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UDK: 75.052.033.2(497.

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1332. 1337. .
,
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, 1928.
.1
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.3 ,
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, :
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: V. R. Petkovi, La peinture serbe
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. , , , III ., . 7 (1932) 15
35; . . ,
, . , . XVII, . 383, , (1. 1965)
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2 (1967) 1719; . ,
, , . ., 910 (19581959) 223225; . , .
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. 1. ,

.

.
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, .4
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.
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135

, ,

.
***
, , .5


,
.6 , ,
. , ,

, . , ,

( 1343 1345),
( XIV )
( XIV ). .
, . ,

, (,
.).7

.8 ,


XIV .
.
, ,
,
.9

136

, 1994, 140143 et passim.


5
, , 142.
6
, , 6263.
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. , , 27 (19981999) 123133; . . , . ,

, 29 (20022003) 161179.
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. , . ,
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9

,

.
, XIV
.10
, . , ,

(. 2).11

.

. ,
,12
. ,
,
. ,
, , ,

.

, , .
,
, .13
XIII ,

,
XIV
.14
. cf. ibid., 62, 64, . 4, 6, .
10
Ibid., 64, . 6, . 1011.
cf. B. Todi, Portraits des saints Symon
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11
, . , . 6, . 14; N.
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137141 ( 140141); K. Moran, Singers in Late Byzantine
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12
, . , 62, . 910.
13
Cf. . , . , 1984, 3841; . , ,
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14
f. . , ,
23 (1963) 146; . , , 15 (1979) 115134;
. , . , 1988, 83,
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f. , , 41; ,
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Cf. . , , 15 (1979) 159; , , 125; idem,
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XIV XV , in:
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XIV
.
, ,
, ,
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. ,

XIV ,
.18 , ,19
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17
Cf. . , , 3
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18
Cf. , , 145; . ,
, , . ., 52 (2002) 107, . 12;
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Cf. , , 145; ,
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137

. 3. ,

1310. .21 , ,
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, , . , 40 (.
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, . , 201.
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, , 213
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,
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***

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( )
Cf. , , 142; . , , 2005, 204.
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, , 162163.
27
,
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, , 35, 151.
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,
.
29
, , 142.
30
. , , 10 (1986) 6783, .
25

, .31

. , , ,
.
,
.

, , .32 .


. , .33 XIII . , , ,
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XIII , XIV
XV ,
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.37 , ,

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.38 ,
Ibid., 90. .
, ,
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33
Ibid.
34
Z. Gavrilvi, The Forty Martyrs of Sebaste in the Painted
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36
Ibid., 52, 5961, . 610.
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, , 133.
38
. , , in: idem, ,
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31
32

. 4. ,

.39

. , ,
.40 ,
, ,41

.42 39
Ibid.; . -, Ma . .
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. , ,
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, , 162163,
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, II 1230.
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139

. , . , o ,
,
? . ,
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- ,
(. 1).43
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,
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.45
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.46
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.47
, , ,
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, , 1535.
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- . , ,


.
(
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?

, ,
.
,
.
43
44

140

.48
,49
,50

.
.
, ,
. ,
, , , .51


. ,
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.
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, , .53

, , . ,
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Cf. . Lafontaine-Dosogne, Un thme iconographique peu connu:
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, , 62; . , XV , 1980, 175.
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, , 146, 164.
52
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,
. (, , 178;
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53
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.54 .


. ,
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. ,
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,
,
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.56
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, , 142.
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, , 62.
57
,
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54


( 18, 118; 22, 118).
o
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. , ,
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:troica nerazdhlna| .61 ,

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R. P. E. Mercenier, La prire des glises de rite byzantin, II. Les
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141


