberless forces of Mithridates and Antiochus. It cost the Romans more exertions to subdue Perseus,
king of Macedon, than to conquer all the East his phalanx, of
:
WOULD
all .the
millions
Rome, by the
world.
senate, create
a spirit that
would
When
we chose
that
make
than to
a calculation.
he
ple,
it
at
They
my
Is there a spirit in
of
it
in our rulers
Our
make even
call
them
WHY
forth.
domination
cency
it
is
unpopular
not seen at
all,
OF FRANCE.
321
because
we
money
much
as
we
to
our publick
love our
IT
is
ble of the
we
up
in
our
stalls,
as tamely as
The pen
our oxen.
summon
the enemies of
We
company our
would reap
all
The
DANGEROUS POWER
322
yoke ; but with the sole possession of a navy, the trans- Atlantick
provinces of France would not be distant.
WITH
fatal certainty,
with
which the power of France would reach us, and of the unre
sisting tameness, Avith which we should endure it, if France
should ruin the British naval power, what comments shall we
make on
and considerate
will be
flattery
We
THE
may
title,
triumph, that
to
is
for, as
long as the
not inevitable.
yoke
prevent our servitude, is faith
So far as our fate may depend
it is
fact, that
Let our
scribblers, then,
the people.
chief merit
is
grounded on his
Buonaparte
effect,
of,
and
St.
to carry into
Domingo
if,
without our
own
OF FRANCE.
active co-operation to cripple the
land,
maritime resources of
delay in
subverting the
323
Eng
country.
IF we love our country as
that the conquered nations of
we
ought,
we
we
This
American independence,
N.
IT
is
II.
to the
conquest of the
French
deemed
soldiers,
to be the
DANGEROUS POWER
324
no tenets can be true or wise, but their own. That all power
is derived from the people, and should be exercised for their
benefit, is a principle, of which they fancy the world was
ignorant, till it was discovered in the course of our revolution.
Considering themselves the sole depositaries of political truth ;
having in their hands her casket, where she keeps liberty, the
most precious of her jewels, they think our country is entitled
to
be not a
little
They
not only France, but the grand Turk, arid the dey of Algiers
should gather their unlettered rabble into primary assemblies,
and make them swear, with all the zeal and sincerity of opium
and brandy, to maintain the rights of man with their daggers
and their pikes.
ACCORDINGLY, when France said, and sung, and swore the
Above
all
realize
all
Fauxbourg of
St.
jails, to
exercise the
must have
higher than
risen,
when
its roof.
It
they saw
its
this rabble
army
and as a part of
The splendid virtues of France were
the national guards.
attributed to the exalted heroism of these men, who, it was
said, fought well, not because they were soldiers, but because
was arrayed
as a
body of Marseilles
patriots,
OF FRANCE.
325
The French
generals were
will
are
silly
new-moulded
nations.
We
and
its
use
both,
we
confess, are great ; but we do say, that their proper use is not
to face a veteran enemy. It is, indeed, very possible, that poli
tical enthusiasm, as well as religious fanaticism, may inspire
tude.
siasm, which
own army,
is,
or to
make
those of their
enemy
give way.
Expe
common men
much
European countries,
Men
are very
in -respect to their
and prin
commanders.
COMMON
but
it is
the
work of art
DANGEROUS POWER
326
but there
officers
War
Though
the
it is
a science,
it is
such only
than
all
whatever their
proper to
men,
if
them on
seldom
to do.
flinch
no
It is
less
they but
NOTHING
is
military institutions
all
their passions.
NOR
is
The
first
French
THE
first
day of
defenceless,
"
OF FRANCE.
327
Those
ries.
The
observation.
were no
Austrians had
French.
Who
of precaution.
is
now ignorant,
that Brissot,
and Barras,
IT
the
is
The
commencement
of the war.
Why
is
We
Why
Why
cipitated
DANGEROUS POWER
328
battle of Austeriitz.
immense
posed to do
upon
to
this,
They would be
as the Austrians
WHEN
use, they
battle
depended on the
OF FRANCE.
fight,
329
shot.
BY means
lines
would be forced.
he retreated,
THUS we
was
it
By
swift
resisting,
he met his
fate
and
if
ble superiority over the Austrians, and lately over the Rus
sians, in the field, that the Spaniards possessed over the Mexi
cans.
The
They
THE
French
we cannot
victories
suppose them
series, that
happen again,
if
to
again to resistance.
FROM these positions this melancholy inference is to be
drawn : the continental enemies of France are totally incapable
of resisting her in the field she has taken a permanent ascen
dant over them. Austria, humbled and beaten, is in no condi
:
Prussia,
without risking the combat, has fullen prostrate with her use
less arms in her hands.
Russia, like the ancient Parthia, is
invincible, but insignificant to the
DANGEROUS POWER
330
to
The
them.
were
regular
army
is
spread over
all
if it
all
collected,
it
IT
is
Pitt s administration,
the comedy of an
getting
THE
army
u/i
is in her
navy.
writer has been brought very late, and loath, to believe,
that the military resistance of the continental nations of Europe
The
would be
that the
ineffectual.
Events have, at last, convinced him,
French actually possess a greater and more decisive
new
irresistible.
If
that navy, he
The
would
OF FRANCE.
ARE
331
more
com
pany,
present sovereign
Spain and Italy are provinces
Turkish empire, and all the
the
Greece,
already.
Egypt,
shores of the Mediterranean were once the patrimony of the
its
chains,
that could be
that
would
than
they>
still
more
We
abject
should be
ready, not merely to take, but to buy our chains, and to pay
last dollar as a fine for the temerity of our resistance.
should patiently sow our fields, and see our kindly seasons
We
our
Our
posterity, born in
country
and,
if
fail
them
to array
an army of base
Ameri
DANGEROUS POWER
332
THE
to exact
IT
is
arti
our ruin.
rity is, no doubt, wisely and mercifully hidden from our view.
Yet the issue of the contest between France and Great Britain
is
so
momentous
curiosity
the combatants.
GRANT
THE
He
made
ministry.
discerned, and
it is
has been the opposer of the war, ever since 1793, and as he
and a large number of his most strenuous adherents are admit
ted to power, it may be expected, that he will insist on propos
Proud as Buonaparte is, he would joyfully
ing a negotiation.
WE
will not
is
bound
He may
in
say
circum-
OF FRAWCft.
533
to
but that
nation, while
it
would put
of Buonaparte.
WHAT
know
is
We
not.
member
the war,
safe,
ARE
came
till
French
all
men, and
visit
THIS
is certain, his
dwindled
rosity,
THERE
is
when Mr.
Pitt last
came
He
to stand with
WHEN
in
the death of
DANGEROUS POWER
334
mutual
satisfaction.
and as able as he
is
As
lord Grenville
we
honest,
is
an honest man,
a.
man
he could pre
vail over his majesty s aversion to Mr. Fox, without being
personally responsible for his conduct and principles.
WHEN
it is
men
THE
when we
is
the
more
think
probable, too,
advert to the
Mr. Fox.
of
known
we
sincerity
stronger, than
and those who
will believe,
who
Mr. Windham love their country too well, and its dangers are
imminent to permit us to believe, that they are disposed,
too
ON
of the war.
is
sense and
mag
in the nation, to
The
its
burdens
OF FRANCE.
war
to
in parliament,
discontent
now
in the ministry.
who used
They may
say,
accustomed
might
33.5
war
tried,
UNDER
these circumstances,
may
it
Such another
the populace will see, that the continuance of the war is the
hard, but inevitable, condition of English liberty and indepen
dence.
If
we
tish
more
difficult
problem.
N. III.
THE sufficiency
mous expenditures
We
of the war,
within and without, and they have never hesitated to use it.
Their armies flourished, while their artisans starved, and
their farmers desponded.
The
decline of
all
employments
DANGEROUS POWER
336
but that of arms, so far from stopping the course of their vic
tories, materially contributed to accelerate it.
THE
free
government
We
what
is
IN
this extremity,
ernment ought
The
why
jacobin
members
trust
off
sponge
of our administra
it
The
so long.
and painfully
try the
We
all
debts for
sake
its
but?
IT
is true,
cient one,
necessity,
when
it
though
its
it is
existence,
it is
but
government.
when there
manifest that
it
is
is
suffi
There
is
any reason
it
OF FRANCE.
not only
makes
its
own
law, but
its
own
33r
evidence.
It
comes
much
impossible as resistance.
then, the sufficiency of the plea of necessity to
vindicate the withholding of the interest of the British national
ADMITTING,
be made out.
fact, that
such necessity ex
We have
ists, is still to
nation,
still it is
debt
is
that
makes
all
It
an
Necessity
is
a law
justify
such
act.
Now,
government
WE
ment
little
is
know
so
pay them.
sume
Nevertheless,
hope
it is
suming poor
DANGEROUS POWER
338
war.
The time, we believe, has come to justify all practica
ble reforms of expenditure and improvements of the revenue,
rather than a resort to violent and arbitrary remedies of any
sort
FOR
How
ples.
is
the
first
from the
property
soil,
we
believe,
all
monarchy.
WHEN
The
clergy will ( stand next, on the black list ; the nobles will
Will the many continue patient under the pressure of
taxes, when the plunder of the few is so familiar a substitute ?
follow.
is
kept
alive
THE
national debt
is,
We cannot
OF FRANCE.
to the property in the funds, as the
339
its
tracting party.
To
those, however,
who may
mere
suggested.
MANY
persons
may
them
to its principle.
THE
tion
its utility.
off,
and
all
the
Who
would lend
size
some by
its
effect to
necessity ?
ON the whole,
should defend
is it
its liberty
may
DANGEROUS POWER
340
some
sures and
good
its
to
it
prone enough
its
necessity, that
prosperity
the loss of liberty
is
its
become corrupt)
policy. It
ought
to
all
make men
its
good
are
mea
faith is
example of a
governments, which
all
is
to
protect property.
This
is
not
all.
It will
Such
is
how
much
Such a
poorer the nation would be by sponging it off.
measure would aggravate necessity but we cannot conceive
;
how
it
IT
is,
temporary adoption.
therefore,
we
how
The work
It
of destruction
is
any thing
left to
destroy.
Its hostility
OF FRANCE.
would be
felt
341
alid derided
by that
of France.
<
WE know not
their
how
enormous charges
will find
because
it,
it
exists,
and enough of
it,
in the hands of
WE
ble evils of a bankruptcy, and that they will find means to avoid
If a sense of common danger ever unites men, the British
it.
hope they
will
and
if
we
prove unconquerable.
then, that Great Britain will not be forced to
ADMITTING,
from the
long and with what prospect of success she can pursue the war.
IT does not appear, that she could not prosper in commerce
if
to think a
definite
jugation by France.
cestors, if they
WHILE
is
content in England.
minished,
if
fit
di
out no
DANGEROUS POWER
342
an
efficient
to strike her
to provide
attack.
The employment
ability
On
the ocean.
insist, that
lie at
the contrary
; let
its
pro
and expert,
we
rages are perpetrated within the waters that form part of our
such as no circumstances can justify. Can there
jurisdiction,
capable of being soon the second naval power, (in our own
seas, the first,) we are utterly helpless : that, in the opinion
We
its
use, than
its
protection,
merce by
com
non-importation.
WHILE,
therefore,
we
the abuses of the British naval power ; while we strongly reppobate the cowardice, or folly, or both, that leaves our country
OF FRANCE.
defenceless,
when
it is
injured,
we must view
343
as an interest
it
WHAT
for,
if she
Much enough
time trade
to
make
the dis
mari
THE
would
shrivel,
We
selves,
against France.
344
NON-INTERCOURSE ACT.
First publisJied in the Repertory, August, 1806.
still,
that the
must go
off,
who
is
so notoriously afraid of
a gun, shall, before the day fixed for his fate, turn from the
errour of his ways, and by repentance obtain Mr. Jefferson s
mercy.
No one
will
this subject
it
that
or
which ivc
two sides
her
how much
and
if
our resent
ment
shall
to expect
Monroe,
to avert
"
Mr. Gregg
s^,
s,
to frenzy, as party
men,
so that, as patriots,
we
feel
and fear
NON-INTERCOURSE ACT.
345
nothing
no terrours
look so far
whatever
it
may
who never
is, we
to the politicians,
be owing
to,
the fact
if
to
make us
think
cold."
"
We
much more
tinized,
closely than Mr. Nicholson is capable of
of
the
our assumed opinion, that Great Britain
doing,
grounds
has such great reason to be afraid of us and, probably, we should
;
deceived our
is
To
But be
it
to bully.
may lead to
He
begins
to yield to his
paper bullets.
New acts must be passed, still more angry than Nicholson s.
Popular rage grows out of commercial distress, and w ar fol
T
lows.
