The Manuvo Tribe

According to Gale, T. (2009), The Manuvu' are one of the many Mindanao
groups to whom Visayans, Spanish, and Moros apply the name Bagobo
(anthropologists specify the Manuvu' as the "Upland Bagobo"). The term is a
contraction of bago, "new," and obo, "man." Originally, the term Bagobo referred
to the peoples of coastal southwestern Mindanao who converted to Islam.
However, its scope was extended to include unconverted hill tribes such as the
Manuvu', whose name means "native people." They are themselves not a
homogeneous group, displaying dialectal differences and occupational and
artistic specializations.
According to Jong, de Ronald (2010), manobo, the name may come from
Mansuba from man (person or people) and suba (river), meaning river people.
The first Manobo settlers lived in northern Mindanao, at present Manobo tribes
can be found at the hillsides and river valleys of the northeastern part of
Cotabato. The Manobo also believe that there are many unseen spirits who can
intrude in the lives of humans to accomplish their desires. These spirits are both
good and evil in nature and can raise anger and pleasure. A Manobo community
is mostly male dominated, the man is considered as the head of the family and
he is the one who will make the family decisions. Only a Royal, a Datu can
practice polygamy, only with the consent of the first wife and her parents. The
first wife will remain the head wife. The Datu or Chief must also have proven his
bravery and leadership in battle as a bagani. This position can be passed on to a
Datu's children, as long as they have the necessary qualifications. Village

member are expect help in any way from their kinship group or persons related
by marriage, this relationship is named upakat or reciprocity. The Manobo are
both strong in mind and spirit, their cultural identity is firmly rooted in the land and
its nature. It is maintained through storytelling, language, family and the passing
on of traditional skills and arts. The traditional way of life has not ended for most
Manobos, like any other tribal community in Mindanao, the Manobo have faced
many cultural challenges in their past and will encounter even more in the future.
They strive to uphold their values and traditions even while living in a modern
society, faced with new realities, ready to compete in the modern economic
world instead of the world of nature.
According to Cembrano (2013) pointed out that manobo tribe is one of the
populous indigenous group of people in the island of Mindanao, Philippines and
that in- cludes the Agusan Manobo tribe in the province of Agusan del Sur,
Moreover, the areas inhabited by manobos covers from the Pantaron Mountain
Range of Bukid- non and Davao del Norte provinces to the west and to the east
is the Diwata Mountain Range. At the heart is the great Agu- san River. It runs
from the south at the Municipality of Sta. Josefa and winding to the north going to
Butuan City to the mouth of Butuan Bay. Furthermore, the aborigines of Agusan
were the ancestors of the present-day Mamanwas who were driven to the hinterlands

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five groups of Indigenous people, the Aeta, Mamanwa, Bago- bo, Banwaon, and
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Manobo, Banwaon and Higaonon tribes are distinctly identified since they live
along the National Highway and river towns going to Davao del Norte while
others live in the town of Esperanza towards the boundaries of Misamis Oriental,
Surigao and Bukidnon.
According to De leon ( 2006) added that manuvo is influenced by the
Malay River People. These people are called Mansuba, from the word Mansuba,
the malayan term for river. Therefore, Mansuba literally means people living near
or in the river (most of them live on floating houses). Later on, Mansuba is
shortened to Manuba, which eventually took its masculine gender which is
Manobo.
According to Jushua Project (2014) further said that the most common
lifestyle of the Manobo is that of rural agriculture. Unfortunately, their farming
methods are very primitive. Some of the farmers have incorporated plowing
techniques, while others have continued to use the "slash-and-burn" method.
Other Manobo living in other areas of the province use a farming system called
kaingin. This is a procedure in which fields are allowed to remain fallow for
certain periods of time so that areas of cultivation may be shifted from place to
place. More- over, social life for the Manobo is patriarchal (male- dominated).
The head of the family is the husband. Moreover, polygyny (having more than
one wife at a time) is common and is allowed according to a man's wealth.
However, among the other group of Manobo, most marriages are monogamous.
The only exception is that of the powerful datus (headmen). The political
structures of the Manobo groups are all quite similar. A ruler, called a datu, is the