(. 7). ,
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XIV
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. , , 1987, 186, .
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.70
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69
Ibid., 7980.
70
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71
G. Vikan, Catalogue of the Sculpture in the Dumbarton Oaks
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1995, 104.
72
Treitinger, Die ostrmische Kaiser- und Reichsidee, 115119; . H.
Kantorowicz, Oriens augusti, lever du roi, DOP 7 (1963) 160162; M.
Jeffreys, The Comnenian Prokypsis, Parergon, n. s., 5 (Sydney 1987)
51.
73
M. McCormick, Purple, in: ODB, 1759.
74
G. Dagron, Ns dans la pourpre, Travaux et Mmoires 12 (1994)
105142; idem, .
, 2001, 5758; Carile, Produzione e usi
della porpora nellimperio bizantino, 255256.
75
G. Filoramo, Variazioni simboliche sul tema della porpora nel
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. 5. ,

.76

, , ,
.77

.78

VIII
.79 ,

XIV .

, ,
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colore simbolico, 227242; Carile, Produzione e usi della porpora
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76
P. Miljkovi-Pepek, Le portrait de lempereur byzantin Michel VIII
lglise rupestre de Saint-rasme prs dOhrid, CA 45 (1997) 174
175. ,

(, , 144, 168 .
1272). Tao je
(. , , 1998, 92).
77
. , , 19962, 6263; Miljkovi-Pepek, Le portrait de lempereur
byzantin Michel VIII, 174175.
78
C. E. Karkov, The Ruler Portraits of Anglo-Saxon England,
Woodbridge 2004, 8687.
79
Miljkovi-Pepek, Le portrait de lempereur byzantin Michel VIII,
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.80

.
, ,
, .81
, .82



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, . , ,
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, ,
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. . , XIV
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,
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82
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.86 ,

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,
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,
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,
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, .89

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,
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, .
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.83 , - ,84 .
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,85
, , 249273 ( 262264, . 6). ,
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84
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85
A. Cutler, Proskynesis and Anastasis, in: idem, Transfigurations.
Studies in Dynamics of Byzantine Iconography, University Park 1975,
83

144

53110; . ,
, 26 (1994) 25
35; N. Teteriatnikov, The New Image of Byzantine Noblemen in Paleologan Art, Quaderni Utinensi 15/16 (1996) 309319.
86
I. Spatharakis, The Portrait in Byzantine Illuminated Manuscripts,
Leiden 1976, 112, fig. 72; Cutler, Proskynesis and Anastasis, 75; A.
nd. J. Stylianou, The Paintd Churches of Cyprus. Treasures of Byzantine Art, London 1985, 295, fig. 176; . . ,
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87
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88
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. , , 2 (1966) 150, . 2, . 5; . .
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, , : , . 16 (1989) 115118,
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. 7. ,

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. ,
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,
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93

145

,
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.
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146

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.101 ,

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.103 ,
,
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.
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, ,

.106

.
.

,107

,
. ,
. , ,
, . , ,
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. , (XIIIXIV ), in:
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. (ibid., 141) . (
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105
,
XIV f. , , 269270, . 42.
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, XIV cf.
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160, 165, 166, 168, 172173, 177, . 2730, 32, 3337, 39, . 11, 53,
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, , 6869.
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. 9. , ,

.108
,
, .
, .109

. , .

,
, ,
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, (.
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,
, , , . Cf. , , . 32, 3537, 39, .
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Spatharakis, The Portrait, figs. 16, 38, 143151; . , . , III, 18 (1987) 3738, . 3; , , ,
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, , 141.
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147

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,
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, ,
. ,


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(ibid., 17), : V , (ibid., 19). M, .
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148

,
. ,
, . .
. ,
,
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,
, ,

.

. ,
. , ,
, ,
, ,
.
,
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, , 140, 269270, . 53. .
13401342. ,

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. 11. ,

. 12. ,
,

,
,
, . ,

, .

(?) .115 , .
-


,
.116
,
.117 ,

, , , .118 , -

, .119
, ,


, .120 ,

,
, , , ,
, .121


, .

, , 1338/1339.
1346/1347. , ,
.

, ,
, .122 -

( 1. 1343),
, . , , , (cf.
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Pseudo-Kodinos, Trait des offices, introduction, texte et
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, , 170172, . XXVI, XXVII.
118
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119
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cf. , , 73, c. 4; . .
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); , , 169171, . XLIV.
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.

