Professional Documents
Culture Documents
African Indigenous Religions and Disease Causation - From Spiritual Beings To Living Humans
African Indigenous Religions and Disease Causation - From Spiritual Beings To Living Humans
Disease Causation
Edited by
Paul Giord
School of Oriental and African Studies, London
Deputy Editor
Ingrid Lawrie
College of the Resurrection, Mireld
VOLUME 28
by
David Westerlund
BRILL
LEIDEN BOSTON
2006
ISSN
0169-9814
ISBN-13: 978 90 04 14433 0
ISBN-10: 90 04 14433 1
Copyright 2006 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.
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CONTENTS
Preface ..........................................................................................
vii
Introduction ..................................................................................
Chapter One
25
Chapter Two
41
Chapter Three
65
Chapter Four
85
Chapter Five
Chapter Six
Chapter Seven
Chapter Eight
Chapter Nine
Appendix
PREFACE
viii
preface
INTRODUCTION
Ce quil nous faut aujourdhui reconnatre, cest
que le pluralisme ne survient pas de lextrieur
une socit quelle quelle soit, mais quil lui est toujours dj inhrent.1
Uniformity on which model-makers rely is an
illusion.2
introduction
on the study of religion in a local context? One of the main questions here is how locally oriented studies may be combined with a
comparative perspective, which is crucially important to the history
of religions, and to the study of religions in general. Before the
approach of this book is briey outlined, however, some notes on
the use of the concept of religion seem essential.
In an article entitled Histories of Religion in Africa, Louis Brenner
has for his purposes dened religion as the eld of cultural expression that focuses specically on communication and relationship
between human beings and those (usually) unseen spiritual entities
and/or forces that they believe aect their lives.5 Such a denition
serves my purposes too. I agree with Brenner that religions should
not be seen as self-contained systems or world-views and that it is
important to focus on issues of heterogeneity and pluralism.6 Here
the signicance of intra-religious as well as inter-religious plurality is
strongly emphasized. For the structuring and analytical focus of the
book, however, the question of inter-religious diversity is of prime
importance.
Even though scholars may disagree strongly, and largely for ideohistorical reasons, about the old issue of the inuence of material
factors on non-material, including religion, and vice versa, it is common
knowledge that there is some connection or co-variation between
religion and other dimensions of culture. It can be argued, for example, that religions among hunting-gathering peoples tend to have
certain structural similarities that dier from other such similarities
found among agricultural peoples with more complex and centralized
socio-economic and political features. Thus, it is important to study
religion in a wider cultural context.7 However, it should be stressed
that, like religions, cultures are heterogeneous and changing entities.8
introduction
Thus, we should be wary of the risk of exaggerating aspects of homogeneity and orderliness. While arguing for the signicance of contextualizing the study of Africanand otherreligions, I hold that
religion cannot be fully understood by references to non-religious
factors or dimensions, be they social, political, economic, psychological,
intellectual or any other. Hence the issue of religious beliefs should
be taken seriously.
For the comparative purposes of this book, a systematic selection
of ve dierent peoples or ethnic groups from various parts of Africa
has been made. Whereas the San of southern Africa have a tradition
of hunting-gathering and non-centralized socio-political relations, the
Maasai of East Africa are pastoralists and have a slightly more centralized and complex socio-political structure. Then there are three
peoples with a mainly agricultural base, the Sukuma of East Africa,
the Kongo of Central Africa and the Yoruba of West Africa, who
dierfrom less to morein terms of cultural complexity.9
Following conventional usage, the ethnic labels San, Maasai,
Sukuma, Kongo and Yoruba will also be used when referring to
religious and medical conceptions among these peoples.10 It should
be underlined at the outset, however, that this usage does not imply
a simple connection between ethnicity and religion. As will be emphasized several times, there may be, for instance, historical and regional
reasons for questioning such a connection. It would be a functionalist
fallacy to conceive of ethnic groups as islands, isolated in time and
space. There is a well documented potential for certain phenomena,
such as myths, divination and witchery eradication movements, to
cross ethnic and other boundaries. It should be remembered, also,
that to a considerable degree ethnic, or tribal, identities are colonial
inventions. Moreover, since there may be important dierences
between various sub-groups and regions of the peoples concerned, I
have tried to specify as much as possible on which sub-groups and
areas the main emphasis lies. The importance of individual variations
should be kept in mind too, although such dierences are dicult
9
More details about cultural dierences between these ve peoples will be provided in chapter 1.
10
Some scholars argue that, partly because ethnic labels like these are tainted
with foreign notions of territorial homogeneity, they should be abandoned. However,
it is dicult to avoid such nomenclature, particularly in studies based on ethnographic
material of the past. It should be noted, also, that to a large extent such ethnic labels
have become self-designations of the peoples concerned. See further, e.g., Hersak
2001: 615.
introduction
introduction
15
introduction
19
20
21
22
23
Foster 1976: 775 . Cf. the earlier study by Rivers (1924: 78).
Westerlund 1989: 178.
On the issue why medicine cannot be a science, see Munson 1981.
See further, e.g., Janzen & Feierman 1979: 242.
Romanucci-Ross, Moerman & Tancredi 1983: viii.
introduction
24
Brain 1973; Kopyto 1971. While anthropologists have concentrated mainly
on the social function of the belief in and cult or veneration of ancestors, scholars
of religion have largely accentuated the religious function.
25
Cf., e.g., MacGaey 1980: 304 and Axelson 1983/84.
26
Evans-Pritchard 1937.
27
It is interesting to note that, although African scholars of religion, for good
reasons, have replaced many terms used by western scholars to designate various
aspects of African religions and cultures, they have continued utilizing the concepts
of witchcraft and sorcery. These words are also common in popular usage in Africa.
In particular, the term witchcraft is employed when references are made to dierent
manifestations of the harmful use of supranormal power. As remarked by Geschiere
(1997: 14), scholars would isolate themselves from daily discussions in the societies
concerned should they stop using terms like witchcraft and sorcery.
introduction
introduction
10
introduction
introduction
11
37
Dornan 1925.
Thurner 1983: 88.
39
The work that is of greatest interest here is the book on the western Nharo
(Bleek 1928).
40
Cf. Lebzelter 1934: 3.
41
Schapera 1930: 191. Cf. Thurner 1983: 96.
42
Marshall 1962 and 1969; Lee 1967, 1968 and 1984; Khler 1971, 1978 and
1978/79; Guenther 1975, 1975/76, 1979, 1986 and 1999; Heinz 1975; Barnard
1979 and 1988; Katz 1982; Thurner 1983.
38
12
introduction
her eld material mainly in the 1950s. At that time these Kung still
lived fairly isolated from Bantu and white people. Her essays on
!Kung Bushman Religious Beliefs (1962) and The Medicine Dance
of the !Kung Bushmen (1968) are exceedingly informative. Like
Marshall, Lee is one of the most knowledgeable and prolic anthropological specialists on the Kung San. The works by Lee used in
this study are based on eldwork carried out among the Dobe Kung
in the 1960s and 1970s. The Dobe area is in the Kalahari Desert
of north-western Botswana, not very far from the Nyae Nyae region
on the other side of the border. Another scholar who has co-operated
with Lee and studied the Dobe Kung is Katz, a psychologist whose
book Boiling Energy: Community Healing among the Kalahari Kung (1982)
is a most informative study, although the author spent only about
three months in the eld. A new collection of San folklore is Living
Legends of a Dying Culture: Bushmen Myths, Legends and Fables (1994),
which has been edited and illustrated by Fourie. An important recent,
and more general, work on the San is the historically oriented book
The Bushmen of Southern Africa: A Foraging Society in Transition (2000),
jointly written by Smith, Malherbe, Guenther and Berens.
In recent decades the outstanding German linguist Khler has
studied intensively the language and culture of the Kxoe San in the
Caprivi strip of Namibia. In comparison to the Nyae Nyae and Dobe
Kung, the Kxoe have been more inuenced by surrounding Bantu
cultures. Hence it is interesting to compare their conceptions of disease causation to those of the Kung. Another example for comparison
is provided by Heinz, who has spent much time among the Ko (Xo)
San in south-western Botswana. The studies of Guenther and Barnard
concern the Nharo San. The anthropologist Guenther has studied
hunting-gathering as well as farm Nharo in the Ghanzi district of
western Botswana. His works are much concerned with religious and
historical issues. Thus, his studies are of great interest here. Whereas
Guenthers material refers to the eastern Nharo, Barnards studies
concern, in particular, the central Nharo.43
Regarding the San, the only archival material referred to in this
book are some diaries written by M. Gusinde in the early 1950s,
43
For more detailed information about most of the scholars referred to here, as
well as about several others, see Thurner 1983: 65102. Thurners book Die transzendenten und mythischen Wesen der San (Buschmnner), published in 1983, is an extensive
work based on religio-ethnological analyses of historical sources.
introduction
13
44
I have, however, come across some published but rarely used material, such
as the studies by Mogg (n.d.) and Estermann (1949), in mission archives too.
45
For a valuable bibliography of older material, see Mol 1978: 177190.
46
Although Merker exaggerated the similarities between Maasai religion and
Judaism, it cannot be denied that they do have several elements in common.
However, these can probably best be understood in a religio-typological perspective. Some authors have argued that Merkers exaggerated views are explained by
contacts with informants who for a long time had been inuenced by Christianity.
See, e.g., Johnston 1915: 482 and Voshaar 1979: 320.
14
introduction
47
Holliss book is largely a collection of texts (stories, proverbs, riddles and songs).
His pioneering collection has subsequently been supplemented with many others.
See, e.g., Fuchs 1910; Fokken 1914; Massek & Siddai 1974; Olsson 1975; Hauge
1979; Olsson 1982a; Kipury 1983.
48
Schmidt 1940: 325333.
49
Voshaar 1979: 5 f.
50
Olsson 1975, 1982a and 1982b.
introduction
15
largely in the form of texts, has been collected during some periods
of eld research among pastoral Maasai in Kenya.
My account of the Arusha derives largely from unpublished sources
too. In addition to the earlier works by German Lutheran missionaries, referred to above, there are some very interesting theses and
other studies by mainly Maa-speaking students and scholars at the
Lutheran Theological College Makumira, near the town of Arusha.51
In this category, the works of Kimerei, Benson, Marari and Landei
are especially valuable.52 With the exception of, in particular, some
works by the anthropologist Gulliver,53 there are few substantial publications available on the culture and religion of these agricultural
Maasai.
In 1989, Hurskainen, Olsson and rhem simultaneously published
thought-provoking essays on Maasai ideas of illness and healing; and
six years later Sindiga published a more descriptive account of Maasai
traditional medicine.54 These are important examples of the few specialized studies in this eld. Hurskainens more extensive study on
the Parakuyo Maasai in Tanzania and Spencers work on the Matapato
Maasai of Kenya have been valuable, even though they are not primarily concerned with religion or concepts of disease.55 This may
also be said about Perons more recent book LOccidentalisation des
Maasa du Kenya.56 By contrast, Hauges study of several groups of
pastoral Maasai in Kenya and Tanzania deals mainly with religious
issues, but its quality is somewhat uneven.57 In 1998 Voshaar published an important book, Between the Oreteti-Tree and the Tree of the
Cross, which is a study of the indigenous Maasai religion and, in
particular, its encounter with Christianity.58
Sukuma
The archival material that has been used in the account of Sukuma
religion and disease causation is found in the archive of the White
Fathers in Rome. For historians of religion this is perhaps the most
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
16
introduction
valuable of all mission archives. Many members of this congregation, which was founded in 1868, have been excellent specialists on
African religions, languages and cultures. From the very beginning,
the mission strategy of the White Fathers encouraged intensive studies of indigenous conditions in the mission areas of East Africa and
elsewhere. Among other things, the missionaries were asked to document their ndings in diaries and annual reports.59 This material
has been important for the study of the older period, that is, the
late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. From a religio-historical point of view, however, the most valuable sources in the archive
of the White Fathers are the answers to the ethnographical questionnaire of the early 1950s. This questionnaire, Table denqutes sur
les moeurs et coutumes indignes, was prepared by the international leadership of the congregation. It was compiled by J. Maz and sent out
to the members in the various mission elds in Africa. In addition
to the answers to the questionnaire from missionaries in Sukumaland,
there are several unpublished manuscripts on Sukuma religion and
culture. Father Hendriks, in particular, produced detailed accounts.
Most of the material of the White Fathers is drawn from northern
Sukumaland.60 In the University library of Dar es Salaam several
manuscripts, as well as published works, by Cory, a well-known government sociologist in Tanganyika during British colonial rule, are
deposited. Some material from these Cory collections has been used
in this book.
There are few specialized studies of religion and disease causation
among the Sukuma. In the late 1960s, however, two doctoral theses in this eld were presented at the Catholic University of America.
C.R. Hateld Jr completed his work, The Nfumu in Tradition and
Change: A Study of the Position of Religious Practitioners among
the Sukuma of Tanzania, E.A., in 1968, while M.B. Reids study,
Persistence and Change in the Health Concepts and Practices of
the Sukuma of Tanzania, East Africa, was presented one year later.61
A more recent unpublished work, with a certain theological bias, is
59
See further Westerlund 1986a: 13. It is not always clear who the authors of
the various diaries are.
60
For some more information on the archive of the White Fathers, see Westerlund
1986a: 14 .
61
Another unpublished doctoral thesis which has been useful, although it is not
primarily concerned with religion and etiologies of disease, is E.A. Welchs Life
and Literature of the Sukuma in Tanzania, East Africa, from 1974.
introduction
17
62
Wijsen 1993.
A classical overview of the Sukuma proper is D.W. Malcolms book Sukumaland
(1953). Like Tanner, Malcolm was a colonial civil servant.
64
Bsch 1930; Blohm 1933. According to Brandstrm (1990, chapter 1: 9), the
studies of Bsch and Blohm remain, in terms of ethnographic detail and insight
gained from living and working among the people, unsuperseded until today.
65
Tcherkzo 1985; Blokland 2000.
63
18
introduction
66
Janzen (1972: 325 .) argues that colonial ideas of homogeneous tribes may
be a cause for the harmonization of the information. This is possible, but it should
be remarked that Lagercrantz did not have access to the original cahiers when he
edited Lamans notes for publication (Sderberg & Widman 1973: 351). See further, e.g., Axelson 1970: 32; Westerlund 1986: 10, 12.
introduction
19
67
introduction
20
or witchery, is of interest also to scholars outside the eld of mission studies or church history, historians of religion and anthropologists, for example.
A dierent point of departure characterizes the works of the Swedish
anthropologist Anita Jacobson-Widding. Her major study of Kongo
culture and religion, Red-White-Black as a Mode of Thought: A Study of
Triadic Classication by Colours in the Ritual Symbolism and Cognitive Thought
of the Peoples of the Lower Congo is a structuralist-inspired work on the
symbolic meaning of colours. Although it draws largely on the ethnographic material of Laman and other Swedish missionaries, it does
not focus on processes of change. A more historical approach is
found in the works by the American anthropologists John Janzen
and the above-mentioned MacGaey. Like Dalmalms Lglise a
lpreuve de la tradition, Janzens book The Quest for Therapy: Medical
Pluralism in Lower Zaire (1978) is based on eld material from the
Manianga area. It is a pioneering work on medical pluralism in an
African context. MacGaeys volume Religion and Society in Central
Africa: The Bakongo of Lower Zaire (1986) is a broad study that deals
primarily with the nineteenth century. Another important volume by
MacGaey is Kongo Political Culture: The Conceptual Challenge of the
Particular (2000), where he holistically integrates perspectives of dierent
disciplines.
Yoruba
Since Yoruba culture and religion have interested a very large number of scholars, there is an abundance of material available. The
material used here refers to virtually all parts of Yorubaland, but
there is a certain preponderance of works on Oyo and Egba Yoruba.
Many of the studies are based on information collected in and around
the cities of Ibadan, Abeokuta and Ife. The oldest sources utilized
here are from the archive of the Church Missionary Society.
Missionaries from this society, who worked mainly among the Egba
in or outside Abeokuta, wrote journals that occasionally include information on religion and disease causation.69 Some of the people
associated with the Church Missionary Society also presented their
experiences and knowledge in published form. Two important early
69
For a table of CMS missionaries and others, see McKenzie 1997: 561.
introduction
21
70
71
Farrow 1926: 5.
Table n.d.b.
22
introduction
72
introduction
23
Morton-Williams 1964.
Buckley 1976, 1985a and 1985b.
77
Leighton et al. 1963.
78
Prince 1964; Maclean 1971.
79
Leighton et al. 1963: 35.
80
In 1979, some valuable but shorter specialized studies of Yoruba medicine and
disease conceptions were published simultaneously by J.A.A. Ayoade, R. Braito &
T. Asuni and N.M. Wol in the collective volume African Therapeutic Systems, ed. by
Z.A. Ademuwagun et al. Among other studies of particular interest here, those by
Asuni (1976) and Maclean (1976) may also be mentioned.
76
24
introduction
81
For an interesting methodological debate about McKenzies book between
J. Cox and McKenzie himself, see Cox 2001 and McKenzie 2002.
CHAPTER ONE
ETHNOGRAPHIC BACKGROUND
Every tribe believes that its own habits and values
are uniquely reasonable; ours is no exception.1
The idea of homogeneity is one that stems in
part from anthropological studies based on eld
work restricted by time, expense and the relatively
static nature of relationships with a small number
of informants.2
San
In scholarly works on some related groups of people in southern
Africa, traditionally with a hunting-gathering mode of subsistence,
the term San has frequently been employed. For want of a better
one I have used, and will continue using, that term in this book.
The San or Bushmen do not have any general or collective name
for themselvesboth concepts are, or were originally, pejorative designations of outsiders.3 The word Bushmen was rst used by Dutch
settlers, whereas San is a Khoi (Hottentot) term, which may be
translated aborigines or settlers proper.4 In Botswana, one of the
Bantu terms for San, Basarwa, is ocially employed, despite its
derogatory connotation.5
Although the short stature, click languages6 and traditions of hunting and gathering have constituted criteria for the habitual use, by
scholars and other outsiders, of various overarching labels such as
San, Bushmen and Basarwa, it should be stressed that we are here
chapter one
26
ethnographic background
27
28
chapter one
ethnographic background
29
parts of the area inhabited by the Maasai is Purko, and in the south
it is Kisonko (Kisongo). As pointed out by Spencer,15 most writers
have overlooked the possibility of variation between the sixteen or
so tribal sections. Even recent scholars have tended to note that the
Maasai do this or that, rather than noting, for instance, that the
Purko Maasai do this or the Kisonko Maasai do that.16
More often, a broader distinction between pastoral Maasai and
agricultural Maasai is made. Although this seems to be a fundamental and important distinction, which I will attempt to follow here,
it should be remarked that it is not a precise one. Agriculturalists
have livestock, and pastoralists occasionally have to supplement the
pastoral food products with vegetable foodstheir alleged dislike for
agricultural produce has sometimes been exaggerated.17 Whereas my
presentation of pastoral Maasai is based on material from most of
the mainly pastoral sections, the presentation of agricultural Maasai
is restricted basically to the Arusha section in Tanzania.18 In 1969,
P.H. Gulliver estimated the rapidly growing number of the Arusha
to be about 100,000;19 and in a more recent study the pastoral
Maasai were estimated at about 300,000.20
Economically, cattle are the most important asset to pastoral Maasai.
However, cattle play a central role not only economically but also
culturally. According to a well-known myth, cattle belong to the
Maasai by divine right, and raids to bring home straying cattle
15
Spencer 1988: 2.
Spencers book (1988) is unusual but worthy of imitation in that even the title
indicates that it is a study of one particular section, the Matapato.
17
Voshaar (1979: 27) even holds that Maasai would be quite horried to learn
that they are supposed to abhore plant food. He adds that the eating of such food
is quite common now, and that it was not uncommon formerly. See also, e.g.,
Orr & Gilks 1931: 22; Beckwith & Saitoti 1980: 29; Hurskainen 1984: 119; Sicard
1999: 81. Jacobs (1965: 30 .) notes that the term ilOikop has been used by pure
Maasai or Maasai proper as a derogatory designation for Maa-speakers who have
engaged in agricultural work, shing and hunting-gathering. The word ilOikop contains the root of the term enkop (ground, earth), but it can also be used with reference to dead or murdered people (Mol 1978: 52, 108; Voshaar 1979: 26;
Berg-Schlosser 1984: 150). See also Voshaar 1998: 57 f.
18
As will be shown, there are in terms of religion and disease causation certain
important dierences between pastoral Maasai and Arusha. Although the dierences
between the various sections of pastoral Maasai are clearly less signicant, it is
regrettable that, in most cases, the sources do not provide enough information for
more detailed regional comparisons.
19
Gulliver 1969: 229.
20
rhem 1987: 4. Cf., e.g., Kronenberg 1979: 180; Berg-Schlosser 1984: 152.
16
30
chapter one
ethnographic background
31
24
32
chapter one
ethnographic background
33
and were used to being on the move. For a long time Muslims and
particularly Christians have tried to convert the Sukuma, but most
of them have been slow to respond. According to Wijsen and Tanner
(2000), about 85 per cent of them are followers of the indigenous
religion, while the others are either Christians (13 per cent) or Muslims
(2 per cent).31 In general, the Sukuma have had a reputation of being
conservative.32 It may, certainly, be argued that there are important dierences between various regions, social groups and individuals in Sukumaland.33 The issue of cultural variability is strongly
stressed by Wijsen and Tanner.34 However, in comparison to the
culture(s) of the (even) more highly dispersed San people(s) of southern Africa, the culture of the Sukuma people seems to be somewhat
less heterogeneous.
In 1897 Father Brard reported that the Sukuma were sedentary
farmers who cultivated sorghum, potatoes, manioc, groundnuts and
beans. Their tobacco was excellent, he felt. Brard added that there
were many sheep and goats. Partly as a result of serious epidemics
there were few cattle, although their number was on the increase.35
Later the number of cattle grew to such an extent that modern
scholars have referred to the Sukuma as agro-pastoralists. Yet cultivation is still the main subsistence activity, even though animal husbandry is of great economic and social signicance, and cattle are
not very fundamental to the religious and symbolic system.36 Currently,
sorghum and maize are the main food crops, but millet, potatoes
and cassava are important too. Cotton is the predominant cash crop.
The old hoe-cultivation is now increasingly being replaced by oxploughing.
The Sukuma have a tradition of living dispersed in small settlements, at least prior to the Tanzanian villagization process in the
mid-1970s, which introduced some changes in this respect. Individual
homesteads or clusters of homesteads formed neighbourhoods that
varied in size from two or three to a few hundred. Neighbours collaborate in a wide range of activities such as house-building, agricultural
31
34
chapter one
work and rituals. People often move from one neighbourhood or village to another, and kinsfolk may be spread over a wide area. Budugu
is a core concept in the Sukuma social system. It is an all-embracing concept that refers to the collectivity of living and dead kin as
well as to the state of being a kinsman, ndugu (plur. budugu). Kinspeople
may not marry each other. With the exception of some chiey families, the Sukuma are patrilineal. Today kinship relations are less
important than they have been.
When the institution of chieftainship was introduced into Sukumaland, possibly about 300 years ago, it did not wholly replace the
signicant gerontocratic organization of the society. Hence elders and
associations of elders continued to wield great inuence. The chiefs,
batemi (sing. ntemi), came as strangers, and their rule was not autocratic. Elders and neighbourhood headmen were largely responsible
for the choice of chiefs and for controlling their actions. Inecient
chiefs could even be expelled from their chiefdoms. There were also
associations of younger men who to some extent could resist or counterbalance the authority of the chiefs. Besides, the numerous Sukuma
chiefdoms, governed by various chiey dynasties, were not centralized but autonomous units.
In the late 1890s Brard described the Sukuma chief as a primus
inter pares.37 During colonial rule, however, when chiefs became dependent on foreign, centralized regimes, the local balance of power
shifted in favour of the chiefs. They were now able to add to their
primarily ritual functions important secular duties as, for example,
judges and collectors of new taxes. Both the distribution of chiey
power and the selection of the chiefs ceased to be dependent for its
functions on the people of the chiefdom. Shortly after the attainment of independence in Tanzania (1961), another important change
occurred. In 1963 the new government abolished chieftainships altogether. Although to a limited extent certain ritual and other functions have continued to exist, and at times even been revived, the
chiefs have lost most of their power or have entered the new administrative and political system on local or national level.38
37
ethnographic background
35
Kongo
In the early 1480s Portuguese sailors discovered the Kongo kingdom, and because of this early and continued intrusion the history
of the Kongo people is much better documented in written sources
than is the history of other peoples in sub-Saharan Africa. Northwest
of the Kongo area of western Central Africa was the less well-known
Loango kingdom, formed by the Vili, with a closely related type of
culture and religion. Both these areas and Bantu groups of people
became subjected to a long-standing western and Christian missionary inuence. Furthermore, large numbers of Africans were taken as
slaves. Catholic missionaries belonging to several orders, including
Jesuits and Holy Ghost Fathers, confronted the indigenous religion
and attempted to win converts. In the late nineteenth century, when
modern colonialism started, missionary endeavours expanded very
considerably with the coming of various Protestant denominations,
including Baptists and members of the Swedish Covenant Church
(Svenska Missionsfrbundet). In addition to the Catholic Church, the
Swedish Covenant Church is of special interest here because several
of its missionaries among the Kongo people, or Bakongo (sing. Mukongo),
produced many written accounts of the indigenous culture and religion. The best known and most prolic of these Swedish missionaries was Karl Laman. Established in 1885, the Congo Free State
favoured a policy of assimilation of the Congolese to the same civil
status as Europeans while, as of 1908, the Belgian Congo with its
policy of indirect rule created a more plural society divided between
African and European sectors. Whereas Europeans controlled the
bureaucratic and industrial institutions, Africans provided unskilled
and semiskilled labour. In the 1960s the independent nations of Zaire
and Congo were established. Today the majority of the Kongo people live in the province of Lower Congo in the Democratic Republic
of Congo (formerly Zaire and, before that, Belgian Congo). Smaller
groups live in the Republic of Congo (previously the French colony
of Moyen Congo) and in Cabinda, a detached part of Angola (formerly a Portuguese colony). Altogether the Kongo people may number more than four million.39
39
See further, e.g., Axelson 1970: 203 .; Vansina 1975: 652 .; MacGaey
1986: ix, 16, 40 f. Vansina 1975 is a useful, brief introduction to the history and
culture of the Kongo people.
36
chapter one
40
The etymology and original meaning of the word Kongo is uncertain (Widman
1979: 29 f. Cf. MacGaey 1986: 23).
41
See, e.g., Janzen 1978: 12; Widman 1979: 24 .; Dalmalm 1985: 55, 58.
42
Vansina 1975: 651; Dalmalm 1985: 17.
43
Buakasa 1973: 11; MacGaey 1986: 22 f. See also, e.g., Janzen 1972: 12;
Jacobson-Widding 1979: 23.
44
MacGaey 1986: 23.