head of the group. Beneath him are the royal and non-royal classes. Only those
people belonging to the royal classes can aspire to the throne. Those belonging
to the non-royal classes are under the power and authority of the royal classes.
Each class is in- terdependent on the others. The political aspects of life are
often integrated with the social aspects. For example, many social events, such
as weddings, require political leaders. Whenever there is a negotiation for
marriage, both the bride and the groom must use the local datu (headman) to
make all of the arrangements.
According to Sztutman, (2008), the religious beliefs of the Manobo revolve
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also believed to have human characteristics. They are both good and evil in
nature and can be evoked to both anger and pleasure. While the religious
practices of the Manobo vary slightly, there seems to be at least one common
thread linking them together. Each culture believes in one "great spirit." This
"great spirit" is usually viewed as the creator figure. As the various Manobo
groups have been separated, the religious beliefs of other peoples have
influenced them somewhat. However, the Manobo have often incorporated these
new practices into their belief system, rather than abandoning their practices and
being converted to new religions.

Way of life
The most common lifestyle of the Manuvo is one of rural agriculture.
Unfortunately, their farming methods are very primitive.

Inefficiency of labor

hinders economic growth in their communities. There is a great need for

agricultural development projects to educate them on such things as crop
rotation and use of chemical fertilizers. Such training would not only enhance
their efforts, but also provide open doors through which missionaries may enter.
Social life for the Manuvo is patriarchal, or male-dominated. The head of
the family is the husband. Polygyny (having more than one wife at a time) is
common, and is allowed according to a man's wealth. Many social events, such
as weddings, require political leaders. Whenever there is a negotiation for
marriage, both the bride and the groom must use the local datu (headman) to
make all of the arrangements. The political structures of the Manuvo groups are
all quite similar. A ruler, called a sultan, is the head of the group. Beneath him are
the royal and non-royal classes. Only those people belonging to the royal classes
can aspire to the throne. Those belonging to the non-royal classes are under the
power and authority of the royal classes.
Each class is interdependent on the others. The political aspects of life are
often integrated with the social aspects. Many social events, such as weddings,
require political leaders. Whenever there is a negotiation for marriage, both the
bride and the groom must use the local datu (headman) to make all of the
arrangements. There is a wide range in the populations of the eight Manuvo
groups. Many of the groups are struggling with a changing world. Outside

pressures have greatly affected their respective cultures. The religious beliefs of
the Manuvo are revolved around the concept that there are many unseen spirits
who interfere in the lives of humans. They believe that these spirits can intrude
on human activities to accomplish their desires. The spirits are also believed to
have human characteristics. They are both good and evil in nature and can be
evoked to both anger and pleasure. While the religious practices of the Manobo
vary slightly, there seems to be at least one common thread linking them
together. Each culture believes in one "great spirit." This "great spirit" is usually
viewed as the creator figure.
As the various Manuvo groups have been separated, the religious beliefs
of other peoples have influenced them somewhat. However, the Manuvo have
often incorporated these new practices into their belief system, rather than
abandoning their practices and being converted to new religions. Another need
of the Manuvo lies within the area of their culture. These groups speak many
different languages and dialects. This has made learning to speak and write their
languages very difficult for outsiders. The smaller cultures are being pressed
upon by larger groups that surround them. Because of this, they fear losing their
original languages and cultural idiosyncrasies. An effort must be made to
preserve their original culture so that these fears will be calmed. Spiritually, the
Manuvo need a Savior! They must be told that there is a loving God who longs to
make them a part of His family. Who will tell them that the "great creator spirit" is
really a Father who cares for them? Prayer alone has the power to break through

the strongholds of spirit worship. Intercessors are needed to daily stand in the
gap and pray for the salvation of these precious people.
The Manuvo Environment and Settlement Pattern
Nestled in the heart of Surigao del Sur, in the town of Lanuza, is
Baranggay Pakuansite of the original settlement of the Manobos in the
province. It is believed that in the early 18th century, Datu Apo Oja, with his
family and hundreds of his men, fled from the baganis (warriors) of the warlike
Manobos of Agusan and settled in Pakuan. Datu Oja and his people liked
Pakuan. Because of its lush vegetation of edible ferns, vast timberlands (a
source of materials for their houses), crystal-clear springs that served as their
water supply, and rivers teeming with fish, Pakuan was the ideal place to settle.
In fact, the areas waterfalls were natural sites for the tribes worship rituals to the
diwata (spirit) and for tribal weddings and baptisms. Today, the Manobo are
spread out all over Surigao del Sur and have an estimated population of 129,000
people. They are concentrated mostly in the towns of San Miguel and in the
baranggays of Lobo and Cabangahan in Cantilan as well as Pakuan, Agsam and
Mante in Lanuza. They also live in Pansukan and Panikiam of Carascal, in
Bayugo of Madrid, and in Himpuyan and San Vicente of Carmen. Unlike the
Mamanua, the Manobo have light brown skin, straighter hair and bolder
personalities. They decorate their bodies with tattoos and wear bright colorful
attire with ethnic designs. They adorn their necks and arms with multi-colored
strings, made of indigenous materials skillfully and attractively created.
Nowadays, only senior members of the tribe regularly wear the full costume,