If this course be
THE
federalists say,
Mr. Jefferson
44
Certainly not.
NON-INTERCOURSE ACT.
346
what
is to
be feeble
WISE
be clone
What
Is
act,
short of
of such
hostile
weighs
little
We
7
Mr. Nicholson
s act,
if
Great Britain, in
importation into
tobacco.
will,
poly
but
is
They
no doubt,
retaliation for
December next,
rice, cotton,
the
and
mono
347
N.
First inilllshed in the
V>HARLES
II,
I.
Rci>ertor
j,
Octdw,
ISOfi.
secretly, a catho-
and his subjects were, ninety nine out of a hundred, proHe was fond of arbitrary power and his people
testants.
lick
unbounded popularity, he
lost it all,
and deserved
to lose
it,
ACCORDINGLY, through
English nation suffered
from
his
thing,
misconduct.
XIV.
Louis
to pursue, but
in the
ment
BY
power of England
of
F ranee
been shed
negotiated by
sir
318
France
her ancient
to
limits, probably
without a war.
But,
though
it
to
who have no
interest in the
when he
This
vile
loses his
But a magis
throne, he cannot expect to preserve his life.
trate chosen to play the part of a king for four years, may have,
and, if he feels a low ambition, will certainly think he has, an
man, very little connected with the temporary
interest as a
end of four years, and very little of the publick evils, that will
He hidden from the eyes of the people for the next seven.
IT would be childish,
to think a
demagogue
will be a disin
make
the
and the publick evils will happen, at last, with all the
;
aggravation that improvidence and folly can bring.
make no comparisons we leave the reader to apply
later
WE
facts, as
he
may
think
them
applicable.
But,
we must
con-
349
made them
left,
N.
THE
IT.
died, to 1688,
when James
We
erty.
memory
BUT
HENCE
it
was, that,
doctrines subversive of
when
the infatuation of
all
liberty.
James
II.
had
to dethrone
him, (and
Orange,
the folly of James did more towards it than the arms of Wil
liam) the English parliament cautiously and timidly admitted
the principles of the revolution.
To unmake kings, seemed
to
them
and
a work, that
less necessity,
less
fol-
and
at
350
I.
The
death of the
her
brother, the
the
and
now
holds
his power.
of her brother
s right,
351
\vere possessed of
nation.
BUT
began
whigs
and triumphs. The
THE new
tion of the
wished
for
THE
in
command;
and such was his superiour talent, that he had every reason,
to expect to strip Louis XIV. of all his conquests, and to re
duce him
defeat the
The
finest writers of
joined the tory cause with their pens ; and at length the new
ministers dismissed the duke of Mariborough, and privately
352
THUS we
at
length effected.
its
Heaven
own.
forbid, that
France should
at last
N.
III.
to scrutinize
If
it.
Mr.
now we
it rather worse "than doing nothing at all, our respect for Mr.
Jefferson s policy ought to decline, or his friends ought to look
out for some other more solid props to support it.
if,
on inquiry,
it
spirit,
promptness, and
government
is
liberality
now
willing
FACTS, which often spoil the work of party, facts will shew,
no sooner had the war for the succession of the daughter
that
353
began
DID
sions sprung
embassy
to Paris to
beg
for
it
and,
when
it
then spend
for
it
fifteen to
buy
it
and, after
buying
it
again
When
for leave
Spain encroached
was our
interest,
We
by obtaining
it,
groundless
fears of retaliation.
make
mother country
my
have refreshed
vengeance,
till
my
45
354
liament had sitten with closed doors, the king might have talked
two languages,
Mr.
like
GREAT BRITAIN
Jefferson,
at
clared in Europe.
Mr. Jefferson
totally unlike.
Compare them.
Ne
ROME
IV.
its
it
very birth.
was subject
It is true, for
to kings
but
the spirit of liberty was never more lofty at any period of its
long troubled life, than when Rome was governed by kings.
ruled every
FOR
Roman
thirty years
breast.
minute,
both rcpubiicks.
They are
different
but
why
glorious.
the infancy of
they are different,
it
355
to tell.
of ours.
SOON or late every great nation will act out its character.
As we do not aspire to glory, we shall never reach it and our
;
at last
WITHOUT
we make honey
sheep, and we build
we
we
bees, we carry
nests like the birds, not
like the
X.
A".
MACHIAVEL,
Whence, he
?
In Rome, every thing
and
reason
and in Florence by
by
expostulation
the sword. In Rome they wished to employ their great men
asks,
was
settled
and
in Florence to
grew from
little
Accordingly, Rome
and Florence dwindled from great
exterminate them.
to great
to little.
356
BUT what
?
If every grave-stone of a
a
bore
of
wisdom and of warning,
lesson
departed repubiick
the democrats would shut their eyes rather than look upon it.
They have no idea of any principles, except in their extremes,
when they
we must be
357
BRITISH ALLIANCE.
First publit/ted in the Repertory,
HOSE
JL
November, 1806.
to act
always by rule. In political affairs, there are no more selfconceited blunderers than the statesmen, who affect to proceed,
in all cases, without regard to circumstances, but solely accord
POLITICKS
affairs
principles,
WE
will breakfast
it is
u
"
and
We
"
if
?"
BRITISH ALLIANCE.
358
Catos, and our Ciceros, and Favonii would say, the decision
circumstances, not on principles deduced a
must depend on
To
priori.
IT
is
therefore,
its
name
(in
s.
We
We
do require it.
hope, but
while they negotiate with France we scarcely know why we
hope, that British hearts, such stout hearts as our ever-renown
ed ancestors wore, will resist Buonaparte, till his despotism has
to assert, that at present they
spent
its
their spirit.
Nevertheless,
if
who would
An
tion, or
is that sort
of
folly
first
adopting.
WHENEVER,
their
liberties to
be seized
BRITISH ALLIANCE.
IF Britain
falls
359
British
pendence.
ponder.
that speedily,
when
the opposition to a
alliance
360
.1
JL
HE
commu
French
monarchy has become an exceedingly probable event and,
moreover, that
if
As, from the nature of our government, and the temper and
views of the parties that engross its powers, it is a thing ascer
we must
tained, that
master,
quire,
is
it
how
THE
among
And
since those, to
whom we
have
seem resolved
to
all
fall is
the only
we
Tamerlane should
ered our liberty, as we lost it, without effort ; that we had out
lived our conqueror ; that, instead of irritating his resentment,
we had prudently endeavoured to conciliate his favour by the
alacrity of
impair
the earth,
if
we had
hostile preparations
361
till
whereas,
we might
our rulers may
And
here
hope
to
IN
political conjectures
but experience
is
so
much determined
by
its
own
its
fifty
Roman
state
endured,
be called
may
Romans,
we
was scarcely one of the twelve hundred years that Rome sub
sisted, that her dominion was not odious or dangerous, and the
greater part of the time both odious and dangerous, to her
neighbours. The weight of her yoke was aggravated by the ar
government
will
touch
and even
lace of
Rome
46
DURATION OF
362
and
if a patriot
more regard
to justice,
Cyprus
we know any
thing of the
Rome.
capital not
merely as a
fortress, but
it
was the
"immobile
warlike
was
infinitely
more
so.
Modern
Roman
citizens
Romans excluded
In the early ages of the republick, and, indeed, till the time of
Marius, the Roman soldiers were the proprietors of the land.
The prodigious force of a state, though small in territory and
number
from
whose
Not long
of people,
this fact.
citizens
after
were
all
Rome was
soldiers, will
appear
taken by the Gauls,
FRENCH DESPOTISM.
363
At
and territory as then formed the Roman republick, nay, mod^ern Rome itself and the very same territory would be awed
into submission and kept in fear by a regiment of foot and two
It is far
Roman
lick.
states,
who
though there
It is true, that
is
none
in the
char
citizens.
was otherwise
common
in
Rome.
The
nobles were
all
world.
BUT,
the city of Rome were admitted into the armies, and the own
ers of land in Italy were expelled by force to make donations
After these events,
of farms to the conquering soldiers.
Rome
was
filled
of the people,
DURATION OF
364
ROME
her
institutions, but
THE
French armies
are,
Rome
much
larger
the Let
is
of this superiority,
are, at least, as
Romans were
to the
much
Mace
donians.
OUR
that the
wili
it
lust
two armies
will
win the
be won by victories,
but,
it is
though conquests may
what
means
conceive,
extremely
any conqueror can
to
maintain
them.
The
states
petty
possess long
bordering on
Rome were gradually, in a course of four hundred years, sub
dued by her arms nor was the final conquest achieved with
victory
difficult to
other foes
THUS
like
and
the insurgents of
Italy
La Vendee.
was moulded
him
after
armies.
sia is
When these
now.
Greece,
like the
it
was easy
to divide, it cost n
FRENCH DESPOTISM.
>36
and seized all the provinces of Asia more easily than their best
general could take the single cities of Carthage or Numantia.
THE
French keep on
foot
more
soldiers
but,
it is
to
be con
who
but on nations,
in the
number
of people.
Their
and vengeance
and there
is
many
years.
LONG
himself the
command
of
all
opportunity,
may we
emperour
DURATION OF
366
him on
and hereditary.
It is possible
become
so.
BUT
THE
The
conqueror
all
the citizens.
with
all
when once
it
was, that,
we hear no more of
their
The subjects
conquests, to preserve rather than to destroy.
are
contributions
;
oppressed by military
change masters they
;
FRENCH DESPOTISM.
367
sounder.
filled
that of
with citizens,
who were
all
soldiers
A degenerate
subjection.
BUT the people of
of France:
Na
Germany
thrones
SUPPOSING, then,
that the
French empire
is,
in its very
sufficient in the
end
coun
to
And, as mere
idle
wishes
unbecoming the wise and the brave, ought not the Ameri
can nation to make haste to establish such a navy as will limit
are
We
more than
have
much
We
We
68
N.
IV.
SUBJECT RESUMED.
Fffst pubtislied in the Repcrtonj^ March, 1808.
W HEN men
they should
passes all
ed their fell inspiration into the human heart. Their virulence
strikes the understanding blind, and blindness augments their
a civil war rages in the state, and, without resort
arms, quenches half the joys and all the charities of life.
virulence,
to
till
common
test
who
is
great crisis,
we
concur,
man would
Nevertheless,
MR.
tions
let
Jefferson has
from France
in
him of a
partial fondness
for
Buo
Love Buonaparte
No human being ever loved
naparte.
him. Love the crocodile love the shark, who feeds upon the
!
dead
369
from the
cradle,
States.
From
present
we
admit, that
say,
an oracle
made
power, we may be
Mr.
certain, that
he loves
in politicks,
it.
many
to get his
Nor can
choose to
own
limits.
and
Attila,
MR.
"
the scourge of
has
God,"
is
come
again.
Suppose
week
The wind
WE
Mr. Madison do
really believe
we
Without intending
lost hers.
if
to indulge in
the too
should
shall
America
fall
Shall
we
not
lie
con
queror s foot, and with servile, affected joy receive our chains
without resistance.
We
is to be won by
flattery.
remark, that some speakers in congress assume it as a thing
impossible, that an invading foe could make any progress in
our country.
Others,
47
in party
opposition to
DANGEROUS POWER
S7&
it,
seems
it
expose
THIS
no time
is
to trifle
let it
be exposed.
of
all
would
if
strip.
To
this let
it
to
some
well-
cities
prey.
THUS
remount
it
his cavalry.
ing two fifths of its force cavalry, with all the formidable
thousands of light artillery that brought Austria and Prussia to
his feet in a day. Would the American militia face this army ?
Suppose they do not then our cities, our whole coast, and all
would the millions
the open cultivated country are French,
on and near the coast take flight to the mountains ? Could
they subsist, or would they remain long unmolested there ?
Mountains, when no equal army was in the field, never did stop
tli
soldiers of Buonaparte.
LET
country, if
progress.
French would
we
are
OF FRANCE.
371
own men,
but
call in
St.
men
Had
in
thousand
faced
numbers
to the
French.
Near
were sent
Domingo.
we have
army equal
to
force, equal in
numbers
We think not.
LET Mr.
we
think
a year.
hundred
and he moved as
if
AT Long Island,
Washington was
totally defeated,
and might
He was
not
pursued.
considerably disciplined.
It is
years preparation
preparation ;
militia is a serious buffoonery.
When sir William Howe
forced our men from the field, he had no cavalry, and our men
irremediable destruction.
WOULD our
? Then the
pioneers
Shooting from behind fences
walls.
DANGEROUS POWER
3r2
measure
No, Mr.
man.
when
with impunity.
WITH an army less than two hundred thousand, but with
double the common proportion of cavalry, Buonaparte has over
run the
German empire,
formerly to
arm
all
continental
and
a million of soldiers.