45
Vansina 1975: 649, 661 .; Janzen 1978: 13; Mahaniah 1979: 212; JacobsonWidding 1979: 23 f.
ethnographic background
37
46
38
chapter one
Yoruba
Of the ve peoples studied in this book, the Yoruba-speaking people are by far the most populous. Reliable recent statistics are lacking, but the estimates vary from some millions to about twenty million
or even more. There is no clear-cut answer to the question of who
is a Yoruba. As remarked by Daryll Forde, among others, the Yoruba
unity is a unity of language rather than of culture.51 In terms of culture, there is much diversity. The Yoruba dialects are a cluster of
the Kwa group of languages, and the Oyo dialect is the model for
the written language, or standard Yoruba.52
The Yoruba-speaking groups of people live primarily in southwestern Nigeria, but some Yoruba speakers are found in other West
African countries, including Benin and Togo. Certain similarities
between Yoruba culture and some classical cultures, like the Egyptian
one, caused some early scholars to ponder over an eastern origin,53
and some migrant legends point to the east as well. There are immigrant groups that have come from the east and intermarried with
the Yoruba. However, cultural as well as physical and linguistic features indicate that the neighbours in the forest belt of West Africa
are the most closely related peoples. According to Yoruba myths,
the city of Ife is the cradle of the Yoruba people. Among the Yoruba,
urban residence is a pre-colonial heritage, and the urban centres still
trace their origin to Ife, which is regarded as the centre of Yoruba
culture and religion. Myths of origin tell, further, that the Yoruba
once formed a single political entity. Hence there is a mythical concept of political as well as cultural unity. There is no rm historical evidence, however, that the Yoruba ever formed a single political
unit. In pre-colonial time the Yoruba referred to themselves by using
sub-group names like Oyo and Egba.54
51
Forde 1951: 1.
Yoruba is a tonal language. However, the toneshigh, middle and lowwill
not be rendered here. See, e.g., Abraham 1958: x.
53
E.g., Dennett 1910; Lucas 1948.
54
The comprehensive term Yoruba, which may be derived from a Hausa/Fulbe
nickname meaning cunning, was adopted by missionaries of the Anglican Church
Missionary Society and is now used by the Yoruba themselves. See, e.g., Forde
1951: 1 and Bascom 1969a: 5.
52
ethnographic background
39
The indigenous Yoruba economy is based on sedentary hoe farming, craft specialization and trade. Cassava, yams, maize and bananas
are main food crops, and cocoa is a particularly important cash crop.
Farming is primarily mens work, while many women engage in
trade, which is a well developed system with a network of markets.
Although people live in cities, they have farms, which surround cities.
Secondary dwellings may be built on the farms, however, particularly if these are far away from the primary dwellings in the cities.
In the highly complex Yoruba economy, specialized crafts include,
among other things, weaving, dyeing, ironworking, brasscasting, woodcarving and leatherworking. The techniques of various crafts are
known only to small groups of professionals and are often protected
as secrets by religious sanctions. The Yoruba are perhaps best known
to the world for their art: woodcarvings; the portrait heads known
as Ife bronzes in particular have made Yoruba artists world famous.
The Yoruba kinship system is in practice strongly patrilineal, and
rank or hierarchy is based on seniority among men. Clans and subclans are thus headed by the oldest male members. Clan members
are considered blood relatives, and marriages between them are forbidden. Facial scarication is a way of marking clan membership.
Although clans are important social and legal entities, the Yoruba
do not have a narrowly kinship-oriented social structure. Like the
economy, the social pattern is very complex and varied. Several
groups and societies cut across kinship lines. For instance, there are
secret societies, clubs for young people and separate societies for
women and men. As is shown in chapter six, groupings may also
be based on religious criteria.
Politically, the traditions of sacred kingship have been important,
and in certain ways they still are, although kings as well as chiefs
have lost much of their political inuence.55 In his presentation of
the indigenous political structure of Ife, W. Bascom points out that,
previously, the king was isolated in the palace, appearing in public
only once a year.56 New kings from the royal patrilineal clan were
selected by town and palace chiefs. Beneath these were other chiefs
in a hierarchic system of intermediaries. Urban centres of various
55
The current signicance of kingship traditions is exemplied, for example, in
Oluponas study of the Ondo Yoruba (Olupona 1991). For another important case
study of Yoruba sacred kingship, see Pemberton & Afolayan 1996.
56
Bascom 1969a: 29 .
40
chapter one
57
For this ethnographic survey of the Yoruba culture I have drawn on a number of sources, some of which may be mentioned here. In the series Ethnographic
Survey of Africa, Forde published his short study The Yoruba-Speaking Peoples of SouthWestern Nigeria in 1951. A more detailed, and still very useful, survey is Bascom
1969a. In German, Schultz-Weidners chapter Die Ostatlantische Provinz (SchultzWeidner 1979) in the second part of Die Vlker Afrikas und ihre traditionellen Kulturen
(H. Baumann, ed.), includes a presentation of the Yoruba culture. See also, e.g.,
Eades 1980 and Beier 1999.
CHAPTER TWO
Introduction
The religion of the Kung and other San diers from most, if not
all, other indigenous African religions in that, as a rule, it does not
include any spirits of nature. Hence spiritual beings or divinities are
not associated with trees, hills, rivers and other parts of the earth.3
Nor are the ancestors believed to be inside the earth, as is the case
in some religions of agriculturalist peoples. The abode of the deities
and spirits of the dead is above the sky that holds the sun, moon
and stars. When referring to this abode, I will here use the term
heaven. Among the Nyae Nyae Kung the category of diseases that
are caused by heavenly beings is designated sickness of the sky (kwi
naa). Such heavenly diseases can manifest themselves in grave internal ailments of which people are aware, but they can also exist in
a person without that person knowing it. This religious category of
illness is distinguished from the other category, which includes mild,
localized ailments, visible on the surface of the body, common aches
and minor injuries.4
Before elaborating on the heavenly beings and their signicance
as agents of disease, some general remarks on San religion should
be made. In addition to the signicant religious dierences between
various groups of San, referred to in the Introduction, many scholars
1
2
3
4
42
chapter two
One of the reasons for the individual, amorphous and uid character of San religion is the absence of priests or other religious functionaries rendering systematic and intelligible the complex of beliefs
and transmitting these packaged beliefs to other individuals and
generations.8 Another reason is the lack of any formal religious education of San children, who are socialized primarily within multiage peer groups rather than by adults, thus developing their own
idiosyncratic notions about religion. A third factor is the condition
of mobility which isolates individuals and groups from one another
over months or even years, resulting in localized religious traditions
and the diversication of the cognitive world. Moreover, it must not
be forgotten that most San groups have lived in more or less close
contact with neighbouring peoples, which has contributed to a shattering of their religious ideas. Paradoxically, however, such inuences,
in combination with decreasing mobility, new forms of education
and other factors, have also led to a reversed process of increasing
religious coherence and unity, which will be exemplied later in this
chapter. Even though Christian missionary work among the San has
5
For some examples, see Dornan 1925: 162; Bleek 1928: 25 f.; Lebzelter 1934:
56; Gusinde 1965: 38; Barnard 1979: 72; Barnard 1988: 229 f.; Tanaka 1980: 110;
Lewis-Williams 1981: 77; Katz 1982: 29; Guenther 1999: 58 .; Smith et al. 2000: 65.
6
See further, e.g., Lebzelter 1934: 24; Vedder 1937: 420 f.; Guenther 1979: 106;
Marshall 1986: 172; Fourie 1994: 9.
7
Guenther 1986: 216.
8
Ibid.
43
9
Guenther 1979: 111. See further, e.g., Dornan 1925: 162; Bleek 1928: 27;
Heinz 1975: 27; Guenther 1986: 251 f.
10
Initiation of girls is of particular importance. In a study of Nharo, Bleek (1927)
assumes that the whole initiation ceremony for boys, which is less elaborate, has
been borrowed from Bantu neighbours long ago. See also Guenther 1999: 167,
182; Smith et al. 2000: 85.
11
Marshall 1962: 223 .
44
chapter two
areas too,12 and one earthly name (Gao na, Old Gao), which may also
be the name of a male human being. Marshall says that God gave
himself his names to praise himself.13 In his account of the Dobe
Kung, Lee reports that God is called Gangwanana (cf. Gauwa above),
which he translates big big god, and that there are other names
too.14 Concerning Nharo, Barnard says that God is usually referred
to as Nadiba, which otherwise means sky.15 Guenther uses the name
Neri, which also indicates some association with the sky.16 Nharo
language poetically reects this association: the words for sky and
cloud are Neri ki (Neri face) and Neri oo (Neri hair) respectively.
Other groups of San have other names for God.17 A number of
these, apparently, are the result of inuence from other African religions as well as from Christianity.18 Not surprisingly, Father Schmidt
held that the most common ones were those that could be translated Lord (Herr) and that, albeit less frequent than the name Lord,
the name Father (Vater) was important and altbuschmnnisch.19
Even though Schmidt may have laid too much stress on the signicance
of such names, other sources make it clear that they do exist.
Regarding the Nharo, for instance, God is sometimes called xuba,
which means lord or master in a religious as well as in a secular
E.g., Dornan 1925: 148 .; Schapera 1930: 182 f.; Gusinde 1963/65: 37.
Marshall 1962: 223. Barnard (1988: 223) suggests that the names mentioned
by Marshall may be regarded as attributes of God. However, the origin of some of
the names was completely unknown to Marshalls informants.
14
Lee 1984: 107.
15
Barnard 1988: 221. Cf. Bleek 1928: 25.
16
Guenther 1986: 219.
17
For a survey of some of these, see Schapera 1930: 177195. One much discussed example, outside the scope of this study, is the name Kaggen of the Xam in
South Africa. This is also the name of the mantis, an insect that feeds on other
insects and clasps its prey in forelimbs held up as if in prayer; and some early
scholars drew the erroneous conclusion that San identied God with this insect.
For some contributions to this discussion, see Stow 1910: 131 .; Bleek 1929: 305 .;
Schapera 1930: 177 .; Gusinde 1965: 37, 39; Holm 1965: 45 .; Lewis-Williams
1981: 119. Schmidt (1973) is a more specialized study of this issue. Although the
discussions have concerned the Cape San, in particular, that is not the only group
with a name for God that is also the name for mantis. With regard to the Kung,
who are of special concern here, see Lee 1984: 107. Cf. Marshall 1962: 222.
18
E.g., Schapera 1930: 190; Gusinde 1963/65: 37.
19
Schmidt 1933: 685. See also Lebzelter 1934: 54 f.
12
13
45
20
46
chapter two
In more recent works the good and helpful qualities of God are
stressed too, although not as strongly and consistently as in the studies by Schmidt and others. Rather, Gods nature is depicted as more
or less ambivalent. In this book, the word ambivalent is normally
used to refer to the morally mixed nature of deities and spirits, designating them as both constructive and destructive, both good and
evil, or, in other words, as spiritual beings in non-dualistic religions.
Marshall and Lee indicate that ambivalence may be an important
characteristic of God among Kung, particularly as he is portrayed
in myths.28 Among Nharo, however, this feature seems to be less
pronounced. Guenther says that good is attributed to him,29 whereas
Barnard points out that his goodness, or his moral ambiguity, varies
with the degree to which the concept of God assumes identity with
the other, more evil, elements of the spiritual world.30 Based on the
analyses of her impressive amount of material from various periods
of time, Thurner has drawn the conclusion that God is ambivalent
but that the good aspects are predominant.31 Her conclusion coincides with my own interpretation of the material available to me.32
Transcendental attributes such as omniscience, omnipotence and
omnipresence appear primarily in late sources,33 which may indicate some changes over time. Even in studies by early scholars of
the Vienna schoolSchmidt, Schebesta and Lebzeltersuch attributes appear sparsely, if they appear at all. With regard to the Kung,
Marshall says that, in contrast to former beliefs, they now (1962)
believe that God is all-powerful.34 Scholars of San disagree on the
issue whether, or to what extent, the traditional concepts of God
have been inuenced by Christianity, but that question need not be
discussed in detail here.35
28
Marshall 1962: 228238; Lee 1984: 107. See also, e.g., Fourie 1994: 6.
Guenther 1979: 106.
30
Barnard 1988: 224.
31
Thurner (1983: 391) says, regarding the character of God, dass er huger
ausschliesslich gut als gut und bse, das heisst willkrlich und unberechenbar, oder
indierent ist.
32
Cf. further, e.g., Bleek 1928: 25; Schapera 1930: 185; Khler 1978/79: 20 .;
Katz 1982: 30; Guenther 1986: 218 f.
33
E.g., Silberbauer 1972: 319; Thurner 1983: 382, 386, 391 f.
34
Marshall 1962: 234. See also, e.g., Khler 1978/79: 23 f.
35
Hirschberg (1975: 393), for example, argues that such inuences cannot be
excluded, while Thurner (1983: 392) presents the opposite conclusion.
29
47
36
Here it is, again, important to call attention to dierences between various
groups and individuals of San. Cf., e.g., Heinzs account of Xo (1975: 22, 36), who
pray frequently, and Khlers study of the Kxoe area (Khler 1978/79: 21), where
prayers are very seldom said.
37
Schebesta 1923/24: 115; Schmidt 1933: 688; Gusinde 1963/65: 38 .; Gusinde
1965: 40.
38
E.g., Vedder 1912: 414; Heinz 1975: 27; Khler 1971: 324.
39
For some accounts of prayers among San, see Schebesta 1923/24: 123; Bleek
1928: 25; Lebzelter 1928: 407, 412; Schapera 1930: 183; Schmidt 1933: 687;
Lebzelter 1934: 11; Gusinde 1963/65: 38 .; Gusinde 1965: 40; Heinz 1975: 22;
Khler 1978/79: 21; Thurner 1983: 392; Heinz 1986: 31.
40
Marshall 1962: 244, 246 f.
41
Barnard 1988: 224.
42
Guenther 1986: 65, 214, 219.
43
Bleek 1928: 25; Schapera 1930: 183.
48
chapter two
way the entity of the person for whom one is named.44 The word
Gauwa is used by Nharo too.45 The Dobe Kung call the lesser deity
Gangwa matse (small Gangwa) to distinguish him from the big Gangwa.
Barnard holds that among Khoisan peoples this name is almost universally the term used for the lesser deity or for the evil aspect of
God.46 It is, furthermore, used to designate the spirits of the dead.
Among the Nyae Nyae Kung these are, thus, called gauwasi.47 The
Dobe Kung call them gangwasi,48 and among the Nharo they may
be referred to as Gauwani.49
Hence the names suggest that the three categories of heavenly
beings are closely connected with each other. Some of the statements
about God and the lesser deity seem to indicate that they were once
one single being.50 Indeed, some San do not think of Gauwa as a
separate being.51 The two beings are sometimes regarded as two
aspects of the same divine being.52 On the other hand, there are
studies that depict a dualist or almost dualist system. One example
is the aforementioned account by Tanaka, according to which the
lesser deity represents everything that is evil or bad and, consequently, is blamed for all kinds of misfortune.53 More than half a
century earlier, Dornan referred to him as the evil spirit or demon.54
Several scholars have applied the term Satan or Devil.55 In some
cases informants inuenced by or knowledgeable about Christianity
have used these terms in talks with the scholars concerned.56
44
49
57
See further Lebzelter 1928: 407; Schmidt 1933: 689; Marshall 1962: 239;
Heinz 1975: 22; Guenther 1979: 108; Thurner 1983: 394; Guenther 1986: 219,
249.
58
Schmidt 1933: 689 f.; Vedder 1937: 431.
59
Heinz 1975: 23; Thurner 1983: 393.
60
Guenther 1979: 106.
61
Marshall 1962: 239.
62
Guenther 1986: 222 f., 248.
63
Guenther 1979: 108 f.; Thurner 1983: 395. Cf. Gusinde 1965: 41. See also
Smith et al. 2000: 80.
64
Guenther 1979: 107; Heinz 1975: 22. Cf. Bleek 1928: 26.
65
Marshall 1962: 233, 240.
50
chapter two
above, there are stories about a wife and children of God. With his
interpretation of the lower deity as the progenitor of humanity in
view, Schmidt nds it puzzling that there is no rst ancestress at his
side.66 He felt that this could be due to insucient knowledge of this
being at that time. In fact, more recent works show that there are
stories, primarily of a mythic character and signicance, about a wife
and children of the lower deity.67 Modern sources, furthermore, support Schmidts note that there is usually no worship of the lesser
deity. The paucity of examples concerning prayers to this being is
in marked contrast to the numerous examples of such worship of
God. Prayers to the lesser deity seem to occur primarily among
groups, such as some Kung of southern Angola and northern Namibia,
where he is regarded as a master of animals. In most cases, however, it is God who has features of a master of animals, although
this concept seems to be much less important among San than among
hunting-gathering peoples of northern Eurasia.68
In order to shed further light on the human characteristics of the
lesser deity, it is essential to consider his relationship to the spirits
of the dead. Both his name and certain attributes appear to suggest
that he is closely allied to these spirits. When a death has occurred,
the dead person has usually been buried in a contracted position,
like a foetus or a person asleep, without any elaborate ceremonies
and rites of mourning.69 Concerning Kung, for instance, Marshall
says that burial has no eect upon the status in the afterlife.70 Thus,
whether dead Kung are buried properly bound in deep round graves,
or scratched into shallow trenches, or not buried at all and eaten
by beasts, makes no dierence in that respect. Nor does the deceased
persons manner of living have any bearing on his or her whereabouts in the afterlife. Only a very few sources report that good
people go to God, whereas bad people go to the lesser deity.71 In
the case of the farm Nharo studied by Guenther, ideas about a good
and a bad place for the dead, and the importance of a persons
66
51
72
52
chapter two
In the case of the Nyae Nyae Kung, the spirits of the dead are
taken, by spirits of humans who have died earlier, rst to the western part of heaven, where the lesser deity lives, before being carried
further to the east, to the place where God lives. Apparently, most
sources indicate that the spirits of the dead have their dwelling near
or with God.83 Yet they are by no means bound to a particular location but move around frequently, on earth as in heaven.84 Although
they are usually invisible, they may occasionally be seen, particularly
by healers.85 Like God, the spirits of the dead are often depicted as
anthropomorphic beings.86 They may, thus, be envisaged in much
the same way as living humans.87 Among the Kung and Nharo, for
example, the spirits of the dead eat and live together as spouses.88
The character of the spirits of the dead is ambivalent or ambiguous. As in the case of the lesser deity, however, the negative or evil
traits are the predominant ones, and they are said to be most active
at night.89 Hence it is not surprising that reports about a certain
amount of fear of the spirits recur frequently in the sources.90 Although
they may act independently, they appear more often to be regarded
as servants of God and the lesser deity.91 The fact that they are messengers or minor characters may mitigate the fear felt by human
beings, and people speak less reluctantly and more frequently about
the spirits than about God and the lesser deity.92 Among the Nharo,
in particular, the conceptions of spirits are more diverse than my
brief account can possibly demonstrate. Barnard writes about a special
83
E.g., Lebzelter 1928: 407; Vedder 1937: 431; Khler 1978/79: 24.
Schapera 1930: 193; Marshall 1962: 242; Heinz 1975: 23. Cf. the studies of
Barnard (1979: 71 f.) and Guenther (1986: 245) on Nharo. According to Marshall
(1962: 243), those Kung who have committed suicide live with the lesser deity in
the west.
85
E.g., Bleek 1927: 54; Marshall 1962: 242; Barnard 1979: 71.
86
The mythic form of the lesser deity seems more often to be theriomorphic
(Thurner 1983: 391).
87
Lebzelter 1928: 109; Vedder 1937: 431.
88
Marshall 1962: 243; Barnard 1979: 71. Unlike Nharo spirits of the dead, as
reported by Barnard, Kung spirits of the dead do not beget children, according to
Marshall. They are, thus, believed to remain children in the world of spirits. Cf.
further Heinz 1975: 23.
89
Bleek 1928: 26; Schapera 1930: 193; Marshall 1962: 244; Barnard 1979: 71;
Lee 1984: 107; Barnard 1988: 226.
90
See, e.g., Vedder 1912: 413; Seyert 1913: 201; Bleek 1928: 26; Wilhelm
1954: 161; Heinz 1975: 231; Barnard 1979: 72.
91
Marshall 1962: 241; Khler 1971: 321; Khler 1978/79: 24.
92
Marshall 1962: 242, 244; Heinz 1975: 23.
84
53
category called Ka-je-m Go-dzi (Old Fathers), who were the original
Nharo to whom God gave their land and culture, and who are not
feared but may be regarded as ancestors in the good sense of the
word.93 This may be compared to Guenthers account of the kwe gau
gau, whom some of his Nharo informants regarded as ghosts of
recently deceased people, staying around the graves of their dead
bodies for a while, before continuing their journey to God, while
others referred to them simply as Gauwas things.94 These spirits
or ghosts are usually quite harmless.95
As in the case of the lesser deity, there is normally no organized
cult or veneration of the spirits of the dead. Accordingly, the term
ancestors is avoided here. Older as well as more recent studies show
clearly that prayers or oerings to the deceased are exceptional.96
Among others, Schapera concluded that the San did not have any
organized family or tribal ancestor worship or any form of religious
practice in which the spirits of the dead were regularly invoked or
propitiated.97 Similarly, Marshall and Barnard have concluded, concerning Kung and Nharo respectively, that the concept of having
special relations with their own ancestors are lacking.98 Marshall adds
that the spirits of the dead, who have their own supplies of food
and implements, do not want anything from living humans.99 Hence
there is no point in oering them anything.
The Heavenly Beings as Agents of Disease
Heavenly beings gure prominently in the important trance dance,
which has been described and discussed in many dierent sources
from various periods of time. Even rock paintings indicate that this
dance, which has also been labelled, for example, medicine dance
or therapeutic dance, was an essential element in San religion many
thousands of years ago.100 There are certain dierences between
93
54
chapter two
Ibid., 76.
It should be mentioned that, in addition to the healing in this communal
dance, serious diseases may also be treated in dances or rituals for individuals,
although these are less signicant and less frequent (e.g., Bleek 1928: 29; Heinz
1975: 28; Barnard 1979: 72 f.).
103
E.g., Marshall 1962: 248; Lee 1967: 33; Guenther 1986: 253. See also Gall
2001: 240.
104
Katz (1982: 38) reports about the Kung that small dances, with people from
one camp only, involved about 1520 persons, whereas the large ones, which were
not restricted to people from one camp, could attract up to 200. Among farm
Nharo, according to Guenther (1975: 162), up to 300 spectators may watch a trance
dance. See also, e.g., Marshall 1969: 353 .
105
For more detailed accounts of the trance dance, see especially Lee 1967; Lee
1968; Marshall 1969; Guenther 1975; Guenther 1975/76; Barnard 1979; Katz 1982;
Guenther 1986: 253263; Guenther 1999: chapter 8. Among older sources, I have
102
55
found Lebzelter (1934: 48 .), Mogg (n.d.: 6 f.) and Gusinde (MS) particularly interesting. Moggs study was probably published in the mid-1930s. Detailed descriptions of the trance dance are found in Gusindes eld notes from, e.g., 8 October
1950. See also Fourie 1994: 8; Smith et al. 2000: 78 .
106
Cf., e.g., the terms gaoxa (Marshall 1962: 248) and tco (Khler 1971: 318 f.).
107
Katz 1982: 34.
108
Guenther 1975: 162.
109
E.g., Marshall 1962: 248; Katz 1982: 92.
110
Marshall 1969: 350 f.
111
Katz 1982: 41. See also Lee 1984: 109.
112
Katz 1982.
113
See further, e.g., Barnard 1979: 75; Lee 1968: 44; Lee 1984: 109; Shostak
1981: chapter 13; Katz 1982: 42, passim; Guenther 1986: 243 f.; Smith et al. 2000:
78.
114
Lee 1968: 36; Katz 1982: 94. Psychologically, physical exertion and food
deprivation may be important factors for understanding the inducement of trance
(Guenther 1975/76: 49; Katz 1982: 94).
115
Barnard 1979: 74; Lee 1984: 111; Lewis-Williams 1981: 83.
116
Marshall 1969: 366 f.; Katz 1982: 123.
56
chapter two
57
When a Kung person dies, spirits of the dead come to take that
persons spirit ( gauwa)this is the term used by, among others,
Marshallby pulling it through the head of the corpse. Likewise, it
is through their heads that the spirits of the healers in trance leave
their bodies temporarily to encounter the spiritual being, who lurks
in the shadows around the dance re, and it is through the heads
that the spirits return. The spirit that is taken from the corpse when
a person dies is distinct from life (toa), which is put inside the body
of a person, or animal, and held there by God. It exists in the vital
organs of the body, including the head, but not in the arms and
legs. Whereas wounds in the former parts can be lethal, somebody
may even lose a limb yet survive. Eventually life dies in the body
and stays there, but the spirit does not die.125
This clear distinction between spirit and life does not seem to
exist among the Nharo studied by Guenther.126 According to his
report, the spirit or soul (i )Guenther uses the latter termis an
integral part of the body and imparts the body with life, thought
and feeling. The soul derives originally from God and becomes the
quintessential substance of the body. Diused throughout the body
by the blood, the soul substance is found in its strongest concentration in the vital organs of the body. In particular, it is associated
with the heart and the brain. It is alert and active when the body
is awake as well as asleep, and it can temporarily leave the body.
For those Nharo who believe in an afterlife, the soul (i ) is the part
of the body that survives death and returns to God.127 Guenther
reports that tssa Neri (steal from Neri) is a common cause of disease in the Nharo conceptual system. When God is inattentive, the
lesser deity may take a soul of a living human away from Gods
sphere of inuence into his own, and that person will then become
sick. Tssa Neri is the explanation for cases of relapse, too; it is typical of the lesser deity to thwart God in this fashion, snatching the
soul of the sick person who had just then, by the good grace of
God, seemed to be recovering. One particular aiction caused by
the lesser deitys contest with God is madness. In deance of the
latter, the former will place a second soul into a person, which is
125
126
127
58
chapter two
at odds with the other soul, derived from God at the time of birth.
The madness is a result of the struggle between the two souls.128
When the healers encounter the spiritual beings in the trance
dance, they often lack the respectful attitudes they normally have.
Kung, among others, do not argue with God and the lesser deity
in daily life and may fear to utter their ordinary names, using expressions such as the one in the east or the one in the west instead.
The attitudes observed in trance dances can be more open and
straightforward. Although more cautious means like cajoling or pleading with the spiritual beings occur in trance dances as well, the healers often become aggressive and swear at them. Sometimes burning
sticks are hurled at them and indecent invectives are used.129 When
a healers soul leaves his or her body to try to rescue the lost soul
of a seriously sick person, the healer enters into a very close contact with the spiritual world, and the struggle becomes intense.
According to Katz, this struggle is at the heart of the healers art
and power.130
Besides soul loss, another major reason for serious illnesses is intrusion. In that case some object, originating from a spiritual being, is
believed to have entered the body of a person. Apparently, the intruding object is most often thought of as a miniature arrow.131 From
the Kung area, for instance, Marshall and Shostak, among others,
report invisible arrows shot by the spirits of the dead.132 Guenther,
on the other hand, says that while some Nharo conceive of the
arrows, which in this case are shot by the lesser deity, as invisible
and immaterial, others say that they are concrete objects.133 Whether
invisible or not, such arrows or other things that have made people
seriously ill must be removed by the healers, who can achieve that
by, for instance, sucking or drawing them out.134
128
Ibid., 223 f.