while younger members have already adopted the mainstream populations

mode of dressing. Unlike the Mamanua, the Manobo are not nomadic.They plant
crops for their daily consumption and sell or barter their surplus harvests once a
week at tabos (farmers markets). They have their own political structure, which
is autonomous from the main population. At the head of their political system is
the datu (leader) whose position is gained by traditional succession. A council of
elders advises him. If the community determines that he is not suited to the
position, he is then removed from office and a special election is then called.
Peace keeping is entrusted to the baganis (warriors). The Manobo still practice
some of their old customs and traditions. Like the Mamanua they transmit laws
orally from generation to generation. Declaring land ownership by word of mouth
and planting bamboos to mark land boundaries are actively practiced customs.
Like the Mamanua, the Manobo are gentle people. However, they will not avoid
conflicts, especially when their domain is threatened. Proud of their heritage, they
hold on to their ancestral lands ready to fight and die for them.
Their land is their life. Although unschooled in Philippine laws governing
land ownership, and with no titles of ownership of their domain, the Manobo
nevertheless strongly resisted capitalists attempt to take over the ancestral lands
in the early 1960s. They raised their voice in unified protest and the government
listened. In a historic breakthrough, the government through the Certificates of
Ancestral Domain Claims program of the National Commission on Indigenous
People have started to award to some Manobo communities certificates of titles
to their ancestral lands. Today the Manobo have become a political force.

Struggling to survive amidst strong waves of change, the younger Manobo dream
of a better life and a brighter future for their children. They have come to realize
that such betterment start with education. The USAA, through its scholarship
program, is committed to helping this strong and independent people fulfill their
achievable dream. The Mamanua, the only Negrito race of Mindanao, are
indigenous to the province of Surigao del Norte. They live in the foothills of Anaoaon, Malimono, Mat-I; in the hinterlands of Bacuag, Claver, Gigaquit; and in the
mountains surrounding Lake Mainit. They believe that these ancestral lands are
sacred - a source of life and a gift from their magbabaya (God). The Mamanua
are short, small-framed people.They have dark skin, kinky hair and shy
personalities. Their names are derived from nature from mountains, bodies of
water, trees, stones , wildlife. Basically, nomadic, the older men of the tribe still
roam the forests of Surigao Norte to hunt for food, returning only to their
territories to deliver their catch, which are shared by everyone. In recent times,
the younger ones have begun to look for work at mining and logging companies,
to earn money to support the needs of their young families. The Mamanua are
gentle and peace-loving people. They prefer to settle disputes amicably and pay
the manggad (fine) for minor infractions and oyagaan (heavy fine) for serious
ones rather than prolong conflicts. In fact, they only use their spears for hunting
and as ornaments on ceremonial occasions. The oldest tribe on record is the
Cantogas of the Lake Mainit area. As with the other lumad (tribal) communities,
they have occupied their ancestral domain since before the arrival of the
Spaniards. To this day, they still practice some of their ancestral customs and

traditions. The Mamanua have their own indigenous political structure, which is
distinct and autonomous for each tribe. Each community has its own laws
transmitted orally from generation to generation and through actual practice. At
the head of their political system is the dakula (leader), whose position used to
be inherited. However, nowadays he is chosen for his ability to settle disputes
within his tribe. He is advised by the malaas (elders). At the bottom of the
hierarchy of power is the bagani (warrior), who is responsible for maintaining
peace and order in the community. For a long time, the Mamanua have resisted
the outside world, living only in the dignity of their own culture. At present, due
partly to the patient efforts of the government and some NGOs, they are slowly
adapting to the changing world. They are starting to send the younger tribe
members to school. They now allow the government to assist them with
livelihood projects. They now welcome medical missions to inoculate their
children and to work with their baylan (tribal doctor) in treating their sick with
modern medicine. Lastly, they have found their political voice as a people,
petitioning the government to grant them the legal rights to their ancestral
domain. Slowly but increasingly convinced of the benefits of better health and
education, the Mamanwa are struggling to catch up, although centuries late. In
this endeavor, they need help to survive and save their unique culture from
extinction. Providing educational grants to their children is both invaluable and
essential. A college education would enable Mamanua children to help their
people escape poverty and develop their full potential.