THE
newly improved
tacticks,
and
French arms,
to their
All this, rare as our agreement with the democrats may be, all
this we believe and we solemnly warn Mr. Jefferson not lightly
;
We
least, as
much
The
the loss of the battle would be the loss of the country.
French would hold the coast by their fleet, and the interiour
by their army. Be it remembered too, that Canada would be
French, if Great Britain should be subdued, and the Floridas
and Louisiana, though she should not. Where, then, would
be the security of the mountains ? Much dreadful experience,
and more dreadful fears would follow the conquest, till at
length, like the rest of the world, we should enjoy the quiet of
despair and the sleep o slavery.
Popularity, as dear perhaps
as liberty, will be sought no more ; and we shall place our
OF FRANCE.
happiness,
if slaves
may
373.
still
WE
ration of our
We
our
troops enough
to believe, that
to
keep down
let
swear
and loved their liberty as well as men ever did yet they are
enslaved, and quiet in their chains.
Experience shews, that
;
men
mad,
They must be
trial,
has been
OUR
be
liberty,
be
is restraint.
but
We
WITH
resistless
too,
DANGEROUS POWER
374,
madness
to
To
fleet.
WE
we
them
if
fall,
We
trem
rage of a restless, unappeasable tyrant.
ble at the thought, that our own dear children will be in Buon
to the
We
him
Would you
stake the
make
life
against iron
we
life,
OF FRANCE,
375
navy.
HITHERTO we have
We have
We take
own.
it
it is
of
more
national
Amsterdam.
impor
If,
then,
we
He
"
;"
exult in the thought, that they are adequate to his end. God
forbid that they should be
God, of his mercy, forbid, that,
forefathers
led
our
after having
by the hand, and, as it were,
!
IT
is
he holds
it
Buonaparte.
among
DANGEROUS POWER
376
politicians could
as
it
If liberty should
fall,
will, if
solation to
tion.
BUT
conflict
is it
?
Great Britain
all
doubts of the un
her merchants.
He
ness, or to see her wither, like a girdled oak, and her tall trunk
life
of
her magnanimity.
we
But, as
we mean
Of course, we
He
is
Buonaparte
omni
art, avarice,
and
The
scarcity will
augment the price, so that the duty will not prevent the sale ;
on the contrary, there will be the strongest allurements of
The French government will be so far from able to
profit.
traffick, that we are rather to expect it will be
under the necessity of occasionally relaxing the rigour
After having for some time contemplated the
of its decrees.
effect of Buonaparte s decrees, we have gradually subdued
suppress the
itself
NOR
He
let
OF FRANCE.
He now
his purposes.
Let them
hate, if they
377
date
Mr. Jefferson
into an
alliance.
The world
master
allows no neutrality.
The
is
chimerical,
if
What
tral duties.
preservation
conformity with
ashamed of
tensions.
it.
Where,
then,
is
neutrality
Let us be
It is a sort
when the
WHY
regard no dangers but such as they apprehend from thefrhostility of party ? The earth we tread on holds the bones of the
Why
is in
v
would bring us
into subjection.
48
378
WE
who
our country,
that obstacle
and
him in.
THIS is not
weight with his own party gives him, and stop the progress
of our fate.
do not ask him to go to war with France.
Consult prudence, and renounce the affection of that false
We
alliance with
combat,
let
us not,
when we
Library
THE DANGERS
OF
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
WRITTEN IN THE BEGINNING OF THE YEAR
1805.
IN February
Liberty,"
his
fulfil his
delusive theories.
It does
not appear, that the author ever resumed his subject, or that the manuscript was
after that period, until since his death. Yet it is thought not improper to gratify
opened
Sic
tibi
jjersuade,
me
dies et
f]iie sint.
Be
safety
its
if it
hud been
finished,
welfare.
nodes nUdl aliud agere, nihil curare, nisi ut mti cives salvi Uteri.
Ep. Famil. 1. 24.
wither day nor night have I any cares, any labours, but fur the
citizens.
AM
another
At
a time
FEAR,
depend on
+ The
counsel.
following
is
We
My dear Friend,
YOU
olusion, if your
life
and
faults
of
this
It
is
performance.
You
is
THE DANGERS OF
380
long* to
The
\7 ictions.
never stands
still,
more
pillars that
They, or
now
visibly
till
we
are
is liberty will
descent.
WE
We
have
broken to subjection, or hardened in imposture.
never
had
no
because
constitution,
they
they
made one and that their boasted government, which is just
insisted, that
;
up in it, without any resort to books. Of course, it wants more tacts, more illustrations,
Heal flourish into a
more exact method, to clmnge its aspect of declamation and
I know it is
When the children cried, or my head ached,
business performance.
unequal
the work flagged. To be of value enough for the author to own it, he must be allowed time,
enlist bestow on it more thought, search for facts and principles in pamphlets and larger
iiiid
rhet>
Your s
truly.
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
what time and accident have made
381
it,
it
derived
its
stability,
We
have be
not for
BUT we
all
tfake
THERE
is,
of those
who
has proved,
who need
fatal to liberty.
They
consider her as a
it
ever
nymph,
her seducers.
They
say,
while a faction
is
a minority,
it
will
legitimate.
who
counterfeited, bears
WHERE,
all
all
the force of a
liv
ing divinity.
then,
it
will
who propagate
THE DANGERS OF
382
avenue they
sect, to introduce a
own enemies
Is
?
If
for
this only
the
possible
people
king
it
all
by
government were
ous fears of
amendments
THESE
some
its friends,
rise resplendent
were evidence
much wisdom
creed.
FOR any
pression,
it
so stubborn,
it
will
resistance of national
vanity
the very wise, (and in every state they are the very few) that
our democratick liberty is utterly untenable ; that we are de
But
sword.
ALL
unwelcome
task
is,
perhaps,
superfluous
ments
whom
though the
most
violent.
It is also true,
simple
any
sorts.
It is, nevertheless,
fact, that
there
to the other
is scarcely
the world, that, according to American
so mixed and combined as to be favourable to the
civil constitution in
ideas, is
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
liberty of the subject
383
patriot
to
his
liberty,
is
all
impose on,
which
prehensive definition,
the British, admit a most formidable portion of arbitrary power ;
whereas, in America, no plan of government, without a large
mo
is
affairs of
the laws steadily and firmly carried into execution, these e fiects,
in which every lover of mankind must exult, will not be attend
party,
This is certain, the body of the federalists were always, and yet
are essentially democratick in their political notions. The truth
is, the American nation, with ideas and prejudices wholly demo
cratick, undertook to frame, and expected tranquilly, and
with energy and success, to administer a republican govern
ment.
IT
tution
is,
was
could bear
my
belief, that
failed, if it
THE DANGERS OF
384
Lycurguses
sider, but
in the
may
for the
We
may
kill.
or ambitious
trial
The danger
only freed from legal restraint, but invested with pubiick power.
The known propensity of a democracy is to licentiousness,
THE
THE
federalists relied
much on
that they
arise in our "happy country, or, if they should, that the citizens
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
385
would remain calm, and would walk, like the three Jews in
Nebuchadnezzar s furnace, unharmed amidst the fires of party.
IT is needless to ask, how rational such hopes were, or how
far
THE
THE
is
it.
has long
project of arranging states in a federal union,
ral union,
ration.
be sued.
as
it is
members
that the great states are not willing, and cannot be compelled
to obey the union, it is manifest, that their ambition is most
of
them small
in extent
amendment demonstrates
states,
But the
the
overwhelming
combining together to
engross the
management
49
states,
and thus
Hence
it
THE DANGERS OF
386
was devoted
to her rival,
Athens
was inhabit
it
THE
Grecian
states,
composed
existed.
Greece
call
it.
arm
to
god of
that temple,
all
because
and raged for more than ten years. In the progress of it, the
famous Philip of Macedon found means to introduce himself
it
as a party
final
iicks.
success,
first
moment
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
jilanned the subjugation of Greece
years he accomplished his purpose.
387
ed by the Thessalians
to assist
them
liberties
were extinguish
ed for ever.
HERE
let
Americans read
their
own
history.
frail
Here
will be
states, that
let
the
com
in
tory lies
THE DANGERS OF
388
to republicks,
"
BUT
The most
late.
because
it
will not
be instructed.
FROM
Rome
and are
we
and he
to
power
is
will inquire,
Is the sovereign
Is Virginia to
be our
them
ning
ness
in delusion,
wretched
in
to
be contrary impulses,
it
really lead
THE
among
all
Her
her neighbours.
or oligarchy.
may
all
Whatever
demo-
is to
throw
power
knaves
it
is
into the
to
leader.
to gain a factious
power
in a state,
it,
to
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
389
Virginia
is
hands
but, as soon as
ciate of our
arms and violence, and leans on his sword as the only prop
Such a conqueror, jealous and fond of no
thing but his power, will care no more for Virginia, though he
may rise by Virginia, than Buonaparte does for Corsica. Vir
ginia will then find, that, Ijke ancient Thebes, she has worked
tion to
of his dominion.
THERE are
though
to a
man
is inordinate,
own
fetters.
will doubt^
power
it
in their states,
convenient to
at
BUT there are not many, perhaps not five hundred, even among
who yet allow themselves to view the progress
of licentiousness as so speedy, so sure, and so fatal as the de
the federalists,
monstrate that
THE
it
must
be.
truth
We
We
listen to the
-nights restless with visions of horrour.
clank of chains, and overhear the whispers of assassins.
We
mark
tims offered in
sacrifice.
THE DANGERS OF
390
THESE
reflections
may
Who
would choose
fates, or to
that is
tiny, is
IT
may
pensities, since
The thoughtless and ignorant care for nothing but the name
of liberty, which is as much the end as the instrument of
party, and equally fills up the measure of their comprehension
and desires. According to the conception of such men, the pubnever perish it will enjoy immortality, like the
dead in the memory of the living.
have heard the French
lick liberty can
We
in the fancied
It is remarkable,
and good sense, found it a popu
lar seasoning of his harangue, six years after Julius Cesar had
established a monarchy, and only six months before Octavius
all
his dignity
totally
destined to the
command
of
all
nations.
is
Roman
liberty."
Such men
danger,
till it is
titudes, that
WHAT
is
irretrievably
lost.
It is
the velocity of
its
fall
Not the
is
a pure democracy.
excesses or retard
its
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
391
quence,
not
and, of conse
two
evil spirits
Are we
Will
to
this
be
be
any vestige of those manners left, but in Newin New-England their authority is con
and
even
England
Are our civil and religious
tested and their purity debased.
tion
Where is
themselves and so
much
avowed
in
maxims
of our ancestors.
We
are
generate descendants.
Is the turbulence of our democracy to be restrained by pre
ferring to the magistracy only the grave and upright, the men
who
inspire confidence,
command
admiration
sarcasm by
men
of both parties.
men.
The
might provoke
bow, and with the arrow of Philoctetes to
the immedicable wound.
have no Juvenal ; and if
it
such
We
THE DANGERS OF
392
we
to
he might
and
to
immor
tality.
their
it all
own
fury,
and
make
it
it is
risen,
on the
political world.
;
derstanding of the
supplying an endless stimulus to their imagination and passi
ons, it has rendered their temper and habits infinitely worse.
where
human
affairs.
It will change, but it is difficult to conceive
how, by rendering men indocile and presumptuous, it can change
societies for the better. They are pervaded by its heat and
its activity.
While it has impaired
every just government can employ in selfhas imparted to its enemies the secret of that
that
it
Avildfire, that
attempting
to
quench
SHALL we then be
quate check
to the
it.
an ade
Is
it
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
to
393
be denied, that the press has been the base and venal instru
ment of
ascent
men whom
ought
to gibbet to universal
the very
abhorrence
it
and
abominations
justify their
it,
Or, while
to
it is
still
depend
midst of the
"
believing what
believe
-
is false,
all this,
after
unconquered
OUR
when
it
it,
how much
it still falls
short of
its
pro
we choose
to persevere, be
is,
that in political
affairs,
which wise
men
We
forget, that in
how much
We
never reaches
much is unwelcome to
they may still maintain
tention.
We
seem
party prejudice
how
THE DANGERS OF
394
their conscience.
gle despot
tates
who avowedly
is
its
dic
BUT our manners arc too mild, they tell us, for a democracy
Our morals are
then democracy will change those mariners.
too pure
then it will corrupt them.
checks
It is
will scarcely
Is
down
men
it
will
it
Though
and
the evil
we
is
let
fancy
we can
see a
all,
remedy
our opinions.
IT is undoubtedly a salutary labour, to diffuse
we
think,
floating in
among
the
for the
will
is,
that
we
AMERICAN LIRERTY.
