Organizational Corruption as Theodicy

Author(s): D. Christopher Kayes

Reviewed work(s):
Source: Journal of Business Ethics, Vol. 67, No. 1 (Aug., 2006), pp. 51-62
Published by: Springer
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(2006) 67:51?62
Journal of Business Ethics
DOI
10.1007/sl0551-006-9004-x

Corruption

Organizational

as Theodicy

ABSTRACT.
problem
ing

Theodicy

discrepancy.

The

enlisted

paper

normative

four

presents
to

observers

by

dilemma,

justifications
social
prevailing

to

work

either

principles
corruption:

perceived

and

regulation,
social

with

this

explain

normative

systematic

Consistent

these

to

respond

detachment,

controls.

to

the attempts

emerg

normative

and

experience

describes

theodicy

as the

corruption

between

expectation.

on Weber's

draws

paper

organizational

discrepancy

moral

D.

This

to define

construction,
or

reaffirm

norms

chaUenge
events.
An

in the face of confusing

case involves
in the busi
corruption
exemplar
perceived
as
ness
the
of mountain
through
climbing
represented
events
1996 Mt.
disaster.
The
iUustrate
Everest
climbing
how
and

informs

theodicy
two

expose

Springer 2006

accounts

descriptive

of normative

limitations

of

corruption

models

of

ethics.

Christopher Kayes

about the nature of corruption,

questions
scholars
lack an integrated descriptive
organization
considers the social and
framework
that adequately
growing

dynamics of organizational
corruption.
psychological
sense
to make
This paper argues that attempts
can
from
of organizational
benefit
corruption
(1963) sociology of organizations.
revisiting Weber's
concept of the theodicy problem
SpecificaUy, Weber's
can shed light on the nature of perceived
corruption
a comprehensive
to
framework
and provides
understand

theodicy problem
lived experience
rived

for corruption. A
the discrepancy between
in organizations
and sociaUy de

the various

normative

remedies

describes

expectations.

As

an

exercise

in

and

KEY

WORDS:

nizational

importation,

conceptual
Mount

corruption,

Trevi?o,
(Weaver
conceptual
importation
1994), this paper describes the concept of theodicy as
it appears in the social sciences and "imports"
these

orga

theodicy,

Everest

ideas into the study of normative

ethics.
on
of
Building
theodicy in the
conceptualizations
social sciences,
the paper describes how
theodicy
a useful tool to make
sense of changing
provides

rich

scandals has
growing number of organizational
in
led to increasing public awareness of corruption
Incidents
of
organizations.
organizational
perceived
seem to increase with
each day's head
corruption

The

lines. No
corruption.

Organizations

entertainment,

been

popular
ruption
tional

and

charity,
from

professions

have

seems

enterprise

to be

immune
in

involved

law,

sports,

as weU

government

accounting,

from

and

as

academics

as corrupt by scholars and the

cor
Increased incidents of perceived

described

press.
have sparked an interest among organiza
more
a
scholars
who
seek
better,
to describe

way
comprehensive
corruption. While

sense of

the

continue

corruption
zational
corruption
tions. Why

and make

behavior?

do good
do
Why

unethical

behavior

of organizational
incidents
to grow, the study of organi
remains perplexed
with
ques
engage in corrupt
organizations

that engage
organizations
to prosper? Despite
continue

ethical standards in organizations.

the theodicy
perceived

problem

corruption

cUmbing community
eight climbers on Mt.

The paper iUustrates

to interpret the

as a means

that emerged in the mountain

and thus led to the deaths of

Everest in 1996. The changes in

the ethics of mountain
chmbing that led up to these
serve
events
to
the varied responses to
iUustrate
tragic
in the mountain-climbing
corruption
a
As
first
in
step
industry.
understanding
corruption as
on
this paper focuses
theodicy,
theodicy as a descrip

perceived

tive device

and suggests future work

to normative
ethics.

application

Organizational

in

Research

the

business

its

corruption

from
has

in developing

science,
poUtical
diverse
and
yielded

and
economics,
often
confusing

52
D.

Christopher Kayes

of corruption
1970; Jain,
(Heidenheimer,
that
themselves
often concede
1998). Researchers
across
differs
what
is considered
corrupt practice

as more just and sees the ultimate aim

are perceived
of ethics in building a better social order.
The present analysis shares Levine's
interest in the

and cultures (Donaldson,

1996) and even
so
as
to
that
iswhat an
far
conclude
go
"corruption
to
be" (Davis and
individual perceives
corruption
Lee-Chai
and Bargh
2003, pp. 275-276).
Ruhe,
with
the
(2002) equate corruption
illegitimate use of

norms
between
relationship
the underlying
human need

definitions

countries

in organizations.
Some have argued that this
use
of power often arises from flexible
illegitimate

power

arise
which
themselves
corruption,
across
of
influence
capitalist ideology
increasing
the globe (AU and Camp, 2002). Some have sought
to define corruption. The all
to rely on metaphor
of

definitions
from

of corruption
yet simplistic metaphor
encompassing
as "black, white
and gray" reflects the challenge of
2004). Others
(see Moroff,
defining
corruption
of corruption
(Neilsen, 2003) suggest the metaphor
as a disease that must be cured and absence of cor
of a healthy,