Socio-Political System
Manobo settlements are either dispersed or relatively compact, depending
on the terrain, the agricultural system practiced, and the degree of acculturation.
Compact villages traditionally have three or four datu or timuay (chieftains), but
dispersed settlements have none. Some Manobo groups did not have a formal
system of chieftainship until the present century. In 1910, the Agusanon Manobo,
for example, did not have a title for chief. He was simply a bagani (warrior), a title
that he shared with other members of the bagani class. The term datu was
used by the Visayan traders for this chief but not by the Manobo. The Spaniards
called him masikampo (derived from maestro de campo, meaning camp master),
and the Moro called him kuyano/kulano. The subgroup Manuvu did not develop a
datuship system until the middle of the 20th century. The position of chieftainship
can be passed on to a datus offspring, as long as the person has the
qualifications necessary for the position: wisdom, knowledge of traditional lore
and mythology, eloquence, skill in euphemistic language, fairness in judging or
arbitrating disputes, and possession of some wealth and property that the person
must be willing to share with the whole community. However, young village
members who show promise can be chosen and trained to be chiefs, gradually
earning the status of datu/bai as they prove their ability to settle disputes, which
involves three factors: speaking, negotiating a settlement, and providing the
settlement themselves. In olden times, the datu must also have proven his
bravery and leadership in battle as a bagani. The datu/bai is traditionally also the

head of a kinship group. At the installation of the datu and bai, they are reminded
to be good judges. The old datu conferring the position upon them says: You
hold the comb and oil which are your weapons against those people who break
the accepted rule of behavior. The comb and oil represent the act of smoothing
and disentangling, and are therefore symbols of peace and order. Betel chew
offering is laid out and prayers are addressed to the gods Likebkeb, Mensigew,
Reguwen, Unluwa, Makeyvakey, and Miyugbiyug, the spirits who guide and
confer wisdom upon the datu. Gifts of money and any article such as cloth,
dagger, or water buffalo are given to each datu or bai. Then a series of acts
symbolizing the breaking of ones vow is performed: they break an egg, blow out
a lamp, smash a cooking pot, tear down a fence, break a plate, and cut a length
of rattan in two. The datu was advised by a council of elders composed of datu
and family heads. Today this council of elders may still be highly influential in
choosing the village datu and the members of the barrio council, composed of
the barrio captain, the captains assistant, the councilor for education, and
councilor for health and sanitation. This barrio council, which is formally elected
by the village people under the influence of the council of elders, is usually
composed of young educated people who are familiar with lowland culture,
especially the language of trade. Actually, however, the barrio council still defers
to the authority of the council of elders, whose jurisdiction covers matters
involving batasan or adat (custom law), marriage arrangements, penalty for
taboo breaking, and settlement of interfamily quarrels. The barrio council handles

law enforcement, matters concerning civil law, community improvement, and

questions over land ownership.
The traditional social structure consists of four classes: the bagani, the
baylan (shaman), commoner, and slave. The bagani class, now gone, defended
the community and went to battle. The baylan, who can still be found, is a male
or female priest and healer. The commoners were farmers; and the slaves, who
had been seized in raids, belonged to the ruler and were usually given away as
part of the bridewealth. Village members could also become enslaved if they
could not pay the penalty for a crime they had committed, such as thievery,
destruction of property, adultery, or verbal offense. Slaves, however, could win
their freedom through diligence in the fulfillment of their duties, faithfulness to
their master, or payment of their debt through servitude. Slaves who were treated
like members of the family although still in servitude were bilew, and it was
considered an insult if they were referred to as slaves. One who did so was
committing tempela, ridiculing someone for their low status or physical handicap.
Manuvo Worldviews