595
Now
mours.
of
all
desires,
or so impatiently endure
form
it,
none
will so
much need
restraint,
then
to rival,
and
who
finally to
will
usurp
the powers of the state ; and of the sons of -vice, who are the
enemies of law, because no just law can be their friend. The
want to govern the state ; and the others, that the state
sense of common interest will
should not govern them.
soon incline these two original factions of every free state to
coalesce into one.
first
So
far as
some
creature of fiction
in the heart.
it is every
body in the fancy, but nobody
Love, to be any thing, must be select and exclu
;
We
sive.
may as well talk of loving geometry as the common
wealth. Accordingly, there are many who seldom try to reason,
and are the most misled when they do. Such men are, of
necessity,
least of
Hence
it is,
zeal
and exertions.
mass of people
their
is
mies.
Thus, a free
society,
liberty, is
often ranged into rival factions, who mutually practise and suf
fer delusion by the abuse of the best names, but who really
THE DANGERS OF
396
if
not
ble.
its
s fallen
more of both,
as
he
is
make
new
favourite, and
Who
among
the
owes
little
his greatness
does not swell
men
great
minute to
THE
late
But the instant they can supplant him, they will spare
neither intrigues nor violence to effect it.
Thus, a democraand revolution.
with
faction
its
nature
teems
in
tick system
very
for a time.
Yet, though
is
it
immutable.
its
head,
its
character
is in
Its
constancy
change.
theory of a democracy supposes, that the will of the
people ought to prevail, and that, as the majority possess not
only the better right, but the superiour force, of course, it will
THE
prevail.
a less.
When a constitution
of a majority
ought to be done
The
votes
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
sand men, the government must
of two thousand nten.
call
397
It is, therefore,
is
it is
inefficient
every other,
it is
more
clearly express
upon one,
it
a faction
is
state,
the disposition
and the means to obstruct the laws, or, in other words, the will of
the majority, must be perceived to exist also.
If, then, it be
from its very nature, obliged more than any other gov
ernment to resort to force to overcome or awe the power of
faction.
This latter will continually employ its own power,
it is,
which
THE DANGERS OF
398
from its own defeats, and to avenge in the disgrace and blood
of magistrates the crime of their fidelity to the laws.
As the boastful pretensions of the democratick system can
not be too minutely exposed, another consideration must be
given to the subject.
THAT
government
certainly deserves
no honest man
love
or support, which, from tjie very laws of its being, carries terrour and danger to the virtuous, and arms the vicious with
ereignty but his own. This very boast implies as much of the
spirit of turbulence and insubordination, as the utmost energy
of any
keep
known
in restraint.
quenches the
last
it
erty to posterity.
tions, let
who
Waving any
power
in the
restraining the -vicious, they also are armed with power, for
they take their part : as they are citizens, this cannot be re
fused them.
Now, as they have an interest in preventing the
moment
will
which
it
is
ten
is
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
399
BUT
the -vicious,
we
shall
be
told, are
How many
What
shall
we denomi
man
writer s brain
nor, admitting
it
to
chimera of the
gence
The
in faction.
cold blood.
come
together in
They
yawn
They
to
triumph,
numbers
to
if
offended publick
With
a venal press at
at the
bar of an
command, concealing
their
enough
It is in vain,
people
will
it is
indeed childish
understand their
No
own
to say, that
affairs,
an enlightened
To
study
THE DANGERS OF
400
politicks, so as to
know
WHEN
means of information
Who,
then, will
the virtuous
exposed
fact,
no democracy
cy
itself,
as
to consider
we have attempted
democracy
to demonstrate,
as the worst of
all
ought we not
or, if
governments,
THE common
command
obedience
individuals,
;
and
if
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
401
WITH
whom
binations, of those
embolden
distance,
tion is a sort of
own
The
federalists
fact
for
what you
will, shall
exempt
itself
or,
but
its
single
51
is
our exe
Have we
not
THE DANGERS OF
402
amendments and
prose
so
we
Where,
manner as
to defend itself,
We
To most grown
will
seem
chimerical.
state
out the most painful and protracted conflicts with this foe ? or
expire any otherwise than by his triumph ? The spring is not
more
the serpent in the fen, and concocts his poison. Surely, ive are
not the people to contest this position. Our present liberty was
born into the world under the knife of this assassin, and now
necessary, then
When
it is
tile to
an end
remedy
MEN
the opinions
enough
world.
them.
And
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
403
Now,
is
ever in proportion
In a tyranny indi
mass of power
Hence
left in
to
citi
augment
it.
ment
as magistrates
would seldom
combine
and,
The
laws.
to
is
We
let
it
be
a supposition not a
little
its
THE DANGERS OF
404
is
who
never weakened by
defeat, nor discouraged by disappointment, again tries and wears
out the strength of the government and the temper of the peo
cannot be disarmed
baffled, but
ple.
It is
game which
is
playing, because they play for an empire, yet on their own part
hazard nothing. If they fail, they lose only their ticket, and say,
draw your
and
will, if
lottery again
if
the people will bring, which they will not long, from without,
some energy to hinder their success, it will be complete ; for
conquering parties never content themselves with half the fruits
of victoiy.
will
be con
own bar.
As property is
to
ing only for dominion, will search for the means of extending
or establishing it. They will, of course, innovate, till the ves
of restraints on publick authority,
tiges of private right, and
are effaced
all
privilege
and influence, and become even more abject and spiritless than
weak. The many may be deluded, but the success of a faction
and the power of the few can be
is ever the victoiy of a few
;
But there
is
no return
it
to liberty.
will debase.
What
the
fire
of
unmolested ignominy of
slaves.
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
BUT
405
litical
remedy
will kill.
Tyrants
be dethroned, and usurpers expelled and punished
but
the sword, once drawn, cannot be sheathed. Whoever holds it,
may
must
rule by
to the best
Though
it
men
is
ble to be dreaded
impending
fate, in
which alone
life
She
They
it
is
desire to
ed
For
if in
heroick flame,
its
effort,
and
lost
* This short
paragraph explains the writer s motive for presenting such a gloomy pic
ture of the affairs of our country. He hoped, br alarming llie honest part of onr citizen?,
to defer, or mitigate onr fine.
THE DANGERS OF
406
attention
thought, upon the scene and will they not fortify their nerves
to contemplate a prospect that is shaded with horrour, and
already flashes with tempest ?
;
It
1-
action
"
sun,
I tell
thee,
how
hate thy
tion
ment of
tionary for
Publick
its
faith
tion, for as it
merely
were fermenting
into civil
war
The
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
407
monarchy or
Po
aristocracy.
of
more
closely together;
in jealousy
to see
it
and
sink,
contempt. Hence
We
THE DANGERS OF
408
The
possessor.
states
sovereignty and the leading men in the great states, for the
small ones were inactive from a sense of their insignificance,
;
was
the governour
is
mere cypher,
When
itself.
the
men who
influenced the
state,
has
it
of
man had
slept in
America,
till
new
constitu
tion, the
ened
it
of frenzy.
THEN commenced
resolved, that the
or, if that
energy.
invective.
Before the new government had
done any thing, there was nothing oppressive or tyrannical
which it was not accused of meditating and when it began
its operations, there was nothing wise or fit that it was not
calumny and
did, but
people.
then,
The
when
all
is
changed
change of
rulers,
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
HE
is
409
who
will
government
is
to. inflame
and deceive
all
authority,
the
it
that
would reduce
it
its
measures and
states. *
in January, 1805,
when
52
bowed
their
proud necks
to
THE DANGERS OF
410
nites,
at last,
So
it
if states
its rivals,
We
Ox
more energy
that the
till
revolutionary changes.
Every faction that may happen
to rule will pursue but two objects, its vengeance on the
its
fallen party,
may
rise to contest
its
it.
it
no
the
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
Mazzei or Paine,
letters to
his
mean condescensions
his
to
411
nothing to the weight of his disgrace with the party that shall
To be their enemy will be disgrace enough,
supplant him.
and so far a refuge for his fame, as it will stop all curiosity
and inquiry into particulars. Every party that has fallen in
France has been overwhelmed with infamy, but without
If time and truth have furnished
proofs or discrimination.
of the ex-rulers, there has,
materials
for
the
vindication
any
ruffian
to
happens
be a hero.
Then chance no
longer has
becomes an
emperour.
THE
when
by many, Nova
Then,
it is still
hoped
ARE
will
never
?
sleep
over.
Not
till
Faction,
and born
first
its
we know,
and, as we
ment
power
to
compel, as well as
without reforming.
rise
by intrigue, may be
heads by
THE DANGERS OF
412
deeper intrigue
find is
try
is.
chief,
now
employed
who
has
agitations of
made
a nation
what they
This
last
we
who
to i.he
naturally
enough insist, that they enjoy more glory than any other
people, because they are more terrible to all.
THE publick reason, therefore, is so little in a condition to
re-establish the federal cause, that
it \vill
Do we not
own.
Dan ton
will
its
hands.
BY
political virtue is
meant
which
fell
amongst modern
not, as
nations, on the
life, every
the excellence of each man
Roman
alacrity,
because
s glory
lay in its redounding to
the splendour and extent of the empire of Rome.
Is there any resemblance in all this to the habits and pas
America
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
413
In forming
more
to
proscribed, and
its
all
that
is
And
its
force,
and
it
must
to all that
plunder.
It is
How,
grow
in a
soil, from which every valuable plant has thus been plucked
up and thrown away as a weed ? How can we forbear to
identify the government with the country ? and how is it
possible, that
we should
at the
same time
lavish
all
the ar
dour of our
affection,
who
man to
is
suffer tyranny
any real
who ex
But how much less
needy are the instruments, and the wise and worthy are the
victims of oppression ?
we talk of patriotism as the theme of declamation,
it is not
very material, that we should know with any preci
WHEN
sion what
seem
we mean.
It is a
to ignorance to be eloquent,
THE DANGERS OF
414
"will
Patriotism, to be a powerful or
ardour,
BUT how
affinities,
any sense
from
all
other nations,
ignorant, or learn
make
rulers for
it,
cannot be enslaved
hunters
WHAT
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
SHALL we be
415
animated
\vith
publick
spirit,
without restraints
and how
be maintained
BESIDES,
How
in political
is
it is
itself a vice.
profligacy
Is there in
more shameless
ral election
or
human
aftairs
an occasion of
a gene
Every
wings to
mischief.
of
Then
a
sort
epidemick
begins
tillage, that
turns up to the sun and air the most noxious weeds in the
?
this
it is
a mortal
marrow.
democratick society will soon find its morals the incumbrance of its race, the surly companion of its licentious
joys. It will encourage its demagogues to impeach and per
secute the magistracy till it is no longer disquieted.
In a
word, there will not be morals without justice and though
;
justice
soldiers, yet
perpetuate
culties,
if it is.
Justice her-
THE DANGERS OF
416
self
must be
hand
built
villain s
FEDERALISM
take, on the
them
in their attack
whom
society
upon government.
It
decessors.
IT
is
And why
should
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
it
4 IT
digious a preponderance
commerce, and
civilization
subject to Virginia
BY some
THERE
is
powers they
mob
and restlessness of the human heart have, from the first, afford
ed the strength of a host to the jacobins of our country. The
ambitious desperadoes are the natural leaders of this host.
THE DANGERS OF
418
a self-denying ordinance
and rapine
selves,
who
Are not
it
is to
in peace, subsists by
ask counsel of the wise and
change, and the ambitious will contend about their spoil. Then
are to have anew system exactly like the old one, from the
we
all
lar
IT
political vessel.
is true,
the
men now
in
government, so
much
recent victory
and
if
The conquerors
may
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
DEMOCRACY
change
shall
cannot
Its
last.
419
all
next
its
known govern
ments, perhaps, the most prone to shift its head, and the slowest
to mend its vices.
The reason is, that the tyranny of what is
called the people, and that by the sword, both operate alike to
till
men
left
with the
spirit
human
its
governments there
is
The
state.
They
laboured incessantly to re
wars
most of the
commands
to their
farms
and
were without
in the
Catiline
THE DANGERS OF
420
when by
same
class of
men
as
Washington
federalists,
to choice.
The
Apparent in
all
this
titute
do
Is not
federalists as des
When
itself in
subsist
asked,
why
BUT
As
soon as the
it
The
state
armies.
IT
is
some competitor
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
421
from
modern
first
rate
kingdoms
Italy
once more
become emperour
of Spain.
Why
were not
Every
civil
war terminated
Roman
and Gaul,
now
the
THE
power of
mocracy
is
downright
like
a chief.
an army
In this
we
see
how
exactly a de
force.