E.g., Marshall 1962: 227 f.; Marshall 1969: 248; Guenther 1986: 271.
130
Katz 1982: 43. On their returns from out-of-body travels, the healers may
describe the heavenly realm, sometimes in great detail, and recount their ght for
the sick ones soul. Cf. Guenther (1986: 261) who says that Nharo healers do not
share their experiences after their travels in trance.
131
Cf., e.g., the case of the Kxoe area, where the spiritual beings use spears
(Khler 1962: 319).
132
Marshall 1962: 244; Shostak 1981: 291.
133
Guenther 1986: 272.
134
E.g., Marshall 1969: 369; Katz 1982: 105. In the late 1930s, Vedder (1937:
429) reported that some healers could suck out, for example, some thorn or piece
of bone, take it out of the mouth, show it to people around and then throw it into
129
59
the re. One of the Kung healers interviewed by Katz (1982: 82) said that the little things he removed from a man with a sick stomach were like twigs.
135
Marshall 1962: 244. Cf. Vedder 1912: 413.
136
Marshall 1962: 239.
137
Guenther (1986: 220) translates a breath. According to Bleek (1928: 26), the
wind is called by the name of the lesser deity when it is strong and hurls. Cf.
Schapera 1930: 194; Barnard 1988: 226. In her essay on San in Angola, Bleek
(1927: 54) hypothesized that God and the lesser deity verkrperte Naturkrfte sind,
ersterer wohl der Wald oder das Wachsen des Waldes, letzterer Wind und Regen.
138
In the latter case the term disease would perhaps be somewhat inappropriate, since it seems to imply an awareness of not being at ease (dis-ease).
139
Marshall 1962: 244; Marshall 1969: 349, 370 f.; Guenther 1975/76: 49.
140
Katz 1982: 102.
60
chapter two
141
142
143
144
145
146
Ibid., 53.
Lee 1967: 134; Katz 1982: 102; Woodburn 1982: 200.
Marshall 1962: 223.
Ibid., 234.
Ibid., 250 f.; Marshall 1969: 350; Katz 1982: 43, 105.
Guenther 1975: 162; Guenther 1986: 271.
61
deity also heals illnesses, and holds the medicinal plants of the veld.
Most Nharo healers, therefore, attribute their powers of trance healing
to this deity.147
Among the Ko, for instance, the lesser deity seems to be the most
common agent of disease too. God, on the other hand, is more a
source of healing than of illness and death. If a person who has
been very sick recovers, it is an indication that there has been a
regular conict between God and the lesser deity and that God has
prevailed. Yet, as among Nharo described by Guenther, the lesser
deity of the Ko is not an entirely bad being. Thus he is believed to
give medicines to healers and to intercede, occasionally, with God
for a persons life.148 With regard to the Kxoe, Khler says that diseases and deaths are associated primarily with the female aspect
(weibliche Gott) of the androgynous God, Kxyani. The male God
(mnnliche Gott) usually does not send illnesses. As messengers of the
female God, the Herrin der Krankheit, the spirits of the dead can cause
deaths, but when they act independently they occasion illnesses only.149
Why, then, do the heavenly beings cause diseases and deaths? The
basic San answer to this question appears to be some reference to
their ambivalent and unpredictable nature, which was described
above. In works by scholars of the Vienna School, the moral aspect
of the San thoughts about the reasons for diseases and deaths has
clearly been exaggerated.150 Lee mentions that one of his informants
once argued that the major agents of disease among the Kung, that
is the spirits of the dead, did not bother those persons who behaved
themselves, but he later reversed himself.151 Apparently, the idea of
aictions as punishment for misbehaviour was not a predominant
one among those Kung studied by Lee. From the Nyae Nyae Kung
area, Marshall reports that the concept of sin as an oence against
spiritual beings is vague. One persons wrongdoing against another
147
Guenther 1986: 222 ., 253. Among the Central Nharo studied by Barnard
(1979: 71 f., 75), the signicance of the spirits of the dead as agents of illness and
death is more strongly emphasized. A few of their healers claim to derive their
healing power from God or the lesser deity. More often, however, these healers
associate this power with the spirits of the dead.
148
Heinz 1975: 22 f., 34, 36.
149
Khler 1971: 321; Khler 1978: 37; Khler 1978/79: 21, 34.
150
See especially Gusinde (1963/65: 38), who states that God punishes evil persons by serious diseases and early deaths. Cf. Lebzelter 1934: 11.
151
Lee 1984: 107 f.
62
chapter two
152
153
154
155
156
157
63
healers, and particularly the most renowned and powerful ones, are
men.158 Among Kung, for instance, the search for the power called
num is of greater importance to men than to women;159 and in the
state of trance or half-death the men, temporarily and paradoxically, become particularly exposed and vulnerable.160
Even though a variety of San explanations to the problem why
the heavenly beings cause diseases and deaths have been rendered
in the sources, there is clearly no systematic or coherent theological answer to that question. Like other aspects of San religion, this
issue is characterized by exibility and uidity. Besides, Lees conclusion that the Kung do not spend much time in pondering such
religious or philosophical problems seems to be applicable to other
groups of San as well.161 In the above account of the spiritual beings
as agents of disease and death only a few references have been made
to the older material. One reason for that is simply that the older
sources do not contain much information about the religious or cultural aspects of San medicine.162 Another reason is that as far as
they do provide such information, it does not, as a rule, dier
signicantly from the accounts presented in the more recent sources.163
Like the performance of the trance dance, the religious content of
this dance has, by and large, been invariable throughout the period
of time considered here. To the extent that more signicant changes
have occurred, these have largely resulted from increased inuences
from non-San ideas and practices.164
158
CHAPTER THREE
Introduction
Many of the scholars who have studied the Maasai religion have
emphasized its uniqueness in the African context. In his classic work
from 1910, Merker even held that the dierence between the Maasai
and neighbouring peoples is greater in the religious eld than in any
other eld.3 Fully four decades later, Reusch depicted the Maasai as
ausgesprochene Monotheisten (typical monotheists),4 and more
recently, H.-E. Hauge has repeatedly claimed that their religion is
one of the purest monotheistic religions of the world.5
Not only the theocentric and monotheistic features of pastoral
Maasai religion but also, for instance, the lack of such elements as
sacred buildings, religious images, priesthood, spirits of ancestors and,
as a rule, even of belief in life beyond have been apprehended as
evidence of the unique character of this religion.6 Certainly, it seems
that some of these characteristics, such as the monotheism and the
common disbelief in the hereafter, are particularly pronounced among
pastoral Maasai. By and large, however, their religion is similar to
the form of religion that is found among other, especially non-Muslim,
66
chapter three
pastoral peoples in Africa.7 Apparently, it is only when it is compared to religions of non-pastoralist, particularly agricultural, peoples
that the religion of the pastoral Maasai stands out as exceptional.
As in the case of San religion, it is, furthermore, important to
take into account the individual and exible traits of Maasai religion. While some Maasai believe staunchly in God, others are not
religious believers at all, and there is a wide range of diering kinds
of religiosity between such extremes. More than a century ago, Fischer
stated in a travel report that the religious practices of the Maasai
were in no way prominent;8 and about a hundred years later BergSchlosser concluded that there is a low emphasis on religion in
Maasai culture. Among many Maasai, he said, a kind of skeptical
agnosticism seems to prevail.9 Jacobs reports that even among traditional elders he found many agnostics. Some even questioned the
existence and power of God altogether.10 Further, there is a great
deal of variation, for example, in the telling of myths and other stories.11 As stressed by Voshaar, THE story and THE version do not
exist.12 Stories and beliefs are not codied or expressed in systematic treatises.13 There are no controlling theological authorities or
priests who have formulated such treatises. An outsiders creation of
a systematic theology would, thus, distort the reality of Maasai
believers.
In addition to the problem of individual variations, the possibility
of some basic dierences between the various sections (ilosho) and
smaller parts of them should be kept in mind. As remarked by
Spencer, the tendency of many scholars to refer to the Maasai,
rather than to some specic localities, could account for many of
7
For some comparative notes, see Hauge 1979: 160 f.; Kronenberg 1979: 160 f.;
Westerlund 1986b: 13 f.
8
Fischer 1884: 72.
9
Berg-Schlosser 1984: 170 f.
10
Jacobs 1965: 323. Cf. Marari (1980: 13 f.) who says that elders sometimes correct, for instance, warriors who occasionally dispute the existence of God. Cf. also
the article by Johnston (1915: 483) who probably exaggerates the importance of
western inuence. In a study of the Turkana, another people with a culture and
religion similar to that of the Maasai, Gulliver (1951: 229 ., 251) concluded that
most Turkana did not resort a great deal to the religious side of life but had, rather,
an apathetic attitude to religion. He emphasized, also, that the degree of religious
commitment varied clearly from one individual to the other.
11
E.g., Voshaar 1979: 44 f., 118 .; Marari 1980: 28.
12
Voshaar 1979: 107.
13
Ibid., 118.
67
14
For some information about the signicance of circumcision, see Widenmann
1895: 302 f.; Merker 1904: 60 .; Hauge 1979: 13 .
15
See further, e.g., Mol 1978: 41; Voshaar 1979: 86 .; Beckwith & Saitoti 1980:
30 f.; rhem 1985: 21 ., 24 .; Ndoponoi 1986: passim.
16
E.g., Blumer 1927: 77; Ndoponoi 1986: 19. Blumer (1927: 77) adds that, among
those Arusha whom he studied, prayers of men were usually shorter than those of
women.
17
Voshaar 1979: 50 f., 82 f.; rhem 1985: 25. The supranormal role of elders
and of healers, who are also believed to possess a special spiritual power and function as religious experts and leaders, will be studied particularly in chapter 7. On
the great signicance of natural causation among Maasai, see the appendix.
18
See, e.g., Decken 1871: 25; Fokken 1917: 240; Mol 1978: 75, 131, 145; Voshaar
1979: 109 f.; Olsson 1982b: 1 f.; Voshaar 1998: 131. Here I follow Olssons custom
of using enkAi for God and enkai for sky and rain.
68
chapter three
69
during the dry season.29 The black god brings rain and, consequently, grass to cattle and prosperity to people, whereas the red
god may bring famine and death. The latter expression is also a
metaphoric designation for the warriors, whose bodies are painted
with red ochre and who are connected with aggression and death.30
As symbolized by the expressions enkai narok and enkai nanyoki, God
is the creator and giver of everything, the master of life as well as
of death. He is the sustainer of the world as of all living things and
actively involved in daily life. What human beings need, he provides. Maasai are, above all, provided with cattle. Through the gift
of cattle, God has established a special relationship between himself
and the people of cattle, although he is God of all peoples.31 God
is like a father and mother of all creatures; and he appears to have
many of the highly respected attributes associated with extreme age,
only more so.32 Hence he is, for instance, not only wise but omniscient, not only powerful but almighty and not only old but eternal.
Moreover, he is described as good and merciful. Although he is
immanent and said to be everywhere, on earth as in heaven, he is
also transcendent and associated particularly with all things above.33
The association of God with heaven, heavenly bodies and celestial
phenomena does not preclude the depiction of him in personal and
anthropomorphic terms. For example, anthropomorphic elements are
common in mythical accounts of God. Among other things, he dwells
in the same camp as primeval man, he converses and mingles with
human beings, and he ascends to heaven via a rope. This is, however,
seldom understood in exegetical conversational settings as literally
true. According to the transmitters themselves, the signicance is that
29
132.
Voshaar 1979: 110; Marari 1980: 22. Cf. Hauge: 1979:18 and Voshaar 1998:
70
chapter three
34
71
72
chapter three
53
This has been observed by a great number of scholars. See, e.g., Thomson
1883/84: 259; Fuchs 1910: 113; Fokken 1914: 37; Leakey 1930: 206; Bleeker 1963:
118; Hauge 1979: 43 f.; Saibull & Carr 1981: 117.
54
Merker 1904: 197.
55
E.g., Weishaupt 1930: 224.
56
Fokken 1917: 247.
57
Voshaar 1979: 123.
58
Mol 1978: 81.
59
Olsson 1989: 240.
60
Baumann 1894: 163; Fuchs 1910: 111; Hauge 1979: 54. See also, e.g., Thomson
1885:259; Hollis 1905:304; Burns 1908: 170. Cf. Decken 1871: 25.
61
E.g., Laube 1986: 116.
62
rhem 1989: 83.
63
Hollis 1905: 308; Fuchs 1910: 114.
64
Baumann 1894: 164; Schmidt 1940: 398. Cf. Decken (1871: 25) and Johnston
(1886: 416 f.) who write about the burial of small children too.
73
of dead ancestors may not only indicate a fear of death, or of recalling sorrow, but also a more general fear of the dead as such.65
Johnston held that, at the beginning of this century, the belief that
great persons could not entirely cease to exist was a gradually growing belief ;66 and there is evidence that this belief has continued to
grow in some areas. Commenting on the belief in annihilation,
reported by early authors, Hurskainen writes about the current situation: Whatever is the truth of the beliefs of the 19th century
Maasai, the Parakuyu believe in the continuity of life after death.67
Above all, such a belief as well as elaborate mortuary rituals and
burials have become prominent features of Arusha religion.
In many ways the cult or veneration of ancestors among the Arusha
resembles that among neighbouring Bantu peoples such as the Meru
and the Chagga. More than half a century ago, Blumer stressed that
Arusha people were much more concerned with spirits of ancestors
than with God, although he added that it was dicult to say whether
these spirits were subordinated to or put on a par with God himself.68 According to Kimereis interpretation, ancestors are intermediaries between human beings and God.69 There are shrines at the
graveyards where people pray and make oerings to their ancestors.70 Shrines are established at the graves of fathers; and other
ancestors are also approached through the dead fathers, who are the
most powerful and active of them all. Rituals at the shrines are conducted by living fathers, and sons are utterly dependent on the ritual prerogatives of their fathers.
Religion and Disease Causation
Since natural factors are the most important causes of illness for
Maasai, there is less to say about spiritual beings as agents of disease
and death in this chapter than elsewhere in this part of the book.
65
Krapf 1857: 441; Voshaar 1979: 303; Berg-Schlosser 1984: 162. See also
Sindiga 1995: 101.
66
Johnston 1915: 481 f.
67
Hurskainen 1984: 180. Cf. Hauge 1979: 49, 51.
68
Blumer 1927: 78.
69
Kimerei 1973: 64. This is the typical interpretation of the role of ancestors
found in works by Christian scholars inuenced by a theology of continuity. See
further Westerlund 1985: 34 .
70
Kimerei 1973: 66.
74
chapter three
71
75
79
80
81
82
83
84
76
chapter three
77
misfortune of some elders may occur because they have killed women
as warriors, not knowing that the women were pregnant.89 There is
a notion that an infant is a foetus, olkibiroto, as long as it is fed wholly
on the mothers milk. It is not until milk from the herd is introduced into its diet that the foetus becomes a person, oltungani.
During the very rst period of life, when the child is particularly
weak, dependent and vulnerable, it is also thought of as being especially close to God.90 There are other occasions, also, when the concept of engoki, or sin, is applicable. On the whole, evil done when
life is weakest is engoki. For example, elders and people in situations of rites de passage, that is, when a former state of life is left and
a new state has not yet been entered, are vulnerable; and evil done
to such categories of people may result in immediate sickness or
death of the perpetrator. The punishment may even aect such an
evildoers family and animals.91 As mentioned above, trees are seen
as particularly powerful manifestations of God. According to Hauge,
there are certain places where the trees are never cut down, or the
branches never broken, for fear of some misfortune. Maasai believe
that God will punish a person for such disrespect by sending some
kind of disease upon that person or upon his or her family or cattle.92
In studies of Arusha, in particular, the connection between sins
and illnesses as divine punishments have been stressed. Landei argues
that if somebody has done something wrong, God will sooner or
later punish that person, and the punishment may not only aect
the individual but the corporate group as well.93 Likewise, Kimerei
says that sickness is a consequence of sin and adds that almost all
suering may be attributed to the sins of human beings.94 It should
be remarked, however, that some of Kimereis informants were
Christian converts. Moreover, the emphasisor overemphasison
disease as punishment for sins may be seen as an example of the
Christian theological framework of interpretation that characterizes
the works of Kimerei, Landei and some others.
It seems that in the early work of Merker (1904) there is a similar exaggeration of the role of God as a guardian of morals. Merker
89
90
91
92
93
94
chapter three
78
says that since human beings are weak and sinful, God occasionally
has to punish them.95 A wider comparison of sources indicates that
such punishments are not generally believed to be common. It appears
that, as a rule, wrongdoers are dealt with by elders rather than by
God himself. Hauge even holds that, although God may be invoked
to take measures against transgressors, he is in general morally
indierent and is not expected to intervene automatically.96 Similarly,
rhem states that he has not heard of diseases that have been
attributed directly to moral misconduct or transgression of normative rules.97
About half a century ago, Schmidt hypothesized that Maasai morals
had degenerated. In his inverted evolutionist perspective, Maasai
monotheism was no longer as pure as it once was, nor was God
expected to act as a guardian of morals to the same extent as formerly. According to Schmidt, things like cattle raids and the licentious sexual morals were earlier forbidden by Maasai laws, and God
severely punished transgressors.98 Other accounts of Maasai religion
do not warrant any such conclusions about signicant changes concerning the role of God as a guardian of morals. Schmidts, as well
as Merkers, conclusions are theoretically biased, and Hauges words
about God as morally indierent appear to be yet another exaggeration. As indicated by the above-mentioned expressions the black
God and the red God, for instance, God is ambivalent. Hence he
is considered to embody the dual qualities of good and evil, creation
and destruction, within himself.99 In his study of the Matapato Maasai,
Spencer speaks about a dualistic perception of God, protective on
the one hand and castigating on the other.100
Clearly, the sources are conicting and do not allow any precise
conclusions about the issue of diseases and death as divine punishments. On this question, as well as in other cases, the signicance
95
Er tut es dann durch Krankheit, Drre oder Viehseuchen. Merker 1904: 196.
Hauge 1979: 40. Cf. ibid., 47.
97
rhem 1989: 84.
98
Schmidt 1940: 428 . According to Schmidt (ibid., 431): Der Verfall der
Sitten geht zwar Hand in Hand auch mit dem Verfall des Glaubens und der Kultur,
aber der erstere geht beteutend schneller vor sich und kann schon bedenklich weiter
gediehen sein, wenn auch der Glaube und noch mehr der Kult noch auf
bemerkenswerter Hhe stehen.
99
E.g., Galaty 1979: 321; Marari 1980: 22; Hurskainen 1984: 174 f.; Peron
1995: 53.
100
Spencer 1988: 48.
96
79
E.g., Johnston 1915: 482; Schmidt 1940: 382; Voshaar 1979: 245.
Voshaar (1979: 250 f.) holds that the sacrices are reminders of life rather
than gifts or substitutions for life. God himself is confronted with the facts of life:
See what life is, do this to us no more. Cf. Hauge 1979: 37.
103
Kimerei 1973: 56, 59; Hauge 1979: 25, 35. Kimerei (1973: 10 f.) and Hauge
(1979: 35) emphasize the element of reconciliation in sacrices.
104
Hauge 1979: 41. Cf., e.g., Bleeker 1963: 120 f.
102
80
chapter three
himself into a state where he is said to have oloirirua. The state is
dierent from being stupid (emodai ), from being mad or simpleton (emunoi ), from being agitated, from being depressed etc. However all these
states, that have known causes, may be the beginning of a process that
eventually induces oloirirua.105
81
a way similar to that of people who have oloirirua. Hence they may
shiver, run away in a mad way, throw o their garments and so
on.110 Perlitz reports, for instance, that during a Christian service for
possessed Maasai women, who came there to be baptized, one of
the women danced naked in the church, threw herself to the ground
and shouted.111
With a few exceptions only, it is Maasai women who become possessed.112 Some of the spirits of possession are animal spirits or spirits of nature, others are human spirits representing particular ethnic
groups, for instance Mgogo or Mwarusha, and yet others, such as
Shetani and Jini, may be of Islamic origin. The possessed women
behave in dierent ways, which are said to be typical of the various spirits. A lion spirit, for example, gives the host a dangerous
power.113 However, since possession brings diseases and other types
of suering, it is not something that people try to attain, and those
who become possessed aim at being liberated from their spirits of
possession. Possession is contracted through contacts with non-Maasai
people, and possessed Maasai must consult non-Maasai healers or
Christian churches for the purpose of exorcism. Since contacts with
non-Maasai healers, and the pepo songs and incense they use in their
healing ceremonies, involve risks of contracting new spirits, the healing provided by the churches is nowadays regarded as the most
eective way of coping with possession.114 As a consequence, there
is a tendency among Maasai to think of the Christian baptism primarily as a medicine for certain illnesses caused by spirit possession.115 While other diseases are treated by Maasai healers, modern
hospitals or dispensaries, or by the use of medicines available to the
patients themselves, spirit intrusion thus requires an entirely dierent
kind of conceptualization and treatment. Spirit possession is clearly
classied as a malady to be distinguished from other ailments.116
Pepo has become a name for sickness which does not respond to
biomedicine or indigenous types of healing; and Peterson concludes
that Maasai men have thus far willingly brought their possessed wives
110
111
112
113
114
115
116
82
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117
83
124
125
126
127
128
CHAPTER FOUR
Introduction
In many comparative accounts of indigenous African religions, ancestor worship has been depicted virtually as the religion of Africa,
although there are many African peoples who pay little or no attention to the spirits of the dead. However, in certain agriculturalist
and agro-pastoralist cultures without highly centralized socio-political
systems, spirits of ancestors have the central role in the religious system. The indigenous Sukuma culture is one example of that type of
society in which the cult or veneration of ancestors is the most prominent feature. Belief in God and a few other spiritual beings is, certainly, a part of Sukuma religion, but what constitutes the very focus
of the ritual life among the Sukuma is the relationship between the
living and the dead, which is visibly manifested in the cult or veneration of the ancestors.3
Even though it seems that Sukuma religion has been somewhat
less heterogeneous than the religions of the San and the Maasai, the
importance of variations has been stressed by several scholars who
have specialized in the Sukuma too.4 There is no systematic theology
1
Tanner 1967: 5.
Gass 1973 [1919]: 392.
3
Brandstrm 1990: chapter 6: 10. See also, e.g., Malcolm 1953: 50; Abrahams
1967: 77; Hateld 1968: 16. Cf. Hendriks 1952b: 43.
4
See, e.g., Table n.d.a.: 447; Tanner 1967: 1; Hateld 1968: 13; Ngweshemi
1990: 3; Wijsen & Tanner 2002: 64, passim.
2
86
chapter four
87
12
Abrahams 1967: 61; Tanner 1967: 35; Wanitzek 1986: 205 f.; Wijsen & Tanner
2002: 56.
13
Brandstrm 1990: chapter 6: 2. See also Wijsen & Tanner 2000: 46; Blokland
2000: 15.
14
Livinhac 1879: 172. That there were some Sukuma who held this view was stated
by, among others, some White Fathers in the early 1950s too (Table n.d.a.: 421).
15
Nathalie 1884: 186.
88
chapter four
89
90
chapter four
1884: 187; Augustiny 192324: 169; Hendriks 1952b: 8, 15, 19 f., 38 f.; Tanner
1958: 229; Tanner 1959: 120; Millroth 1965: 162; Tanner 1967: 13, 39 .; Hateld
1968: 65; Steeves 1990: 67; Wijsen & Tanner 2002: 62.
30
Augustiny 192324: 169; Hendriks 1952b: 6, 16 ., 32; Tanner 1959: 118;
Millroth 1965: 160 f.; Tanner 1967: 32; Ngweshemi 1990: 19; Wijsen & Tanner
2002: 55. Cf. Tanner 1958: 225. In a study of the Nyamwezi, Tcherkzo (1985:
73) compares the spirit houses to altars.
31
Table n.d.a: 271 ., 617 .; Hendriks 1952b: 13, 21 f.; Tanner 1959: 117 .;
Tanner 1967: 33; Tcherkzo 1985: 74. Among the Sukuma there is a great variety
of taboos, particularly for women, and only some of them are associated with
ancestors. Detailed information about taboo conceptions are found in, for instance,
Gass 1973 [1919]: 440 ., passim; Table n.d.a: 626 .; Kirwen 1974: 163.
32
Gass 1973 [1919]: 395, 397; Hendriks 1952b: 15, 23 f.; Tanner 1958: 230;
Hendriks 1962: 4; Tcherkzo 1985: 72. The sacred objects referred to here, which
are usually called shitongelejo (sing., kitongelejo), are not amulets or charms. Amulets
may be but are not necessarily connected with the veneration of ancestors and they
are even more numerous than the shitongelejo. See further Table n.d.a: 577; Abrahams
1967: 72; Tanner 1967: 29; Wijsen & Tanner 2002: 59.
33
Brard 1897: 156.
34
Tanner 1958: 229; Tanner 1959: 116.
91
35
Tanner 1967: 24. See also Tanner 1970: 24. See further Wijsen & Tanner
2002: 55.
36
For some more information on propitiation in connection with illnesses and
other types of misfortune occasioned by ancestors, see Nathalie 1884: 188; Gass
1973 [1919]: 403, 408, 410; Hendriks 1952a: 41, 44; Hendriks 1952b: 33; Table
n.d.a.: 474, 496; Malcolm 1953: 23; Tanner 1958: 227 .; Tanner 1959: 116; Tanner
1967: 24, 33, 36 f.; Hateld 1968: 63; Balina, Mayala and Mabula 1971: 20;
Tcherkzo 1985: 59 .; Steeves 1990: 81. An account of the various aspects of a
specic sacricial ceremony of propitiation is found in, for example, Tanner 1959:
231.
37
See, e.g., Tanner 1967: 17; Balina, Mayala and Mabula 1971: 8; Ngweshemi
1990: 19, 39; Steeves 1990: 69.
92
chapter four
38
Hendriks 1952b: 8.
Tanner 1967: 23. See further Augustiny 192324: 168, 170; Millroth 1965:
183; Balina, Mayala and Mabula 1971: 46.
40
Hateld 1968: 59 f.; Reid 1969: 186; Steeves 1990: 69. According to Tanner
(1959a: 108), sickness may be regarded as the outward expression of the illness of
moyo. Concerning the Nyamwezi, Tcherkzo (1985: 85 .) says that when sickness
comes, the soul, that is, the vital principle, diminishes, and if it does not stop, the
aicted person may eventually die.
41
Tanner 1959a: 114; Reid 1969: 77 f.
42
Hendriks 1962: 1 f.
39
93
Hendriks 1952b: 8; Table n.d.a.: 471; Steeves 1990: 69; Brandstrm, chapter
5: 1.
44
Hendriks 1952b: 8; Ngweshemi 1990: 20 f.; Steeves 1990: 80. See also
Tcherkzo 1985: 60; Blokland 2000: 32. There is some evidence that, in the past,
ailing chiefs could be killed by ritual ocers. Since, in a sense, a chief was identied
with his chiefdom, he had to be healthy. If he was seriously ill, the community was
aected too. See further Tanner 1959a: 115; Millroth 1965: 176 f.; Abrahams 1967:
76 f.