as a representation

ruption

functioning

of

diversity
continues

corruption
about what
has

there

means

definitions

for

to reflect

broad

constitutes
been much

to be

corrupt,
about

agreement

the

organizational

disagreement
behavior. Not
only
it
about
what
disagreement
corrupt

but

there

is also much

to

ways

remedy

dis

corrupt

a remedy to this diversity of

behavior.
Suggesting
values
definition
ranges from developing
global
constitutes
about what
(Milton-Smith,
corruption
to using
the more
polychromatic
"gray"
to
describe
(Heidenheimer,
metaphor
corruption
2002)

of
paper enlists Levine's
(2005) definition
an
on
as
because
"attack
norms"
(p. 724)
corruption
it focuses on deviations
from social norms as the
of corruption
but takes care to define
norms
The
those
way that individuals may
broadly.
choose to ignore norms and develop other forms of

foundation

that rely on "greed, arrogance, a

justification
... and the
sense of personal entitlement
inability to
and personal
between
organizational
distinguish

moral

ends" (p. 724) provides an important starting point

and social definition
of corrup
for a psychological
that
tion. Conventional
definitions
corrup
suggest
tion is defined by a lack of ethics. In contrast, this
views

corruption

as

departure

from

norms.

in
view
paper departs from the conventional
that it sees the goal of ethics as building norms that

This

in the prevaiUng order. Thus,

response to changes
cor
the primary focus here lies in understanding
ruption from a social point of view and the drive to
maintain
social

separation of good and evil as a function of

as weU as psychological
In other
processes.
the primary point of departure from Levine is

words,
that this paper views corruption
can be viewed
where
corruption
social

existing

as a social process
asmuch
in light of

as in underlying
psycho
1967). The paper insists,

constraints

logical processes
(Berger,
that corruption
needs to be defined
therefore,
social as weU as psychological
factors.

by

is religion.
Genaux
social factor
(2004)
an
arises
that
of
argues
corruption
understanding
from Biblical origins and early beliefs about just and
that reU
believes
Further, Genaux
unjust behavior.
of what
gion influences contemporary
understanding
on
is considered
the
notion
that a
corrupt. Bu?ding
better understanding
of the religious origins of cor
ruption

can lead to a better

of con
understanding
turns
to the
this paper

temporary

corruption,
of
sociology
religion and the concept of theodicy. A
turn to the religious origins promises
to be the first
a
in
step
comprehensive
language of orga
building
nizational

2004).
This

paper

In a departure
the
from Levine,
however,
present analysis focuses on how these norms came to
be in the first place and how new norms form in
evil.

One

organization.

The

and corruption
and in
to separate good from

the

origins

a turn to
importantly,
leads to a comprehensive

explain

the

More

corruption.

religious
to

framework
temporary

various
have

organizations

ways

that
to

sought

con
address

corruption.

perceived

Theodicy
Conceptual
This

section

importation
in "conceptual
represents an exercise
where
of theodicy, bor
the concept

importation"
is adapted to
and sociology,
rowed from philosophy
shed light on organizational
(Weaver and
corruption
introduced
the term
Leibniz
Trevi?o,
1994).
(1890)
theodicy to explain

the presence

of

evil

in a just

Corruption

Organizational
world.

from its Greek

Translated

theo and dike,

roots,

justice". Philosophers,
and social scientists have used the term

theologians,
to

theodicy
associated

with

explain
the

or

contradiction

existence

conflict
in

of

the

injustice
arise in response to problems
such
as "How can innocent people experience hardship?"
suffer?" and "Why do wicked
"Why do children
Theodicies

such as

Problems

(Green, 1987).
people prosper?"
the innocent feeling hardship or children
suffering
means.
For
be
various
by
example,
might
explained
innocent people suffer because they perpetuated
evil
in another

be that
response might
aU evil people wiU be punished
after
eventuaUy
offer an explanation
that aUows
death. Theodicies

life. Another

to maintain

and societies

individuals

seem

events

when

so

in justice

belief

unjust.

a sociological
Weber
(1963) provided
tion of theodicy.
For Weber,
the concept
more
a
offered
than
just
odicy
description
societies

articula
of

the

of how

questions of justice. He believed

an alternative
to Hegel's
that theodicy
provided
of
believed
that
social
progress.
project
Hegel
dealt with

from

change

emerged
social
competing

the

forces.

tensions

The

two

between

continual

resolution

in a continuaUy
these forces resulted
evolving
and progressive
that an
Weber
believed
society.
was also at play when
other social mechanism
social
arose.
conflicts
Social conflict
could be explained
to explain
the
by various forms of rationalization
resolution
of social injustice and conflict,
the con
cept of theodicy.
rationalization
grows out of a growing
Theodicy
the

world.

Rationalized

societies

as

emerge

and rational
efficiency,
productivity,
explanation
take the place of religious
and mythical
explana
tions.

With

arose

rationalizations

greater

greater

disconnection

From
between
belief and experience.
arose
a
this disconnection
greater disenchantment

with

the world

more

prone

discrepancies
ence

greater

itself. Rationalized

explains

tensions

tions,

theodicy
three

the

confusing

societies

were

to employ theodicy as a way to resolve

because
rationalized
societies experi

tions and experience

grates

Social theodicy

social

between

normative

expecta

(Weber, 1963). Berger

(1967)
as a conceptual
device
that inte
elements:

framework
existing
events (p. 59).

normative

or

expecta

culture,

and

its origins are clearly religious,

the term
For
has taken on a more
secular meaning.