THE DANGERS OF
422
them
to
The
club
is first
used,
The
force.
were
rifie
army.
democracy
an army
is
though not
in fact,
in
want sharp
name,
it
is
an
but,
whenever
it
does,
regiments and brigades, somewhat
democracy
the more orderly as well as more merciful for its discipline.
it is
in
tended to
it
was
Italy,
make an emperour,
in the disposition of
and
it
was as
little
in the
power
as
The
which they held with an army, afforded them more than the
means of contesting with Octavius and Antony the dominion
of Rome. No hatred is fiercer than such as springs up among
those who are closely allied and nearly resemble each other.
Every common
soldier
would be
easily
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
423
his
more
civil
We
human
wars are
When
he resolved
lius,
sought him
to kill himself.
His
be
to live,
in his cause.
will
be regarded by
all
men
with
DEMOCRACY
is
of men, the men who flatter and deceive, and their outrageous
aversion to another, most probably those who prefer their true
interest to their favour.
MOB
feels the
may
is
not obey
him
is
it
instinctively
soon supplied.
him as
They
implicitly, and
As
the
Roman
troops, so every
American
THE DANGERS OF
424
to
be of
will
whole
Of course,
territory.
commanded
and we
is
best
to
THIS
never
over our
will prevail,
shall
remain subject
conclusion
event of the
of history.
Roman
it
is
can succeed
once
lost, is
its loss
failure of
letter to
It is
when
our
all
but
it
will not
be called a monarchy.
name of king.
Cesar
lost
A president,
stead.
AMERICAN LTBERTY.
BUT
425
who has
else.
left
Who,
them
it
up
and
how
tain
them
Can
A people
surd.
it
once trained
Ab
powers of such a king to the one half of what are now enjoyed
by Mr. Jefferson. That would make a difference, but the many
would not discern
is
it.
The
sincere and
kingship
never been found to exact of a favourite demagogue, who
aspired to reign, any other" condescension than an ostentatious
;
Roman commonwealth.
To suppose, therefore,
To
The
federalists cannot
com
mand
IT
will
but with
weigh nothing
men
of sense
54
in the
will
it
THE DANGERS OF
426
Is
it
men
will
plot
carry
property
ernment
is
plot to
and
and
who
The Clo$i,
the Antonies,
the Catilines.
4
LET
against them is, that they like the British monarchy too well.
For the sake of argument, then, be it the British monarchy.
To-morrow s sun shall rise and gild it with hope and joy, and
dew of to-morrow s evening shall moisten its ashes. Like
the
ment.
belief, that
an en
What
AMERICAN LIBERTY
427
The
British
itself to
be
ministry.
fact, democratic!;,
cities,
is
and
infinitely
more
tism.
society
shore
is
tial spirit
its train
and these have had an influence in forming the habits and prin
ciples of action, not only of the English military and nobles,
but of the mass of the nation. There
is
is
much,
therefore, there
try.
It is
for the
coun
those citizens,
who
more per
Is our
monarchy
to be supported
themselves.
Or do we really
though we should
ing king
set up,
think
it
would
still
be a monarchy,
at pleasure, a
town meet
BY removing
pillars that
THE DANGERS OF
428
till
new
The
to build
the
allowed to
new
lay
to call
it
No
We may be permitted
them.
Who
raised
it
monarchy would
Who,
it
Now
Where
American hierarchy ?
here, above
of
is
the
law
and
which
would sup
all,
system
English
justice,
in
if
could
achieve
the
port liberty
Turkey,
Turkey
impossi
quorum
is
the
bility
IT
tion, that it
their
government
enjoy the
still
it
is
beyond
all
it
by choice.
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
THE
notion, therefore, of an
429
is
It is
it.
hundred and
attempt
at
resisted,
make
the
THEY
who do
we
are de
means
celerity.
to resist,
The
institutions
raised are nearly prostrate ; and his name and memory would
perish, if the rage of his enemies had any power over history.
But they have not history will give scope to her vengeance,
and posterity will not be defrauded.
BUT, if our experience had not clearly given warning of our
approaching catastrophe, the very nature of democracy would
inevitably produce
it.
GOVERNMENT by
less correctly,
leaders, is a democracy.
We
THE DANGERS OF
430
democracy. They
them
tolerable or temporary.
WHEN
it is
said, there
as of the fe w, every
culative assent
Fatal delusion
a tyranny of the
may be
democrat
but he will at
all
times
act, as if it
in the uncontrolled
arbitrary
possessor a slave
IN the
first
any
as well
many
hended
will think
and spe
were a thing
evil to
"be
He
it
appre
will say,
make
its
place, let
it
all
the
power
and yet such laws may be made and such abuses allowed as shall
deprive me of all liberty. I may be tried by a jury, and that
jury may be culled and picked out from my political enemies
Of course, my life and liberty may
by a federal marshal.
depend on the good pleasure of the man who appoints that
marshal.
may
be
my
government, whenever
I may be told, that I
my
faculty,
property, so that
all
all I
or
have
its
displea
am
a fede
cases whatsoever,
ing
to
submission
remain
my
may be
tested by
me
my
resisting or obey
in disgrace, or drive
me
may become a fugitive, because the rulinghave made me afraid to stay at home or, perhaps, while
despair.
party
I
My
commands
I
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
ALL
this
was done
431
in France,
thirty
who
Would
they
call it liberty
Surely, here
is
oppression
sufficient in extent
inflicts it
THE
act,
Nevertheless,
we have
To make
restraint.
must
the simple find their liberty arise not from their own indi
vidual sovereignty, but from the power of law and justice
over all. It is only by the due restraint of others, that I am
free.
assemblies,
it is
competent only to
kill
and destroy.
Tern-
THE DANGERS OF
432
and imparts to
it falls
it
it
unseen from
its
own
The
ments.
IT
man
labours of
masses of
whelmed with
lie
hopes beneath
his
monu
is
THE
of
all
truth
is,
and
let it
humble our
pride, the
uncontrolled,
most ferocious
animals,
the worst
is
that
which- never
festivity
for
fails to
wretched.
When
man
looks
to
make
to all
mankind.
It is so.
The human
heart
is
so constituted,
man
that a
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
France
for ever.
and
have
to
lost
is
supposed
that
something more
love
it
destroyed
all
Ought we
to
Ought we
it.
433
to a despotism, the
fold the
more
cruel for
its
hypocrisy
THE
men
On
work
is
able like to carry firebrands and daggers too long. Thus armed,
will they submit to salutary restraint? How will you bring
them
you
to reason
to it?
satisfy
and anarchy, why do you ask any other guard than sober reason
for your life and property in times of peace and order, when,
men are most disposed to listen to it ? Yet even at such times,
you impose
restraints
you
call
or quiet.
Break down all these fences make what is called
law an assassin take what it ought to protect, and divide it ;
;
to virtue
bath by a profane one, for a respite once in ten clays from the
toils of murder, because men, who first shed blood for revenge,
55
THE DANCERS OF
434
mid proceed
to spill
it
for plunder,
want a
festival
you have ? Would not rage grow with its indulgence ? The
coward fury of a mob rises in proportion as there is less re
sistance
more ardent
it
with
little
on the particular
Democracy
is
the crea
no
much more
volution with
carnivorous,
not cannibals.
Domingo
we
should conduct a re
We
it
will
soon
If a
make them
made on
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
435
We
same despotism
in Massachusetts,
its
won.
It will
be
won
and
who
they
FACTION
is
There
and rancour.
will
be rivalships
among
those
whom
genius, fame, or station have made great, and these will deep
Such
ly agitate the state without often hazarding its safety.
parties will excite alarm, but they may be safely
the elements, to exhaust their fury upon each other.
THE
ment
like
left,
for,
BUT
in
seem
reign power
FEW
befactio?ifi.
hands of
all,
The
sove
will be effec
laws of our nature, a few will combine, intrigue, lie, and fight
to engross it to themselves.
All history bears testimony, that
this attempt has
WHO
will
do not wish
tection.
be the associates
who
pro
The
little
is
husbandman, who
will
It is
who
has no other to
THE DANGERS OP
436
The
plough.
together to
every clemocratick state the ruling faction will have law to keep
its enemies ; but it will arrogate to itself an
undisputed
down
power over
ments,
absurd
we
law.
which of them
ask,
WE
by the resistance that has delayed, and the scorn that pursues
their triumph, elate with the insolence of an arbitrary and un
THIS
is
of reformation
Our
The
advance.
counsel.
affairs, as first
men
summation. The
in
who
some other
will give
mob
force, or the
will be relied
who
will
are out.
name.
YET,
it
is
very near.
confessed
We
we have
have no
cities as large as
demagogues may
STANDING ARMY
It
too thin to rule by them alone.
is also worth remark, that our mobs are not, like those of
of their
where
else a
power of
The
dread of fam
AMERICAN LIBERTY.
437
glides through all the haunts of filth, and vice, and want in a
city with incredible speed, and in times of insurrection rives
like
heaven
own
thunder.
men
we
of the same
ambition.
arts,
we
Brissot will
be supplanted by Robespiere.
in exactly the
of France.
The
438
IN
1805.
legislator.
Lacedaemonian
state
continued to respect,
are not permitted
we
if
not rigidly to ob
at this late
arraign their
singularity.
We
day to
to ridicule their
manners and
institutions to those of
THE
fail
to
As we
we
sub
with a sort of vague and uninstructed astonishment at the strangeness of its testimony.
mit
439
giant
among
over,
all
The
dwarfs.
like a
more
Thus far
BUT, when we
rance.
the use of money, except iron that they were obliged, under
severe penalties, from which their kings were not exempted,
;
to dine in publick
and on wretched
fare
if adjudged weakly
permitted to live, placed under the tutelage
of publick officers ; and that such was the intolerable rigour of
and infirm,
or, if
justify
wonder.
We
BY
would
do,
adays,
we
more
this
expedient
credible.
Spartans.
On
the contrary, so far were they from being sumen, that he found them, we are told, worse.
periour to other
faction,
to believe
we know,
is as
for
THE INSTITUTIONS
140
them
Indeed he
left
as
tiquity,
made
WE
more
to establish, and,
what
is still
surprising,
many hundred years to maintain such
and
odious
institutions.
It would be absurd to
self-denying
for
We
come
tion for
violated rights.
So many painful exercises, such endless and
unsuiferable privations and constraints would soon exhaust
the patience of the most passive wretches that ever existed.
It
was
said,
with almost as
Alcibiades:
death
it is
are obliged to
IT
is,
much
"no
lead."
therefore, after
all,
Human
is
OF LYCURGUS.
441
YET
and suffering.
versation, and
ed by law
restrict
in short, that a
La Trappe,
or the
monks
and
we must
we cannot
help
it
but
it
is
human
Now, though it
is
character.
The wandering
Tartars
who
live
encamped
56
although
it
is
THE INSTITUTIONS
442
WHY,
then, are
tem of Lycurgus,
we
from their
home
situa
affords, cannot
so far as
was made
for
particular class^ and enforced only upon them, and not upon
the mass of the free inhabitants ; that this class was formed
Lycurgus
thousand
lots,
of Lycurgus out of that city, \ve can scarcely refrain from adopt
ing both the before mentioned conjectures, viz. that the famous
plan of Spartan education was only for the nobles or their sons
who were in the city and that the military system, if there was
one, which we cannot doubt, was distinct from it, and embrac
;
militia.
ADMITTING
men
OF LYCURGUS.
fessions, the profession of arms,
443
young Spartans with the esprit clu corps, with the lofty pride
that would more cheerfully seek than shun the occasions to
make
efforts
and
sacrifices.
human
Instead of extin
heart.
kind.
Hence
to live at
little
do
it is
all
man
now no more
;
what of their
spirit.
generous devotion of
The
military character,
life to
honour,
is
shall feel
no prodigy
modern
some
which causes a
:
it
is
the
warfare.
to
admit them, as
at least plausible.
we
LESS than one hundred years after the war of Troy, the
descendants of Hercules, who had been exiled, and in a long
course of years had greatly increased in numbers, renewed the
attempt to recover possession of the Peloponnesus. With the
assistance of a body of Dorians, then the most ferocious bar
barians in
inhabitants,
all
sea.
The He-
raclidae subverted the thrones of the princes of the Peloponnesian states, seized on the lands for themselves and such ef
THE INSTITUTIONS
444
ed
reduo
betake themselves to
Two
flight.
sons of Aristodemus, of
which
his
it
Now,
measure
all
history, so
in a great
to
some of the
As Lycurgus
is
said to be
people
numerous enough
in subjection.
to
It is probable, that
towns
may
The
rest
OF LYCtTRGUS.
of the citizens,
who became
445
were called
and by the
Greece were
originally
all
the rest.
ject
was
of
that Sparta
was subdued
and
qualified slavery,
its
Now,
as Sparta
The
very
fact, that
there were
HENCE we
curgus
of
did,
discern the best reasons in the world, why Lyand Solon did not establish an aristocracy. Neither
them could
THE INSTITUTIONS
446
head.
the aristocracy.
life
by the numerous
who may
commons in England.
