Chapter Seven ‘The Critical Mass Theory in Public and Scholarly Debates Drude Dahlerup and possess de jure equality, in nearly 18. However, despite forming at least e underrepresented as “government. These figures f gitofwone:s positions at devision-mking levels by 1995 endorse by the Council, The figure of 30 per cent forms led Introduction ‘Allover the world one can hear the argument, that in the UN statement above. Frequent correlation between the numbers or rather the share of women in pol jes and women ‘making a difference” has been proved ‘by research’. But is this true? ‘This article will scrutinise the eritical mass argument in the scholarly debates, and atthe same time analyse how the critical mass argument, in spite of scholarly reservations has spread among those advocating af inerease ini women’s politcal the st decades thas moreover been electoral. gender quotas all over the world ‘no coincidence that 30 per cent is the most TT” Concept paper forthe expert meeting ce “Eausl participation of men and wore in dition raking processes’, Adis Ababa, 4-27 Oct, 2005.v , themselves by arguing t SOT FCO RTA PST CIEMIELINE FOES theory" is an outstanding exampi ner research and gender eq he critique, have not make enough of a difference after they have been elected. Women politicians have defended ne cannot expect them 5 in the elected assemblies ~ adding th long as they are only a smi thas been proved ‘by research” Critique of women politicians for not making a difference, has, however, also by commentators, who are in fact sceptical about a gender perspective in polities, and who do not see women’s under-representation as a argued. women’s share of the pol elected. It will be argued ‘appears to be primarily a pr ly been applied to the to less than 30 per cent, ering th the. inequality embedded inthe political norms and culture, “difference’ more women in politics will make. pole 5016 peak tothe tre ater he real mas of waren has ben obtained inthe expanding research field of gender and polities, the critical ma hhas been the object of numerous interesting discussions, but little empirical i. In 2002, Studlar and McAllister state that the idea of a eritical mass 2 Joni Lovenduskis wor i the United Kingdom isa excellent example of his, proved the possibilities of operat made used of - omen in parliament and local cou jor changes, as problem worth discussing. Why campaign to elect women, ifthey do not make any an @ demonstrated effect (2000: 106: $02) and Joni Lovenduski Karen Beckwith and Kimberly and under- tutes more of a thes Manon Tremblay in-a number of co passed the 30 per cent threshold by. should make a difference is then discussed and three areas are selected for speci ing of the debate and possible testing of the critical mass hypothe ‘workplace culture; policy changes; and final |, a fess discussed field in the criti sn addresses the surprising xevival of the critical mass. ore neo-liberal coloured discussion, which has followe 1 mass is borrowed from nuclear physics, where it refers needed for a sustained nuclear chain ke-off into a nev situation or process. the 1980s in gender about an expected qual off into anew presented or way, blacks or change, a turnin, following an incre ‘immigeants, constitute a small o (Dahlerup 1988). ~ possible to make such an analogy from physi the concept ofa ctitieal mass is applied to processes, whi science there is hardly any e its surroundings. Consequer takes place in which does sm critical mass is being used in many other contexts as wel is oF even as a name for regular bicycle pr. queue up at unre; atwhich point that mass would move through the intersection!Saepereeper ney eee eee eer Moss Kanter’s theory ies in orga makes the poi politician the way they want, feminist of . and theit commitment to work for gender equality the two perspectives are not unconnected (Dahlerup 20066), ‘The Scandinavian legacy Marie Wilson, head of the WI House Project, a nonpartisan orga ew York that works to leet Women fall levels of office, sets that ‘eritieal mast at 33 pet Gent. That's closer to women’s percentages in legislatures ns, which have typically led the world in working toward view www.womensenews.org, Dec.27, 2012). the critical mass debate, ce they Wer ine 30 per cent threshold. Im general, the ‘Nordic countries are well-known gl ei I high representation is, which combined avian welfare state as being pa uted tothe general idea, that many women in politics difference (Haavio-Mannia ¢r al. (1983] 1985; Lovenduski 1986; Bergqvist dl. 1999; Freidenvall et af. 2006). However, in the first decades after women’s enfranchisement around World War cal representation in the Nordic parliament and local coun th the exception of Finland, remained very low to the great disappointment of worked hard for women's right to vote and to stand for e after World War 2 that the number of women in the el ‘began to rise in all Nordic countries, Figure 