45
Tanner 1958: 225.
46
Tanner 1967: 22.
94
chapter four
95
A certain amount of unpredictability is a characteristic of all ancestors. Like living humans, spirits of ancestors are not good or bad but
good and bad. As ambivalent beings, ancestors may be contented
agents of blessings as well as discontented agents of misfortune. Thus,
the surviving relatives ask their masamva to assist in providing good
harvests, many children, good health and other good things in life.
Since the activities of ancestors are more powerful than those of
their descendants, the spiritual assistance is important in order to
obtain a good life on earth.51 As emphasized repeatedly by Tanner,
however, the masamva are ultimately dependent on God, even though
prayers and oerings are addressed directly to the former and indirectly only to the latter.52
Since ancestors are able to harm their descendants, there is some
amount of awe of them; and, as indicated above, it seems that, at
least in recent decades, masamva are generally asked to abstain from
evil rather than to bring about good. Yet the amount of fear should
not be exaggerated. The feelings of living humans towards their
ancestors are a complex mixture of aection and awe. In a sense,
they are still one with the living members of their families rather
than dominating outsiders who aggressively control the living.53 When
communicating with their living relatives, ancestors can appear in
dreams or possess people. Possession, particularly of women, seems
to be a common phenomenon among the Sukuma. A possessed
person, or medium, acts as a mouthpiece of the possessing spirit,
and there are dierent varieties of glossolalia. People who become
possessed are both ordinary persons and healers, bafumu (sing., nfumu).
Moreover, an ancestor can reveal himself or herself in the form of
an animal, usually a snake, which must be well treated.54
In divination, it is the living who actively seek to nd out which
ancestor is the cause of a particular disease and what complaints or
51
Hendriks 1952b: 8; Hendriks 1962: 3; Hateld 1968: 60; Balina, Mayala and
Mabula 1971: 7; Steeves 1990: 68. Cf. Reid 1969: 44.
52
See, e.g., Tanner 1959a: 116; Tanner 1967: 23.
53
See further, e.g., Gass 1973 [1919]: 402; Table n.d.a: 474; Hendriks 1952b:
15; Tanner 1959: 122; Balina, Mayala and Mabula 1971: 20. Cf. the accounts by
Hendriks (1952b: 8), who stresses the element of fear, and Tanner who, in some
places (e.g., 1959: 121; 1967: 39), concludes that there seemed to be no such feelings towards ancestors. In another work, Tanner (1967: 21) inconsistently argues
that (ancestors) are feared rather than venerated.
54
Nathalie 1884: 188; Gass 1973 [1919]: 41, 443; Bsch 1930: 49; Table n.d.a:
471, 623; Hendriks 1952b: 9, 12 f.; Hendriks 1962: 2; Millroth 1965: 119, 123 f.;
Wijsen 1993: 113 f.; Wijsen & Tanner 2000: 73; Wijsen & Tanner 2002: 64.
96
chapter four
wishes that spirit may have.55 Simple and common forms of divination are known to ordinary people, while more advanced cases are
referred to specialists. Bafumu are highly specialized in various forms
of divination and healing.56 Many of them are members and leaders of secret societies. Bamanga (sing., manga), the majority of whom
seem to be women, are diviners who often practise as healers too,
and whose contact with and possession by masamva is of vital importance.57 Although there are some bafumu who work with medicines
or instruments, and do not rely on spiritual support, most of them
are dependent on the assistance and power of masamva. The more
successful ones are said to have a special ritual power or personal
charisma called busebu.58 Much of the energy of the bafumu is devoted
to the task of maintaining or re-establishing harmony between living
humans and ancestors, and their attention to people in need is very
personal. Yet the bafumu, most of whom are men, should not be seen
as some exclusive priestly class. In principle at least, anybody can
become an nfumu. Nowadays, Tanzanian authorities require licences
and certicates of people who want to practise as bafumu. It appears,
however, that most of them prefer to remain outside the scrutiny of
administrators at all levels.59
A detailed discussion about the functions of the cult or veneration of ancestors is outside the scope of this study. Yet a few of the
conclusions drawn here should be stressed. Ancestor veneration helps
to keep families together. It is closely associated with the Sukuma
social system and serves as a kind of social cement. Ancestors are
55
The position and signs of certain objects as well as entrails of animals are used
in divination. Among the Sukuma, chicken divination is the most common instrumental form (Table n.d.a: 474; Hateld 1968: 116 .).
56
Bufumu is an abstract concept, indicating the magic component in a medicine or, more generally, the complexes that result from any human beings spiritual links with his or her ancestors (Cory n.d.b: 1). When referring to the term
bufumu, Hateld (1968: 90 .) uses the expression supernatural power and says that
a persons power and inuence is attributed to his or her bufumu. We may compare here the San concept of num. Bufumu is, moreover, the name of one of the
most important Sukuma secret societies. However, bafumu are not necessarily members of that society (Malcolm 1953: 68). According to Tanner (1967: 42) and
Ngweshemi (1990: 21), the term nfumu may be derived from the verb kufumbula,
to discover.
57
Bumanga is the name of another important Sukuma society.
58
Wijsen & Tanner 2000: 29. The term is used for fever too.
59
See further Gass 1973 [1919]: 412; Hendriks 1952b: 9; Table n.d.a: 152 .,
503; Millroth 1965: 140 .; Tanner 1967: 42 ., 49; Hateld 1968: 145, 151, 153,
287; Reid 1969: 95, 104; Pedersen 1977: 64; Wijsen & Tanner 2000: 45.
97
60
For more discussions of the function of ancestor veneration among the Sukuma,
see Hendriks 1952b: 4; Table n.d.a: 447; Tanner 1959a: 115, 120; Tanner 1967:
26; Ngweshemi 1990: 24; Steeves 1990: 67.
61
Brandstrm 1990, chapter 5: 22; chapter 6: 9.
62
See further, e.g., Nathalie 1884: 186; Gass 1973 [1919]: 385; Table n.d.a: 412
., 507; Tanner 1956a: 45; Cory 1960: 15; Millroth 1965: 19 f., 46, 95 .; Balina,
Mayala and Mabula 1971: 2; Ngweshemi 1990: 8 . One of the localized names
for God in Sukumaland is Ngassa. This name is associated with water holes, rivers
and, above all, Lake Victoria. It designates God as the ruler of this great lake. See
Tanner 1967: 5; Balina, Mayala and Mabula 1971: 5. Cf. the accounts on the
Nyamwezi in Bsch (1930: 26 .) and Schnenberger (1961).
98
chapter four
63
99
Brard 1897: 156; Gass 1973 [1919]: 387; Cory 1960: 15; Tanner 1967: 8;
Brandstrm 1990, chapter 6: 10; Wijsen & Tanner 2002: 174. Concerning the similar situation among the Nyamwezi, see Bsch 1930: 39; Schnenberger 1961: 949.
Cf. Ngweshemi 1990: 14 f.; Wijsen 1993: 108.
71
Table n.d.a: 440 f.; Cory 1960: 440 f.
72
Nathalie 1884: 189; Bsch 1930: 39 .; Table n.d.a.: 443 f., 507; Millroth
1965: 125; Ngweshemi 1990: 16 f. Cf. Wijsen 1993: 158.
73
Table n.d.a.: 444; Ngweshemi 1990: 17.
74
Gass 1973 [1919]: 386; Table n.d.a.: 447; Tanner 1956a: 49, 52; Tanner 1967:
9 f.; Ngweshemi 1990: 12; Wijsen & Tanner 2002: 55.
75
Gass 1973 [1919]: 385 f.; Table n.d.a.: 418; Balina, Mayala and Mabula 1971:
3, 43; Ngweshemi 1990: 11. Concerning the Nyamwezi, see Bsch 1930: 36; Blohm
1933: 189. It seems that death may not necessarily be seen as something entirely bad.
100
chapter four
his ancestors were very strong . . . and if he should recover, that the
intentions of the ancestor spirits have been agreed to by the Supreme
Being.76
According to Tanner (1956a: 47), there is a popular saying that without death
people would not have enough room to live. Death may, thus, be regarded as a
clearing away by the Supreme Being so that all may live well.
76
Tanner 1956a: 50. See also Tanner 1967: 10; Steeves 1990: 63.
77
Tanner 1956a: 51. See also Wijsen & Tanner 2002: 62.
78
Brandstrm 1990, chapter 6: 10.
79
Ibid., chapter 6: 25.
80
Perhaps this idea of disease and death as punishments from God has been
somewhat exaggerated by scholars of religion. See, e.g., Bsch 1930: 37 f.; Table
n.d.a: 418; Millroth 1965: 104, 183; Ngweshemi 1990: 7, 12, 24.
81
Tanner 1956a: 49.
82
Brard 1897: 152 f.; Hendriks 1952b: 43 .; Cory 1960: 90; Pedersen 1977: 62;
Wijsen & Tanner 2002: 59. Millroth (1965: 111 f.) reports a guardian of animals too.
83
Tanner 1956a: 45; Hateld 1968: 47.
101
84
For some diering accounts, see Hendriks 1952b: 44 f.; Tanner 1956a: 45 f.;
Millroth 1965: 107 .; Hateld 1968: 49; Steeves 1990: 63 .
85
Gass 1973: 386. See also Tanner 1956a: 46; Tanner 1967: 5; Welch 1974:
183; Pedersen 1977: 62. Cf. Millroth 1965: 107 f.
86
Table n.d.a.: 481; Millroth 1965: 109; Welch 1974: 183. Cf. Brard 1897: 152 f.
87
Millroth 1965: 109, 113; Abrahams 1967: 78. With regard to the Nyamwezi,
Blohm (1933: 173) pointed to the inuence of foreign spirits. Cory (1960: 15 f.)
held that, although spirits of nature did not normally take any interest in this world,
they could occasionally be induced by powerful magicians to cause evil. He mentioned Simungala as an example of a particularly dangerous demon that could
cause smallpox, plague and other epidemics. However, the observance of taboos,
the avoidance of provocation and the use of protective medicines were considered
sucient to keep away the displeasure of such spiritual beings.
88
Wijsen & Tanner 2002: 61.
CHAPTER FIVE
Introduction
As indicated by the rst quotation above, as well as by many other
writings from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, socalled fetishism was at that time the predominant element in the
Kongo religion.3 Time and again western missionaries and colonial
rulers launched attacks on the concepts of nkisi. Fetishes (nkisi or
minkisi), that is, sacred objects associated with certain spirits, were
destroyed in bonres. The American anthropologist Janzen concludes
that, as a result of the crusade against nkisi between 1890 and 1930,
which was joined by African prophets like Simon Kimbangu, region
by region in the Lower Congo responded to the call by abandoning
or burning most of their nkisi.4
The Kongolese world or cosmos is divided into one visible and
one invisible part. The visible world of the living is above the earth,
and the invisible world below is inhabited by ancestors and other
spiritual beings. During the nineteenth century, according to MacGaey,
a sense of the dead as moving, by a series of transformations in the
afterlife, through a hierarchy of increasingly remote but also more
powerful and functionally less specic positions in the other world,
apparently corresponded to the existence in the real world of hierarchies
104
chapter five
5
MacGaey 1983: 129. See also Janzen 1978: 23; Mahaniah 1979: 218; JacobsonWidding 1979: 332 f. Cf. Mahaniah 1982: 30 f., 48.
6
Vansina 1975: 671 .; Jacobson-Widding 1979: 25 f.; MacGaey 1986: 185.
7
Pambou 198081: 38. See also Bouquet 1969: 23; Thiel 1974: 641. Vansina
(1975: 574) remarks that myths are not very elaborate.
8
Sadin 1910: 135.
9
Widman 1979: 39.
10
MacGaey 1983: 148.
11
See further, e.g., Mahaniah 1973: 229 f., 231 ., 237 f.; Janzen 1978: 8, 67,
73, 224 f.; Mahaniah 1982: 16, 63 ., 67 .; Dimomfu 1984: 76.
kongo spirits or
NKISI
105
Spirits of Ancestors
Even though, as indicated above, the nkisi were the predominant
spiritual beings in the Kongo religion in the late nineteenth and
early twentieth century, ordinary spirits of ancestors were also important. Since the cult of nkisi, or very old spirits of ancestors, is related
to the cult or veneration of ordinary, or young ancestors, it is reasonable to present the latter and their role as agents of disease rst.
In addition to the life-essence, or principle of life (moyo), which is
associated with the blood and the heart, human beings have an element, or soul, that survives the death of the body.12 Van Wing
neatly expressed the signicance of ancestors by saying that the dead
are the living par excellence.13 For two to three generations, ancestors
(bakulu, sing. nkulu) are still lineage members and interact closely with
their relatives on earth. A special category of ancestors, associated
with witchery, are the bankuyu or minkuyu (sing. nkuyu) or ghosts.
Although in some dialects, and for some people even within the
same dialect area, one of these Kongo termsbakulu or bankuyu
may indicate the alternative concept, bakulu refers most often to primarily benevolent spirits with some known or implied genealogical
relationship to the living, whereas minkuyu are usually malevolent,
unattached ghosts who are not supplicated but exorcised.14
Similarly, there is some uncertainty and variation concerning the
term basimbi (sing. simbi ), which refers to another category of spiritual
beings, who are also somehow related to the nkisi. According to some
Kongolese, the simbi spirits are distant ancestors, who have lost their
individuality, while others seem to believe that they are a special
class of beings in the underworld, created by Nzambi, the Supreme
12
Nsala and mwela are Kongo terms for the soul. The complex Kongo views of
human beings have been elaborated by, among others, Laman (1962: 1 .) and
largely following LamanJacobson-Widding (1979: 307323). See also, e.g., Proyart
1819: 151; van Wing 1959: 376; Janzen 1978: 158; Widman 1979: 106 .; MacGaey
1986: 50 ., 135.
13
van Wing 1959: 250.
14
MacGaey 1986: 64. MacGaey (ibid.) adds that this apparent vagueness is
characteristic of all status designations, including kinship terms, and many related
expressions. The vagueness in the use of the terms bakulu and bankuyu may be illustrated by comparing the accounts of, for instance, Laman (1916: 199, 205 f.),
Widman (1979: 92) and Dalmalm (1985: 64). See also Jacobson-Widding 1979: 94
., 103 .; Pambou 198081: 39. Cf., e.g., Hersak (2001: 615, 622), who writes
about the Vili and Yombe in the north-western Kongo region.
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chapter five
15
In the seventeenth century, according to MacGaey (2000: 212), a hierarchy
of simbi spirits corresponded to a hierarchy of political domains. For more details
on basimbi, see Laman 1916: 206; Laman 1962: 33 .; Buakasa 1973: 239; JacobsonWidding 1979: 114 .; Widman 1979: 190; Mahaniah 1982: 34; Lagercrantz 1983/84:
69; MacGaey 1983: 133, 145; Dalmalm 1985: 65; MacGaey 1986: 63, 68, 76
., passim. On the issue of regional variation, see e.g. Hersak 2001: 615.
16
Sadin 1905; Vansina 1975: 672; Jacobson-Widding 1979: 98; Widman 1979:
89, 116 f., 134; MacGaey 1986: 45 .; MacGaey 2000: 206.
17
MacGaey 1986: 88 f.
18
Laman 1916: 207; van Wing 1959: 379; Mahaniah 1982: 231. Cf. MacGaey
2000: 222.
19
Janzen 1978: 178; MacGaey 1986: 67.
kongo spirits or
NKISI
107
20
108
chapter five
25
MacGaey 1986: 85 f.
Laman 1916: 206; Laman 1962: 21 f.; Jacobson-Widding 1979: 103 f.; Mahaniah
1982: 31.
27
van Wing 1959: 291; MacGaey 1986: 73.
28
See, e.g., Sadin 1910: 139; van Wing 1959: 348, cf. 423.
29
Mahaniah 1979: 225; MacGaey 1986: 71 . Cf. Widman 1979: 142.
26
kongo spirits or
NKISI
109
of the latter have existed from the very beginning of the Kongo
people. In addition to the great number of minor and local nkisi,
there are more than one hundred major ones. Among them are the
founders of the Kongo sub-groups or clans.30 In order to glorify and
mark the great signicance of the highest nkisi, the concept of Nzambi,
the Supreme Being, may be used as a symbolic designation for them.
Thus, they are closely associated with God. Some nkisi are conceived
of as male, others as female; yet others are sexless.31 These spirits
can be connected to all sorts of places on land, in water and in the
sky. They can also be divided into dierent families with specialized
activities.32
Nkisi spirits are, moreover, associated with certain sacred objects,
fetishes, of dierent kinds and sizes.33 The nkisi objects are produced,
often in the form of sculptures that look like human beings or, more
rarely, like animals. Pots, baskets and similar things may also be
used. The objects have medicines attached, sometimes in a hole in
the stomach area and sometimes in a medicine bag. Religious specialists
known as banganga (sing., nganga), for whom healing is an important
activity, know and teach how to produce nkisi objects and what prescriptions must be followed. There are certain taboos that an owner
of a nkisi object must observe. The medicines are chosen for both
symbolic and pharmacological reasons. For instance, there may be
heads of snakes in particularly dangerous nkisi, and hair of an albino
provides an albinos special power. However, there may also be herbal
medicines in the nkisi object which, supplemented by more such medicines, can be used in the treatment of diseases. In the nkisi cult, thus,
religion, magic and science merge. Nkisi objects in the form of
human beings, which may be due to Catholic inuence, have bent
legs, symbolizing the vitality and strength of the spirits. In certain
areas some sculptures have nails or other sharp things hammered
into them. This may also be a late innovation, possibly inuenced
by crucixes.34 According to, among others, Laman and Lagercrantz,
30
Laman 1928: 18, 20; Thiel 1974: 638; Janzen 1978: 45; Widman 1979: 147;
MacGaey 1990: 4.
31
Laman 1917: 293; Widman 1979: 183; Jacobson-Widding 1983: 387; Lagercrantz
1983/84: 68.
32
Laman 1928: 20; Vansina 1975: 672; Janzen 1978: 46; Lagercrantz 1983/84:
67, 70.
33
See further Laman 1962: 67; van Wing 1959: 383; Buakasa 1968: 154 f.;
Dalmalm 1985: 65; MacGaey 1990: 5 f.
34
Cf. MacGaey 2000: 99.
110
chapter five
the nails are meant to hurt and thus activate the nkisi spirit.35 Moreover,
a nkisi can be ritually killed by driving nails into it.36
In addition to being important agents and healers of disease, the
nkisi have a number of dierent functions. For instance, they can
bring good luck in hunting, detect thieves, protect against bandoki,
give fertility to women and good harvests. There are nkisi for dierent
ages, for men and women, for war, dierent trades and so forth. In
part, they can be seen as guardian spirits of individuals and groups.
Previously, a chief in a village could compose a great nkisi for the
protection of all the inhabitants in the village. Like human beings,
however, the nkisi are more or less ambivalent and can thus harm
as well as protect. According to Laman, the later nkisi have more
specialized functions than the oldest ones.37 The nkisi can intervene
in every aspect of life, be it in the social, political, legal or religious
sphere. A nkisi can operate of its own accord, or by order of a nganga
or ndoki, but its sphere of action is restricted by its inherent qualities and specialization.38 For instance, there are nkisi for dierent
ages. Some are primarily for men, others mainly for women. Male
nkisi tend to be more violent than the female ones, who are more
calm and peaceful. As indicated above, there are three great groups
of nkisi. Their medicines and power derive from these respective
spheres, although it is rare for a nkisi to have all its medicine from
only one of these spheres. The families of nkisi are organized in a
way that is similar to the system of matrilineal lineages among the
Kongo, even though they are less elaborate than the latter.39
As indicated by the second quotation at the opening of this chapter, a nkisi normally has its own sickness that it imposes, and it is
used also in the treatment of the same malady.40 Some nkisi can
cause several illnesses. Conversely, the same kind of illness can be
35
Laman 1962: 90; Lagercrantz 1983/84: 81. See also, e.g., MacGaey 2000:
105.
36
MacGaey 1986: 159. For more information on nkisi objects, see Laman 1928:
16, 19, 25 f.; Laman 1962: 67 .; van Wing 1959: 384, 410; Buakasa 1973: 177,
227; Jacobson-Widding 1979: 139 ., 152; Widman 1979: 153 ., 183, 201 f.;
Lagercrantz 1983/84: 71, 77 f.; Dalmalm 1985: 65; MacGaey 1986: 138 f., 140,
142 .
37
Laman 1962: 71, 100. See further, e.g., van Wing 1959: 385, 394; Buakasa
1968: 156, 163; Jacobson-Widding 1979: 139; Widman 1979: 187 .
38
Laman 1962: 75.
39
Laman 1962: 71 f.; Buakasa 1973: 236 f.; Widman 1979: 185 f.
40
See also, e.g., Sadin 1910: 133; Jacobson-Widding 1983: 387.
kongo spirits or
NKISI
111
41
Butaye 1899: 310; Laman 1928: 21; van Wing 1959: 385; HagenbucherSacripanti 1973: 109; Mahaniah 1979: 241; Pambou 197980: 18 f.; Dalmalm 1985:
65.
42
Cf. Lagercrantz 1983/84: 88.
43
Mahaniah 1982: 3946. See also Laman 1962: 70.
44
Laman 1928: 75 .; Laman 1962: 78, 86 .; Mahaniah 1982: 127 .; MacGaey
2000: 100.
112
chapter five
nocturnal journeys. Kula, who can be male or female, are the most
common nkisi for treating illnesses caused by bankuyu and bandoki.45
Another very well-known major nkisi is Bunzi, who in some areas
is called Lemba. There is a variety of aictions that can be caused,
and healed, by Bunzi. It can attack in the belly, chest, eyes and legs.
When someone suers from dyspnoea, stitch, chest pains or anxiety,
it may be suspected that this nkisi has entered into the body of the
suerer. Swollen stomach, limbs or eyes as well as coughing trouble
are characteristic problems brought by Bunzi.46 There are several
variants of this nkisi. From the Yombe area, for instance, HagenbucherSacripanti reports that Bunzi may be the cause of rheumatism and
arthritis. However, it also oers protection against thieves and other
evildoers. Bunzi, who is stronger than the majority of nkisi, is above
all resorted to when somebody has had constant bad luck in his
hunting or shing.47
Nakongo is one of the very oldest nkisi. According to Laman, he
may be as magnicent as Nkondi, give good luck and happiness; but
his chief function is to aict people with illness by way of revenge for
crime, and to be invoked by the sick person. Nakongo gives people
hernias, makes their limbs crooked, their bodies swollen and gives them
scabs and blisters between toes and ngers.48
The attacks may also be directed towards the chest and produce a
stubborn cough. For instance, thieves and adulterers may be visited
by Nakongo. As in the case of Bunzi, among others, there are several variants of nkisi Nakongo. One of these, Makongo Banga, causes
madness and ignorance, while another, Makongo Mpanzu, seizes
people by the side of the chest and squeezes to produce a lethal
cramp. Like Makongo Banga, Makongo na Mvangu occasions various kinds of insanity.49
Mbumba is a famous and feared nkisi who provokes, among other
things, blood blisters, swollen and aching legs, severe diarrhoea and
stomach cancer. Yet, like other nkisi, Mbumba is ambivalent and
45
Laman 1928: 81, 237 .; Laman 1962: 78, 92 .; Jacobson-Widding 1979:
233 f.
46
Laman 1926: 215 f.; Laman 1962: 105 ., 113.
47
Laman 1962: 107 f.
48
Ibid., 144.
49
Ibid., 142148; Jacobson-Widding 1979: 241.
kongo spirits or
NKISI
113
can, for instance, make women who have had fertility problems
pregnant. Moreover, this nkisi protects against theft. For example,
people who steal fruit from trees that are protected by Mbumba will
immediately be attacked by this spiritual being.50
Another important agent of disease is the Nkita family. Dimomfu
says that more than fty illnesses may be treated by healers who
specialize in this family, although only a few of these aictions are
of particular signicance.51 Delivery problems and sterility, as well
as boils and sores all over the body, are important categories of
Nkita aictions. Another such category is bodily malformations such
as harelip and hunchback. Nkita may also be the name of small animals entering human bodies, causing swellings and aches.52 Like the
Nkita nkisi, to whom they are related, the Kimpi nkisi can occasion
a high number of maladies, including miscarriage and insanity.53
Another nkisi concerned with reproduction problems is Funza, who
caused sterility, miscarriage and was the reason for malformed humans,
animals, plants and inanimate things like stones. Laman observed,
however, that already at his time this nkisi had fallen into oblivion.54
While some nkisi, like Funza, lost their signicance, others could
become increasingly important, and new ones from other peoples
were introduced. Particularly in urban areas, such as Lopoldville,
even nkisi from far away, like West Africa, could be taken over and
become worshipped by the Kongo.55
Since there are hundreds of more or less important nkisi among
the Kongo, only some of them, and their role as agents of disease,
can be presented here. Mvutudi and Mwanza belong to the type of
nkisi that have the shamanistic function of recapturing lost souls of
human beings. Mbumba is an ancient, well-known and feared nkisi.
Like most of the oldest nkisi, he is less specialized than the younger
ones. Among other things, he causes stomach problems, tumours
50
188.
51
114
chapter five
kongo spirits or
NKISI
115
reason for aictions inicted by them.59 A living humans cult relationship to a specic spirit is often initiated when the spirit seeks an
owner by causing his or her illness. If it is a serious malady, the
best way of becoming healed is to nd a nganga who can teach the
patient how to put together the nkisi object. The patient then enters
into the service of this particular nkisi spirit and can help others
whom it may aict.60
In principle, anybody can become a nganga, although the prescriptions and taboos connected with this profession deter most people. In practice, male banganga are more common than female ones.
Yet the latter may be as powerful and inuential as the former. In
addition to the possibility of being recruited through illness, it is also
possible to become a nganga after being an apprentice to a master
nganga. Patrilateral succession (i.e., from father to son) is the most
common mode of apprenticeship. A woman can become a nganga,
for example, after being obliged to purchase a treatment for a sick
child. She may then begin practising it on others. Occasionally,
elderly or rich people become banganga for the sake of gaining personal honour. As a rule, the recruitment of a nganga entails dierent
modes, although illness and successful healing by a nkisi may be the
most important means of embracing the profession.61
There are various kinds of banganga, and they tend to be highly
specialized. The category that is of particular interest here is the
nganga nkisi. The banganga who specialize in nkisi can be dierentiated
further, depending on which nkisi they serve. Hence they can be
called nganga Lemba, nganga Kulu and so forth. Among other categories
of banganga specialists, the nganga mbuki, herbalist or doctor, and nganga
ngombo, diviner, may be mentioned.62 It should be remarked, however,
that the distinction between these banganga and the nganga nkisi is not
always clear in practice. It is interesting to note, also, that a Christian
priest may be called nganga Nzambi (priest of God). Since the banganga
59
van Wing 1959: 400; Pambou 197980: 21 f.; Dalmalm 1985: 77. Janzen
(1979: 121) reports a case of somebody who was hit by aiction because he had
stepped on a malevolent nkisi, planted by a vengeful person out to destroy him.