HAVING thus placed the government in the hands of the
Spartans, much was still necessaiy to enable them to maintain
of lords and
it.
that they
THIS being
no longer so
admitted, and
much
make
these
men
This
they governed.
are informed by ancient writers,
it
as conceive, that
OP LYCURGUS.
447
class of
thing is, then surely nothing could be more for the interest of
the aristocracy than the laws of Lycurgus, for in consequence
of them they maintained their authority over the state for many
The power of the Roman patricians was from the first
ages.
balanced, imperfectly enough we confess, by the people ; but
the whole power of the Lacedaemonian state was engrossed by
the Sfiartans.
met with
IF Lycurgus
established,
it is
the
means of
who were
laws
influence in the
so greatly inte
pride and ambition of the nobles,
rested in their adoption.
In so great a length of time as had
elapsed since the return of the Heraclidx, many of these no
IT cannot be believed,
that,
On
the contrary,
it
may be
fairly
presumed, that
This,
we
arc informed,
is
precisely what
THE INSTITUTIONS
448
he
Thus he
did.
cline,
To
importance.
state
would
rise into
guard
he exerted
all
opera
will
set of
men,
education out of
it.
The
inhabitants of Laconia,
we
are told,
education.
ARE we
even the
city of
all
landholders, of
territory
If
fed.
was
we
whom
at first
number
we
shall
not readily admit, that they were educated and trained in this
manner.
WE
only
know
inhabitants
we may reckon
OP LYCURGUS.
was accounted one of the great
449
cities of
have
is
drawn
five
THIS
this order.
hundred and
little
tated,
to
thirty Sjiartans
and offered
Athens
to
to
make
seemed
like
dismemberment of
their body.
THIS governing
class,
continually diminishing.
at Leuctra, the
On
class,
was
number of
Sfiartans
and the
king Cleombrotus were slain. They saw with pain and terrour the reduction of the numbers, and the proportionate re
duction of the influence and power of their order.
IT may after all be said, although these facts prove, that
all
strict
IT
we
is true,
57
THE INSTITUTIONS
450
As
the citizens.
all
it
education, which
made
men of
the city
heroes,
the
state
As
much
the nobles,
it
less than
of Hercules.
The
was
make every
to
thing else
to
seem
remain
ON these
grounds we seem
to
and military
classes.
Polybius,
who
is
as
WE
anew by
his
system of education.
might
may
were educated by
However
that
may
deemed
to require a
be, Herodotus,
minute
whose notion
OF LYCURGUS.
451
"
him,
THAT
and
its territory,
mitted to us by
disposed
of.
populous
city,
like Sparta,
were
would have
more
The
more than
Spartans.
dren,
it
ANOTHER
fact is
worth observation.
At
the messes or
THE INSTITUTIONS
452
to attend
those meals, because they heard only wise and solid discourse
on such occasions. If the ignorant, sordid rabble of a great
city
were
Lycurgus himself,
It is incredible
and absurd.
THE
it
was the
us rulers
official
They were
makes it natural,
some
who had
by the
state,
This
u the chief
object of Lycurgus being a sys
tem of education, and to establish habits and manners, he would
not permit his laws to be reduced to writing." This can hard
tarch,
ly
who
says:
be supposed,
if
class of Spartans,
were reduced
ginally,
hundred
poverty.
in the
new
it
recommendation
for admitting
OF LYCURGU8.
453
The
he
men
in Sparta, as
gallant
Why
not received such an education, that they did not hold so high
a rank in the state, and that it could not be gratuitously con
made
citizens
order
WE
shall
closer observation of
its effects.
IN the Lacedaemonian
slaves, the Helots,
try,
landlords
still
state there
who were an
amounted
who were
These two
greater rigour.
to nearly
treated with
The
free citizens
may
Lycurgus
THE
in
their political
life
The
Spartans were
was
THE INSTITUTIONS
454
own
we
and
THERE was
To this
nation to determine on peace, war, and alliances.
assembly deputies from the several cities and from the allied
states were admitted. Yet, as it was convened at Sparta, as its
objects concerned chiefly the external policy, and as the effec
tive government was in the hands of the aristocracy, it was not,
We
military distinction
His Spartans did not labour themselves, but the Helots labour
ed for them. Not only was the monopoly of power complete,
but the roots and seeds of future rivalship by the depressed
classes of the society seemed to be exterminated.
HERE
let
us pause to
make
a reflection.
two thousand years the world has been loud and violent in its
pane gy rick of Spartan -virtue, because Lycurgus had bestowed
all
possible care to
make
when
command
preferred.
OF LYCURGUS.
455
morals.
his birth,
and, probably,
It is
not
at this
degenerate day
general, that he should have a great estate.
EFFECTUAL
as for
some ages
this policy of
human
Lycurgus was,
affairs at
length gradually
subverted it. The depressed classes of the state slowly rose
from the ground, and from the feet of the aristocracy, and
IT
in society.
may
from
at first
who
the Helots
as the Spartans
power
to
Time
also
sequence.
IT was only one hundred and thirty years after Lycurgus,
that the operation of these principles was made manifest,
man
At
people.
moderate
first
their
power and
their pretensions
were
and
made
original
its
powers.
THE INSTITUTIONS
456
They deposed
virtue.
The
from
Spartan morals were ever bad ; but the aristocracy had fallen
from power. Polybius assures us, that the institutions of
to Sparta, while it was
content to remain a small state, and refrained from ambitious
to
BUT
tories.
too
much
influence
seems
to
Numa
OF LYCURGUS.
SPARTAN
mation.
It
457
but to raise them higher than other men ; and that they
might to the end of time be sustained at that point of eleva
tion, he contrived to sink all other classes to servitude or
ter,
HAVING made
state,
and removed, as
far as
it,
all
all
most of the
vir
it
ized for
its
own
state,
many
58
it
458
AMERICAN LITERATURE.
EW
more
gales, are too delicate to cross the salt water, or sicken and
mope
without song,
if
in prais
paper could, by
a uni
it
may
be discreet to
AMERICAN LITERATURE.
anticipate that
which,
judgment, and
to
459
it is
after all
knowledge of ourselves we
should gain that modesty, which is the first evidence, and,
perhaps, the last of a real improvement. For no man is less
and, especially, if by a better
likely to increase
his
can be found
in
any European
state.
It
may be
true, that
how many
THIS
fly tribe of
to
little
shed
all
life
the fire
lamps go out of
in single
own
history of his
There
is
no scarcity of spel
AMERICAN LITERATURE.
460
We
of business
much
work of genius ? If
not climb its heights
performing.
IT is not intended to proceed in stripping our country s
honours off, till every lover of it shall turn with disgust from
the contemplation of its nakedness.
Our honours have not
faded they have not been worn.
Genius, no doubt, exists
in our country, but it exists, like the unbodied soul on the
to excite
concur.
WHAT
the
name
her fame
and Hesiod,
many
her
states.
But Homer,
who
AMERICAN LITERATURE.
461
may add
Roman
genius flourish, till the repubFrance and England are monarchies, and they
in corroboration, did
fell.
have excelled
all
Hence we have
modern
men who
fine as
IN
of a
reflected such
ever
affairs that
man
the cause
When
men
Their fabulous
faces,
We
more grace
in their
move
supposed
to
have
left
The monuments
of
AMERICAN LITERATURE.
462
imparted in
spiration.
IT
WE
to ascribe its
their force.
Genius, we imagine,
is
for ever
condemned
to
very breath of applause, that like the unseen wind excites it,
of producing effects that appear to transcend all power, ex
cept that of some supernatural agent riding in the whirlwind.
In an hour of calm we suddenly hear its voice, and are moved
IT
may
excellence to occupy.
ages, and the fertility
Homer
of.
the soil
seemed
in
some measure
to
from
its
freshness
it
it.
But
it
over-cropped.
Men
have
still
AMERICAN LITERATURE.
463
vallies,
Attica.
proper
exerts, and
it
its
how
Even
he fancies he
till
it
acts,
it
will
be
acted upon.
It feels the power
emotions are contagious, because they are
it is
man may
single
sit
alone and
medi
is
he
pre
men
ties of
THE
fear
passions.
cause
it
There
consideration.
who
are
much
dissatisfied
on that account
but
we
scarcely see any who are quite at case about the estimate
that other people make of them. Hence it is, that the great
business of mankind
is to fortify
and
superfluity,
at
who
is
own
estate and is
its
greatest
he knows and
is that
ing
all
of esteem
Who
renounce one
world
would mar or
?
AMERICAN LITERATURE.
464
AT
men
in the
same coun
difference
is
the
first
was
lite
The
prevailed.
safe.
gods
it is
state of society
is
were
far
all
turbulent,
all
in the state,
contended
THE
to avoid subjugation.
citizens
celebrated
siege of
known, and no
Troy
is
an instance
The
more generally
With what
ardent love
first
of
AMERICAN LITERATURE.
465
NOR
patriotism.
like
society of
ways.
Hence we
of
all
nations
deemed
IN
ed
augment or correct
their knowledge.
this
its
illustrious
men.
poetry
that
59
AMERICAN LITERATURE.
466
behind
Homer
its
his
THOUGH
for a
crown
known
and
in the
it
verses.
the vivacity of
applauses
it
its
still
poet saw with delight his work become the instructer of the
Alexander
wise, the companion of the brave and the great.
its
perfection.
When
rival to
and, indeed,
there was so
Homer
much
appeared,
to excite
it is
AMERICAN LITERATURE,
We
produce one.
4G7
and invigorate its force. After the time of Homer, the Olympick and other games were established. All Greece, assembled
by its deputies, beheld the contests of wit and valour, and saw
crowns adjudged
statues and
to the victors,
who contended
for
it
is
inherit after
death,"
was
in
"
THERE
is
antiquity,
which
was owing
Homer
and
to
Homer
men, who
life
felt
wrote of war
the military
at least
AMERICAN LITERATURE,
468
poem
to
It
is
Its
course, narrow the range in which poetry used to move.
coruscations are confined, like the northern light, to the polar
circle of trade
and politicks,
meteor, blaze
pamphlet or magazine.
THE time seems to be near, and, perhaps,
in a
is already arrived,
poetry, at least poetry of transcendent merit, will be con
It is a long time since England
sidered among the lost arts.
when
lias
all
Herodotus
is
called the
father of history
five
poets.
hundred years
after
Homer.
it is
said,
EXCELLENT,
of writing.
as
these
Grecian
histories will ever
however,
rival in that species
it
teen adapted
to Sparta rather as a
camp
may
to
be
have
AMERICAN LITERATURE.
His whole system
zens.
whose
laws,
sole object
knowledge, but
it
469
is
The
whom
them superiour
The same
strictness, that
government, secures
Nor can we
How
could
it
convened
to
hear
wisdom and
tion systematical
history
will
most
fluence.
is the
object of
of
direction
of
not
the
reverence,
popular fear,
prejudice and
to have pri
will
the
citizens
be
feeling
changed. Supposing
in
w ords, of
and
to
be
of
other
or,
influence,
possessed
vileges,
if
some power in the state, they will naturally wish so to use the
power they have, as to be secure against the abuse of that
AMERICAN LITERATURE.
470
or,
IT
add
is,
to
government.
little to be expected, that American writers
then,
much
will
common
we have had
lately that
become
large, like
London and
and
till
our
cities
com
petitions of genius.
Few
to supply
THE
them
for
all
suffice
s.
why we
some
reasons,
of our
making
literati.
It
any advances.
has
It
among us no
more
uses to
been accustomed
to look
on rank or
titles,
on birth or
office
AMERICAN LITERATURE.
as capable of the least rivalship with wealth,
471
mere
wealth, in
is in this
min
it
strange that
it
AT
all
men
to
wealth
To
must descend
to their level
and detest
that they
all
is
do not approve
is next to nothing.
If we had a Pindar, he would be
ashamed to celebrate our chief, and would be disgraced, if he
did.
But if he did not, his genius would not obtain his elec
genius
It is party that
and
it is
not
AMERICAN LITERATURE.
472
BUT
ry
is
is
changing.
Luxu
tween the very rich and the very poor will be more conspicu
ous, and comprehend a more formidable host of the latter.
The
is the standing
army of ambition.
become its instrument, and vice its agent. Every
step, and we have taken many, towards a more complete, un
mixed democracy is an advance towards destruction it is
treading where the ground is treacherous and excavated for
Money
will
As
bers
and as luxury
473
REVIEW OF A PAMPHLET,
ENTITLED
PRESENT STATE OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION HISTORICALLY
ILLUSTRATED. LONDON,
ROM the
1807.
pp. 182.
size of this
uncommon
THE work
is
is
In the
fol
first part,
he
differs
from the
practice.