7.1 illustrates how the subst e ih the 1970-80s, a period of e miost pars of the Western wor in the world fad actually passed the 30 per ‘among them four Nordic cou 11985, Sweden in 1986, Denmark in 1990, and the’ 980s and ‘women's representation was: ific study of gender and politics, ori .vomen and polities’ soon developed into substantia research field within Nordi() {academia and several comparative Nordic projects have been issued, financed by ” Ts becoming stremg eneurgh ta bi and alliances between minority gi Tents being otherwi is point. And the working condi were always very poo when during the first many decades alter enfranchisement the elected women were few, under 10 per cent in most old Western democracies (Dahlerup and Leyenaar 20 refers to Denmak, Norway and Sweden, while the Nordic countries cover is Finland and lela, Fae the terms ae used interchangeablyWomen's representation in five Nordic pr five Nordic Parliaments and House of Commons, UK: 1945-2011 Figure 7.1: 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 1945 1950 1955 1960 “iceland =m Nonvay seree+ Sweden ———=UK inland Fi enmark |, del I landrapporter; Statities Norway, hp/statbank ssbno/staistikkbanken!; European Parliament (2011) ‘Sources: Kan och Makt i Norden, __ gominanée in Nordic po the Nordic Council of Ministers (Haavio-Manilla et al. (198311985; Bergqvist et ‘1999; Niskanen and Nyberg 2009; Niskanen 2011). Inthe Nordic countries the [ 1 between feminist researchers on the one hand and feminist st movements and organisations on the other hand kas been and st highpoint in the 1980s. The feminist discourse atthe time ‘of sttong critiques, not of gains obtained: critique which forced women to be politicians ‘on the premises of men’; and. strong of the fact, that the higher up in the hierarchy, the fewer women (the law that easing disproportions).(Haavio-Manilla et af1985). One may arg ue also by feminist research has been conducive to changing male is strong. Iso by fe r } ‘Many reforms were éafried through during this period in a process of policy diffusion between the Nordic countries: free abortion on demand: spit taxation ‘other legal provisions. which made. the maf the head of stabli v-ageriies, pu plans; extended public day care_and equal treatment ive agreements, and later i. legisla “BW aitetives. Consequently there were many good rex ofthe importance ofthe size ofthe minority the first ar ir -al science, which made use of the rit ented Eso a small 10. iy: women in Scandinavian po ~[Gahlerap 1984s) Ldscussed the theory ofa teat mass-against Sean ieenee wih 20-30 percent women in parliament and local coun Sip sciemifc evidence supporting the theory ofa substantial change, now fon passed the 30 per cent threshold? This 1988-article argued that in order to different dimension of po tively new si to start researching the thesis Changes in the soc ‘Changes inthe political discourse 5. Changes of policy (the political decisions ) 6. Increase in the power of women (the empowerment of women) (Dahlerup 19888: 283-84), a le the frst dimension relates to the atildes towards women performing, fTaa"] Deeds tind Words! Gendering Politics for women politicians. Dimension four, changes in the political discourse, points to the tone of the debates in the pol but touches also upon the discourses on women and gender equality in society in general. Dimension five concems what most feminist advocates would see as most important, namely ~~ changes in public policy. Dimension six covers changes in the overall power or lack of power of women in society and in polities. ("The general argument of thed988~« most other dimensions than those dealing improve the situation for themselves and the lowever, as Mercedes Mateo-Diaz critically i not really embedded in Kanter’s workplace perspective (Matco-Diaz 2008: 122) In the 1980s it was, however, , which could support the {of the general difficul [from other this was because imbers of women ‘mass hypothesis which were not ly ew research area. a general decrease from F voters who *had more confidence 1° (dimension one). The @ female representativ 1 highest number of wom Success in increasing women’s representation to a world 1970-90s, But the evaluations about the advantages of large number of women could differ: Of course one has to behave as naturally as possible and not make a fuss about ‘oneself, but find one’s place as one of them. But [feel more comfortable when This sr Consequent le by the European Commission among its member states inthe Bs ynark was the only Nordic county included. The Critical Mass Theory in Public and Scholarly Debates [145 there are some women. I do not know why. 1 had the feeling that the men in a way buil around themselves and their clever economic thoughts letemaki-Olander, vice chair and MP for the Conservative lish in Dahlerup 1988a: 287), [elt ~ embarrassing to admit — that it was pretty comfortable (being the only ave me