Although

theodicy
the context
broader

this paper, theodicy

is used in its
as
a
to
tool
resolve
the dis
sense,
an
between
order and
expected normative
of

social

crepancy
the lived

expectations.
stood to have
each
mative

In other words,
society.
events
fail to live up to
can be under
In this sense theodicy
in

experience
arise when

theodicies

theodicy
ethical

two underlying
characteristics.
First,
a
nor
is a search to make
legitimate
order (Berger, 1967). Second, a the
an attempt to resolve the discrepancy

odicy provides
the normative
between

this normative

invoking

order and the experience

order (Weber, 1963).

by

theod
Stripped of its theological
underpinnings,
a
sense
process by which
icy describes
people make
of and sustain action in the face of contradictory
events.

concerns

Recent

about

the

nature

of

cor

in organizations
suggest a
the concept of theodicy in the

and values

ruption, ethics,
time to introduce

ripe

of organizations.
As a sociological
a
to explain
mechanism
theodicy provides

concept,
and justify

study

events

of

of

53

translates as "God's

theodicy

world.

as Theodicy

when

normative

do

expectations

not

conform

to lived experience
2001).
(Morgan and Wilkinson,
as weU,
a
means
For Weber
of
theodicy provided
not
with
with
but
events,
coping
just
cosmological
as weU. At its most
basic
everyday
discrepancies
level,

itself

meaning

to

define

reassure

in the world

exists

p. 58).
In the context
poses

to

seek

theodicy

of business
how

ethics,

perceptions

society

that

(Berger,

1967,

theodicy pro
of corruption
explanation for

a sociological
thus providing
an
in applied business ethics,
As
exercise
corruption.
a
social
for why defini
offers
theodicy
explanation
so
tions of corruption
between
and
much
vary
emerge,

con
cultures. Theodicy
suggests that what
stitutes corruption
is a factor of the particular culture
and the culture's expectations
about what constitutes
normal or accepted behavior. Rather
than suggesting
a relativist approach to ethics, the theodicy propo

within

sition

suggests
standing what

that

the

constitutes

starting

point

for under
arises

from
corruption
of
the
of
the
knowledge
perspective
society, culture,
or paradigm from which
as
the incident
is viewed
corrupt

(Astley,

1985).

54 D.

Christopher Kayes

as it relates to corruption
The theodicy problem
can be summarized
as foUows. Corruption
emerges
those in them and
when
organizations,
including
those who

observe

incidents where
zation

them,
the ethical

sense

to make

of

of an organi
to expectations.
From the

to Uve

fa?s

seek

behavior

up
is un
the basis of corruption
theodicy perspective,
met
in
ethical
behavior.
expectations
Theodicy
iUuminates perceptions
of ethical lapses in organi
to
Attempts
constitute
expectations

zations.

account

for

these

unmet

a corruption
theodicy. This
can be considered
an experienced-based

perspective

emerges
corruption
approach to corruption, where
as an experience
of changing moral
obUgations,
to existing
and chaUenges
shifting
relationships,
normative

organizations
eventually five up
have

factors
that will

been

achieve

their expected
stock performance
or
after restructuring,
mergers. Thus, corrupt
layoffs,
to just ends.
actions could be justified as means
to under
The more
these justifications
conform
lying social norms, the more likely the organizational
response is considered just and not corrupt. A more
of response to these discrep
systematic explanation
ancies
vertical

lies in a two-by-two
dimension
describes

response

to norms

conforms

to the organization.
the degree to which

On

is twofold.
and social

corruption.
theodicy provides a structured approach to
to per
how organizations
respond
understanding
ceived lapses in ethical behaviors.
Second,

diagram (Figure 1). The

the degree to which
the
versus

internal

the horizontal

external

is

dimension

to either
the response conforms
or resignation.
of mastery
The matrix

a program
a systematic
outlines

expectations.

The value of the theodicy proposition

First, theodicy describes the psychological
in determining
mechanisms
involved

can suggest that experience

once certain
to expectations
such as organizations
achieved,

Third,
will

of

classification

response

to

in four ways:

detachment,
perceived
corruption
normative
and moral
control, systematic regulation,
Each is explored
and tied to prevailing
dilemmas.
management
practices more fully below.

Detachment
to corruption

Response

in business

activity

as theodicy
of corruption
is apphed
it reveals at least three forms
activity,

If the notion

to

business

of

response to the theodicy problem. Each explanation

an attempt to justify corrupt actions in
constitutes
the

face
First,

of missed
organizations

expectations.
can

to resolve

achievement

Detachment

arises from

detachment
norms
and

suggest

separate

some

Moral

Internal

can

create

forces

growth
underUes

as

"ev?

stocks,
the stock

could be justified
to

these

forces.

Detachment

Understanding

Isolation

contingency,

Utopian
movements

and

Regulation

Normative

Regulation,
oversight,
and penalties

Normative

Systematic

External

and

Control

rules,
with
Disenchantment
experience

forces"
the

involves

good-bad

as the cause of

dichotomy
invoking negative
In the case of organizational
the
the discrepancy.
be
the
effects
of
the
economy
may
odicy,
negative
of

to establish

Resignation

Dilemma

plurality,
emotion

asWeber's
Protestant work
ethic, where
emerged
to
hard in this Ufe
individuals worked
enjoy the fruits
of their labor in the afterUfe.

invoked

and a desire
expectations
social
order.
Detachment

future

the conflict. Weber

organizations

resignation. Calls for

a disengagement
from
social

Mastery
invoke

(2001)
and sacrifice wiU be re
explained how hard work
as
in the future, if only to be experienced
warded
in
the
This
of
form
present.
theodicy
unpleasant

Second,

inner

the potential
Umiting
actual business model
that

Corruption
notwithstanding.
as an appropriate and just response
Figure

1.