This
We
of
WE ARE, HEART
THE
erty,
PRESS.
It is,
auxiliary.
man
walks erect, he
may
It corrupts, it
deceives,
it
is
almost
inflames.
It
REVIEW OF
474
and
its
They
It is
We
for
salutary influence.
the
power of publick
The
opinion.
ites of
powered by
it,
as effectually over
The freedom
been used.
Had
it
then exist
to palliate their
it
crimes.
They would have bought the press and, no doubt,
they would have been patriots in type, till they were stripped
of the means of corruption ; and then again they would have
ben odious monsters. In our time this boasted luminary
;
vents
light
men
are to be clearly
known
when
it
will
be of very
little
it
But who
It
A PAMPHLET.
the people
ignorant
seems
to
475
and to judge.
Experience
to judge, the
pub-
know
oppression,
when they
felt it
and
whole people are made sick with the diseases of the ima
gination. They see a monarch in Washington, and conspirators
in their patriots.
They turn
their best
men
SfJLL^
would by no means
instructed us.
FROM
these deductions
we venture
But we
author, which indeed is scarcely worth confuting.
should think, that the freedom of that constitution arises rather
punish
it.
BUT though we
how
the freedom
REVIEW OF A PAMPHLET.
476
which has an
upon
its
its
and privilege
rivals.
We
know
read
all
on one side
verse party are as little known, and have less chance of being
understood by the other than the language of Hindostan or the
religion of Thibet.
477
LETTERS.
TO MR.
******,
AT SPRINGFIELD.
PHILADELPHIA, May
6th, 1794.
DEAR FRIEXD,
Jl
SHOULD
here
weeks.
mid-summer.
till
The
What
WAR
without anarchy
is
bad enough
but would
it
not also
and that
an opinion, that government is as strong as thunder
by coaxing and going half way with certain Southern members
they might be won. Both these opinions yield very soon to
;
They
see government a
puny
LETTERS.
478
thing, held
who
luck, and
an inextinguishable animosity
against any debt-compelling government, and whose importance
sinks as that of equal laws rises.
assailed by a faction
YESTERDAY
which
bring in a bill,
Britain
feel
relates to debts.
Thus, murder
at last is out.
feathers line.
which
force, a schooner,
to
WILL
into
it,
debts
war
?
I do not know, that passion
but
other
;
passions could be rea
soned up to resist the prevailing one. I wish our newspapers
were better filled with paragraphs and essays to unmask our
is
for their
Southern brethren
Catiline s.
LAND
tax
is likely to
is
an import
w as made. His
r
by the event to
make
it
the stronger.
Success
to you.
SPEAK of me
which
am
to friends, as
may
suit the
sentiments with
s,
FISHER AMES.
LETTERS.
479
TO THE SAME.
PHILADELPHIA, December
MY DEAR
I
THINK
ments, nor do
them.
THE
12th, 1794.
FRIEND,
more deafening
excepting in one instance, maintains a
pouting silence, an armed neutrality, that does not afford the
animation of a conflict, nor the security of peace.
sleep
last session,
than a mill
and
this,
We
weigh matters
up
sedition
new
Faction
is
be found or invented
for stirring
grounds
and unless the country is now deeply sensible of
danger and of the true characters of our publick men,
changed.
the late
well.
New
will
Good
fortune
may
on us the next time, and if she had in August last, this union
would have been rent. Virginia acted better than could have
been expected and the militia return to all the states full of
federalism, and will help to diffuse their feelings among their
connections. The spirit of insurrection had tainted a vast ex
;
and had
all
the disaf
at last.
WILL
Some
exertion, indeed
all
that can be
made, appears
to
me
LETTERS.
480
prophet,
lions.
so noted for
habits, give
that
KNOW,
men
credit the state of things in the back country and at the South.
They must
remember,
security
is
next to treachery. If
all
They must
government a supine
New-England would move
we
in phalanx, at least
and property.
YOUR
sick
from
his keeping.
is
flinch,
Your
t,
FISHER AMES.
TO THE SAME.
PHILADELPHIA, March
MY
I
9, 1796.
DEAR FRIEND,
SIT now
may not
lose
my tem
per and
you.
spirits, I
shut
LETTERS.
481
even attention.
not to be envied.
be
a situation
is
at
staff.
am
thrown
into the
waggon, as
My
enemy of a trophy.
the survivor of myself, or
rather a troubled ghost of a politician, that am condemned to
haunt the field of battle where I fell. Whether the govern
political
ment
life
ended, and
is
am
We
How
comes?
will the
It
is
not, I fear,
casuists quibble
spirit
Yankees
feel
of the constitution
ernment cannot go
to the halves.
It
mob in congress,
government,
can stop the lawful acts of the president, and unmake a treaty.
It would be cither no government, or instantly a
government
if
LETTERS.
482
MARCH
THE
debate
longer.
let
12th.
some days
it.
THINK we
beg you
done with
is
shall beat
up a
fierce war.
Your
friend,
FJSHER AMES.
TO MR.
******,
MY DEAR
26th, 1803.
FRIEND,
HAD
letter
heaven of other
you
will see
men
good
spirits,,
To
natter, inflame,
THE
principles of
France
have been
in
not in
all
The fire of
New- England rum, quick
revolution
to kindle,
LETTERS.
483
little
flame
but,
when once kindled, it would burrow deep into the soil, search
out and consume the roots, and leave, after one crop, a caput
mortuum, black and barren,
ings, and keep our
in our day.
OUR
country
is
soil
If
for ages.
it
it
fire
made
it
its folly.
at this day.
fervour.
ed
latter will
deceit,
though
stale
and expos
ten
rum, which would first con-vert the heathen ? Yet we are told,
the vox jwfiuli is the vox del; and our demagogues claim a
right divine to reign over us, deduced no doubt from the pure
source
MY
have indicated.
health
is
somewhat
was a
fine day,
Boston
but in spite of
all
my
My
make some.
You shall hear from me
industry to write, when I am
But
if I
Your
FISHER AMES,
484
LETTERS.
TO THE SAME.
DEDHAM,
MY
I
HAVE
treaty,
DEAR FH.IEND,
and
this
S.
THERE
room
under cover.
none for
satisfaction,
When
somebody, a
is little
way house.
HAVING bought
an empire, who
and what people
be cmperour
is to
The
states,
who
Marius or
call
Sylla, or Cesar,
As
in old
Rome,
ment of one
third of
maintain forms
God
and as
I think, even
would as soon
the G atto- Hisjiano- Indian omnium
earth.
It
could not,
was
it
game
to
make
is
Here,
and inveterate, power
LETTERS.
*lso to be for
485
a house of
We
BUT what
Erance
and
all
is
combating
the world
for the
to enslave
power
and plunder us
is
HAVE
article.
am
ject.
MY
health
is
bad, and
is to
persevere
hi riding on horseback, and shall saw wood in bad weather
when I cannot ride. I live like an ostrich or man-monkey,
toes, lest
it
LETTERS.
486
removed.
some
MY
Being your
s Sec.
FISHER AMES.
TO THE SAME.
29th, 1803.
pleasure
my
the fact
is
certain, I
am
almost
at
home
my thoughts. In this
really think my fellow
sovereigns participate.
Congress-hall is a stage, and by shift
or
the
scenes,
ing
treading the boards in comedy or farce, (for,
since the repeal of the judiciary, you do not get up tragedy)
you amuse our lazy mornings or evenings as much, or nearly
But in sober truth, the affair
as much, as the other theatres.
We beg
We
among
ourselves,
much
on the
to believe
closely,
you
we watch you
in earnest as
when nobody
is
and
lie
No such
we pos
a looker-on
The fact is, our folks are ten times more weary of
rage.
Touch our
their politicks, than anxious about their results.
feit
We
we
in
LETTERS.
Alter the constitution
the muckheap.
good
amend
487
amend
for nothing
than nothing ;
sport, not our s.
The dead
Our
flesh defies
it
apathy
is
match
your stimulants.
for
We
it
till
it is
it
is
it
is
worse
your
tant
wave
times vented
my
LOUISIANA excites
is
an old
says,
we
for money-getting.
MR. Huger,
mongers, when they protest and swear, that they want no other
amendment. This compliment is not worth much to the re
ceivers, but is a costly one to the bestower. Roland and Condorcet always protested, that they would stop.
But is a revo
lution or the lightning to be stopped in midway ? Mr. E. has
newspaper. The Virginia as
sembly has voted amendments of the most abominable sort.
All the noble lords of Virginia and the South are as much for
libelled the constitution in a
It is
the genuine
own
MR. R.
their
order.
in
his
488
LETTERS,
affair
prets and
not a pin
ever
amends the
point for
solid,
would
constitution,
it,
all
avail nothing.
ONE
as
all
SUPPOSE an
s shins,
gro
of our nation.
bilities"
There
is
our sensorium.
"
sensi
Like a ne
we
matter.
What
it
but a
little
geance.
HENCE
is true,
am
far
LETTERS.
489
CONNECTICUT
were
less
it.
is
But
their first
forward in self-defence.
They
men
are compelled to
come
army what
I will
Rhode-Island
is
not
to be
to a revolution
and
at present
FOR
it
may
not
THUS we may,
like a
it
We
long.
to
heretofore,
irresistible
im
We
my
am
no Atlas, and
my
shoulders ache.
No,
that
irksome task
devolve upon Mr. *****, and Mr. ***** of the house, and
Mr. ***** of the senate. You federalists are only lookers on,
LETTERS.
190
You
which
I am,
Your s
my
dear friend,
truly,
FISHER AMES.
10 MK. *********,
MY DEAR
27th, 1805.
SIR,
THERE is a
sup
we can
we
is that
and
enough
to
felt.*
to the
am
pa
growth of our
commerce and
to the reduction
of
My
down
To
drop
all
metaphor,
am
sin office,
him
LETTERS.
BOOKS
afford but a
dim
light
491
on such a subject.
WAR
commerce,
is
now
to
new
do not
as
it
is
one.
Indies.
forces on land.
ot
We
We
THIS
leads
some persons
The general
; an inference altogether unwarranted.
principles are just, and their authority is not contested ; but the
whole modern system of commerce and naval power is so re
principles
PERHAPS
Europe
is
except the
Britain
LETTERS.
492
gard to an enemy
s colonies, as
for
draw
Britons.
WHEN
it is
considered, that
the
all
means of Great
Britain
right,
while
them
may
as individuals.
must
yield,
NECESSITY,
when
tain
my
had
s
it
colonies.
France then
also
had
fleets to protect
them
new
of old ones.
principles,
it
affords
new
LETTERS.
493
restrict neutral
between two
to choose
to test
them both by
their
we
not endeavour
which
French colonies
efficacy is
that the
French colonies
They
shall
LETTERS,
494
not be annoyed by the British naval arms, but shall even flourish
the more for their superiority. Depending entirely on neutrals,
they shall lose nothing by captures, because, having sold their
produce, they risk nothing ; while British produce is liable to
capture, and, if not captured, to high war premiums of insu
The French colonist would ultimately, if not immedi
rance.
would feel the effects of war on his profits. His only market
would be England, because he would be undersold on the con
tinent. The seamen withdrawn from the French colonial com
merce would be, as in fact they are, on board their men of war,
or in the armies
is
must
its
very nature
reject.
receive
it.
We
customed
all their*"territories,
injustice.
LETTERS.
THE
am
495
afraid,
to that extent
we
enemy
is
now
do not
s
But your
disturb your trade.
is not of that description.
It
colonies
not a privilege you derive from his grant, but from our
It is a species of trade you did not enjoy before, and
arms.
This we cannot
suffer.
His con
a fraud, because
it
persons
IF
so loud an
now
forbears to
urge
her claim beyond the practice and course of trade before the
war.
WHAT
then, she
do
American
having
liberty of
lost all
might
say,
commerce
power of protection or
by the superiority of
my
navy.
LETTERS.
496
it
property. A voyage
United States, as a mere cloak for
States, and
to the
Why
WHAT
remains now
to
be done,
is
not for
commercial
me
to decide.
measures
nothing, is impossible
not even contemplate.
explanations, affect
to
smoke
and
if Britain
allies
and her
spiYits,
deserve
it,
to
commit the
who
find
MY
bly,
Sec.
FISHER AMES.
LETTERS.
TO MR.
******,
497
AT SPRINGFIELD.
DEDHAM, November
29, 1805.
Thanksgiving Evening.
N.
MY DEAR
FRIEND,
better.
His leg
is
is
yet
much
from
free
dull
enough.
W.
John
me
by
My
and enjoying a thanksgiving
he reads on such occasions
him, for
sits
at his
hope something
I
"
their
the
for
Medford
mind.