60
Lagercrantz 1983/84: 68 f. The most powerful nkisi are also the most expensive (MacGaey 2000: 112).
61
van Wing 1959: 421; Laman 1962: 72, 173, 175; Janzen 1978: 196 f.; JacobsonWidding 1979: 68, 145; Lagercrantz 1983/84: 75.
62
A few details about the former will be provided in the appendix. On Kongo
divination, see e.g. Laman 1962: 173; Mahaniah 1973: 231; Janzen 1979: 210.
116
chapter five
may be concerned with a great variety of problems, not only regarding religion and healing but also, for instance, law and teaching, the
term is dicult or impossible to translate into English. When a term
like healer is used, it should, therefore, be remembered that the art
of nganga covers much more than issues of illness and healing.63
In 1910, the Jesuit missionary Sadin drew the conclusion that the
banganga, whom he called fticheurs, had great authority.64 Their importance is evidenced also by the fact that Christian missionaries have
regarded them as the major obstacle to the conversion of the Kongo
people to Christianity. In his historical study Culture Confrontation in
the Lower Congo, Axelson concludes that the banganga and their functions proved to be the most vital and long-lived social institution.65
An essential reason for the authority of the nganga is the special kindoki power and intelligence of the night, that is, of the world of
spirits, that he or she has access to. Although it is possible for banganga to use this power in a destructive way, which allegedly does
happen, they are generally expected to use it for constructive or
healing purposes. Therefore, they are of great signicance in the
struggle against the bandoki, who constantly try to harm other people.66
The ambivalent and extraordinary power of kindoki makes it possible
for the banganga to perform similar feats to the bandoki. For example,
some banganga may transform themselves into animals. A nganga Kula
is able to see the bankuyu, attack and exorcize them when they have
taken possession of somebodys body.
There are reports that some banganga perform miracles, predict
future events or conjure up their nkisi spirits or dead humans (bakulu).
Among other things, banganga may cut themselves in the tongue without showing any pain, although blood ows; or, like San healers,
they may dance through re, the ames licking their bodies but causing them no harm.67 In many ways prophets (bangunza) in indigenous
Christian churches in the Kongo area, such as the well-known Church
of Jesus Christ on Earth by the Prophet Simon Kimbangu, are similar
63
According to van Wing (1959: 418), the word nganga means faiseur (maker,
manufacturer). See further, e.g., Janzen 1978: 195; Widman 1979: 157 .; Batukezanga
1981: 60.
64
Sadin 1910: 135.
65
Axelson 1970: 266. See also, e.g., Widman 1979: 157.
66
Buakasa 1973: 152; Hagenbucher-Sacripanti 1973: 144. The issue of kindoki
and bandoki will be discussed in detail in chapter 8.
67
Laman 1962: 18, 175, 177, 181.
kongo spirits or
NKISI
117
to the banganga. For instance, like the latter, the prophets heal sick
people, perform miracles and struggle against the bandoki. To some
degree, thus, the bangunza may be said to have replaced the banganga.
The most explicit dierence between the former and the latter, it
seems, is that the prophets charge no fees, although they may accept
gifts, while the banganga normally charge fees for their services.68
When the banganga treat patients they use religious, magical and
natural means. The medicines used are normally not the same as
those found in the nkisi bag. In some cases the patient can only be
healed by exorcizing an nkuyu spirit that has taken possession of him
or her, while in other cases, as among the San, the soul (nsala) of
the patient must be recaptured by the nganga.69 Normally the patient
knows the nganga, and their relation to each other is not impersonal.
Moreover, there is a large group of other people supporting the
patient. Janzen uses the term therapy managing group. Selection
of therapy, in co-operation with specialists, and assistance throughout the process of healing is largely the responsibility of kinspeople,
although nowadays increasingly friends, job peers, coreligionists and
neighbours of the patient substitute for them. Janzens material indicates that the previously pivotal role of the diviner, nganga ngombo,
as chief diagnostician has largely been taken over by the therapy
managing group.70
At the beginning of the period studied here, nkisi spirits constituted the main focus of cult activity among the Kongo. The cult of
nkisi consists of, among other things, invocations, prayers, sacrices
and dancing. For instance, a nkisi may be asked to attack an enemy
or to perform miracles. Prayers may also be said, and sacrices made,
in order to soften the wrath and destructive inclination of a nkisi. In
addition to sacrices of hens and other animals, there are oerings
of food, like maize, and beverages, such as palm wine. The most
powerful nkisi may have special houses or shrines or can be placed
on altars. Normally, however, the nkisi object is kept in the house
of its owner. A nkisi becomes angry if it is not properly treated and
provided with blood from game that has been killed, corn at harvest
time and so forth. A nkisi may be inherited when the owner dies,
68
Laman 1962: 75; Bouquet 1969: 43; Dalmalm 1985: 92; MacGaey 1986:
244. Cf. Janzen 1978: 155.
69
Laman 1962: 77; Jacobson-Widding 1979: 152.
70
Janzen 1978: 4, 131, 224 f., 229. See also, e.g., van Wing 1959: 237.
118
chapter five
but the new person may not use it until he or she has been dedicated and initiated by a nganga.71
Gradually, however, people have lost their belief and interest in
the nkisi cult. In 1910, the Holy Ghost Father Marichelle concluded
that he and other missionaries were doing their best to wipe out
fetishism.72 Rapid Christianization, political transformations, the
spread of biomedical practices and other factors of change during
the period in focus here have led to a current situation where most
of the old cults have been abandoned. In recent decades, the nkisi
have almost disappeared as agents of disease. Many banganga, therefore, survive by reorienting some of their activities and, not least,
because of the continuousand even increasedproblem of kindoki,
which will be elaborated in chapters eight and nine.73
God the Creator
Among the Kongo, as well as among several other neighbouring
peoples, the name of the Supreme Being, or God the creator, is
Nzambi. The etymology of this name is unknown, but it signies
someone who is higher, stronger and more powerful than other
beings. It also denotes something incomprehensible and mysterious
or, in short, divine. As mentioned previously, the name Nzambi can
be used not only when speaking about God but also with reference
to the most important nkisi spirits, who are close to the Supreme
Being. This is a way of honouring as well as inducing fear of them.
Nkadi a Mpemba is a name that became used by Christians as a designation for the Devil. It refers to something cruel or evil, and it
seems likely, as remarked by MacGaey, that in pre-Christian thought
Nkadi a Mpemba, the ruler of bandoki, would have been the bad side
of Nzambi.74
Father Butaye reported in 1899 that everybody knew the Supreme
Being and that he is the ultimate lord of life and death.75 In the
71
Laman 1962: 71, 80; Jacobson-Widding 1979: 131; Widman 1979: 197 f.;
Lagercrantz 1983/84: 83.
72
Marichelle 1910: 238.
73
Janzen 1978: 147; Janzen 1979: 211; Lagercrantz 1983/84: 70; Dalmalm 1985:
91, 172, 202 f.
74
MacGaey 1986: 108. See further Laman 1917: 288, 292 .; Vansina 1975:
672; Jacobson-Widding 1979: 349 f.; Widman 1979: 81 . Cf. Proyart 1819: 143.
75
Butaye 1899: 309.
kongo spirits or
NKISI
119
120
chapter five
84
Buakasa 1973: 148; Janzen 1978: 8; Dalmalm 1985: 77. Concerning the illness category kimbevo kia Nzambi, see further the appendix.
85
For details, see Widman 1979: 71 . See also, e.g., Laman 1917: 291 f.;
Jacobson-Widding 1979: 338.
86
Laman 1917: 281. See further Butaye 1899: 309; Laman 1917: 274, 283; van
Wing 1959: 252; Buakasa 1973: 148; Widman 1979: 69 f.
87
MacGaey 1986: 78.
88
See, e.g., Sadin 1910: 131; Laman 1917: 272; Boucher 1918: 143.
89
MacGaey 1986: 78. See also Widman 1979: 133.
90
Widman 1979: 77 .
91
MacGaey 1986: 78 f. Cf. Widman 1979: 87.
92
MacGaey 1986: 102.
CHAPTER SIX
YORUBA DIVINITIES
The extraordinary richness of Yoruba religion lies
in the profusion of its orisa, in the facility with
which in the past an orisa has formed and gathered about itself a cult-group.1
In practice, as far as my observations go, people
do not pay much attention to their Orisas except
in times of misfortune and sickness.2
Introduction
Of all the religions studied here, Yoruba religion is the most complex. There are, in addition to the hundreds of divinities, orisha, in
the pantheon, ancestors and other spirits, traditions of sacred kingship, belief in reincarnation and, in the cultic domain, various priesthoods, elaborate rituals and festivals as well as sacred places and
buildings. For a long time this exceedingly rich and varied religion
has evoked interest among a great number of scholars in religious
studies, anthropology and several other disciplines.
In works by Nigerian scholars of religion the inuence of E.B.
Idowu is often clearly discernible. According to Idowu (1963), his
disciple J.O. Awolalu (1979) and some others, the several hundreds
of divinities, orisha, in the Yoruba pantheon are intermediaries between
God and humans. Hence God is the ruler, and the divinities are his
ministers or servants. Each of them is governor of a certain department and constantly controlled by God.3
An inuential anthropological model of Yoruba religion has been
presented by Peter Morton-Williams (1964). Based on material from
the Oyo area, he produced a threefold model of what he called the
Yoruba cosmology. In this model, particularly the male God,
1
2
3
122
chapter six
Olorun, and the divinities are associated with the heavenly realm,
while the female earth goddess, Onile, and some spirits have their
domain in the earth. Assisted by deities, God created the world, the
middle zone, where human beings live and are inuenced by spiritual beings that pass freely between dierent zones. According to
Morton-Williams, thus, the Oyo Yoruba cosmos is made up of heaven
and earth enfolding an island-like world.4
Morton-Williams referred to certain oral texts such as myths and
praise songs as evidence for his new model of the Yoruba cosmos.5
As remarked by several scholars, however, there is no evidence to
show that this abstracted model is a shared cosmology.6 Dierent
cult groups have dierent cosmologies or theologies, and the Oyo
representation rendered by Morton-Williams is not found in the same
form among other Yoruba-speaking peoples. There is among the
Yoruba much variability between groups and individuals as well as
between regions or towns.7 E.T. Lawson, for example, writes about
two parts of the cosmos, heaven and earth, rather than three, but
fails to specify which Yoruba peoples he refers to.8 In his unduly
generalized scheme, the earth is the abode of human beings, animals and people who indulge in practices of witchery. The earth
goddess is not included in this model.
Although the role of this deity undoubtedly varies a great deal,
Morton-Williams is probably right in criticizing several scholars of
religion for underestimating her importance in Yoruba religion. That
does not necessarily mean, however, that the hierarchic model of
Idowu, Awolalu, Lawson and others is inadequate. It certainly appears
to be inuenced by Christian theology and thinking.9 Yet it is interesting to note, for instance, that several of the CMS missionaries,
who did not champion a theology of continuity, in the late nineteenth century reported that people conceived of the divinities as
servants of God.10 About 150 years ago, when Crowther prepared
his Abeokuta mission, he was informed by orisha worshippers in
Freetown that the deities were inferior beings who were commis-
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
yoruba divinities
123
11
124
chapter six
God the Creator
Among the several Yoruba names for God the most important ones
seem to be Olodumare and Olorun. There is some uncertainty
regarding the meaning of the word Olodumare, although it is often
translated Almighty.18 In Idowus classical study of Olodumare, this
name is said to indicate that God is the head or lord of all in heaven
and on earth, absolutely unique and beyond comparison.19 The name
Olorun, which owes much of its popularity to Christian and Muslim
inuence, is a more common name for God. Yoruba Christians and
Muslims have adopted this name, which can be translated owner
(or lord) of heaven.20
The attributes of Olorun are similar to the attributes associated
with God among the other peoples studied here. In general, it seems
that there are more dierences concerning the extent to which God
is the object of (direct) cult in dierent African religions than in terms
of ideas about his nature. Hence God is thought of as creator, the
Supreme Being who is immortal and unchanging. Particularly scholars
who are inuenced by a Christian theology of continuity have couched
Yoruba conceptions of God in terms like omnipotence, omniscience
and omnipresence,21 but such concepts may also be found in earlier
and theologically more conservative works.22 Apparently, there is some
Christian as well as Muslim inuence on current Yoruba concepts
of God, although it is dicult or impossible to establish to what extent
and in what way this inuence may have altered older ideas of God.23
Concerning the cult of God there may also be some Christian
and Muslim inuence. Early sources indicate that God was not worshipped directly, even though he could be thought of as the ultimate receiver of sacrices and prayers.24 According to Farrow, God
is too exalted to be approached with the familiarity shown towards
the divinities and too high and distant to be oered sacrices and
Table n.d.b.: 1; Awolalu & Dopamu 1979: 37 .
Idowu 1963: 36.
20
Parrat 1974: 6; Awolalu & Dopamu 1979: 39.
21
Idowu 1963: 40 f.; Awolalu 1979: 14 f.; Awolalu & Dopamu 1979: 49 f.
22
E.g., Farrow 1926: 27 f. Dennett (1910 [1968]: 67, 72), whom Farrow (1926: 5)
criticized for having an anti-Christian bias and lack of knowledge of the Yoruba
language, held that at the time when he published his book (1910), ideas about
Olorun had already changed.
23
Cf. Verger 1966: 40.
24
E.g., Lakaumi 1885; Johnson 1921: 26. Cf. Table n.d.b.: 2 f.
18
19
yoruba divinities
125
25
126
chapter six
Divinities
yoruba divinities
127
The divinities have links with nature and natural forces, that is,
with hills, rivers, winds and so on, but also with the human sphere.
They are associated with historical events as well as with cultural
and economic activities. Many divinities are also patrons of towns.
Like town deitiesand unlike ancestorsdeied human beings are
tied to localities rather than to descent groups.41 Most of the divinities are worshipped locally, but the most important ones are known
and worshipped virtually all over Yorubaland. The principal orisa
are each the head of a hierarchy of lesser (usually more localized or
specialized) orisa, much as both high ocers of state and also vassal
kings head hierarchies of lesser ocials.42 As indicated by this quotation, the parallels between the orisha hierarchies and the indigenous Yoruba political system are obvious and have been stressed by
other scholars too.43
Physical and psychiatric aictions, as well as barrenness and death,
can be occasioned by deities.44 For instance, some divinities are
important in that they cause and control epidemics.45 The role of
the deities as agents of disease is one of the reasons why human
beings enter into a cultic relationship with them. Important deities
have their own priesthoods, which are organized into hierarchies of
ranked oces. Temples or shrines are erected for the worship of
such deities, and the priests serve as mediators between the human
and suprahuman worlds. People may also maintain one room in
their houses in honour of one or more divinities, who may be worshipped individually at home. Locality, profession and descent are
factors that determine which deities are worshipped, but worship is
also based on individual choice. Sacrices range from simple libations to those that involve the killing of big animals. Prevention and
recovery from illness as well as protection from death are some
important motives for sacrices. The head of the sacricial animal
may touch a patients head and chest, while prayers are oered that
the disease will pass from the aicted person to the animal. Such
petitions, and petitions for material blessings, are important elements
41
E.g., Ojo 1966: 159 .; McKenzie 1976: 197; Lawson 1984: 63, 66. See also
Dennett 1910 (1968): 71; Lucas 1948: 119; Eades 1980: 119.
42
Morton-Williams 1964: 245.
43
E.g., Idowu 1963: 48 f.; Eades 1980: 119.
44
Table n.d.b.: 3, 7, 155; Prince 1964: 95; Wol 1979: 129.
45
Morton-Williams 1964: 251; Awolalu 1970: 31.
128
chapter six
of Yoruba prayers. The most elaborate type of rituals are the annual
orisha festivals, which may involve a large proportion of the population
of a town as well as cult members from elsewhere. At such occasions possession and trance phenomena are common. Music, particularly in the form of drumming, and dancing are important elements
in festivals, and dierent deities have various rhythms. In the state
of trance and possession, the deities use the possessed worshippers
as media of communication. Pierre Verger compares the festivals to
theatrical performances or operettas, but with the actors in a state
of trance.46
The most signicant and dreadful disease agent among Yoruba
divinities is Shopona. Yet, like other deities, Shopona is not exclusively evil and destructive. Rather, he is ambiguous and gives fertility and life as well as diseases and death.47 A myth tells that Shopona
sprang from the body of Yemoja, the female deity of the Ogun
river.48 R.E. Dennett reported another tradition, which stated that
Shopona was a very wicked boy who once, after beating several of
his townspeople to death, was taken by his parents to a doctor who
taught him the use of bad and poisonous drugs.49 With these he
then killed even more of his fellow citizens. After his death he was
deied, and people started worshipping him. The earth is his element, and he is sometimes referred to as the king of the earth.50
Shopona and his entourage of minor spiritual beings are associated with smallpox and insanity.51 Smallpox is usually referred to
simply by this name, Shopona, but it may also be called hot earth
(Ileegbono).52 Here the term smallpox includes a much wider range
of diseases than is included in this concept as used in a western context. The diseases caused by the Shopona family include many fevers
46
Verger 1969: 64. For documentation and more detailed information on the
cult of Yoruba divinities, see Johnson 1899: 38 f.; Farrow 1926: 105; Lucas 1948:
177; Morton-Williams 1960: 34; Idowu 1963: 116, 129139; Verger 1963; MortonWilliams 1964: 251 f.; Prince 1964: 95; Verger 1969; Prince 1979: 117 f.; Eades
1980: 120; Simpson 1980: 64 .; Lawson 1984: 55; Hallgren 1988: 58 .; Olukoju
1997: 9 .
47
Maclean 1971: 38; Buckley 1985a: 133.
48
Lucas 1948: 112; Ajose 1957: 270.
49
Dennett 1910: 231.
50
Simpson 1980: 37; Larsen 1983: 27.
51
E.g., Leighton et al. 1964: 116; Buckley 1985a: 98. The name Shopona may
be used as a generic name for the family of smallpox deities or spirits (Prince 1964:
105).
52
Buckley 1985a: 99.
yoruba divinities
129
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
Prince 1964: 95, 105; Maclean 1971: 38; Buckley 1985a: 99, 131 f.
Bascom 1969a: 92; Lucas & Hendrickse 1971: 35; Larsen 1983: 28.
Simpson 1980: 37.
Buckley 1985a: 130.
Farrow 1926: 57; Lucas 1948: 113; Bascom 1969a: 92.
Lucas 1948: 112; Maclean 1971: 39; Simpson 1980: 40.
Prince 1964: 105.
Farrow 1926: 57; Ajose 1957: 270.
Maclean 1966: 132; Bascom 1969a: 91.
130
chapter six
Dennett and Lucas, the priests had the following materials which
they used in spreading the disease:62
a calabash containing some portion of the corpse of a smallpox
victim
a pot with black liquid collected from the corpse of the victim or
made up of water with which the victims rashes had been washed
a vessel of black powder compounded with dried scabs.
The liquid or the powder was, allegedly, thrown during night time
by the Shopona priests in front of the houses of the targeted victims.
Naturally, the priests denied the charges levelled against them and
claimed that the purpose of the Shopona cult is to prevent the spread
of smallpox and to aid in the recovery of those suering from the
disease.63 Yet burials of Shopona victims are performed secretly, and
without normal funeral rites, by the priests. Such burials take place
in the forest or bush.64 Like Shopona himself, his victims belong to
the wilderness, where they are isolated from healthy people and
treated by the priests. Various myths and taboos inculcate the importance of isolation, disinfection and other preventative measures. The
treatment also includes sacrices to Shopona. When suerers die,
their belongings may be handed over to the priests as fees for the
treatment.65
During a smallpox epidemic, people avoid festivities with dancing
and drumming, probably because of fear that such activities would
attract Shopona into the town.66 When the annual ceremonies for
Shopona take place, worshippers sing, dance and beat the drum for
several days. At such occasions, moreover, oerings of food as well
as sacrices of animals are made, and prayers are addressed to
Shopona. In such prayers, for instance, the divinity is asked to prevent the death of children, wives and husbands until the next annual
ceremony and to give children to those who are infertile. Worshippers
may promise sacrices should their prayers be answered.67
62
yoruba divinities
131
Like the cult of other deities, the cult of Shopona diers a great
deal from one place to another. Even in a single town there may
be several quite distinct cults of this divinity.68 Among other things,
various cult groups may observe distinctive taboos.69 However, certain taboos seem to be of particular signicance. There are strong
taboos against benniseed (sesame) and palm-kernel oil. Benniseed is
one of Nigerias commercial exports, but little, if any, is grown by
the Yoruba.70 Palm-kernel oil is oered to Shopona only in deliberate attempts to antagonize him.71 People who break his taboos and
oend him are punished by the ruthless divinity, and his wrath may
even aect innocent people.72 According to Idowu, Shopona holds
absolute sway over the earth, and his will must be accepted.73
When the deity possesses a worshipper, he is oended by people
who whistle and laugh.74 The wind is what aicts people with smallpox, and sounds such as whistling and whispering, which remind
men of the wind, are believed to be dangerous when Sonponno(!) is
abroad.75 The deity works like a whirlwind and can attack anyone.76
Hence he can victimize initiated as well as uninitiated persons. Some
people have Shopona in their lineage and if they neglect some ritual,
they may be taken ill.77 When others, who do not have Shopona as
a lineage deity, become victims of this agent of disease, they are not
necessarily initiated into the Shopona cult as part of their treatments.
R. Princes material, which concerns psychiatric aictions, in particular,
indicates that it is only after there have been several recurrences of
an illness caused by Shopona that the babalawo ( priest, diviner) recommends initiation into the cult of the divinity.78
Orunmila, or Ifa, is a deity who diers very much from Shopona.
Ifa is everything that Shopona is not, a quiet, peaceful god, concerned with maintaining the culture, health and well-being of the
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
Buckley 1985a: 98 f.
Ibid., 187.
Bascom 1969a: 91 f.
Buckley 1985a: 108.
Bascom 1969a: 91.
Idowu 1963: 95, 97.
Bascom 1969a: 91.
Buckley 1985a: 112.
Leighton et al. 1963: 104.
Lucas 1948: 112; Simpson 1964: 96; Maclean 1966: 139.
Prince 1964: 105. This observation apples to other orisha cults as well.
132
chapter six
yoruba divinities
133
Orunmila himself, and the babalawo transmits and interprets the wishes
of God and orisha to humankind and prescribes sacrices.89 The determination of the correct sacrice is necessary to secure a favourable
resolution of the disease or other problem confronting a client. A
sacrice of some kind is almost always a part of the proscribed
actions after divination.90
Closely associated with Orunmila is Eshu, a divine trickster.
According to Morton-Williamss account,91 God has sent Orunmila
and Eshu into the world as a pair of divine mediators. E.B. Idowu
refers to Eshu as the right-hand divinity of Orunmila,92 and Bascom
uses the term trinity when he writes about these deities and God.93
Eshu is an important extension of Gods power, a divine messenger,
and some traditions tell that he was the one who taught Orunmila
the secrets of divination. A small part of each sacrice prescribed
through Ifa divination is set aside for him to ensure that he will
carry the rest to God, for whom most sacrices are destined. Such
sacrices are deposited at the shrines of Eshu. Sacrices to the orisha
are made at their own shrines, but again something is set aside for
Eshu, so that he will not cause the client trouble.94
Eshu is one of the most powerful deities, and, since he serves God
and the orisha by troubling people who oend or neglect them, all
kinds of diseases and other evils may be associated with him.95 The
idea of Eshu as a servant of God is stressed strongly by, among
others, E.O. Olukoje.96 However, whereas Orunmila may be referred
to as a being of light and revelation, designations such as the being
of darkness and the anger of the divinities refer to Eshu. He is
regarded as a spiritual being who magnies petty misdeeds into dire
oences.97 Terms like dreadful, malicious and unpredictable point to
the evil and dangerous traits of his character, and in their prayers
89
Bascom 1969a: 80; Lawson 1984: 68; Buckley 1985a: 112, 130.
Bascom 1969b: 60; Lawson 1984: 69. The favourite sacricial animal of
Orunmila is a she-goat (Bascom 1969b: 65). For more information on the types of
sacrices that are performed in the cult of Orunmila, see Simpson 1980: 9 .
91
Morton-Williams 1964: 248.
92
Idowu 1963: 80.
93
Bascom 1969a: 80.
94
Dennett 1910: 78, 94 .; Bascom 1969b: 60, 65; Olukoje 1997: 1 . Cf. Lawson
1984: 60 f.
95
Bascom 1969a: 79; Simpson 1980: 17.
96
Olukoje 1997: 3.
97
Dennett 1910: 95; Morton-Williams 1964: 248.
90
134
chapter six
people often ask him not to trouble them with illnesses and other
problems.98 They may also pray to God for protection against the
anger of Eshu. Like other divinities, Eshu has his own worshippers
and priests, even though all worshippers must pay attention to him;
and, in the annual ceremonies, rituals of protection from evil are a
central theme.99
With reference to the evil and destructive aspects of Eshus character, Christian Yoruba have compared him to Satan or the Devil.
However, that comparison is not adequate because Eshu is not an
entirely evil being. A trickster, he has evil and good qualities. Hence
he is, for instance, a creative bringer of health as well as an agent
of disease. His ambiguous or elusive character is reected in the
many names, such as punisher and rewarder, that are used to portray him.100
Another important deity who may act in a destructive way, although
he has creative properties too, is Shango, the divinity who controls
lightning and thunder. According to some traditions, he is the brother
of Shopona.101 Like the latter, Shango is a powerful and dangerous
deity. Although the cult of him is widespread, it is of special signicance
in the Oyo Yoruba area, where he was once a king before his ascendance to heaven.102 Ifa divination may indicate that a sick person
should undergo initiation into the Shango cult for cure; and worshippers pray and sacrice to him to protect themselves from illness
and death.103 Unlike Shopona, however, he has little to do with sickness. As the deity of lightning, he causes injuries and deaths rather
than specic diseases.104 With his thunderstones he harms or kills
people and destroys their houses.105
While Shopona priests have been accused of spreading smallpox,
Shango priests have been believed to have the power to direct lightning. When lightning has struck, and people have died as a result,
98
yoruba divinities
135
Idowu 1963: 92; Simpson 1980: 20. Cf. Maclean 1971: 37.
Morton-Williams 1964: 255. In a sense, every Oyo king, alaan, was Shango.
Once on the throne, they incarnated this deity, and when they died, they were
deied and became Shango (Isola 1990: 97).
108
Bascom 1969a: 84; Maclean 1971: 37; Isola 1977: 120.
109
Idowu 1963: 89.
110
Isola 1991: 95.
111
Simpson 1980: 20.
112
Hallgren 1988: 34 .
113
Lawson 1984: 61 f.; Hallgren 1988: 36.
114
Idowu 1963: 86 f.; Bascom 1969a: 82; Simpson 1980: 30. For some information about the important role of Ogun at the present century, see e.g. Dennett
1910: 123 . and Farrow 1926: 51.