Four

forms

of

corruption

theodicy.

Organizational
with

disenchantment

the external

in developing
that adheres

interest

conveys
knit organization
ues, regardless of how
those

values.

The

social order

Corruption
and

an isolated

and close

to its own

set of val

the larger

response
that focuses on creating a "better
Utopian ideology
social order" outside existing social arrangements.
In
sense
a
to the existence
the
that it entails
resignation
of

social norms, detachment

views
social
existing
forms of corruption as inevitable. This inevitability
is
then described as a system that has gone too far, and
are
existing or future attempts to combat corruption
seen

as

isolate
external

ineffective.

the organization
social order.

as

acts

Detachment

from

a means

the corruption

to

of the

response to cor
example of the detachment
is
the
ruption
expressed by
rising interest in spiri
in
tuality
(Mitroff and Dent?n,
1999).
organizations
can
seen
as a form of theodicy
be
in the
Spirituality
sense that spirituality describes
a response
to pre
social

purely

on

Spirituality
complete
zation. Not
how most

of organizations
based
functionalist
ideologies.
as a means
to prevent
the

expectations
or
economic

emerges
infiltration

of these

ideas into the organi

Mitroff
and Dent?n
surprisingly,
explain
efforts at instituting
in orga
spirituality

emerge from a crisis event in either the

or its leaders. Spirituality can be seen as
organizations
a means
to decontaminate
the organization
and rid
itself of these potential
corruptions.
Organizations
as a means
the spirituality
to
embrace
response

nizations

redefine
expectations

their

identity

seen

or detach

from

normative

as deviant.

actions

a culture of integrity can

supporting
an alternative
to corrupt culture in organi
while
Gioia
of
(2003) takes the concept
how

explain

provide
zations,
norms
to the

that cultural
level, suggesting
be considered beyond the boundaries
of

to encompass
the organization
the greater society as
Each of these positions places resolution of the

weU.

corruption
mative

theodicy

Normative

controls

behavior

arises

from

serve

as

culture

through
become

outer

a means

and

as a means

sanctioned

the modification

corruption
through
The institution of normative

regulate

Norms

of

to overcome

Systematic

of behavior.

controls

the response

(1967) describes how normative

well-being.
Berger
controls serve the pursuit of social interests, not the
individual.

In the

process,

normative

controls

seek

of nor

regulation

from outer-world
emerges
regulation
The
to
mastery.
systematic
response
regulation's
recommends
the
institution
of
formal
corruption
Systematic

and

rules

In

regulations.

contrast

to normative

con

seek to regulate behavior

trols, which
through local
and informal
sanctions
(Barker, 1993),
systematic
involves establishing formal rules, regula
regulation
in addition to instituting formal
tions, and oversights
sanctions for violation
of norms. As a more
formal
and systematic form of control and power, systematic
relies

where

on

heavily

normative

formal

controls

power

rely

the

regulat

and social norms.

is what

regulation

and

authority
on

et

Bazerman,

al.

in the field of accounting.

(2002)
They
for
formal
rules that regulate out the
argue
instituting
bias that auditors are susceptible to. In
psychological
response

suggests outer
involves
resignation
regulating
in order to pursue goals that are sanctioned
behavior
by the greater society. These organizational
goals are
often achieved at the expense of individual goals or
because

hands

recommend

resignation.
to

belief.

in the informal

controls.

Systematic

control

behavior

social

ing effect of informal

Normative

the world
by
as good and just.
re
how normative

were
because
others were
justifiable
or
were
them
the orders of
doing
just foUowing
they
Locke
and
Becker
superiors.
Similarly,
(1998)
tain

regulation

control

with

order

reaffirming
et al. (2004) describe
Anand,
sponses to organizational
emerge when
corruption
members
become
socialized into institutions
that use
the extant culture to justify action. For example,
when
of an organization
claim that cer
employees

rules,
Normative

the disenchantment

norms must

An

vailing

counteract

55

the normative

perceives
leads to a

society

detachment

as Theodicy

to

to

a number

of

business

scan

accounting

dals, they recommend

instituting formal mechanisms
that regulate the potential
for human error. Others
and
Ruhe,
2003; Nielsen,
(Davis
2003) put forth an
agenda

of

oversight

and fiduciary
businesses.

on
that focuses
systematic
regulation
that they view as pervasive.
controUing
corruption
More
broadly, attempts at systematic regulation can
be seen in Sarbanes-Oxley,
which
legislates greater
auditing

responsibility

for

those

56 D.
Moral

Christopher Kayes

dilemma

mountain

to corruption
lies in inner mastery
and the recognition
of moral d?emma.
The moral
to
d?emma
fo
approach
corruption
organizational
cuses on a better understanding
of individual choice,
desires, and impulses in light of various normative
standards. Unlike
the detachment
and normative