some advantages. Because the men had in fact no knowledge or experiences 10k up. So I felt Thad some success with these es (children’s and women’s issues). | was in fact the only one who knew anything about these issues [...] they would never have reached the political agenda without me (Gerd Forsell, Swedish Cons). Later, she was elected to the County Council Ie is a positive difference, when you are many women and if you share perspectives. And if you really push for certain issues together. Then it is a tremendous advantage to be more women. But itis a dammed disadvantage, xed assembly of both women and men, «do not believe Swedish Gerd Ina survey among women’s organisations and equality committees within all these women’s ng question: lead to change in what issues are ical parties in the five Nordic countries (WOC Survey 1984): _the idea of the importance of th Nordic debate on women’ Were women in Scandinavian polities showing an inereased commitment to To get women’s issues and gen forms and govemment pr ‘of women politicians in Scandinavia than in less strong party systems.“The travel of the story of the critical mass 1ass theory shows not only an extensive in public debate, ‘A Google search in 2013 scholarly debate about the 7 's (2008: 726) the story of the 728 of the argument Soomltiewold const | they were faced with what Carole Patem: | named after one of the first feminist wr | was taken for granted “that for women tobe a d'(Pateman 1989: ‘The arguments, which were used by the suffrage campaigns an Firstly, according tothe later representation as a 4 ing many political issues, and consequently me For instance, why do we still have a gender gap in salary in favour oF men F decades of equal pay provisions and EU-ditectives? May be men d other under-represented — or excluded groups, looks upon representiion as alin itself, what we today yr 1965; Dahilerap 1978; Theres” ion, a fourth and a fifth argument are the society should make use of ‘women in the steering boards of newer argument to be mentioned here is she domocraer population are de facto excluded from influence, the is Marion Young's words: “The norma depends on the degree to which those affected by ions-making processes and have had the opportu Marion Young argues further, adding} been included in the influence the outcomes (2000: $-6, 23). legitimacy in ‘argument gained extra strength because they placed it wi ‘about the ‘democracy the European Union in No Modern European Democracy without Gender Equal under-representation of women in most elected assemblies in in the European Parliament, is a serious democratic deficit threatening the imacy of European institutions and political parties (www.womenslobby. org) The conclusion is th gender equal representation, | facto excluded (Dahlerup 201, rt from the argument ‘mass, hypathesis,. however, seems of the critical mass argument. “The demand for gender parity in politics does not necessarily presuppose th resis and demands, if one, as Young, takes a more tation based on a model of deliberative democracy ‘Then the inclusion of women is prim: ly argues against secing the representation, She argues that.representation is a dynamic relationship, not a subiution a identification (2000)Tas" | Deeds anid Words: Gender ing Politics’ A. Critical mass and change in the In 1993, a Member of Parliament missed a vote in the Canadian House of. Commons while she was searching for @ women's washroom. Shortly washroom off the lobby of the chamber was has been suggested Research indicates fon, women mi ast one-third of the available space ~ the target referred to as would be expected, then, that Parliament mi ing more women ibrary of the Canadian Parliament, Publ, No 05- 62Em 2010). ‘Today, a considerable amount of the scien rature on gender and pol hypothesis is scrui of the wor thin three selected dimensions or areas: ture; 2) Change of policy (Substantive representation) and 3) Acceleration in women’s numerical representation (descriptive representation). In this quotation above from the Canadian partiam parties, if they f argues, people from the minority tend to be uitble to form cs _lodser strategy to associate yourself wi From a methodological point o| enhaniced female representation. Neverthl levance of the size of the minority in organ palities in one country with different is relevant rescarch strategy. most important to observe, has been very | The des oF 3 SpeEiTe tipping TASS THCOTY MY PUDIC ae SCHOLAT EY DEORE FET jan, Jutta Zilliacus, in the 1970s was appointed as the first about ‘poor she actually entered the sauna, as the only one wrapped in a towel. That helped, she reported! (Dahlerup 1985: 303), “There is a long tradition in gender and polities research to investigate. the L_ workplace, using @ variety of ieal analyses of gendered drop-out rates, on promotion i Aecording to gender. In investigating the gender ts es, the rese co in. grou ‘oppressive