, cf.
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. -,
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149

, 1332. 1336/1337,
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.124 , ,

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tersbourg 1915, 47237;


1347. , ed. . , 27 (1870) 295296; cf. .
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, , 5566; ,
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,
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(,
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, , 170; , , 19.

. ( , 141).
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, , 117, . XXVI2.
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,
24 (1910) 290291.
127
, , , . . 129.

. ,
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.128
. ,
, .129
. , , ,
?
***

,
,
.

.
,

.
,
, . .130

.131

128
Spatharakis, The Portrait, 110112, 132, 227228, figs. 71, 72,
86, 161162; , , , ,
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VIII
,
,
IX (cf. H. und H. Buschhausen, Die Marienkirche von Apollonia in Albanien. Byzantiner, Normannen und Serben im Kampf um
Via Egnatia, Wien 1974, 155, 157, 170, Fig. 1619, Abb, 101, 104107;
. , . . , . ,
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o (
cf. Miljkovi-Pepek, Le portrait de lempereur byzantin Michel VIII,
173).
, , ,
.
129
N. Nodilo, Scriptores I. Annales Ragusini, Zagrebiae 1883, 40;
VI,
1986, 110111, 390, . 107; .
, , 1989, 83,
84; , 1986, 64 ( 51); . ,
. , 1982, 327, .
1; . ,
I, 1931, 32; . , :
, in: idem, , ,
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130
. ,
XIV . , in:
XIV ,
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131
, ,
. Cf. , . , 74.

.132
.

,133 .
,
.134
, , ,
,
.
, ,
, , , 127128.
.
, , 1962, 113, . 145. XIV
, , ,
XIV .
134
.
( , 143).

(, , 62).
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133

.

.


. ,
.

. , , ,
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.
1332. 1337. .
. ,
, .

On the frescoes of the Bela Crkva (White Church) of


Karan and the contemporary painting of Raka
Dragan Vojvodi
The results of a more careful examination of the
painting in Raka from the period of the king and later,
of the emperor, Stefan Duan (13311355) render untenable the earlier assessments about its strikingly provincial character and negligible artistic value. The fragmentarily preserved painting of the exonarthex in Djurdjevi
stupvi, in Budimlja (spring 1343 autumn 1345), and
St. Nikola in Pale near Studenica (probably the fifth decade of the XIV century), undoubtedly indicate a highly progressive style and very high artistic value. According to their pictorial features, these two monuments are
no less sophisticated than the most advanced fresco ensembles of Duans times in Macedonia. Besides that, in
the painting of the Budimlja exonarthex and the church
in Pale, one can also perceive certain iconographic
and programmatic novelties, which are characteristic of
churches from that period in the south eastern parts of
the Serbian state (the Menologion, the elevation of the
rulers portraits to the second zone of the fresco paintings, etc.). The coordination of the iconography and the
programme with the principles of the Palaiologan high
renaissance can also be observed in the fresco painting
of some other monuments of Raka from the reign of Stefan Duan. We refer to the Church of the Annunciation
in Dobrun, the exonarthex in Sopoani, the Chuch of St.
Nicholas in Baljevac, the so-called Latin Church in Prok-

uplje, and St. Nicholas in Ue. In the majority of the


said monuments, one can notice traces of the rather lively cultural relations with the central and southern parts
of the expanded Serbian state. Nevertheless, the painting
in the enumerated churches has been only fragmentarily
preserved. Consequently, considerations about the fresco
painting of the Bela Crkva Karanska (the White Church
of Karan) as a rather well preserved monumental ensemble, acquires particular significance for art research in
the north western part of Duans state.
We are quite sure that certain local traditions
were reflected in the wall painting of the Karan church.
They were transmitted primarily from the nearby cathedral church of St. Achilleios in Arilje. It is possible that
the transposition of the four scenes of the great feasts to
the dome relies on the solution from the old episcopal
church of the Holy Apostles in Ras. The basic reason for
such a disruption in the programme, however, should
be sought in the desire to create room for as rich a set of
themes in the lower zones as possible. This was in keeping with the requirements of the mature renaissance art
of the Palaiologan period. Apart from the great feasts,
a developed cycle of the life of the Mother of God was
painted in the church, interpolated with the scenes of
The Hospitality of Abraham and Abrahams Sacrifice.
One can link such a solution with the consecration of the 151