A fourth

response

of
responses, which
suggest an acceptance
the existing, albeit imperfect,
social order, the moral
dilemma
the indi
approach emphasizes
developing
vidual in light of complex moral choices.
In contrast
control

to the systematic
responses, which

control
punish

thwart

attempt
the moral d?emma

corruption,

and

approach

emphasizes

as important
and experience
development
in understanding
and mitigating
corrupt

personal
variables

in

actions

and normative
to

regulation

organizations.

to ethics (e.g.
recognition
approach
Rokeach,
1979) serves as a representative model of a
asweU
moral d?emma
response. Values recognition,
The

values

as the moral

(e.g. Kohl
the ethical

perspective

development

recognize
help individuals
of
situations
impUcations
they face and the impact
their individual decisions have on the organization.
1981),

berg,

The

values

individual
individual
Taken

the
approach
emphasizes
process and the role of
decision-making
values as they influence decisions.
regulation,

responses

that

and moral

The
in

control,

d?emma
make

organizations

corruption.
organizational
trates how this framework
ticular organization.
economics
changing

normative

detachment,

together,

systematic
four

recognition

represent

in response

to

next
iUus
section
can be appUed to a par
framework
iUustrates how
The

the

climbing
between

community
climbers and

the ethical obligations

cUmbers caused
guides. The deaths of eight mountain
to re-evaluate what
it considered
the community
changed

ethical obligations. The responses

the suggested
be considered with

to these deaths

can

framework.

in mountain
climbing:
Changes
an illustration
of theodicy
Changes
trate how

in the mountain-cUmbing
industry iUus
can
certain
instances of
theodicy
enUghten

in organizations.
The
1996 Mt. Everest
corruption
in
which
the
deaths
resulted
of eight
disaster,

social

case

of

events

The

corruption.

can

change

an

as

stands

climbers,

of how

important

result

have

served

example

in organizational
as

the

source

studies

for teaching
about organizations
and Carioggia,
data for
2003),
provide
the nature
decision
of organizational

(Roberto
exploring

(Elmes and Barry, 1999; Kayes, 2004), and

making
have served as examples
in popular
of leadership
literature
2001;
Roberto,
(Useem,
organizational

2002).
events

The

left observers

and participants
ahke
answers
search
for
searching
played
out over Internet websites,
in informal conversa
forums among cUmbers, and in
tions, in organized
no less than seven pubUshed
of first-hand
books
for answers. The

accounts

survivors

by

rescue

and

members.

party

lacking is a systematic analysis of the

ethical impUcations of the events (see Kayes, 2002).
one way
to analyze the ethical
Theodicy
provides
in light of changes
in the
of events
implications
has been

What

mountain-climbing
nomic
relationship

industry.
between

In particular,
the eco
climbers
the
changed

that an able-bodied
climber had towards
obligation
an a?ing or nearly incapacitated
climbing partner.
Since detailed accounts of the events exist in other
sources

1999; Kayes,
(see Elmes and Barry,
2004),
a
is provided
here. The year 1996
summary
only
stands as the most deadly year in over 50 years of
the highest
Everest,
peak on earth.
cUmbing Mt.
Among
Fischer

strongest,
In addition
of

their

dead were

two

team leaders, Scott

to
be among the best,
HaU, thought
and most
selfless guides on the mountain.

the

and Rob

to these

clients

two

also

strong

climbers,

died

a number
or

to reach

attempting
the summit. Along
the way, ropes had
not been set as planned
to speed up the ascent and
turn
and climbers ignored pre-established
descent,
around times and took undue risk. Climbers
shrug
descend

from

ged off an incoming

as normal intrusions

storm and deteriorating

health
into the dangerous
enterprise of
In
became
lost in
the end, several climbers
cUmbing.
a storm and perished without
shelter, and several
to get down alone. The
from assisting
already
lagging
guides,
over
course
of the climb, stayed to help
the
climbers
these ailing climbers and became trapped themselves.
climbers
two

Without
simply
mountain

became

too weak

weak

oxygen, many
supplemental
it back
could not make
and perished.

of the climbers
down

off

the

variety
these events.
on

focus

of

have been posed for

explanations
Elmes and Barry (1999), for example,
nature
the changing
of the climbing

values held among

out specific changes
in the nature of climbing
that led to the tragedy.
of these changes were brought about by what
Most
of climbing. Not
they call the "commodification"
industry
climbers.

itself and the changing

and Barry point

Elmes

too long ago, they argue, climbing the highest peaks

in the world
only the most
experienced
challenged
an expedition
on
and elite climbers. Undertaking
Everest
took extensive
and
resources,
skills,
experi
ence. Expeditions
were
of a close-knit
composed
knew the others'
group of climbers, each of whom
skills and abilities. As John Krakauer
(1997), author
of the best-selling
book Into Thin Air and amember
of the 1996 New
in the past,

Everest

Zealand

team, explained,
shared values about "rugged

climbers

and good judgment.

individuals",
self-reliance,
These
shared values?that
worked
everyone
was
on
in
the
their
end, everyone
together but,

tied

For

one

to the fate of his partner.

he slipped over a ledge.

describes
Simpson
Faced with
saving

life or having both climbers perish, his

cut
the safety rope and Simpson
slid down
partner
a crack in the ice. After being left for dead on the

his

own

mountain

by his partner, Simpson eventually made

his way back down the mountain.
story
Simpson's
norm
the
illustrates
of mountain
prevailing
climbers. When
in a dire situation, a climber's first
save
to
is
himself, not risk his own life
obligation
to

save

Other

that

of

stories

involve

the first climber

Messner,
summit Everest without

to his historic
brother,

who

Fearing
without

his

climbers

Tyrolean
to successfully
oxygen. Prior

supplemental
ascent, Messner was climbing with his
fell down
the side of a mountain.