It is
amusement, but
will stick to
school.
world forgetting"
I
The
him.
true,
indulge
habit of
literary labour
curiosity.
book,
search of something
They have fine spi
may
meaning
is
make
the
mind
ivork, is a
for battles
and
by performing tasks, not by choosing books
for their amusement, that boys obtain this power to fix and
romances.
It is
detain attention.
BUT
boys
is
for
Augustus
will
have
and would
another.
feel
a^ fancy,
Nero pretends
to
be an
artist
him
LETTERS.
498
We
commercial
BUT
late
state.
is
it
foolish, or rather
on the untried
state of
it is
presumptuous, to specu
being that our degraded country-
quote from
memory
of Virgil
in limine Ditis
Curse.
et ultrices Curae.
WILL leave my
more of N.
I
letter
open
Your
till
morning,
to
inform you
affectionate friend,
FISHER AMES
DEDHAM,
MY DEAR
SIR,
HAVE
it
in a loose
* Virgil
words are
way
is
Dryden.
LETTERS.
you,
who
499
stitute for
rise
uppermost.
from assuming the deci
abstain
no third power
to
state
is
whose cargoes
may be
nation, or
its
While
Dutch
this event
and the armies of Spain superiour in the field in Holland, the supply of arms by queen
Elizabeth was, of course, an act of aggression.
But for a
cities suffering sieges,
London merchant
would take no
part,
LETTERS.
000
against England.
BUT after the Spanish armies
try, and after the lapse of near thirty years without any effort
to subdue the Dutch, the capture of such vessels would be
apparently unjust.
WHETHER the suspension of the efforts of France to re
St.
amounts
to
on principle.
FOR congress
It is
to legislate
ex abundantia,
it is
would be
left to
But
it
now
for us to
to say,
will,
you
seems
As I premised, it quits
to be journey-work for Buonaparte.
If the
the ground of matter of fact for perplexing theories.
not
is
France
of
to
exclude
St.
adequate
power
Domingo
from the exercise of
its
independence*
it
LETTERS.
501
it.
It is
already
de jure independent.
France has means to cut off the trade
We
i.
e. to a
publick disclaimer
any
aid, as a
to the black
government,
emperour.
Is not the
into submission?
Is
it
my
some use
case,
ideas are
made
intelligible,
they seem to
and duty
which
line,
perhaps,
is to
me
of
in the
forcing
As
we ought
shun a quarrel with France upon the point, if France
contents herself with claiming no more than an existing right,
and the enforcing it by capturing the vessels in rhe trade.
to the line of policy, I can scarcely doubt, that
to
If she claims
more from
We
in
to
dence
nations
and so
may
much
all
LETTERS.
502
HAVE run
fast as I
can drive
no mortification,
feel
if it
commit
am, dear
sir,
s,
Sec.
FISHER AMES.
P. S. IT occurs to
me
some, though.
am
force these, one state never asks legislative or any other aid
from another. Yet smuggling is an evil. I know it has been
said, that the reason for this mutual forbearance is, that re
venue laws arc merely municipal, and create neither right
nor obligation out of the territory for which they were made.
BUT, as a matter of right^ we equally abstain from the
question depending in arms between the two emperours,
Dessalines and Napoleon.
The fact, that St. Domingo once
to
not that
we
shall not
TO MR.
******
^
AT SPRINGFIELD.
DEDHAM, February
1st,
1806.
Saturday.
My DEAR
ALL
habits
FRIEND,
grow stronger
as
we grow
older
and
am
LETTERS.
503
HAPPENING
fruitless
repentance.
Con
THESE few
come
to let
WHY
not?
Do
not want
some of your
large pepper
which
The
article is scarce
here
How
reasons thicken in
my
I shall
it
much more proper, that you and your good wife should
come here, although you could not find one of the reasons
for it that I have urged in my own case.
As you would not come for pepper seed, nor to drink cider,
nor to see the Dedham canal up Charles river, which is not to
is
be seen,
I will
to see
Mrs. A.
LETTERS.
504
Indeed
it
pretensions.
SIR,
had no inclina
who
feel like a
roll in
ness.
New-England
superiour merit.
Her abridgement
of her
more,
work.
shall
put
onward
in that path,
we
are
plump
in a war.
have
? What,
Lsay, but an increased
and a very unnecessary propensity on both sides to war ; an
LETTERS.
505
;"
Mr. Madison
not enforce.
COULD
from old
writers.
He might
totle
where Mr.
"the
bar of reason"
summons Mr.
Pitt to ap
pear and answer. How is it possible for Great Britain to de
fend herself, without the utmost use of her navy ? and how can
she use her navy with any effect against her deadly enemy,
if
makes
prize question ?
N. continues to mend.
We
Thank you
for
more
Your
s, 8cc.
FISHER
64
>MES.
LETTERS.
506
TO MR.
*********,
MEMBER OF
CONGRESS, AT WASHINGTON.
DEDHAM, February
MY DEAR
14th, 1806.
SIR,
HAVE
"
suit the
I
am
gloomy
habit of
my soul,
as
Young
infinitely
of our
own
like the
and that
possibilities
plants, in the
it
of national servitude,
more
and,
events,
confess, lessen
city of resistance of
cepted.
all
and
if
Buonaparte effects
must
in
and
and
insignificant.
The
Rome, and
that case, for aught I can see, in the ruin of England and the
world must bow its base neck to the yoke. It will sweat in
servitude and grope in darkness, perhaps, another thousand
;
years.
LETTERS,
the sciences will soon
They and
the arts.
507
rupters of society.
is not their enemy.
It is already doubtful,
become the
cor-
MAKE no doubt,
to Russia
Without
vast energies.
be a slow and
Great Britain
bluster as
we
it is
all
do.
that
we mean peace
matum
I
is
expect
am
Like a good
afraid.
argued
strange.
to
but
am
far
citizen,
is as little
am
convinced as
silent while
from thinking
it
our side
is
and from
all
man
to differ
from the
political
or religious creed of his countiymen. You will not fail to, per
ceive, that I am worse than a lingerer in my faith in the conclusiveness of the reasoning of
however,
keep
to
myself and
Mr. Madison
8c
Co.
This,
dozen friends.
LETTERS.
508
As you seem
am
the
to
more ready
to
am
on
this article, I
ments
is to
dictates by land
and
we
fall
without an
THEREFORE,
to
European
Two
all
our
tinsel
effort.
s
If France
The wind
honours in the
dirt.
affairs.
for arms, I
beg leave
to doubt,
whether
men
sons of luxury and pleasure, and the sons of labour too, in the
As society refines, greater freedom of the choice of
latter.
life is
ments and
may
in
Europe
is
em-
LETTERS.
509
able to withstand Buonaparte and the latter will not long for
bear to say to ci-devant Poland :
shake off your chains, rise
to liberty and fraternity." Prussia and Austria could say nothing
;
"
against this
in
it.
cal
ought
to
do more than
that, if small
fatal
blockheadship.
IT also seems
tice of
On
it,
Thus
THE
sie ges
and
field battles.
Posts
If
;
if
weakened by
to
the defending
loses
them
army
falls
as before.
LETTERS.
512
THE
******** no
of good, for the federalists are stubborn hofiers.
the
of
the
man
s
longer
great
guest
private board, no longer
his earwig, will not be his antagonist.
If he is, he will lose
his party and his influence. These people may disagree about
Which
ism must
less,
them
at
no great distance.
******
by finding, that you and Mr.
approve my opinions respecting St. Domingo. I have never
seen that gentleman, but I have, as every body here has, a very
I
AM
flattered agreeably
high respect for his merit and talents. I lament, that they are
so much lost to our country, which, you know, is destined to
the grasp of
all its
its
low
tyrants.
OUR
shop
We
ever.
:
it
seems
as if
we
much
LETTERS.
We
thunderbolts.
513
is as
much honour
as
How
feigned regard,
foes of order,
its
am, dear
friends
With
respect and un
sir,
Your
s truly,
FISHER AMES.
TO THE SAME.
DEDHAM,
MY
THE
DEAR
SIR,
man who
never
flatters
Indeed, their
for
my
was much
letter,
gratified
In return, I
but that part was not the least pleasing.
as
well
as
serve
may
you serve your
you
to
administration to which
it is
now
partial.
You
when
it,
it
foresee their fate, and would have resisted it, if they could ;
bu that a repubiick tends, experience says, irresistibly, towards
licentiousness, and that a licentious republirk or democracy is
65
LETTERS.
514
of
all
governments
that very
fail in two
years ; and a republick wears out its morals
almost as soon as the sap of a white birch rots the wood.
AND are we not fated to have our present chief the longer
on account of his inefficiency ? His whole care is to be where
to
he
and to do nothing
is,
angry with
this
do-nothing
The
chiefs of party, of
out ; and their induce
policy, they
will like
imbecility.
it
exceedingly.
course, cannot get a handle to turn him
ment to do it is always least, when the squad of the party that
is secretly opposed to him is the most clearly convinced of his
man
at the
IT
is
seems
to
we
will
make him
happen
first.
Of course,
God
if it
please
permit the British navy to belong to Buonaparte.
The Assyrian will tread us down like the mire of the streets.
I have read the tenth chapter of Isaiah, to which you refer me,
and
to
think
United
it
French and
to the
make him
tile to
Buonaparte
Europe independent
if
that Prussia
LETTERS.
515
ed, as a sine
qua non,
to
be made as potent
at least as
Austria
ought
to
IT was not long after the disasters of Austria, before the king
of England, as elector of Hanover, declared to the king of
Prussia, that in no possible event would he alienate his Ger
man
dominions.
Such narrow views, such stiffness, at a time
which required yielding to a friend, lest he should have to yield
to a foe,
still
coalition,
been yet
seems
to fight,
different.
It
still I
tions I
to their superiority in
From hence
ficance,
it
of these heads
But
numbers,
in cavalry,
much
and in
towns are of
artillery.
little
signi
On
each
sive system is
no longer
next to impossible.
down
LETTERS.
514
of
are
ships are cast away at sea or, if I may drop all high metaphor
and speak like a farmer, that a fence falls, when it is support
ed by nothing but white birch stakes. It is the nature of these
;
he
secretly opposed to
man
him
is
imbecility.
IT
is
seems
to
we
will
make him
happen
first.
Of course,
God
if it
to
think
United
it
States.
make him
tile to
Buonaparte
Europe independent
if
that small
;
that
LETTERS.
515
made
ought
to
IT was not long after the disasters of Austria, before the king
of England, as elector of Hanover, declared to the king of
Prussia, that in no possible event would he alienate his Ger
man
dominions.
Such narrow views, such stiffness, at a time
which required yielding to a friend, lest he should have to yield
to a foe,
still
some of
these facts.
in
meeting Buona
been yet
seems
to fight,
different.
It
one
still I
I have
formerly communicated to you some reflec
had made on the causes of the steady superiority main
THINK,
tions I
ascribed
them
to their superiority in
From hence
it
ficance,
of these heads
But
LETTERS.
516
or
coming
over.
But
if
he
comes, he
will
folk to
myriads of popping
with them
as the
over
fifty
dragoons.
that
we had
he
is
on that subject.
THESE
are
and on a great
scale,
that, unless
we prepare,
the English
give out.
I REALLY wish you would examine this, perhaps obscure,
sketch of the grounds of my military notions, to convince Mr.
Giles how defenceless we are, and how fallacious are his popu
sure to have
its
flank turned
without a chance to
fight.
With
numerous
hostile cavalry,
land,
though abounding
in strong
LETTERS.
posts,
517
maintain them.
fleet
artillerists,
enough
On
to supply officers
should
to.
To
that
afraid of
arming
as the democrats.
quence of
all this,
champion
is
make
that
we
withdrawn.
fall
when
know
too, as a
conse
might
Your
&c.
FISHER AMES.
TO THE SAME.
DEDHAM, November
MY
YOUR
DEAR
6tb, 1807.
SIR,
edly sensible of
worthy friend
my
insignificance.
fit
my parlour,
If,
am
unaffect
sometimes
LETTERS.
518
am
in the habit of
thinking
a short
laws of nations.
are
we
When
wonder
to
federal
at the folly of
lieve, that
who would
should
fall.
if that task
not let us
fall,
Buonaparte
should be
we now
think
it
mother,
will
left
political
we
impossible that
;
or
we
As every
in a mill,
and purged
We
seem
to
me
I am
teazing you with a theme as trite and as tragical as
the Children in the Wood.
pondence.
inside.
LETTERS.
MY
health
and keep
is
my
519
feet
?"
but
Dear
sir,
Your
friend, &c.
FISHER AMES.
THE END,
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or to the
Richmond
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Field Station
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CA 94804-4698
Richmond,
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