Church of the Annunciation. In the services dedicated to


that feast day, Abrahams tent is mentioned as the prefiguration of the womb of the Mother of God and emphasis
is placed on how, that day, Gods promise to the Old Testament patriarch, that He would bless all the nations of
the Earth in his offspring, was fulfilled. In the same zone,
there is a presentation of the scene of the sufferings of the
40 martyrs of Sebastia on the ice-bound lake. It was given room above the ktetors composition and it is hard to
tell whether the old traditions of Raka or a wave of new
influences from Macedonia played a part in its appearance.
On the other hand, the presentation of the Theotokos Triherroussa, whose cult spread from the metropolitan church in Skopje, which was reconstructed by King
Milutin, testifies unequivocally to the influence of the art
and the cults from the southern part of the state on shaping the thematic programme in Karan. The appearance
of the image of Saint Marina, killing the demon with
a hammer and the image of St. Clement of Ohrid, also
point to the connections with Macedonia. The painters of
Karan demonstrated their knowledge of the solutions of
the high Palaiologan renaissance, by literally transferring
the iconography of the cycle of the Mother of God from
the Kings Church in Studenica. They tried to emulate the
painters of Studenica even where elements of style were
involved (the typology of the physiognomies, the manner
of modeling, the relationship of the figures and architecture in the scenes, etc.). Nevertheless, the Kings Church
was not their only source for adopting new solutions. The
painters of Karan, for example, painted St. Sava of Serbia
as a dark-haired arch-priest in a sakkos, according to the
changes in his iconography of that time. The fresco painters of Karan also demonstrated an exemplary familiarity with the new ideas and customs of the Serbian court.
As one of the insignia of Queen Jelena they laid stress on
the thorakion, the ancient and forgotten insignia of the
Byzantine empresses, which gained popularity for spe-

152

cial reasons, in the Serbia of Duans time. The portraits


of the rulers on the southern wall were painted on a red
background. This was done in keeping with the custom
known in Byzantine art and widely accepted in the Serbian environment, from the second decade of the XIV century (Church of the Mother of God Ljevika in Prizren,
St. Demetrios in Pe, Bela Crkva at Karan, St. George in
Poloko, Holy Archangels in Prilep, Markos Monastery
in Suica near Skopje). The iconographic schemes of the
Palaiologan times also played a part in formulating the
presentation of an unknown nun in the proskynesis in
front of the Theotokos Triherroussa.
Two childrens portraits are also included in the
considerations about the Karan fresco painting. The
youngest child of upan Petar Brajan, painted within the
framework of the ktetors composition, is not a little boy,
as believed in scientific circles. It is the portrait of a little
girl. Testimony of this can be seen in the luxurious earrings, the shape of the coronet with lilies and the length
of the dress, which is not gathered at the waist with a belt.
To all intents and purposes, neither is the tiny figure beneath the loros of King Duan correctly identified as being the young heir to the throne, Uro. The young person does not have any sort of coronet on his head. Nor
does he have the obligatory nimbus that otherwise appears on all the portraits of the Nemanjis in the lowest zone of the wall painting in Serbian medieval churches. In his left hand, the little boy is extending an object,
therefore, it is possible that here we have the presentation
of one of Duans scepter, candle, sword or spear bearers. One should not exclude the likelihood that this is, in
fact, the son of the ktetor of the Karan church because it
is well known that the children of grandees were invited
to serve at the court of the Serbian rulers. In any case, the
inability to recognize the heir to the throne, Uro, in the
little boy, leads us to conclude that the painting of Karan
took place before his birth, between 1332 and 1337.

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