to
the worst, Messner
ascended
ethic of leaving
brother. The
to save oneself

Patrick Meyers'

(1983)

even made
play

safety,
fallen

it into fiction.

and feature

film K2

leaves his

cUmber

an ailing

of leaving

is a weU-estabUshed

Ufe

to

cUmber

norm

among

community.

mountain-cUmbing

ethics in climbing

Changing

In the last decade, however, many of these underlying

norms would
come under question
as an ambitious
clan of successful mountaineers
began staging com
to peaks like Everest. Under
mercial
the
expeditions
new ethic, mountain
on
climbers became dependent
their guides

to shuffle them up the mountain.

Clients
as $65,000
to commercial
oper
or
like "Mountain Madness"

pay as much
names
ations with

would

"Alpine
summit.

with

the hopes of reaching

the
ethic
of
had
Accordingly,
climbing
from a close-knit
group of climbers to an

Ascents",

the

can be
This
enterprise.
change
as a form of corruption?as
old norms of self
to extensive
reliance and judgment
obli
gave way

gations based on economic

relationships.
While
of mountain
many
aspects
climbing
the changing
changed,
guides
relationship between
and clients has received particular attention. What
was once
a "brotherhood"
had emerged
into a
business and, along with
the change, paid guides, as
to ensure
leaders, now carried broader obligations
the safety of their clients. David Breashears
(1999),
an Everest-climbing
veteran and head of the 1996
IMAX Everest
the changing
describes
expedition,
ethic.

The

lack of

meant

the

and

apprenticeship

lack

of mountaineering
of
aspects
cUmbing

fundamental
and

teammate.

his

well-known

Reinhold

the

own

one's

viewed

the

the Void
book,
popular
Touching
recounted
the
1989),
(Simpson,
personal
experi
ence of a climber
in a storm with
his
caught
were
two
The
climbers
tied
partner.
climbing
together by ropes so that each climber was literally
how

save

are

of

example,

behavior

acceptable

These
values
rope".
told by mountain
climbers.

"brotherhood

climbers

an able-bodied

Each
ailing cUmbing partner to die on the mountain.
of the examples
iUustrates
that the tragic but

changed
economic-driven

some

57

how

the

what

in stories

dramatized

called

own?formed
shared

as Theodicy

Corruption

Organizational

self-reliance.
is

that

tacit

also

experience
ethos.
are

The
trust,
with

understanding

most
respect
your

are

to
experienced
enough
know
not
to
and
limits
others.
your
endanger
are not
common
These
are moral
courtesies?they
are
on
resources
When
you
responsibilities.
calling
that are not
are not
a threat
then
there,
you
only
to
a threat
but
to the
around
yourself
you.
people
me
To
that
is the ultimate
act of
irresponsibility,
at risk
others
for
and
desire.
your
putting
ego
companion

Climbing
not
ness,

Everest
luck

you

should
(p. 255).

be

an

act

of

self-aware

Christopher Kay es

58D.

nature
of relationship
among
changing
serves
as
a
area
climbers
for iUustrating theodicy
ripe
because these changes highUght
increased ambiguity
has the
the
Nowhere
among
cUmbing community.
The

between
climbers been more
changing
obUgation
in
clear than
of guides Rob HaU and
the decisions
even
to stay with
Scott Fischer
aiUng cUmbers,
own
meant
it
is
their
While
deaths.
there
though
some

situation
about Fischer's
(see
disagreement
to stay with his ailing
Bromet,
2005), HaU's decision
cUent iUustrates the emerging
d?emma. Radio
dis
patches between HaU and others at a safe camp down
the mountain
revealed that HaU had watched Doug
Hansen
become
increasingly weak just a few hun
dred yards below
and attempt

with

there was

the summit. HaU's

to aid Hansen,

reaUsticaUy
nothing
in his eventual
death

resulted

to stay
the fact that

decision

despite
that HaU
from

could

do,
to

exposure

and high altitude.

it was inevitable
Once
that HaU, as a paid guide,
an a?ing cUmber or die
to
need
leave
behind
would

an ailing climber behind

in order to save
a
on
life. The change
Everest provides

leave

own

one's

the nature of ethics

place to explore
compelling
because it represents a situation where
"people find
of
rules
their
code
unsatisfactory"
prevailing
1973, p. 13). The
(Frankena,
changes on Everest
and the subsequent
represent a theodicy,
that emerged
and
between
prevailing

responses

emerging
standards of abandoning
other climbers serve
as ethical responses
to the theodicy
In
problem.
ethic
involved
self-reliance,
short, the prevailing
not endangering
and the reali
partners,
climbing
ethical

that if you stumble during the course of the

you were on your own. The emerging
expedition,
for
ethic dictated that paid guides were
responsible

zation

the safety and well-being

of their clients,
or
some
cases
in
sacrificing
risking

meant

even

if it

their own

lives.

weather

held important
his decision
himself,
consequences
for the long-held
ethic
of self-reliance
among
cUmbers. In the nearly 50 years of cUmbing Everest
and the history of mountain
cUmbing in general, this
scenario had not existed in a substantial way. As one
observer

"It was

noted,

uation where
stiU-Uving
finish him

as a guide,
sible situation?damned

not"
The

shocking...