norms. Since Moss Kanter’s class ‘at those of gendler performativity, doing and und important research fields, mostly in organisational research, but most recent in political science (Butler 2004; Puwar 2004; Kelan 2010). Old I bearing as new pakspectives such gender, have developed as also very negatives belo to he Hom jcracies and in many ather places on the g ‘eaions and in some, partes (Dahlerup and Leyenaar 2013). Stereotypes and confinement to & few the time passed al life no doubt play afole. Point altached to a specific number or sharé™ of women in an assembly must no doubt be discharged under the workplace perspective. But there may be critical episodes, a heated debs on after @ campaign against women’s unde150 | Deeds ana Words: Genderng Pues Two concepts of political effectiveness “Anne Marie Goetz has developed a conceptual framework for research on what | effectiveness”, defined as ‘the ability 10 use “voice’ (2003: 29). Alternatively, one could ‘a different way, oped! to any ians may want fo pursue, the one perform their hhand the problems all member: tack as potiticians the way they want, because they are a minority and may be newcomers tothe political scene (minority representation, newcomers) and on the bther hand the resistance those politicians meet, if they are committed to pursue fe agenda, Historically, these (wo perspectives are inked, but they are not identical Gender-sensitive parliaments ote what has been labelled ‘Union, [PU, deseribes the ‘gend ei ~Sbjectives for such a programe in the following statement: fand wonten members and sta. I is not only a place where women ca aut algo one where wom Want to work and contribute. (...] A gender- therefore a modem parliament; one that addresses and the equi is more efficient, effective and legitimate ( women’s in order to make them mote inclusive. The point is that women po! be able to perform their task, the way they prefer, without prejud nent and without being excluded from the most “The fist women elected fo pafTamenTs us Jes, which were made before women had gained ique ofthe politcal workplace from a gender ue of traditional mase terms of practical consequences ofthis have developed support systems to especially help ‘women Pi \dergardens for the children of hairdressers for MPs in 2 rush, change of meeting hours, ba male coded, even ies. In the Swedish ‘Phe Critical Mass Theory it Pupticana: that time, 48 per cent women, 5 for instance speaker about sex disc PERINAT Pe, a cross-party i ‘exposed 10 ed proper! jook the complaint very seriously and B.Critical mass and policy change Ps doubled When the number of women having more women in p ‘Sometimes this has been a he questi Tabour women MPs were frequen than todby-foder and many were ‘the House of Commons, cr iament when benefits sing wrth thei party (Lovenduski 2001 loried for adhering to party discipline in Je first Session of 55). Policy change constitutes the core oft ‘women in political assemblies exceeds acetal fans begin to make a differenee. xz (2005:161) states that the e itudes ical mass hypoth between men and these two perspectives. ws have, ever since enfanchise nist or not sul ed by the fe at reached its peak in jothers were eut and Labour women voted By analogy to nuclear physics one adit mous change towards more gender equal policies ‘tion Between women politicians’ a jas SeeHTONY aC helt Wi ion, here i 3 al wiass discussion often diiases: 18 per cent) after the 1997 ‘of them. Since 1997 the key question about has been what difference they have made. sked ‘Satste for women’s presence in this once male bastion is palpable, The new criticised in the press as nothing more by those observers whose sking: when the share of ‘and preferences leading 10 I sex segregation (Le. in esis is made on ‘women, but this seems £00 ciently feminist (Dahlerup lowing sharp statement fromSI" Deeds ane Words: Centering Pe “approach, com} ime and/or between comparable units with different jon. Flere are some examples oat ‘of women’ women get elected only such women omen in US State legistatures ted that we cannot consider no understanding of th her study of the relationship betweet atures and their policy priorities at sever ‘Thomas, concludes that women in states with ahi itroduce and pass more be the nominate for election [statement from 1918 by G feminist leader around the time of women's enfranchise 1988a: 292), issues of women, ¢! states and more than their female counterparts in She adds, however, that an organised women’s venus ean have the seme effect even without 15-20 per cent women in the state Legislature (1991: 958). ability or opportunities might be interlinked, as in Women in Swedish municipal councils ‘studying the budgets at the local level in Sweden, (2012) found some effect of the gender composition of the c differences in budget spending among mong many other Factors, not least left party dominance. Other studies working vicator o @ broader