107
136
chapter six
115
116
117
118
119
120
121
122
yoruba divinities
137
one example of how important the belief in and cult of deities were
in the nineteenth century.
The deity of the river Niger is Oya, one of the wives of Shango.
If worshippers oend or neglect her, she can aict them with a
throat disease, which may be fatal. Like Yemoja, she can kill people by drowning too.123 No less dangerous is Oshun, the deity of the
Oshun river and another wife of Shango. This goddess ghts by
causing dysentery, stomach-ache and menopause, in addition to
drowning.124 Like Yemoja and other divinities, however, Oya and
Oshun are ambivalent and sources of health and fertility too.125
Obatala (Orisha-nla, Orishala) belongs to an important circle of
white deities. Their whiteness is usually interpreted as a symbol of
purity and high morality.126 In their presentations of Obatala, who
is one of the divinities worshipped throughout Yorubaland, Idowu
and Awolalu use the term arch-divinity.127 He is a vice-regent of
God on earth and has a special creative power. Above all, God has
appointed him to shape the forms of human beings. He is like a
sculptor who moulds babies, while life itself comes from God.128 As
a moulder of infants, Obatala is responsible not only for normal but
also for abnormal forms or appearances. For instance, hunchbacks,
cripples, dwarfs and albinos may even be regarded as sacred to him.
They become worshippers of him and remind people of his existence. Children born in a caul or with the umbilical cord wrapped
around the neck may also be sacred to Obatala.129 It seems, however, that abnormality has been interpreted in other ways too. Farrow
saw the existence of abnormal humans as signs of the displeasure of
the deity.130 According to information gathered by G.E. Simpson,131
abnormal characteristics of human beings are usually understood as
a way of punishing the mother for wrongdoing. For example, disparaging talk about Obatala or violation of some food taboo may
be the cause. One of Simpsons informants, a babalawo who was also
123
124
125
126
127
128
129
130
131
138
chapter six
132
yoruba divinities
139
140
chapter six
in recent decades. Prince concluded that it was only in times of illness or some other misfortune that people paid much attention to
their divinities. The ndings of Simpson, who says that the real test
of the strength of traditional beliefs comes in times of trouble, support
Princes conclusions.145 In such times, according to Simpson, a large
percentage of the Yoruba, educated and uneducated, consult a babalawo or other traditional leader for guidance.146 Otherwise, the belief
in the powers of the divinities has decreased sharply, possession is
sometimes openly ridiculed, particularly by young people, and civil
ocials no longer support traditional rituals as they used to do.
Simpsons material indicates that among those who still worship
Yoruba deities, highly educated people, men and people in cities are
underrepresented.147
It appears that even in the area of disease causation the deities
are no longer a major factor. Although Buckley seems to have exaggerated the insignicance of religious factors, his conclusion that illness is generally not related to the activities of spiritual beings is by
and large supported by other scholars.148 In particular, Simpson concludes that, so far as his ordinary informants are concerned, the only
orisha of importance in connection with illness is Shopona.149 When
ordinary persons are compared to healers, some dierence can be
discerned. A healer is more likely to attribute diseases to religious
causes than is a non-healer. According to Simpson, this is so because
of the healers greater familiarity with powerful forces, his greater
preoccupation with such forces, and his personal and professional
stake in healing and ritual.150 However, in Princes study of 101 psychiatric cases investigated at native treatment centers as early as in
196162, it is shown that even the healers there referred much more
seldom to religious than to human and natural causes.151
145
yoruba divinities
141
152
The following account is based primarily on the works by Eades (1980: 121 f.),
Simpson (1980: 63 f.) and Lawson (1984: 67 f.). Some other works of interest are
Prince (1964: 93), Bascom (1969a: 71 .) and Olukunle (1979: chapter 6).
153
Cf. Bascom 1969a: 71.
154
Ibid. Cf. Olukunle 1979: 169.
155
Particularly oerings of goats, fowls and sheep are made for that purpose
(Simpson 1980: 64).
156
Idowu 1963: chapter 13; Bascom 1969a: 72 ., 80; Hallgren 1988: 60 .
142
chapter six
yoruba divinities
143
the wicked ones are not allowed to reunite with their relatives on
earth.161
The notion about abiku souls or spirits is of special interest here,
since it may be referred to as an explanation of why a child becomes
sick and dies. If an abiku is born in a child on earth, it soon leaves
for heaven again, because it wants to reunite quickly with its heavenly playmates or companions; and when the abiku returns, the child
dies. If a woman gives birth to a succession of children who die in
infancy, it may be divined that an abiku is at work. In such a case,
special rites are performed when the next child is born in order to
break the attachment of the abiku to its heavenly companions. Abiku
children are given special names, like Aiyedan (life is good)implying that the child should stay to enjoy it. Normally, the circumcision and scarication of an abiku child is postponed until it appears
likely that it will survive.162
Apart from oerings to ones own ori, or spirit double, oerings
to humans are mainly, if not exclusively, directed to ones parents.163
According to Bascom,164 children sacrice to their dead parents at
their graves on the day that these had sacriced to their own heads
when alive, whereas sacrices to grandparents are made only when
a diviner or priest, babalawo, for some particular reason tells the
grandchildren to make such a sacrice.165 In a sense, ancestors are
still regarded as family members, and they continue to inuence the
lives of their own families on earth.166 If properly served, they have
powers for their lineage members and their wives of bestowing children, health, protection and prosperity.167
In general, they are considered benign,168 although they may cause
illnesses and other types of misfortune too. In Princes interviews
161
144
chapter six
about the causes of psychiatric illness, ancestors were never mentioned. Sometimes, however, physical diseases, as well as unrest of
mind and lack of prosperity, were attributed to them.169 It appears
that there are often moral reasons for aictions sent by ancestors.
Their role as guardians of morality has been stressed not only by
theologically inspired scholars like Awolalu,170 but also by more secularly oriented anthropologists like Morton-Williams, who concludes
that the ancestors are concerned with the good reputation of their
descendants.171 Moral shortcomings of descendants rouse the displeasure of ancestors. Other reasons why ancestors cause illnesses
may be failure to sacrice and lack of proper burials.172
Funeral ceremonies and rituals should be performed as soon as
possible so that the dead person does not cause illness or some other
misfortune. Although the very elaborate funeral rituals cannot be
studied in detail here, it should be stressed that many of them are
intended to ensure that the deceased will be born again. In the preceding section it was noted that people who die of smallpox or by
lightning are buried in special places by the priests of Shopona and
Shango respectively. Other people who may be buried in sacred
groves of specic divinities are lepers, albinos, hunchbacks, women
who die in pregnancy and others who have met death in special
ways. In normal cases, a deceased is buried in a grave that is dug
under the oor of or outside his or her house.173
In Yoruba history, cult groups such as egungun, ogboni and oro have
had important political, social and judicial functions.174 The egungun
masquerades represent ancestors but assume a role that cuts across
descent-group boundaries. Prominent men with lineal descendants
may hope to have egungun masks bearing their names and to have
songs sung in their praise, while masqueraders robed from head to
foot in a variety of dresses parade through a town. Important male
169
yoruba divinities
145
175
Morton-Williams 1960: 36; Eades 1980: 123 f.; Lawson 1984: 63. See also
Beier 1999: 85104.
176
Prince 1964: 95.
177
Bascom 1969a: 93; Awolalu & Dopamu 1979: 230; Beier 1999: 93.
178
Formerly, it was believed that such a violation could even result in death
(Hallgren 1988: 56; Beier 1999: 94).
179
Eades 1980: 123; Hallgren 1988: 56. As will be shown in chapter 8, the egungun cult, as well as other cults studied here, have important functions in the struggle against anti-social activities. Some senior members of the egungun cult are believed
to be able to identify witches, who among the Yoruba are almost invariably women.
180
For documentation and more information on the Ogboni society, see e.g.
Dennett 1910: 32; Morton-Williams 1964: 245, 248; Awolalu & Dopamu 1979: 225
.; Comstock 1979: 7; Simpson 1980: 60 f.; Hallgren 1988: 64 f.
146
chapter six
181
See, e.g., Lucas 1948: 120 .; Morton-Williams 1960: 37; Awolalu & Dopamu
1979: 227 .
182
Like Shopono and Shango priests, the priests of Oro may be called to make
atonement after certain deaths. Bascom (1969a: 93) reports that this happens when
a man who has suered from elephantiasis of the testicles dies.
183
Morton-Williams 1964: 256; Simpson 1980: 53 f.; Adeniyi 1984: 57.
184
Both egungun and gelede are associated with a deity called Amaiyegun who
taught people how to make and use the costumes that mask their wearers (Bascom
1969a: 94 f.).
185
Gelede herself was a witch when she lived on earth, and members of the cult
propitiate witches by sacrices.
186
Prince 1964: 109; Bascom 1969a: 95; Hallgren 1988: 57 f.
187
Simpson 1980: 81.
yoruba divinities
147
188
148
chapter six
respects. From the Yoruba point of view, alaa is incomplete or disrupted when there is no totality about it.197
In this chapter, as in the preceding ones, the signicance of the
relationship of human beings to God, divinities, ancestors and other
spiritual beings for health and well-being in general has been studied. The following chapters of the book will deal with the importance of the interrelationship between living humans.
197
Ibid., 22. Cf. Buckley (1985a: 66) who, in his more naturalistic account of
Yoruba ideas of health and illness, refers to health as an ordered structure of the
body. For more information on the views presented by Buckley, see the appendix.
CHAPTER SEVEN
Introduction
The lack or paucity of living human agents of disease is a characteristic feature of hunting-gathering San as well as of pastoralist
Maasai. This is amply documented in older as well as in more modern sources. As a rule, it is only among San and Maasai who, usually in recent time, have been inuenced by other peoples that living
humans have become signicant as agents of disease.
Regarding San in general, Guenther says that social diseases,
mainly witchcraft and sorcery, were introduced by the black peoples, and that the Sans own religious system has always been
devoid of these black arts.3 It is not surprising to nd that Father
Schmidt concluded that Schwarzzauberei was of little or no signicance among Kung and other San groups.4 However, his conclusion
has been supported by other older scholars who do not seem to have
been inuenced by his theory of Urmonoteismus;5 and, in works from
the most recent decades, other scholars have stressed the lack of
indigenous conceptions of witchery too.6
150
chapter seven
living humans
151
152
chapter seven
living humans
153
Third, European disease consists essentially of organic, communicable illnesses such as tuberculosis, which are treated by European
or other biomedically trained practitioners. Although a few of the
eastern Nharo have begun to practise a Bushman version of witchcraft called tssoku, poisoning (cf. tsso), Nharo witchcraft is squarely
based on the Tswana complex, to which many Nharo have access
through ties of intermarriage. In the hands of an Nharo, witchery
practice is somewhat vague or spurious and not very much feared.22
The fear of witchery practised by non-Nharo is, on the other
hand, always most intense, bordering on terror. The new witchery
practices have highly disintegrative eects on individuals as well as
on the settler community as a whole. As argued by Guenther, the
eects would probably have been less serious or destructive had the
Nharo been able to deal with the problems of witchery within their
own conceptual system.23 Nharo lack their own defences and must,
thus, rely on Bantu healers in order to handle these problems.
A similar situation exists also among the Dobe Kung studied by
Katz and Lee. When Kung suspect that witchery of an unfamiliar
black person is the cause of an illness, they do not attempt further
healing, because they believe that such witchery is too strong for
their num.24 Although they are struggling to accommodate the witchery beliefs of their black neighbours, the Kung therefore have to
consult black healers. Conversely, black people are also impressed
with Kung healing techniques and frequently ask Kung healers to
treat their sick. According to Lee, Kung are less impressed with
European theories of disease causation than with those of their
black neighbours; but they have easily accepted the ecacy of
European medicines, particularly antibiotics.25
One of the changes that have occurred among Kung is the introduction of a new dance, the drum dance, which is performed by
women. The women dance and enter trance, while the men here
play a supportive role, beating the drum. The use of drums is the
result of inuence from the Mbukushu.26 The drum dance is not primarily a healing dance as such but rather a dance for introducing
22
Guenther 1975: 164; Guenther 1986: 218, 240 f. See further, e.g., Widlok
2001: 361.
23
Guenther 1986: 60 f., 65 f.
24
Katz 1982: 55, 103.
25
Lee 1984: 116 f.
26
Cf. the early account of the use of drums in San dances in Lloyd (1911: 355).
154
chapter seven
living humans
155
34
156
chapter seven
living humans
157
158
chapter seven
living humans
159
Galaty 1977: 312, 371; Peterson 1985: 175; rhem 1989: 81.
Galaty 1977: 312; Voshaar 1979: 213 f. Galaty (1977: 312 f.) adds that bewitching can also occur through the use of thoughts and songs or by the assistance of
an animal, often a fox, to convey the medicine to the village of the victim. See
also Hauge 1979: 58.
69
Jacobs 1965: 322; Spencer 1988: 221; rhem 1989: 81; Waller 1995: 31.
70
Galaty 1977: 312; Spencer 1988: 221.
71
E.g., Jacobs 1965: 323; Hauge 1979: 59; Hurskainen 1984: 184. Cf., e.g.,
Fuchs (1910: 129), Berthold (1927: 5) and Landei (n.d.: 41) who hold that iloibonok
do not use their supranormal power for evil purposes and in order to cause harm.
72
Voshaar 1979: 214. Cf. Hauge 1979: 56.
73
This information is based on personal communication with A. Hurskainen. Cf.
Jacobs 1965: 323.
74
Cf. Mol 1978: 172.
75
Galaty 1977: 306; Hauge 1979: 57 f. Cf. Mol 1978: 172.
76
Galaty 1977: 306. Cf. the apparently misinformed accounts by, among others,
Fischer (1882/83: 72) and Dallas (1931: 41).
68
160
chapter seven
living humans
161
156.
86
87
88
162
chapter seven
89
90
91
92
93
Benson 1974: 115; Berg-Schlosser 1984: 168 f.; Hurskainen 1984: 186 f.
Galaty 1977: 277.
Ibid., 326.
Ibid., 279.
Ibid., 319 f.
living humans
163
94
95
CHAPTER EIGHT
Introduction
These quotations concerning, respectively, Sukuma, Kongo and
Yoruba indicate that belief in witchery is still very strong or even
stronger than before. Among the Sukuma there is no clear
dierentiation between witchcraft and sorcery. Hence the Sukuma
concept bulogi may be translated witchery.4 In the literature, bulogi
has also been referred to as black magic and poison, although
witchcraft and sorcery seem to be the most commonly used terms.
People who practise bulogi are called balogi (sing. nlogi).5 Some accounts
of their activities stress the aspect of witchcraft, that is, an inner
166
chapter eight
6
On emploiera le terme nogi pour signier que quelquun possde un pouvoir secret et extraordinaire de jeter un mauvais sort qui aura comme eet la maladie ou la mort de quelquun (Table n.d.a.: 521).
7
Les balogi sont les artisans de la Magie Noire, magie considere comme nfaste
(Gass 1973 [1919]: 411).
8
Brandstrm 1990, chapter 5: 20. The word bulogi comes from the verb kuloga,
which means to fear. Wijsen & Tanner 2002: 67. Cf. Bschs account of the
Nyamwezi (Bsch 1933: 224).
9
Cory 1949: 13 .; Hateld 1968: 83; Brandstrm 1990, chapter 6: 12 f.
10
Augouard 1885: 103 .; Cambier 1890: 367; Dewilde 1894: 397; Butaye 1896;
Baltus 1898: 77; Le Scao 1908: 332; Le Scao 1915: 429 .
11
See also, e.g., Boucher 1928: 147; Struyf 1933: 400 .; van Wing 1959: 377;
MacGaey 1983: 151; Dalmalm 1985: 75.
12
MacGaey 1986: 185. Cf. Dalmalm 1985: 85.
witchery
167
13
14
15
16
17
105.
18
Eades 1980: 121; Lawson 1984: 66. Cf. Wol 1979: 128.
Dopamu 1977: 669.
20
Adeniyi 1984: 32.
21
See further, e.g., Maclean 1971: 32; Dopamu 1977: 154, 263, 288, 660;
Olukunle 1979: 237; Eades 1980: 125; Simpson 1980: 127, 135, 137; Buckley 1985a:
11; Osunwole n.d.: 3.
19
168
chapter eight
Sukuma
witchery
169
26
Table n.d.b.: 2, 150, 585 f.; Tanner 1956b: 438 f., 442; Abrahams 1967: 78;
Reid 1969: 73, 77; Wijsen 1993: 148; Wijsen & Tanner 2002: 65. See also Bsch
1930: 224 f.; Blohm 1933: 150.
27
Nathalie 1884: 187; Brard 1897: 157; Barthelemy 1905: 286; Gass 1973 [1919]:
429; Table n.d.a.: 18, 123, 521; Hendriks 1952b: 8; Tanner 1956b: 439; Welch
1974: 200; Ngweshemi 1990: 28.
28
For more details, see Cory 1949: passim; Table n.d.a.: 521, 527 ., 582 .;
Wright 1954: 71; Tanner 1959a: 113; Tanner 1967: 18; Reid 1969: 74; Tanner
1970: 20; Balina et al. 1971: 47.
29
Cory 1951: 74. See also, e.g., Brandstrm 1990, chapter 6: 20; Blokland 2000:
14.
30
Table n.d.a.: 274.
170
chapter eight
power, they are very dierent. Unlike balogi, bafumu are respected
persons who use, or are supposed to utilize, their special power for
good and constructive purposes. Bafumu may well be suspected of
using their force and knowledge in a wrong or destructive way, and
anti-social medicines may be submerged in the covert parts of their
profession. Yet it seems rare to nd healers among people accused
of practising witchery.31 As a rule, bafumu are leading opponents of
balogi. An important function of secret societies, in which the former
play leading roles, is to disclose or identify the latter and to provide
remedies. When initiated into secret societies, novices are taught
about the world of witchery and how to avoid its evil eects.32
Bulogi is seen both as something inherited and as an acquired
knowledge or power. Hence people can seek after knowledge of
witchery in a conscious and deliberate way. Yet there is also an
assumption that balogi originally carried with them some latent disposition for evil. While some authors, like Tanner, stress the former
aspect, others, such as Millroth and the White Fathers who in the
early 1950s compiled the answers to the questionnaire, emphasize
the view that people were born balogi. In part, this seems to be a
reection of the fact that the Sukuma themselves dier in this matter.33
It appears that all people may be accused of practising bulogi. Possibly,
accusations of witchery are directed mostly against successful and
rich people, particularly those who do not share their wealth with
the less fortunate. Balogi are both male and female, although the latter seem to be more frequently accused than the former. In particular, co-wives in polygamous households are exposed to witchery
accusations. Women before as well as, in particular, after menopause
may be charged with practising witchery. Not only close kinsfolk but
also anes and neighbours may bewitch each other. Balogi are seen
as social and moral deviants with harmful powers rather than as
people with physical and mental abnormalities, and there is much
fear of them. Moreover, the fear of being accused is an important
means of social control in the society.34
31
Gass 1973 [1919]: 411 f.; Hateld 1968: 104; Welch 1974: 210. On the
Nyamwezi, see Bsch 1930: 224 and Blohm 1933: 148.
32
Gass 1973 [1919]: 413; Cory n.d.b.; Table n.d.a.: 542, 544; Hendriks 1952a:
31 . See also Bsch 1930: 225 f.
33
Table n.d.a.: 523; Millroth 1965: 145. Cf. Tanner 1956b.: 442 and Tanner
1970: 22 f. See further Welch 1974: 203.
34
Table n.d.a.: 523; Tanner 1956b: 440, 442; Abrahams 1967: 78; Tanner 1970:
22; Welch 1974: 188, 197, 208, 211; Wijsen 1993: 152; Wijsen & Tanner 2002:
66, 134.
witchery
171
Since terrible things may happen because of the greed, envy, anger
and desire for revenge of balogi,35 they have been, and may still be
severely punished. Old sources by missionaries have many references
to killings of balogi among the Sukuma. These missionaries mention,
also, that chiefs had the main responsibility for the conviction of
people accused of practising bulogi, and that the bodies of these people were not properly buried. Some people who were accused took
their refuge in mission stations, where missionaries tried to protect
them. Since the colonial authorities prohibited the killing of balogi,
some of these were cleaned out and chased away from their homes.36
Although balogi may still be killed, forced migration has increasingly
become the solution to the problem of bulogi.37
There is some evidence that the problems of witchery have increased
in recent decades. In 1956, Tanner concluded that old men can
still remember that before the German occupation witchcraft was
rare.38 Tanner, as well as Gass, noticed that the believed increase
of balogi led, also, to a rising number of bafumu.39 In 1971, some
indigenous writers held that even most of the baptised Christian
Sukuma believed rmly in bulogi;40 and two years earlier Reid concluded that balogi had become more important than ancestors as
causative agents of disease. In other words, there has been a tendency of restructuring, that is, to attribute illnesses that were once
considered ancestor caused to witchery accusation.41 The Witch Murders
in Sukumaland by Tanner is a report about killings of accused balogi
in 1962. Many women, who were charged with the killing of several people, were beaten to death with branches by crowds of men.42
35
On such motifs, see Tanner 1956b: 437, 440 and 1970: 19. See also Bsch
1930: 224.
36
Nathalie 1884: 187, 191; Livinhac 1888: 334; Hirth 1894: 460; Brard 1897:
157; Hirth 1899: 174; Barthelemy 1905: 286.
37
See further Bsch 1930: 231; Table n.d.a.: 524; Hendriks 1952b: 45; Schans
1955: 30; Tanner 1956b: 438; Abrahams 1967: 42, 61; Welch 1974: 188; Wijsen
& Tanner 2002: 67. Whereas Bsch (1930: 228) writes about ordeals, re tests and
poison cups among the Nyamwezi, Schans (1955: 26) claims that the use of poison was not indigenous among the Sukuma, though it may have been used to some
extent because of inuence from neighbouring peoples.
38
Tanner 1956b: 443. See also Wijsen 1993: 115, 142. Cf. Wijsen & Tanner
2002: 59.
39
Ibid.; Gass 1973 [1919]: 435.
40
Balina, Mayala & Mabula 1971: 46.
41
Reid 1969: 186 f. See also, e.g., Wijsen 1993: 115, 142; Tanner & Mitchell
2002: 131; and Wijsen & Tanner 2002: 55.
42
Tanner 1970: 7 f.
172
chapter eight
In his report about these events, Tanner stresses very strongly the
almost universal belief among the Sukuma in bulogi.43 Even though
there has been a general tendency of increase in terms of witchery
problems, there are certain uctuations in the intensity of these issues.
In the mid-1980s, there was a new height of the problem of bulogi.
Hence it was perhaps not too much of an exaggeration when Steeves
spoke, in 1990, about a constant threat of spiritual dangers such
as witchery.44
Kongo
Bandoki, as well as other people with kindoki, have a kundu (or several makundu). A kundu is a special gland, usually found in the stomach, which enables the ndoki to eat (dia) the vital essences or power
of other people. It is believed that, through autopsy, the kundu (or
makundu) of a dead ndoki can be found.45 Most accounts depict a
belief in kundu as a real bodily organ. However, some scholars stress
the notion of kundu as a symbol of evil.46 A one-sided emphasis on
the realistic or the symbolic understanding of kundu appears to be illfounded. Rather, there is both a symbolic language and a belief in
kundu as a real gland in the body.47 Like chiefs and banganga, bandoki
are said to possess four eyes or night knowledge. Thus, they can
move about in the world of spiritual beings and deploy powers
derived from it in the world of living humans. Prophets (bangunza)
in indigenous churches may also have night knowledge or intelligence.48 The feats of bandoki are similar to feats told about balogi
43
It would now be almost impossible to nd anyone who does not believe in
the witchs existence as one of the basic elements in their social lifea living reality rather than an abstract idea (Tanner 1970: 19).
44
Steeves 1990: 88 and personal communication with Bill Arens in 1990. On
the issue of curses, which are of much less signicance among the Sukuma than
among the Maasai, see Ngweshemi 1990: 27.
45
For more details, see van Wing 1959: 345; Laman 1962: 216; HagenbucherSacripanti 1973: 144; Jacobson-Widding 1979: 54; Widman 1979: 164 f.; Pambou
197980: 23 .; Jacobson-Widding 1983: 382; MacGaey 1986: 163 f.
46
The symbolic interpretation is emphasized by, among others, Buakasa (1973:
142) and Axelson (1983: 23 .).
47
See further Dalmalm 1985: 205 .
48
Buakasa 1973: 29, 138 f.; Mahaniah 1982: 32; MacGaey 1983: 140; MacGaey
2000: 204. Cf. Dalmalm 1985: 85. To some degree, all elders also have special
power (MacGaey 2000: 222).
witchery
173
49
Laman 1962: 217. See also, e.g., Sadin 1910: 138; van Wing 1959: 365, 373;
Laman 1962: 225234; Buakasa 1973: 147; Pambou 197980: 23; Dalmalm 1985:
87.
50
Le Scao 1915: 431; van Wing 1959: 421 f.; Widman 1979: 178 f.; MacGaey
1983: 135; Dalmalm 1985: 85, 90.
51
Buakasa 1973: 148.
52
Jacobson-Widding 1983: 382.
53
See further Mahaniah 1982: 3946.
54
van Wing 1959: 358, 365; MacGaey 1986: 162.
55
See, e.g., Augouard 1885: 103 f.; Dewilde 1894: 379; Baltus 1898: 77; Butaye
1899: 311.
56
van Wing 1959: 368, 371, 377. Cf. Vansina 1975: 673.
57
Jacobson-Widding 1983: 382.
58
Laman 1962: 222.
59
Ibid., 219; MacGaey 1986: 161.
174
chapter eight
Witches supposedly kill by stealing the souls of their victims and either
eating or imprisoning them . . . Imprisoning the soul causes the visible
body to sicken and eventually die, but victims can be rescued by healers able to discover where the soul has been taken and to force or
negotiate its return.60
As among the Sukuma and many other peoples, those among the
Kongo who were accused of being bandoki could previously be forced
to drink poison, in the Kongo case made of bark from a tree called
nkasa. This was the most common and feared ordeal. It was described
and strongly criticized in many early reports by missionaries.61 In
case of guilt, the poison was believed to pierce the kundu, which was
then excreted.
Failure of the poison to identify a suspect who by other criteria
was obviously a witch could be attributed to the suspects ingenuity in hiding his kundu inaccessibly in his body or outside it altogether, in the care of simbi spirits. Convicted witches were subsequently
killed by other means. Exonerated suspects danced triumphantly
naked, received heavy compensation from their accusers and often
took new names.62
How, then, have bandoki been unmasked, and what kind of people
have been accused among the Kongo? While the bandoki themselves
are supposed to recognize each other, even if they live in dierent
villages, it can be dicult for others to know who they are.63 Certain
banganga and nkisi are specialists in revealing bandoki. A victim may
also recognize a ndoki in his or her dreams, and the ndoki can subsequently be unmasked by a nkisi through its nganga. Moreover, certain bodily peculiarities, such as red eyes or deformed limbs, may
arouse suspicions of kindoki.64 Envy, greed, lechery and nervousness
can be seen as ndoki characteristics. However, it is very dicult to
establish certain types of ndoki personalities.65
The kundu power can be inherited. It is also possible to be initiated
at a later stage in life. Accidentally, a person may become contam60
witchery
175
inated by kindoki. One way of becoming a ndoki is to eat, unsuspectingly, meat that is in fact human esh. Even if this meal may
be consumed at night, that is, in ones dreams, it can nevertheless
be binding.66 Both women and men can be suspected and accused
of being bandoki.67 In various ways, bandoki tend to be outsiders.