was

Here

and that he was

in an impos
if he did

if he did, doomed

1997, p. 166).
(cited in Coburn,
iUustrated
situations
faced by HaU

changing

sit

a guide would
have to leave behind a
it would
I remember
cUent.
thinking

ethic

in mountain

cUmbing.
"brotherhood"

The

to stay with a cUent or head down alone is

not by any means clear. He notes: "Rob [HaU] chose
to stay with his client until he died. Had it been me,

whether

I
have descended
when
I might
right or wrong,
I could do for Doug,
reaUzed there was nothing
even though he was aUve. But Rob was a dedicated
in Coburn,

1997, p. 192).
in the discrepancy
A theodicy problem
emerged
to
values
of when
and
between
emerging
existing
(cited

example

disaster provides an interesting example

it shows how cor
of a theodicy problem
because
in
from
changes
ruption emerges
prevailing norms.

The

Everest

re
how
the climbing
community
can
to
ethic of responsibility
the emerging
sponded
be classified into the four responses to the theodicy
earlier in the paper.
problem described

Deciphering

the

shift in
to con

from informal
obUgation
an emerging ethic. The rules
tractual obUgate meant
between
for the new relationship
paying cUent and
hired guide were not clear. There were no norms of
one of the United
States'
conduct. As Ed Viesturs,
most
cUmbers,
says, the ethics of
accompUshed

man"

to theodicy
Responses
in the mountain-climbing

Systematic

regulation

type of response to the changes in mountain

climbing involves systematic regulation of the industry
through increased oversight of the climbing expedi

One

tions.

For

example,

some

advocate

stronger

This
the Nepalese
government.
fewer
include
would
issuing
activity

sight from

over

form

of

climbing
policing
a benchmark
of expertise to
permits and establishing
suitable recipients for these permits.
determine

Normative

control

to the changes
in the
responses
on
in the
has
focused
changes
climbing
industry
culture of climbing. One group suggested that access

second

set of

to the mountain

should

on

based not

be restricted

factors, but rather on a set of shared beliefs

nature
the
of climbing and the value placed on

economic
about

pursuit

prudent

of the summit
the

summit.

than success

rather

as Theodicy

Corruption

Organizational

as ethical. For example,

that were perceived
there
are numerous
an
accounts of Fischer
saving
ailing
climber, even though that climber was not part of his
same is true for HaU. That

team. The

One

fuUy
attaining
experienced
mountain
guide lamented how easy it was to lose
sight of values in the pursuit of the summit when he
stated, "You are not paid to summit Everest. You
are paid to get people to the summit of Everest safely
and return them safely" (Outside Online,
1997).
who
led the IMAX
Breashears,
Similarly, David
team, noted that the changes in the climbing
it easy for guides to lose "sight of the
make
industry
to get
is not, as a guide,
fact that your obligation
a
sure
to
it is
make
mountain,
up
they
somebody

59

were

climbers

both

and working

under

the
trustworthy
of the situation imphes boundary
conditions
seems to apply most clearly
for theodicy. Theodicy
in cases where
individuals are at least relatively weU
considered

norms

intentioned

but become

emergence

of changing

perplexed
normative

or trapped by the
conditions.

Everest

return

aU their fingers and toes. You

is to the welfare
real
of
your only
obligation
clients"
These
indicate
your
quotes
(Rose, 1997).
to other climbers'
that the normal sense of obligation
safely with

know,

safety can get lost in the pursuit of the summit

advocates for norms of safety and prudence.

and

Integration of responses

normative

can be found in the approach climbers

regulation
toMount Rainier
have taken in leading expeditions
in Washington
State. The National
Park Service

access

climbers caU for restricting access

experienced
to climbing
to a limited number of "experts",
they
an isolationist
to the changing
indicate
response
in mountain

response

suggests

"outsiders"

who

The
climbing.
that climbing has been

do

not

share

the

isolationist
tainted by

same

values

as

to the climbing community.

The desired
return
to
of
the
is
isolationist
goal
approach
climbing
to its "golden
true
(Clark,
1976), where
age"
climbers shared a common
in
ethic of self-reliance
"insiders"

context

of

teamwork.

these approaches

suggest

past

a limited number
of services to guide
to the summit, and individual permits are
to ascend over 10,000
for those wishing

authorizes

required
feet. By limiting
the Park Service

When

the

four

and may

climbers

Detachment

values

to theodicy
are not
responses
be combined. An example of how
controls work
along with
systematic

these

Indeed,
exclusive

as

and,

such,

from outside

attempt

As

becomes

a romantic
to

isolate

apparent,

longing
the

for the

community

influences.

to

the

dilemma
fourth

of mountain

systematic
by

regulation

amateurs.

those climbers with

experience
the values
with

only
are assumed

climbs,
to limit
con

Normative

to have been

relevant

socialized

into

of

less

the climbing
and those
community,
must
be accompanied
experience
by
and rigorously
selected
who
guides

experienced
share similar values

about client-guide
relationships.
is not without
flaws and cannot

The

system
some of the inherent dangers of climbing,
minimize
as a review of the accident reports reveals (Mount
Rainier

National
Parks Office,
or so climbers who

of
However,
summit
the
attempt
n.d.).

the 10,000
of Mt.