spectrum of issues have found that a substantial on at one poi ne has fed to changes in the cal agenda and in perceptions of women’s agency in polities (see for instance same female pol nevertheless became a cabi 1gness of a larger themselves as special representatives of women voters when they bec an amentary debates on ay eguliy and parental Teave, She dk Vind Some suppor s Once female MPs moved from being a toke mority group’ in the New Zealand House of Representatives in 1984 amount of debates on Hild care and parental leave were increasing iarchal system, and to specific policies such as vi mn, Some researchers prefer ice_against women and,” ly on subjectively defined (Grey 2006:497). ies. But are such agenda results have been found in other st ly founded defi land and in ‘also state some common ground (Wangnerud 2009; Beckwith 2012). the public debate, a esearch, one meets many more or less vague terms like ‘women fr ‘the promotion of women’s interests’, ‘accountable to women of women ‘conclusion is that le proportion holds the key to all represent sve discard notions that numbers alone bring about substantive changes in processes and outcomes’ (2006: 492, emphasis added), Instead Grey advocates a effect model sin female and male politicians” In her comprehensive smale and male MPS ‘of the world were to agree on opted at the UN Fourth Wor ‘ But for the scientific discussion abo needs relevant concep!184] Deeds and Words: Gendering Politics Mercedes IV in several European counties in 1986, and ~ especially relevant forthe critical mass discussion ~ analyses the result ofa repeated surveys among Swedish MPs ‘over a time span of several decades (see also Wangnerud 2000). Mateo-Diaz’s {analysis results in four categories: issues with non-significant gender differences, \issues for which gender differences are constant, isues where gender dferene increasing. gender mass perspective. Based on survey data among voters, Ronald ichart and Pippa Nortis xc. is called the orthodox cc attitudes Seems to isappear. Inthe third tage, the modern gender gap oF the realignment au the voters to the parliamentary arena, Mateo »nvergence, where the gender gap is vanishing, and more live the Sine Tives and gender role -Diaz 2008: 159-60). Also Lena Wangnerid | the Swedish parliament (2009). “Mateo-Diaz. tacks the as the number of women ighér socio-demographic and 20085: 160). Orhers RAVE ical mass hypothesi is and Krook 2008: 730). These assumptions smpiticaldata, No doubt, thé diversity afiong women ies has increased recently in terms ofeticity and ‘openly expressed sexual preferences. But on the other hand, this is most probably not the casein terms of class and ideology. ideologically, politcal parties move -s between the me inished gender gap in parliament might in fact be an effect of the very _Acflux of women in politics, leading to a change of the agenda and the prior and fem; programmes and « “difference “The Crea MASS" THEDES UY PUONC ANC SCHORATY IER EAI ly influenced the polities of their male colleagues and akes it even. short discussion related to policy ass of women of say 25-30 that an inerease in women’s -s have documented. change: no specific turning-pe cent ean be identified. That does no finations to act on gender equall percentage of women pprocesses’(2005:180), Sarah Childs and Mona Lena Krook propose a ‘central research question from “when women make a difference’ to ‘hows ‘Meyers rephrase the theoretical que ‘what are the conditions that govern the ability of women legislators to make a To the ques this article What are the that govern the commitment icians — and some male politicians as well ~ in making a policies? As an ad and over which pol WF women’s orga ‘groups have been formed at erical C. Critical mass and the acceleration in women’s ni representation ical mass of women in politics lead to further inerease, maybe 's numerical representation above the 30 per cent? be discussed int out, a less-explored dimension of the is also almost impossible to find a quotation, this is, as Studlar and Mca critical mass concept (2002: 233).Re I Ie ey HOTT” explanation could b fr recruitment processes of the oe and that they wil tnd to remit other wornen ier as a matter of gender identification or as a temy move in order to change mate dominance in ee the numer . least two hypothest 1as been obtained, whi vets and overcome the ten pr sn Lyenae 203 nist mailsations inthe 1960-805, however inthe Und Kinglom (Lavendsk 2013), Aer this hows es no acceleration, and most recently thee have even ben examples of stagnation over subsequent ns, also in countries with high women’s representati ¢ Denmark and the Netherlands. Yet, Icel shy eis Se a actual y _ 7 indistalied emerrais fave ben i sccleratng the election of wom, women, fr aipponed by other research. Race an fect: ‘of an increased number of women in politics, the remarkable T women's representation during the 1980 and crit __50-80.07 40-60 per.cent. women and men in - which already have ol seats (Lovenduski 2005; Freidenvall jon, neither the thesis of an accelgtation nor that of a continuous ated, ral mass or gender parity’? jtious demand Most recent demand fora critical mass of women. This happens first and xdy have obtained a high representation of women, while the ns with low women’s s somewhat contradictory in that the critical mass argument has, perhaps surprisingly, been ted in the new debate on quotas for women in company. boards. The women in business is now bei Tallow ing te Gres Taw, hich was she fst oextabish dhe ele of minima 40 per cent and maximum 60 per.cent,of both sexes-on tt “companies, public aswell as_private, After Norway, Spain, F probably soon alse the European Union will follow the Nonwegi on below shows how the critical mass argument is being used for this new | example, The Women on company boards ~ a revival of the critical mass argument: “The magic number became known as the 30 per cent solution, the idea being that once women reached a Cr ‘an organisation, people would stop seeing them as women and start evaluating their work as managers. ‘This theory was originally developed more than 40 years ago by Harvard sociologist. her book Men and Women of the Corporation. Fifteen years afer the Beijing Declaration, Norway isthe only country to have progressed towards this goal red by someone who definitely doesn’t meet the ‘Ansgar Gabrielsen is a Pentecost businessman. His reasons seem logical and resource driven. Southem Africa Devetop- ints 2008-declaration.TSS" [Deeds and Words: Genaering jocratic countries, one could add, ‘clusion does not imply, that there are no turning pints ia al points or formative moments (Hughes and Paxton 2008; Dahlerup and ‘But to take advantage of a larger number of ids and Krook 2009) performing do count, especially in politics. Sasa workplace ing Moss Kanter’s 2002: 234) — leader in top comp who have been reer of acquaintances?” January 21, 2010. Accessed Marl is, as the 2 a ‘seems most interesting from a critical mass perspective, fol rare sociological research perspective. “Tie main problem of the critical mass hypothesis is the diff inguishing the effect of an increasing number of women in pol her factors at play, including the factors which contributed to the increase iT the first place. However, the recent previously unscen leaps in women's representation by the use of quota regulations ~ like Senegal going from 22 t0 43 jp cent overnight, Algeria from 8 1032 percent, and Timor-Leste from 28 to 38 percent women, ng.2012 opens up interesting new research Pr the effect of a sudden, substantial increase in women’s share in the political assemblies in the public debate, however, the critical mass argument has no doubt made @ {ference. This article has shown how eritical mass, since the 1980s has been, and important forthe advocacy of increasing women’s represe be. In spite of scholarly reservations about the vali Ss Rypouhesis it should nevertheless be studied for wh bal. discourse. ‘agenda could encompass among other ifamnes-the discourses, the diffusion of arguments the effect on women politicians nt levels of uasive capacity of argument in the discussion about gender quotas companies, an arena, where wom ossly center business at a high level. The qui y-argument, discussed above. Increasing the the Norwegian mi society and . This supports foremost s, Where Women have not yet reached a touches upon many key aspects ce as many as thirty-eight count polities to make a Should feminists give up on rook ask. Their answer is @ “Contingent Yes* (2006). In another art ‘authors argue that later scholars have ‘largely misread ~ and the classic works of Kanter and Dahlerup, in organisational and political life (2008:726). That te a consequence of the exploratory character of these first contribu 1970s and 80s. However, stakeholders may not have been so interested in debate and for those who argue for ai and democracy. 30 per cent thres! ‘empirically have increased si seratch again ‘Two aspects of the cri e hypothesis is, however, no reason to start from 88 hypothesis can be eliminated from the start. an beings are not like particles, chapter idea of a specifi ae 0. oF 33 per een iate to work with a dich e and after a certain numerical level or representation acrass party cleavages, 1 types of advocacies for women and ease when the key argument is the de_ wore various feminist ideol Facto exclusion of women, combined with an elusive hope of change when ‘women are elected,160 | Deeds and Words: Gendering Politics References Beckwith, K. (2012) ‘Plotting the Path from One to the Other: Women’s Interests ‘and Political Representation’, Paper for the conference ‘Identity, Gender ion: Empirical Analysis of Representation of Women’s ersity, February 24-25, 2012. Beckwith, K.and Cowell-Meyers, K. 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