They may be exceptionally rich and talented, live longer and have
more children than others. People who have become too rich and
successful are easily suspected of being bandoki. Suspicions of kindoki
may thrive where there is rivalry for power. Kindoki is a way of manifesting the competitiveness of Kongo society, and accusations may
be provoked by someones feelings that he or she has been outsmarted.68 People who are outsiders in the sense of being, for instance,
handicapped or too poor may also be suspected of practising kindoki.69
The Kongo frequently say that bandoki attack only members of
their own lineages.70 Increasingly, however, fellow-workers, class-mates
and others have also been accused, particularly in urban areas. In
modern practice, anybody may be accused of bewitching anyone
else.71 Although killings of bandoki can still, illegally and secretly,
occur, they may now instead have to move from their home areas.72
First, however, attempts to make people confess and achieve reconciliation should be made.73 In the twentieth century several kindoki
eradication movements, such as the Munkukusa of the early 1950s,
have been active in the Kongo area; and prophets in indigenous
churches became important helpers in the ght against the spread
of bandoki. At times, people have also relied, to a far greater extent
than missionaries realized, on two institutions that replaced the
66
MacGaey 1986: 164. See also van Wing 1959: 370; Buakasa 1973: 145;
Widman 1979: 171; Dalmalm 1985: 89.
67
Hagenbucher-Sacripanti (1973: 146) stresses the signicance of kundu inheritance from mother to child, and Janzen (1978: 77) says that old, postmenopausal
women are often suspected of envy toward younger, fertile clanswomen. Cf. JacobsonWidding (1979: 58) who argues instead that women are seldom bandoki.
68
MacGaey 1986: 161. See further Buakasa 1973: 138 f.; Jacobson-Widding
1979: 53, 63, 79; Mahaniah 1982: 85 f.; Jacobson-Widding 1983: 384; MacGaey
1983: 141, 143, 146.
69
Buakasa 1973: 144; Dalmalm 1985: 88.
70
Jacobson-Widding 1979: 61; Dalmalm 1985: 88.
71
MacGaey 1986: 164. See also Dalmalm 1985: 89.
72
At the time when there were slaves among the Kongo, the rich and powerful could put forward slaves to take the poison ordeal for them. See further Augouard
1885: 106; Le Scao 1908: 331; MacGaey 1986: 38.
73
Dalmalm 1985: 80 f.
176
chapter eight
poison ordeal: the Christian eucharist and surgery. Both were regarded
as fatal to those who submitted to them without confessing their
witchcraft.74 As will be discussed in the next chapter, witchery issues
are much involved in political contexts.75
Diseases caused by kindoki are an extreme manifestation of tensions and conicts. However, ill will, envy, lies, malevolent intrigues
and backbiting may suce to cause an illness. Even gossip, which
is a destructive force that erodes community harmony, can occasion
maladies and other kinds of misfortune. Since conict may cause
illness, reconciliationsometimes enforcedis vitally important.76
Conicts can concern, for example, dissatisfaction with inheritance
distribution, wedding gifts and harvests. Nowadays particularly serious
contradictions may derive from conditions of labour migration,
distribution of wages and other sources of prestige.77 As among the
Maasai, for instance, blessings and curses are important causes of
health and disease respectively. For the Kongo, the curse of fathers
is of particular signicance. Unlike a maternal uncle, who has jural
power over his sisters children, a father only holds mystical power
(kitata) to punish his own children. His curses, and blessings, can be
pronounced when he is alive as well as in the afterlife.78 A fathers
curse can have more or less serious eects. Thus, minor aictions
such as headaches as well as, for instance, infertility may be the result.79
When curses are uttered by lineage heads, whose power of cursing
is particularly strong, the consequences may be even more serious.80
Yoruba
Among the Yoruba, aje (witchcraft) is an inherent power and, somehow, witches are usually believed to keep this special power in their
stomachs. More rarely, it is associated with their eyes. Some people
74
MacGaey 1986: 167 f. See further, e.g., Widman 1979: 203232; MacGaey
1983; MacGaey 2000: 99.
75
See also MacGaey 2000: 225 f.
76
Janzen 1978: 95, 99, 144, 205; Batukezanga 1981: 58. Cf. Dalmalm 1985: 78.
77
Mahaniah 1973: 233; Janzen 1978: 145.
78
Mahaniah 1973: 235; Jacobson-Widding 1979: 52, 72, 76; Widman 1979: 118
.; Jacobson-Widding 1983: 385. In some parts of northern Kongoland, where residence is patrilocal, fathers have jural power over their own children. Nevertheless,
there may be a fear of kitata even there.
79
Janzen 1978: 178; Widman 1979: 203.
80
Jacobson-Widding 1979: 74.
witchery
177
believe that the witches obtain their special power from God, whereas
others hold that it is derived from the divinities, orisha.81 Since the
power is ambivalent, it may be exercised for good and protective,
as well as for bad or destructive, purposes. Normally, however, it is
believed to be used solely for evil and anti-social ends. Unlike
sorcerers, witches need not use magical objects or techniques.82
Whereas osho (sorcery) is basically a male activity, the great majority of witches are women, particularly old women. Most of those
who openly claim to be witches are barren women, past childbearing age. Other women in unfortunate circumstances, who are unable
to achieve their wishes, are easily suspected of using witchcraft.83
Several scholars write about the belief in a real witch cult, composed
mostly of elderly women in league with each other, which is highly
secret and much feared.84 The secret guild, or assembly meeting of
witches at night, is called ajo.85
As a rule, the power of witchcraft is inherited, that is, it passes
from mother to daughter. However, it may also be given to nonrelatives, and it can even be purchased.86 Although a person may
not necessarily be aware that she (or he) has the power of witchcraft, most witches are believed to know that they are witches.87
Yoruba ideas of witches are similar to those found in Sukumaland
as well as in many other parts of the African continent and elsewhere. For instance, they are credited with the power of transformation
into animals such as birds or cats. When a witch has metamorphosed
herself into an animal, she falls into a deep sleep or becomes
unconscious. If anything happens to their familiars, some evil or even
death will befall the witches human bodies. Weird cries of nocturnal birds are often regarded as signs of the presence of witches.88
81
According to Maclean (1971: 41), the power of witchcraft is given by Eshu,
and Buckley (1985a: 100 f.) reports that Shopona and witches may co-operate with
one another.
82
Lucas 1948: 283; Dopamu 1977: 31, 36, 596; Simpson 1980: 76 f., 92. Cf.
Awolalu 1970: 80.
83
Morton-Williams 1960: 37 f.; Leighton et al. 1963: 46 f.; Olukunle 1979: 192.
84
E.g., Prince 1964: 91; Awolalu 1970: 29; Olukunle 1979: 105.
85
Lucas 1948: 283; Dopamu 1977: 145. On women and witchcraft, see further,
e.g., Lucas 1948: 284; Prince 1964: 89; Bascom 1969a: 95; Maclean 1971: 41;
Olukunle 1979: 100, 192; Eades 1980: 125.
86
Dopamu 1977: 31, 146; Eades 1980: 125; Osunwole n.d.: 5.
87
Simpson 1980: 81; Osunwole n.d.: 4.
88
Lucas 1948: 284; Maclean 1971: 42; Olukunle 1979: 100, 139.
178
chapter eight
89
Bascom 1969a: 95; Maclean 1971: 43; Eades 1980: 125. For more examples
of the characteristics and alleged abilities of witches, see Olukunle 1979: 186 and
Simpson 1980: 75 .
90
Olukunle 1979: 172; Adeniyi 1984: 67.
91
Morton-Williams 1960: 36.
92
Ibid., 35.
93
Osunwole n.d.: 8.
94
Awolalu 1970: 29.
95
Maclean 1971: 43; Oladapo 1984: 191. See further, e.g., Lucas 1948: 284;
Leighton et al. 1963: 38, 148; Awolalu 1979: 87.
96
Leighton et al. 1963: 104.
97
Simpson 1980: 108.
98
See, e.g., Prince 1964: 92 f., 96 f.; Maclean 1971: 41; Simpson 1980: 99 f., 108.
witchery
179
stresses the signicance of serious or protracted illnesses that are perilous and extraordinary, or unusual maladies that bring wonderment
and bewilderment.99 Aictions that are dicult or impossible to diagnose, like unusual blindness, are often in the category of witchcraft
causation too.100
Furthermore, witchcraft can aggravate or intensify diseases caused
by non-human factors and can spoil the power of medicine.101 Illnesses
that defy a simple or normal therapy, as well as serious aictions
in general, are readily interpreted within the causative framework of
witchcraft.102 Likewise, diseases that strike suddenly or violently are
easily referred to this framework.103 Other aictions that may be
found in this interpretative context are rheumatism, epilepsy, elephantiasis, malformation, retardation, leprosy, measles and smallpox.104 The possibility of witchcraft is almost always considered when
men are impotent, women barren and when there are delayed or
prolonged pregnancies or other problems with the reproductive system.105 As a woman grows old, and still has not become pregnant,
she may even be suspected of being a witch herself. In such a case
she is considered to be so imbued with evil witchcraft power that
her own body is infected.106 Witches can destroy their victims in
stages until, ultimately, death occurs.107 While deaths of old people
are usually seen as natural, untimely as well as sudden deaths are
often regarded as consequences of witchcraft.108 In particular, the
death of children brings the issue of witchcraft to the fore.109
Like Sukuma, Yoruba formerly tried witches by ordeals, and those
who were found guilty could be punished by death. For example,
99
180
chapter eight
witchery
181
182
chapter eight
122
witchery
183
128
Many other examples of sorcery techniques among the Yoruba are found in,
for instance, Lucas 1948: chapter 14 and Dopamu 1977: passim.
129
Prince 1964: 90; Dopamu 1977: 42, 551, 559 f.; Ayoade 1979: 51, 54.
130
Dopamu 1977: 517. According to Dopamu (ibid.), the following numbers are
also believed to have a special power and appear frequently in acts of sorcery: 1,
7, 9, 10, 200, 201, 1000 and 2000.
131
For some information on the symbolism of the basic colours black, red and
white, see Dopamu 1977: 527 . and Buckley 1985a: chapters 35.
132
Lucas 1948: 274, 277 f.; Prince 1974: 89 f.; Dopamu 1977: 215.
133
Dopamu 1977: 228, 289. See also, e.g., Ogunsakin-Fabarebo 1998.
134
Verger 1971: 50 .; Dopamu 1977: 67, 85; Ayoade 1979: 50 f., 54.
184
chapter eight
and a sorcerer may well combine his (or her) magical preparations
with natural measures, like attempts to put poison in the food of
the victim.135
Like witchcraft, sorcery can be the source of a great variety of
diseases and deaths. Sorcery may be the cause of almost any aiction,
and it is frequently held that dangerous types of sorcery, like apeta,
have occasioned the death of many people.136 Barrenness and other
problems with the reproductive system as well as markedly psychosomatic aictions, like skin and stomach troubles, seem to be somewhat less associated with sorcery than with witchcraft.137 Like witchcraft,
however, sorcery is very often referred to in cases of psychiatric diseases.138 The material from Princes study of more than 100 cases
diagnosed by Yoruba healers at indigenous treatment centres shows
that sorcery and witchcraft are believed to be a much more common
cause of psychiatric illnesses than are religious and natural causes.139
In addition to inicting mental maladies, acts of sorcery may cause
people to commit suicide. Generally, sudden and unexpected, or violent, deaths and diseases are often attributed to sorcery.140
Perhaps the most striking general characteristic of illnesses associated with sorcery is that they tend to be serious.141 The following
list, extracted from various sources, provides some examples of such
aictions: cancer, rheumatism, elephantiasis, blindness and other eye
problems, tuberculosis, smallpox, measles, leprosy, epilepsy and inability to urinate.142 As is the case with witchcraft, sorcery can worsen
maladies that originally were due to other causes.143 In such cases a
modern biomedical treatment is often combined with consultations
of indigenous healers, since illnesses caused by sorcery and witchcraft, many believe, belong to a category of aictions that cannot
be cured by modern medicine. A combination of dierent types of
135
witchery
185
treatment is, on the whole, very common, partly because it is usually assumed that most diseases, as well as other types of misfortune,
have multiple causes.144
For protection against acts of sorcery a great variety of charms
are available. The use of charms or amulets in order to upset evil
forces, as well as for other reasons, is ubiquitous in Yorubaland.145
Amulets are usually obtained from healers or diviners, and some are
made with the assistance of divinities, thus becoming, as it were,
storage cells for some of the power of deities.146 If a person is too
powerfully guarded, because of the use of amulets, sorcerous countermeasures and divine assistance, a sorcerer may instead try to strike
down the victims son.147
In principle, sorcery can be practised by anybody. One reason
why there are fewer women than men among sorcerers, as well as
among healers, is that menstruation is believed to destroy the power
of medicines.148 The practice of sorcery reects jealousies and hostilities in society. It appears that conicts and quarrels concerning
property and relations between the sexes give rise to most acts of
sorcery. As a rule, the persons involved are relatives or neighbours
who have been in close contact with each other. However, sorcery
is not normally used against members in a persons nuclear family.
Sorcery is often seen as a weapon of the weak against the strong,
of the poor against the rich or of the unfavoured against the favoured,
but it may also work in the reverse direction.149 Formerly, alleged
sorcerers ran the same risk as people accused of being witches; they
could be executed by societies such as oro and egungun.150
144
Simpson 1980: 108 f., 113, 130 f. A special case of aiction caused by sorcery was reported by Farrow (1925: 125), who held that a sorcerer can give birth
to and stimulate the growth of small snakes and insects inside the body of a foe
which occasion various diseases. This may be compared to the work by Buckley
(1985a: 32 f.), who says that such entities are placed by God within the body from
birth, and that it is natural reasons, such as too much sweet food, sexual activity
or alcohol, rather than human or suprahuman agents, that cause these entities to
become too strong or powerful in the body and therefore give rise to maladies.
See also the appendix.
145
Lucas 1948: 279; Simpson 1980: 85.
146
Morton-Williams 1964: 249 f.; Simpson 1980: 85. For some examples of various types of charm, see Lucas 1948: 279 . and Simpson 1980: 85.
147
Morton-Williams 1960: 36.
148
Buckley 1985a: 147.
149
Prince 1964: 89; Dopamu 1977: 270, 272, 284.
150
Bascom 1969a: 93 f.
186
chapter eight
151
witchery
187
161
Dopamu 1977: 229 f.; Simpson 1980: 82; Buckley 1985a: 144.
Prince 1964: 89.
163
Dopamu 1977: 263, 288.
164
Ibid., vii; Olukunle 1979. See also, e.g., Leighton et al. 1963: 38; Adeniyi
1984: 32; and Oladapo 1984: 191, 196. Cf. Simpson 1980: 110.
165
See, e.g., Olukunle 1979: 221, 223, 237; Eades 1980: 125; Simpson 1980:
124, 134 f.
166
Olukunle 1979: 229; Osunwole n.d.: 11.
162
188
chapter eight
167
CHAPTER NINE
Introduction
The decline of belief in spiritual beings and the subsequent increase
of living humans as agents of disease, which have been exemplied
in previous chapters, have been observed in many other parts of
Africa too. For instance, in a collected volume on witchery, the editors Middleton and Winter point out that it is commonly held by
people in a large number of African societies that the practice of
secret malecent acts is on the increase.3 Concerning the Ndembu,
an agricultural Bantu people in northern Zambia, Victor Turner
concludes that illnesses and other types of misfortune no longer bind
a group of people together in veneration of ancestors sanctioning
the moral order. Since diseases are increasingly attributed to witchery, which in the past caused death only, misfortune now tends to
break a group instead. In a study of another agricultural people, the
Cokwe or Chokwe in south-western Zaire, P. Stanley Yoder similarly remarks that the importance of redressive rituals concerned with
ancestors has diminished and that they are far less frequently invoked
now than before.4
1
2
3
4
190
chapter nine
Yet another example of the increased signicance of religious disease causation and the increased importance of human agents is
found in Barnes-Deans work on the agro-pastoral Lugbara in western Uganda. Barnes-Dean concludes that, previously, most maladies
among the Lugbara were said to be sent by patrilineal ancestors.
Only when this possibility was discounted did people turn to seek
the cause of illness in witchery practices. Nowadays, however, such
practices are a predominant feature of the Lugbara medical system.5
More recently, scholars such as Stadler, Geschiere and Colson have
reported from various parts of Africa about a proliferation of witchery problems.6 Their examples, and many others, clearly support the
above-mentioned conclusions drawn by Middleton and Winter.7 On
a rapidly increasing scale, witchery reproduces itself hand-in-hand
with modern changes.8 According to Geschiere, the rampant anxiety about witchery among Africans in many parts of the continent
now triggers a desperate search for new protections to contain novel
and therefore all the more frightening witchcraft threats.9
In addition to the shift from religious to human agents of disease,
an increased signicance for the category of natural causation has
been observed in many parts of Africa too. In this book both of
these changes have been exemplied particularly in the chapters
regarding the Sukuma, Kongo and Yoruba peoples. In a more general discussion, Whyte remarks that individualistic treatment of persons by medicinesboth African and westernseem to be gaining
ground. This change, she argues, is one of the reasons for the shift
in anthropological research on African misfortune from religion to
medicine.10 Even though this chapter, like the preceding ones, will
not focus primarily on this aspect of change, but rather on some
possible causes for the gradual shift from religious toin a wide
sensesocial causation of illness, it is important to bear in mind.
191
Particularly since the early 1990s, the increasing problems of witchery has also caused a strongly renewed scholarly interest in this issue.
In their introduction to the collective volume Modernity and Its Malcontents:
Ritual and Power in Postcolonial Africa, the Comaros stress that, despite
the predictions of modernization theory and historical materialism,
the world has not been reduced to sameness and that there are, in
short, many modernities.11 In studies of what Geschiere refers to as
the modernity of witchcraft,12 the old functionalist approach, focusing on order and internal integration, and the tendency to study
witchery in local contexts are too limited. There is clearly a need
for a wider scope that takes into consideration broader socio-economic and political processes and not only the micro-politics of,
among other things, kinship, gender relations and morality.13 Hence,
the discussion in this chapter will be guided by such an ambition.
Modern Inuences
Thanks to the missionary eorts of Christians and Muslims, as well
as other new factors of change, the adherence to indigenous African
religions was largely weakened during the period studied in this book.
Although the rapid expansion of Christianity and Islam in Africa is
not the object of study here, it should be noted that this expansion
has been more successful among the Sukuma and, in particular, the
Kongo and Yoruba than among the hunting-gathering San and pastoral Maasai. Christian and Muslim leaders have, sometimes relentlessly, fought against indigenous African beliefs and practices. To
some extent the pre-Christian and pre-Islamic religions have managed to survive in altered forms within new religious contexts, particularly in Su Islam and in indigenous or African-initiated churches
(AICs). There are several such churches among the Yoruba and
Kongo. Susm is well represented in Yorubaland but only as tiny
minorities among the other peoples studied here. Whereas leaders
11
192
chapter nine
14
For an example of a study of Pentecostalism and occult forces, see Meyer
1998. See also, e.g., Ciekawy & Geschiere 1998: 8 and Colson 2000: 334.
15
Katz 1982: 253 f.
16
See, e.g., Marshall 1962: 221; Barnard 1978: 78.
17
Hauge 1971:1; Voshaar 1979: 269 . See also, e.g., Donovan 1982: 175199.
18
Wijsen & Tanner 2000: 10.
19
No precise gures can be given, since during the latest decades no ocial statistics on religious or ethnic aliations has been provided. Information about such
aliations is a politically sensitive issue. Therefore, it is usually not included in the
most recent census reports from African countries.
20
See further, e.g., Reid 1969: 125157.
21
For a detailed historical study of culture confrontation in the Lower Congo
area, see Axelson 1970.
22
Mahaniah 1982: 169 f.; MacGaey 1986: 246. For some information on indigenous churches and witchery eradication movements among the Kongo, see e.g.
Mahaniah 1982: 131160.
193
194
chapter nine
26
Ibid., 156.
Feierman 1985: 75. See also, e.g., Oyebola 1981: 87.
28
Chavunduka and Last (1986: 263) argue that the most obvious reason for the
pre-eminence of herbalism in new associations of healers is the legal restraints against
practising anything that might be construed as sorcery.
29
Gulliver 1969: 238 .
30
Berg-Schlosser 1984: 157.
27
195
study,31 those San and Maasai whose mode of living has been more
radically changed need to be brought into the discussion about possible factors of continuity and change.
As pointed out in chapter seven, among San and Maasai, including Nharo and Arusha, respectively, who have been subject to particularly far-reaching socio-economic and other forms of upheaval,
human causes of disease have become increasingly important. It is
primarily among such groups that the supranormal powers associated with the healing properties of San healers and Maasai iloibonok
are more and more being used in the destructive context of witchery. While the Arusha transfer from a semi-nomadic pastoral to a
sedentary agricultural mode of living occurred about 200 years ago,
the Nharo since the nineteenth century gradually through contact
with black and white settler groups have undergone even more radical socio-economic changes.
Nharo farmers now live in a state of economic dependence on
white and black farmers. According to Guenther, it is the intense
and pervasive social conict prevailing among Nharo farmers that
has created a fertile ground for the introduction of Bantu-derived
witchery; and it is due to the permanent oppression and deprivation
that their religion has become less world-removed and disengaged.32
Likewise, the marked rise of trance dances is caused mainly by the
increased existential stress, and trance dancers have become professionalized authority gures. Despite such important changes, Guenther
remarked in 1986 that the band, the fundamental structure of Nharo
social organization, was still basically intact. This, he argued, is
because of its exible or uid character; the necessity to maintain
band features such as sharing in an acculturative situation marked
by poverty; and nally because Nharo cultural traditions have been
maintained and even revitalized because of the activation and elaboration of religion.33
In an article from 1992, Guenther discusses the issue of why witchery in general is not a Bushman thing. His main answer is that by
and large there has been little or no interpersonal conict that could
have formed a breeding ground for witchery suspicions, accusations
31
For some discussions of changes and lack of changes among the San, see Lee
1984: 129145 and Katz 1982: 251 . Cf. Barnard 1988: 217.
32
Guenther 1979: 103, 112, 118.
33
Guenther 1986: 288295. See further Guenther 1999: chapter 8.
196
chapter nine
and practices. For instance, there have been few, if any, tensions
over rights to land and other property. Likewise, problems such as
political rivalry, gender antagonism, conicts between women in
polygynous households and generational tensions, which tend to be
common in witchery-ridden societies, have largely been absent from
hunting-gathering San settings. Moreover, among groups like Kung,
free vent has been given to anger and ill-will through talking, shouting, singing and dancing. The trance dance, which may serve partly
as a kind of community healing, can be a particularly eective ludic
mechanism of conict resolution. Another mechanism for open expressions of tensions is the joking relationship, which is a typical feature of San groups.34 Moreover, withdrawal is a common solution
to conicts.
Among the Nharo, by contrast, the seeds have been sown for
socio-economic inequality, gender tensions, conicts over property
and similar problems. Most Nharo now live in an incipient form of
sedentary village society, with its rivalries, tensions and ressentiments.
In this situation the notion that the two existential stress factors of
disease and interpersonal conicts, which have increased in tandem,
are causally linked has become entrenched. Yet even Nharo farmers continue to categorize witchery problems as a black custom and
use Tswana concepts for designating such issues. By this exercise,
according to Guenther, they can deect tension and strife away from
themselves and onto a neighbouring people who already have a
ready-made, established witchery complex, thus lending more credence
to their notion that it is not a Bushman thing.35
In previous chapters it has been shown that among the Maasai,
natural causes and treatments of diseases were of great signicance
even in pre-colonial times and that, in comparison to hunting-gathering San, living humans have been only slightly more important as
agents of disease. There are certain structural resemblances between
these two peoples that dierentiate them from the Sukuma, Kongo,
Yoruba as well as other sedentary and mainly agriculturalist peoples. While the San social structure is characterized by the band,
the age-set system is a marked feature of the Maasai. However, in
both cases there is relatively little of socio-economic inequality that
34
64 f.
35
Guenther 1992: 92 f. On joking relationships among the Kung, see Lee 1984:
Guenther 1992: 99 . See further, e.g., Smith et al. 2000: 86.
197
36
198
chapter nine
those Maasai women who do not only consult Bantu healers, but
eventually become members of Christian communities, are no longer
as much controlled by non-Maasai men as they used to be. They
may take leadership roles themselves and learn new things like reading and writing. It would certainly be interesting to pursue the discussion of spirit possession among the Maasai, particularly in some
feminist perspective. However, since it is not a case of certain living
humans causing diseases of other human beings, such a detailed discussion is beyond the scope of this study.
Sukuma, Kongo and Yoruba
Among the Sukuma, Kongo and Yoruba, as well as among other
sedentary agriculturalist peoples, there are a number of factors that
seem to have contributed to the increase of living humans as agents
of sickness and, simultaneously, to the decrease of the signicance
of spiritual beings. Whereas the Sukuma used to live mainly in fairly
small settlements before the post-colonial villagization process, the
long-term eects of which were limited too, the Kongo and Yoruba
have a long history of village life, and in the case of the latter even
of urban life. In recent decades the process of urbanization has accelerated, particularly in areas where the latter peoples live.37 Whereas
indigenous religions have become weakened in the processes of villagization and urbanization, political struggles, economic rivalry and
social stratication have increased, apparently fertilizing the ground
for witchery ideas and practices.38 The retreat of suprahuman beings
as agents of disease has created, as it were, a vacuum that has been
lled, in part, by supranormal living humans.
Previously, ambivalent spirits and divinities also lent important aid
in the struggle against human evildoers. Partly, the increasingly
demonic use of a supranormal power, which in itself is ambivalent
like the power of God and other suprahuman beings, is a result of
the breakdown of political institutions that, among other things, had
the task of controlling accusations of witchery. Some political changes,
37
The signicance of urbanization for the increase of witchery problems has been
stressed by, among others, Olukunle 1979: 221.
38
The importance of economic factors is underlined by, e.g., Simpson 1980: 81.
For a South African example of the signicance of villagization for the increase of
witchery accusations, see Stadler 1996: 89.
199
both at local and national levels, seem to have made people more
unprotected than before.39 For instance, the early suppression of the
nkisi system in Kongoland made it more secret and negative. It was
not replaced by any comparable institution, and increasingly it became
associated with kindoki.40 Among the Yoruba, associations such as oro,
which partly had the role of controlling evildoers, gradually lost most
of their inuence or disappeared.