Rainier

annuaUy,

most

return

safely,

even

only
combination

occur

the incidents

that prevailed
on Mt.

cor
of organizational
in 1996 less likely

on Everest

Rainier.

and final response to the changing nature

in the desire to
climbing is summarized

to faUen climbers
in the hands of
responses
individuals making
Guides
HaU
and
judgments.
Fischer were both seen as strong climbers. Both had
their ability

to respond

to situations

in ways

if

it to the summit. Nonetheless,

the
of systematic regulation and normative

52% make

ruption

leave

proven

of commercial

trols ensue because

to

The

uses

summit

controls makes
Moral

the number

Implications
The

to under
of theodicy
importation
conceptual
to
stand organizational
corruption
helps
highlight

60 D.

Christopher Kayes

some important Umitations

in the study of corrup
ethics. The concept of theodicy
tion and normative
two aspects of corruption
that have
highUghts
Uttle attention.

received

were

the pursuit of a small group of

In addition,
those
countries.
mostly
imperialistic
were
the
summits
often
world's
pursuing
highest
in the
members
of the elite classes of those countries
mountains

The theodicy lens suggests that many explanations

of corruption
tend to reinforce and legitimize rather
or explain
social
the prevaiUng
than chaUenge

sense that they had excess leisure time and extensive

to mount
and costly expeditions.
complex
As climbing became accessible to a broader range of

norms.

from various
social classes and various
participants
cultures, the value of rugged individualism
began to
to
restrict
the
The
response
climbing
change.
to an
tallest and most prestigious mountains
world's

they tend to reinforce existing norms,

in turn reinforce
of corruption
normative
definitions
in
and
power
(Berger,
existing inequaUties
privilege
to corruption
reinforce
1967, p. 59). Responses
for
justifications
existing power norms by providing
Since

the sit
corrupt behavior. These justifications make
uation for the powerless more
tolerable and provide
for the position of the powerful. These
justification
definitions

reinforce

economic

stratification

existing

social,

poUtical,

and

by providing
explanations
that placate the less powerful. To rephrase Berger in
terms of organizational
pro
theodicy
corruption,
a justification
vides the victims of corruption with

resources

elite and trained group of climbers can be read as an

values.
attempt to hold on to the individualistic

corruption

Rethinking

for their victim

of
illuminates perceptions
proposition
in
The
theodicy perspec
organizations.
corruption
of orga
tive not only serves to define perceptions
serves
to
structure
the
it
nizational
ways
corruption,

corrupt with

in which

the
status, but it may also provide
cor
a justification
for their continued

The
definitions

that normative
lens also exposes
theodicy
of corruption may
simply further per
and thus
normative
expectations
existing

petuate
lead to more

notions

abstract

constitutes

of what

As Berger
(1967) notes, theodicies
ref
abstract and removed
lead to more

ethical behavior.
continuaUy
erence points.

the discrepancy

abstractions

These

between

further

perpetuate
and
experience
the need for addi

the Uved

in turn furthering
expectations,
tional theodicies
(p. xlvii). The concern
normative

expectations

normative

is that while

may guide moral

are often divorced

thinking,
from the

principles
In
of those in organizations.
everyday
experiences
between
the end, fa?ure to reach a "compromise"
the abstract principles and everyday experience
only
creates the need for more
radical normative
expec
tations.

norms

justification
and existing

for corruption
power

in the mountain-cUmbing

social

reinforces

relationships

can be

seen

The cUmb
community.
sense of their
to make

sought
ing community
was
that mountaineering
values. RecaU
changing
on
self
of roughed
values
based
individuaUsm,
could be
These
values
and hard work.
reliance,
considered
for

theodicy

actors respond
and organizational
cor
in light of perceived
an organization
to
the dis
responds

observers

to or advocate

ruption.

That

The

decades,

in the context
expeditions

of certain cultures.
to

the world's

ruption.

reforms

How

and experience will

crepancy between
expectation
a
to which
the degree
be a key to understanding
to
will
be
considered
appro
response
corruption
priate.
Research

can benefit from a better

on corruption
and how
of normative
expectations
understanding
organizations

to

respond

the

changes

in

these

nor

on corruption
Scholarly
expectations.
can
context
in
of the new
discussed
the
be
already
1998). The new
(Wicks and Freeman,
pragmatism
focuses on how identity shapes percep
pragmatism
In the context of new
tions in the face of choice.
work

mative

theodicy

pragmatism,
providing

descriptions
norms. The

pluralistic
constitutes
what

sheds

light on

of

experience

corruption
by
in light of

new

suggests that
pragmatism
and
how
organizations
corruption
can be found in questions
about

justify corruption
who managers
are, to whom
they are loyal, and how
be in the future
their role might
they imagine
(Rorty, 1989).
Far from being

Indeed,

in the sense that

relativistic,
some
have
claimed
(Locke,
"anything
goes"
assumes
is con
what
2003), the pragmatist position
on situation factors.
is dependent
sidered corrupt

highest

The

as

theodicy

explanation

emphasizes

that the most

Organizational
situational

important

are norms.

factors

Such

is troubUng to those who

advocate objec
prospect
tive measures
of ethics, but troubUng issues should
not prohibit new ideas that chaUenge conventional
notion put
wisdom
from emerging. The underlying
is objective must always be
context
in the
it
of the situation in which

forth here

as Theodicy

Corruption

WA)Retrieved
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the idea is that to understand

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experience
on
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normative
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do
do bad
Why
seemingly
good organizations
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of
and
management
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