Since chiefs used to have particularly important roles in the control of witchery, colonial and post-colonial reforms to change and
abolish the institution of chieftainship made it more dicult to handle problems that people believed were caused by witchery. If chiefs
no longer took action against evildoers, people increasingly felt they
had to do it themselves. The event in Sukumaland in 1962, when
a series of killings occurred when women accused of witchery were
beaten to death by crowds of men, is an extreme example of this.41
In his research report The Witch Murders in Sukumaland, R.E.S. Tanner
ends by writing:
The Sukuma fear and hatred of witchcraft which had been controlled
traditionally by the chief and, in the colonial period, by administrative action, came to the surface as an expression of local tensions
increased by the widening social and political distance between ruler
and ruled.42
During the latest decades there have been many more cases of killings
of, mainly elderly male and above all female, balogi. According to
Tanner and Wijsen, these killings were partly connected to the emerging divisive inequalities caused by the substantial growth of the cotton industry in Sukumaland. Large sums of money from this cash
crop production were controlled principally by older male landholders, although much of the cultivation and harvesting of their
cotton was done by their dissatised women.43
39
200
chapter nine
As remarked by Multhaupt,44 the colonial attempts to uproot witchery were one of the means to legitimize colonialism. Accounts of
witchery could be used to stress the superiority of western rationality and civilization. In more recent decades the political ght against
ideas and practices of witchery has been seen as an important part
of the process of modernization. The colonial ban on the poison
ordeal had quite far-reaching consequences. Many people viewed
this measure as an attempt to protect evildoers against retaliation by
their innocent victims.45 Deprived largely of its normal cultural control by colonial interferences, witchery became a disruptive and dangerously anti-social force. The use of protective medicines, another
important means of witchcraft control, also came under attack from
colonial and post-colonial political leadersas well as from missionaries and other Christian and Muslim leaders. Like chiefs, healers who provided such medicines were strongly criticized and often
hindered in carrying out what they thought were useful anti-witchery practices.46 In most colonies, it was possible to convict virtually
any healer of witchery and to send that person to jail. As a result
of the colonial policies, many healers abandoned their activities at
the public level.47
In response to radical changes bringing insecurity and anxiety,
many witchery cleansing movements have arisen in several parts of
Africa where people have conceived of witchery as a serious problem.48 Although such movements are not exclusively linked to the
colonial and post-colonial period of African history, this is a time
when they have been thriving. Some of the leaders have been
Christians or Muslims. Leaders of cleansing movements treated not
only individuals but also communities, thus trying to purify whole
groups of witchery problems. Even though such leaders have been
criticized by politicians, their means of controlling witchery has not
been a crime. Thus, it has provided people who believe in witchery
with an at least fairly acceptable means of dealing with witchery
44
201
fears, suspicions and accusations.49 Many leaders of cleansing movements have been innovative people opposed to colonial or post-colonial authorities and collaborative chiefs no longer able to handle
problems of witchery; and their activities frequently manifested new
syntheses and values rather than social breakdown.50
While cleansing movements attempt to solve the problem by purifying the practitioners of witchery of their evil intent after confessions, the goal of witch hunting campaigns is to nd and kill such
people. In recent decades such hunting has occurred increasingly
among rural and urban populations alike.51 The above-mentioned
case from Sukumaland is an important example of this serious problem. Although the purpose of cleansing movements is not to kill
human beings, there may be some violence, such as beating and
burning, involved in the attempts to make accused people confess.52
Thus, it is sometimes dicult to dierentiate clearly between cleansing and hunting movements. Since the aim of both types is to eradicate the problem of witchery, even though the means are totally
dierent, the term eradication movement may be used for referring
to both.
Among the Kongo the previously mentioned Munkukusa of the
early 1950s was one of several examples of eradication movements.
In the Munkukusa ritual a mixture of grave dirt and palm wine was
employed as kundu-piercing medication. This mixture was placed in
a trench forming the diameter of a cosmographic circle. Each suspect
jumped over this trench after swearing an oath of the Nkondi type.
Then he or she hammered nails into a wooden cross, in place of
the Nkondi statue, and threw away various things symbolizing improper
wealth resulting from kindoki.53 Munkukusa followers resorted to the
graves of non-Christian ancestors for assistance in the ght against
bandoki but not to Christian ancestors since they were thought likely
to be soft on bandoki.54 Prophets, bangunza, who among other things
have tried to control witchery and facilitate group reconciliation,
were largely seen by colonialists as a political threat and frequently
49
50
51
52
53
54
202
chapter nine
imprisoned or exiled. The best-known of the prophets, Simon Kimbangu, was sentenced to death in 1921 and then imprisoned for life
in Katanga, where he died in 1951. In post-colonial times the ocial
attitudes to bangunza, as well as banganga, have been more tolerant.
However, in Kongoland as elsewhere, the contemporary ocial interest in African medicine concerns, as it did during colonial times,
basically the herbal aspects, whereas what is seen as magical devices
can be vehemently opposed.55
An interesting example from the Yoruba area is the Atinga movement, which, like the Munkukusa in Kongoland, started its activities in the early 1950s. Like several other eradication movements it
was not restricted to one single ethnic groupit originated in the
mid-1940s in the (then) Southern Gold Coast from where it spread
east. Not only adherents of the indigenous Yoruba religion but also
Christians and Muslims embraced the new cult. Atinga, a foreign
deity, was seen as an angel by many Christians. Some people who
became possessed by Atinga claimed to have the power to recognize witches and to discover where sorcerers kept their harmful
objects. Witches who were pointed out were asked to confess and
thus be cleansed of their aje (witchcraft). The followers of the Atinga
movement were mainly young people opposed to old orisha cults and
frequently attacked several orisha shrines. Eventually, however, it was
prohibited by law, and at least some of the destroyed shrines were
rebuilt.56 According to Apter, the development of a cocoa economy
intensied the existing etiology of witchcraft, and the Atinga cult had
a strategic value for the rising commercial elite. The new men could
nance the cult from trade income and persecuted, in particular,
female traders and the predominantly female orisha cults rather than,
for instance, the Oro.57
Social Relations and Status
According to Mary Douglas, problems of human causation of misfortune are likely to be marginal, if present at all, among peoples
55
Janzen 1978: 51 ., 60 ., 208 . Concerning the Sukuma, see e.g. Hateld
1968: 285 .
56
Simpson 1980: 79 f.
57
Apter 1993: 120 f. See also, e.g., Multhaupt 1990: 210 .
203
with sparse and irregular social contacts. She mentions huntinggathering San and pastoralist Nuer as examples of such peoples with
low and irregular levels of social interaction. Conversely, issues like
witchery and the evil eye are likely to be important where human
beings press closely upon one another and the intensive social relations are ill dened.58 In a similar sociological way, Middleton and
Winter argue that social tensions and competition arise more frequently in societies or situations where status is achieved than in
those where it is ascribed.59 The fact that, in modern African societies, social relations are increasingly associated with achieved rather
than with ascribed status is apparently one of the reasons why human
causation of disease and other types of misfortune is on the increase.60
The data on the peoples studied in this book to some extent support these contentions, and the discussion above can partly be seen
in this light. Among these peoples, hunting-gathering San have the
lowest and most irregular level of social interaction, and among them
witchery and other kinds of human causation of disease are of little or no signicance. Although such causation does exist among pastoralist Maasai, it is of minor importance there too. Even among
the Arusha, the social system is basically ascriptive: that is, social
status and relationships are designated by birth, age and place of
residence. Achievement is certainly possible but tends to be limited
by a prescribed framework. Of particular importance are the age
institutions, which for Arusha, as well as for pastoralist Maasai, play
a vital and fundamental role in their social and individual lives.61
Unlike the above-mentioned anthropological works by Douglas,
Middleton and Winter, however, this book focuses largely on processes
of change. Among the San and Maasai, the incipient increase of
competition for enhanced social status and income seems to be most
clearly manifested by the tendency towards professionalization of
healers or trance dancers and iloibonok, respectively. By their conspicuous expansion of power the iloibonok have rendered other specialists redundant or at least peripheral.62 In one of his studies on
204
chapter nine
the Nharo, Guenther even writes that a successful trance dancer can
be assigned the potential role of a charismatic political leader with
far-reaching authority.63 Increasingly, the ambivalent supranormal
power of San and Maasai healers is being used not only for constructive purposes but also for evil machinations. Among the farm
Nharo, where witchery ideas and practices have developed more
extensively than among the hunting-gathering Kung, the Tswana
concept of kgaba has become used as a kind of negative counterpart
to tsso. As the healing power of tsso can be utilized not only by more
or less professionalized healers but by virtually anybody, all Nharo
are now also potential users of kgaba, the negative aspect of the supranormal power.64
In a sociologically oriented study of hunting-gathering Kung, Lee
argues that they project the blame for malevolence to forces outside
the social body and regard healing power as being derived from living humans. They seek within the social body for benevolent powers. This serves to bind together the living in a common front against
hostile external forces.65 While this is largely the case, it should be
remembered that the suprahuman beings are not entirely hostile.
Like the power of num, which ultimately derives from the external
force of God himself, they are rather ambivalent. Hence, it is somewhat
simplistic to argue that the therapeutic dance or trance performance
can be regarded as a drama in which the stresses and tensions of
social life are transformed into a common struggle against external
sources of malevolence.66
There is hardly any society where the social structure is purely
ascriptive. During the period studied here, however, the principle of
achievement has been more important among the Sukuma, Kongo
and Yoruba than among the San and Maasai. For instance, in 1933,
Blohm concluded that if a Sukuma man had an extraordinarily rich
harvest, or if a hunter was exceptionally successful in his hunting,
they risked being accused of witchery.67 In addition, the change
63
205
68
206
chapter nine
generations and sexes, neighbours, work-mates and members of competing religionsone dominant, the other suppressedhave become
increasingly signicant.74 Accusations of witchery may also be involved
in personal vendettas.75 Witchery discourses can serve to bridge the
gap between the familiar realities of the domestic community and
the large-scale processes of change that have opened up new possibilities for enrichment but that also impose new forms of dependency, which are particularly frightening since they appear to be
impersonal.76 In the following section some examples of the widening political scene of witchery will be given.
Towards a Wider Political Context
There is a general feeling in many parts of Africaand certainly
not there alonethat witchcraft is reproducing itself hand-in-hand
with modern changes, and on a rapidly increasing scale. It is in particular this increase of scale that makes the occult all the more frightening and uncertain.77 The language and phenomena of witchery
now appear in broad regional, national and even in transnational
contexts. Like colonial rulers, new political elites condemn witchery,
but privately they are much involved in consultations of specialists
in these elds. It appears that the preoccupation with witchery haunts
political and other leaders as much as others. Various African media
make it clear that witchery permeates everyday conversation about
politics, the pursuit of power, and the complex interdependence of
rural and urban life.78 The role of magic and witch-doctors in,
for instance, local and national soccer teams is well-known. Increasingly,
witchery is no longer monopolized by specialists but can, in principle, be used by anyone. As a consequence, virtually anybody may
be suspected too.79
74
For some examples, see Multhaupt 1990: 32; Stadler 1996: 87 .; Douglas
1999: 182 .
75
See, e.g., Stadler 1996: 107; Douglas 1999: 183.
76
Geschiere 1997: 24 f.
77
Ciekawy & Geschiere 1998: 3.
78
See further, e.g., Comaro & Comaro 1993: xxvi; Geschiere & Fisiy 1994:
323, 330; Geschiere 1996: 85; Geschiere 1997: 1, 3, 6; Schatzberg 2000: 34; Bernault
& Tonda 2000: 5; Geschiere 2000: 19.
79
Geschiere & Fisiy 1994: 334; Bernault & Tonda 2000: 7; Schatzberg 2000: 40.
207
80
81
82
83
208
chapter nine
84
Ibid., 219.
Among others, Middleton and Winter (1963: 1) too onesidedly argue that beliefs
in witches and sorcerers are social, not psychological, phenomena and must so be
analysed. Cf., e.g., Prince (1961 and 1964) who in a valuable way deals with psychological and psychiatric aspects of witchery among the Yoruba. On the issue of
witchery as an explanation for evil, see, e.g., Douglas 1999: 189 .
85
APPENDIX
San
In studies from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries it
was often reported that natural causation and treatment of diseases
played an important part in San medical ideas and practices.2 G.W.
Stow put it thus:
The Bushmen certainly are acquainted with a number of very valuable medicinal plants; some of them are specics in the cure of several diseases which have frequently baed the skill of the most eminent
medical practitioners; and it is a matter of astonishment that no eort
has been made to discover such important secrets. Thus they were
able to eect certain cures in cases of snake-bite, taenia, dysentery,
and calculus, besides the rapid removal of gonorrheal aections.3
210
appendix
Maasai
With regard to the Maasai, the issue of natural or physical causation is of particular importance. Early and modern sources seem to
agree that, for Maasai, natural causes are of paramount signicance.
There is indeed some evidence that the ideas of such causes were
even more prevalent previously than during the last few decades. In
1904, for instance, Merker drew the conclusion that, to the Maasai,
these were the most important reasons for ill-health;7 and twentythree years later Berthold presented similar conclusions.8 In a more
recent study, Olsson says that to the best of my knowledge, pastoral Maasai prefer to regard disease as physical inuence upon, or
organic perturbation in the bodies of men and animals.9 This is also
conrmed by Sindiga who, in an important article from 1995, stresses
the wide knowledge of herbal medicines. From an early age, both
boys and girls start acquiring knowledge of such medicines.10
Ilabaak (sing. olabaani ) form a category of medical practitioners,
who may be referred to as (secular) doctors or curers and who must
not be confused with the iloibonok, whose art of healing has a religious
dimension. In the medicine used by ilabaak, as well as by ordinary
Maasai, it is the physical properties that count but, unlike those of
iloibonok, not any supranormal qualities. Moreover, the doctors perform,
among other things, operations, bone-setting and vaccinations too.11
scholars such as Stow (1910: 125) and Dornan (1925: 142, 162). Heinz says that
almost all of the Ko medical activities are restricted to exorcising dances. He
does not discuss historical issues here, but it may be asked whether there may have
been, concomitant with a decrease of knowledge of natural causes and remedies,
an increased signicance of the religious aspects of Ko medicine. This question may
be asked, also, with regard to Guenthers material on the recent resurgence of
Nharo religion.
7
Die Entstehung von inneren Krankheiten fhren die Masai, im Gegensatz zu
den Negervlkern, nie auf das Tun bser Geister und nur selten auf einen gegen
den Erkrankten von einem seiner persnlichen Feinde bereiteten Zauber zurck.
(Merker 1904: 174).
8
Writing on the Maasai doctor, he argued appreciatively: Seine Kunst ist eine
Kunst, Zauberei spielt keine Rolle in seinem Gewerbe, sondern eine geradezu
verblende Kenntnis der Anatomie, der Funktionen der verschiedenen Organe,
der heilenden Eigenschaften von Panzen, Erden, ja selbst von Stoen aus Lebewesen
(Berthold 1927: 5).
9
Olsson 1989: 235.
10
Sindiga 1995: 95.
11
See, e.g., Jacobs 1965: 322; Galaty 1977: 298 f.; Voshaar 1979: 203 f., 211;
Sindiga 1995: 97 f.
appendix
211
12
Baumann 1894: 162 f.; Merker 1904: 174 ., 340 .; Hollis 1905: 335 .;
Fuchs 1910: 122; Berthold 1927: 5 .; Jacobs 1965: 139 .; Sankan 1971: 59 .;
Galaty 1977: 298 f.; Voshaar 1979: 323 f.; Landei 1982: 44 f.; Hurskainen 1984:
204 .; Sindiga 1995: 101. Cf., e.g., Nssler 1931: 172; Buchta 1932: 266. For an
extensive study of ethnobotany among the Mukogodo Maasai, see Brenzinger, Heine
& Heine 1995.
13
Saibull & Carr 1981: 75.
14
McKay 1950: 454 f. According to McKay, this excellent custom was, unfortunately, discontinued among those Purko Maasai he studied when European doctors started treating syphilis. See also Koenig 1956: 97.
15
E.g., Thomson 1883/84: 252. In recent decades the problem of venereal diseases, including AIDS, appears to have worsened (Voshaar 1979: 317 f.).
16
Leakey 1930: 187. A Maasai theory about internal worms has been reported
by Buchta (1939: 228), but neither he nor, as far as I know, any other scholar has
elaborated on this interesting theory.
17
Reid 1969: 71 f., 80.
18
Table n.d.a.: 2; Reid 1969: 78.
212
appendix
19
Les indignes eux-mmes admettent bien quon peut mourir de mort naturelle,
mais pratiquement ils rendent presque toujours les balogi responsables dun mort
(Bsch 1930: 225).
20
Table n.d.a.: 113 ., 136 f.; Tanner 1959: 119; Reid 1969: 230.
21
Bsch 1930: 229. See also Cory n.d.a.: 1.
22
Table n.d.a.: 151.
23
A curer who treats such aictions can be called mfumu naguji or ngota. See further Tanner 1967: 43 and Ngweshemi 1990: 22. Cf. Hateld 1968: 110.
24
Brandstrm 1990, chapter 6: 9. At least external surgery is practised. See further Cory n.d.a.: 2; Table n.d.a.: 167, 170, 590; Hateld 1968: 111. Cf. Tanner
1959: 120 f. Concerning the Nyamwezi, see Bsch 1930: 286 ., 293.
25
Wijsen & Tanner 2002: 47.
26
Hateld 1968: 111.
27
Tanner 1957: 119. Some lists of medicines are found in, for instance, Bsch
1930: 289 . and Table n.d.a.: 591 . See further Augustiny 1923/24: 171; Bsch
1930: 286; Table n.d.a.: 173, 589 f.
28
Tanner 1967: 48.
29
Many examples are rendered in the long lists of remedies in Table n.d.a:
155178. The concept of medicine, bugota, implies both natural and magical
aspects (Hateld 1968: 83; Steeves 1990: 70 f.). See also Bsch 1930: 286 and
Table n.d.a.: 586. Unlike organized cult activities and divination, which have
appendix
213
Kongo
As among the Sukuma, for instance, diseases that have natural
causesillnesses of Godare generally mild or benign aictions
which respond readily to therapy and are not related to particular
disturbances in the immediate social relationships of the suerer.
Common and simple problems like headache, stomach-ache, cold,
fever or accidental wounds may belong to this category. Moreover,
diseases or deaths of old people or neonates are often considered to
be natural. Bouquet and Janzen, among others, report that there is
much empiricism and experimentation in Kongo medicine.30 However,
if an aiction does not respond to symptomatic treatment, then it
is suspected to be caused by spiritual beings or living humans.31
Minor ailments are frequently treated at home and, as remarked
by Dalmalm, all Congolese are potential curers.32 A specialist on the
treatment of aictions with natural causes is called nganga mbuki (or
nganga buka). Such a curer, who in English is often referred to as a
herbalist, uses medicines (bilongo) which are not connected to nkisi
objects and spirits. While missions and colonial rulers condemned
banganga who dealt with problems of nkisi and kindoki, they tended to
accept the nganga mbuki. As a result, banganga increasingly tried to
adopt discreet identities as herbalists. In independent Zaire the
campaign of authenticity included, among other things, a certain
exaltation of traditional medicine.33 The treatment of diseases with
natural causes may involve, in addition to the use of herbal medicines, scarications, incisions, bone setting, steam baths, massage and
head-pack applications. There is an extensive knowledge of plant
medicines, but indigenous methods of surgery are not very advanced
and nowadays largely ignored.34
diminished, medicines seem to ourish. Especially in towns there has been a proliferation of individual practitioners who practise medicine without much indigenous training and equipment (Hateld 1968: 299; Tanner 1969: 288).
30
Bouquet 1969: 36; Janzen 1978: 198.
31
Janzen 1978: 22, 48, 127. See further, e.g., Mahaniah 1973: 229; Mahaniah
1980: 593; Pambou 198081: 59; Dimomfu 1984: 26 .; Dalmalm 1985: 77.
32
Dalmalm 1985: 79. See also Janzen 1978: 64; Pambou 198081: 60; Dimomfu
1984: 24.
33
Van Wing 1959: 419; Mahaniah 1973: 229; Janzen 1978: 45, 53, 57; Janzen
1979: 214 f.; Pambou 197980: 44; Dalmalm 1985: 63. Cf. Dimomfu 1984: 12 .
34
For some more details, see Bouquet 1969: 33 f.; Janzen 1978: 179 .; JacobsonWidding 1979: 152; Janzen 1979: 208; Pambou 197980: 45 f.; Batukezanga 1981:
62; Mahaniah 1982: 23, 54 .; Lagercrantz 1983/84: 85; Dimomfu 1984: 26.
214
appendix
Yoruba
Like the Maasai, Sukuma, Kongo and probably most African peoples, the Yoruba distinguish between the roles of curers and healers.
Although there is, in practice, some overlapping between the dierent
types of experts, an onisegun is basically a doctor or curer who deals
primarily with naturally or physically occasioned aictions, whereas
a babalawo, or some other priest or diviner, is an expert on religiously
and socially based diagnoses and therapies. A great multitude of
minor ailments can be treated at home or by an onisegun or some
other type of curer. Associations for herbalists have existed in
Yorubaland since the nineteenth century, and there has recently been
a proliferation of such associations.35 In some works, lists of various
herbal medicines are provided.36 Medicinal treatments, as well as
theories of causation, frequently combine the physical or pharmacological element with religious and social aspects.37
The signicance of symbolic features such as colour, smell and
avour is discussed in detail by Buckley.38 Yet he emphasizes that
the importance of symbolism must not be exaggerated. Folk medicine, he says, is primarily an instrumental system of techniques for
dealing practically with certain human ills.39 Although the representativeness of Buckleys few informants may be questioned, it is interesting to note that, according to them, not only minor aictions but
the great majority of illnesses are due to natural causes. For instance,
a wide variety of diseases, such as dysentery, dropsy, yaws (= frambesia,
a contagious skin disease) and some psychiatric problems, may be
caused, wholly or at least partly, by invisible worms in the body. In
addition to such worms, there are germs that occasion sicknesses;
and impure or abnormal blood may be the cause of, among other
things, rheumatism and sterility. Particularly the signicance of worms
and germs in the body, which is discussed in detail in Buckleys
35
See further, e.g., Table n.d.b.: 200 f.; Ajose 1957: 269 f.; Leighton et al. 1963:
113; Bascom 1969a: 70; Maclean 1971: 75, 82 f.; Verger 1971: 50, 52; Asuni 1976:
4; Maclean 1976: 315; Braito & Asuni 1979: 188; Wol 1979: 127; Simpson 1980:
93 .; Oyebola 1981: 87, 89.
36
E.g., Table n.d.b.: 201206; Verger 1971: 5055; Simpson 1980: 150 .
37
Margetts 1965: 116; Maclean 1971: 83; Ayoade 1979: 49.
38
Buckley 1985a: 45 ., 53 . 70 ., 86 .
39
Ibid., 108.
appendix
215
Yoruba Medicine (1985), has been observed by many other scholars too.40
According to Buckleys informants, the worms and germs within the
body contribute to the health of the body. However, too much sweet
food, sexual activity or alcohol can make them too strong or too
powerful, and then they cause diseases.41
Other natural causes of illness are, for instance, faulty diet, hereditary factors, hemp smoking and other toxins. It is interesting to
observe that, among Simpsons informants, non-healers spoke more
often about natural causes than did the healers, who were more
familiar with the powerful suprahuman and human forces and who
had a personal stake in healing.42 Perhaps the corresponding great
familiarity with and personal stake in herbalism of Buckleys informants are part of the explanation why Yoruba medicine, in their
view, is a basically naturalistic system.43 Besides herbal treatment,
there are indigenous methods used to perform, for instance, circumcision, scarication and bone setting. Traditional surgery, however, is largely carried out by Hausa experts who travel around
western Nigeria practising their trade.44 When there are epidemic
diseases, like smallpox, isolation and measures of disinfection are
means of dealing with the problems.45
While many scholars, such as Dopamu, Simpson and Oladapo,
emphasize the importance of rituals, incantations and magic that
are combined with natural types of treatment, Buckley stresses primarily the underlying rationality of indigenous Yoruba medicine.
Within Yoruba medicinal practice there is a strong element of critical appraisal akin to, although not identical with, the spirit of scientic
enquiry to be found in the West.46 Consequently, Buckleys informants and others constantly subject their medicinal knowledge to
empirical criticism.47
40
Prince 1964: 89; Lucas & Hendrickse 1971: 35; Dopamu 1977: 458; Wol
1979: 128; Simpson 1980: 98, 100 .; Oladapo 1984: 127; Buckley 1985a: 25 .
41
Ibid., 32 f. Cf. Simpson (1980: 3) who says that, according to one of his informants, the deity Obatala may attack people with worms.
42
Simpson 1980: 108.
43
Cf. further Leighton et al. 1963: 110, 113; Prince 1964: 88 f.; Maclean 1971:
125; Ayoade 1979: 49; Wol 1979: 128; Simpson 1980: 100109; Oladapo 1984:
109.
44
Asuni 1976: 4; Simpson 1980: 97.
45
Ajose 1957: 270.
46
Buckley 1985a: 159.
47
Ibid., 161
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INDEX
afterlife, 5051, 57, 72, 82, 8788,
103, 106, 176
agriculturalist peoples, 23, 14, 29, 33,
36, 41, 70, 82, 85, 87, 150, 189,
195196, 198
ancestors, 67, 36, 41, 50, 53, 65, 73,
8283, 85, 8797, 99101, 103108,
119121, 123, 127, 141, 143148,
154, 165, 169, 171, 180, 189190,
192, 201, 205, 211
Angola, 26, 3536, 50
anthropology, medical, 45, 8
Arusha, 1415, 2829, 31, 70, 7374,
77, 8283, 157, 160, 195, 203
babalawo, 131132, 137, 139140,
142143, 181, 214
Bantu, 12, 2526, 31 n. 26, 32, 35,
36, 43 n. 10, 54, 73, 80, 104, 119
n. 78, 152153, 162, 189, 195, 198
biomedicine, 6, 8 n. 28, 8081, 118,
162, 184, 193
blessings, 7, 67, 76, 95, 107, 127, 139,
156157, 158, 161, 176, 186
Botswana, 10, 12, 2528, 209 n. 6
burial, 50, 7273, 83, 106107, 130,
135, 144
Bushmen, 12, 25, 4243, 149, 151,
152153, 195196, 209
cattle, 2931, 33, 36, 69, 7778, 89,
162
Chagga, 31, 73, 80, 163
chiefs and chieftainship, 30, 34, 37,
39, 86 n. 9, 87, 89, 93, 107, 145,
150, 167, 169, 171172, 199201,
205
Christians and Christianity, 6, 13
n. 46, 15, 17, 19, 21, 23, 3233,
35, 40, 4244, 46, 48, 51, 69 n. 33,
7172, 73 n. 69, 77, 8182, 86, 88,
89 n. 29, 98 n. 66, 104, 115116,
118119, 122125, 134, 136, 142,
147, 171, 176, 187, 191194, 198,
200202
Church Missionary Society, 2021, 24,
38 n. 54, 122123, 136, 141, 187
circumcision, 31, 67, 143, 197, 215
236
index
index
237
STUDIES OF RELIGION
IN AFRICA
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