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Kasambahay On The Move
Kasambahay On The Move
Kasambahay On The Move
Research Methods
Dr. Mira Ofreneo
February 26, 2016
Abstract
Multiple studies have been conducted on the reasons why kasambahays migrate from rural
areas to urban areas. However, there are minimal studies on their personal experiences of
transitioning and adjustment. Through a qualitative design, with the interview as the main
method of data collection, we conducted a thematic analysis of four kasambahays who were
born and raised from different provinces. Results showed that their experience can be divided
into three stages pre-adjustment, adjustment, and post-adjustment, with the family as an
overarching theme. That being said, this has implications in the socioeconomic factors in the
Philippines with regard to domestic work.
Key Words: kasambahays, domestic workers, Philippine internal migration, adjustment,
Filipino values, pakikisama, family, thematic analysis
Kasambahay on the Move: The kasambahays experiential journey from small town to
big city
Many studies have been conducted on the reasons why kasambahays migrate from the
rural areas to urban areas. It has been found that most kasambahays take on their line of work
in urban areas in order to find financial stability, particularly as a duty to their family. Many
studies have been conducted on the sociological phenomena that make this migration
conducive such as the poor education and few financially stable opportunities in the
province that make kasambahays leave their hometowns and the gender roles at play and the
complicated urban lives that employers lead that make them hire these domestic workers.
Their occupation has also been found to have an impact on the identity of these kasambahays.
However, there is still a gap in our knowledge with regard to their personal experience as
they adjust to their new living situation.
Review of Related Literature
The Republic Act no.10361 or Domestic Workers Act defines the kasambahay as
any person engaged in domestic work in an employment relationship, whether in a live-in or
live-out arrangement, such as, but not limited to, general househelp, yaya, cook, gardener,
or laundry person, but shall exclude service providers, family drivers, children who are under
foster family arrangement, or any person who performs domestic work only occasionally or
sporadically and not on an occupational basis. De Guzman (2014) notes that, due to the
commitment of domestic workers to this profession, they end up sacrificing their family lives
since they would be separated from their families at a young age, usually for very long
periods of time. In cases where these domestic helpers are also parents, they must also engage
in long-distance parenting. However, they stand firm in their decision to work for they are in
need of the economic benefits this would entail.
To understand why some people endure the often unregulated conditions of domestic
work, we should have a demographic perspective to it. Though heavily concentrated in Metro
Manila, most of these workers (41.7%) come from rural areas, mainly from Western,
Central and Eastern Visayas, with the second largest group from Bicol - regions deliberated
as among the most economically depressed in the Philippines (Sayres, 2007). These regions
are low in employment opportunities but high in unskilled manpower, which can be inferred
as reasons to resort to domestic work.
Domestic workers also have lower levels of educational attainment than most of the
workforce, and are part of ethnic minorities (Burnham, Theodore 2012), and have less work
experience.
These demographics point to why most employers select them. Men and women in
urban areas have industrial jobs, therefore needing household help from those in rural areas.
Women and children in these areas are perceived as submissive, their lack of work
experience attribute to the fact that they would expect less from their work, and the economic
depression in their areas encourage them to look for higher paying jobs in the urban areas
(Sayres, 2007).
From the aforementioned studies, one could infer that such issues are the probable
reasons why a high incidence internal migration of Filipinos from rural to urbanized areas of
the Philippines has been observed. Results of these studies show an overlap of themes that
led to the reasoning of why Filipinos from rural areas want or need to migrate to metropolitan
cities family, socioeconomic mobility, survival, self-development, etc (Camacho, 1999;
Chant, 1998; Trager, 1984).
Due to the Philippines collectivist culture and relatively low socioeconomic status,
one of the prevailing themes among the articles was the family and how it has become an
influential factor in the decision-making process of these rural migrants. Camacho (1999)
points out how low SES children pursue work in domestic services to ease the financial
burden of their family by providing remittances that could greatly aid in providing education
for their siblings and relief to their parents. Trager (1984) and Chant (1998) were able to
point out how the Filipino concept of utang na loob could have convinced or pressured them
into migrating to the cities and into doing what is expected of them as dutiful children,
despite the uncertainty and difficulty of acquiring a job. However, several participants in the
study of Camacho (1999) emphasized that it was their personal decision to migrate and look
for a job, in spite of familial consultation. Camacho (1999) also noted how there were other
reasons for moving to the city to find work aside from the family that include personal
motivations, such as self-development, economic benefits, and financial needs for their
individual items.
There is also a pattern on how rural-urban migration has been broadly female
dominated in Southeast Asia wherein the work commonly involves domestic services and
other informal sectors (Chant, 1998). According to Chant, this is due to the surplus of
household labour in the rural areas, which are particularly keener on maintaining gender roles
typically assigned to women, such as maintaining and managing the household (1998).
Regardless of their limited employment options in the cities, domestic work and personal
services could provide strong economic rationale for womens rural to urban migration due to
traditional gender norms and expectations. There is also a trend wherein most of these
females are young and single when they migrated to towns or cities in search of employment
(Chant, 1998; Trager, 1984).
The above research shows that there is a convergence of broad social and economic
issues, gender norms and roles, traditional notions regarding family, and parenting.
Consequently, this also leads to the reconsolidation of identity in the experience of being a
yaya. This ultimately ends in a heavy personal burden on the yaya, manifesting in
transformed parenting strategies with her children in the province due to spatial distance (de
Guzman, 2014) and attempts to acquire new skills and roles and redefine relationships so that
they can identify themselves as more than "just maids" (Ueno, 2010). This emphasizes the
change that occurs within a person during the period of adjustment.
Statement of the Problem
With these things taken into account, this study aims to examine the experience of the
kasambahay in terms of migration from their home to the city, personal justifications of their
decisions in doing so, and, more importantly, the period of transitioning as they adapt to the
new environment. This study also wants to explore the perspectives of kasambahays with
regard to their preconceived notions of Metro Manila, as well as their very own self-image,
and how the images they had formed have changed or remained in the process of
transitioning. The questions that this study intends to answer are as follows:
1. What is the experience of a kasambahay specific to moving from the province to the
city and her adjustment to the new environment?
Method
To capture the experiences of the kasambahays transition towards Manila, this study
utilized a qualitative design, with the interview as the strategy for data collection. Once
information was gathered from our total of four participants whom we located through
purposive and convenience sampling, the group used thematic analysis to process and study
their responses.
Design
Due to the nature of the question, a qualitative design was used to find out about the
meaning and experience of kasambahays in an in-depth way. Specifically, a narrative
approach was used due to the chronological nature of the content being studied.
Participants
For this study, the group decided that the participants must fall under a set of
criterion: first, the kasambahays must be female; second, she must have been born and raised
in the province; third, they must have been between the ages of 18 to 25 when they arrived in
Manila; fourth, all of kasambahays must have resided in Manila and must have been with
their current employer for at least a year.
The project involved a total of 4 females currently working as kasambahays in
Filipino households. From that, one can already infer that our participants come from low
socioeconomic backgrounds, unable to acquire more than secondary education. All of the
participants came from different provinces one was from Cebu; another one was from
Masbate; and the other two was from Bohol. Three of the kasambahays Grace, Leslie, and
Maria, are young adults ranging from the ages 20 to 26. Additionally, they arrived in Manila
between the ages of 18 to 20. However, one of them was 33 years old when she set foot in
Manila, and is currently 44 years old. All the kasambahays have already resided in Manila for
more than a year now and have also worked with the same employer for more than a year.
Lastly, as aforementioned, the kasambahays were recruited through purposive and
convenience sampling, in which the group utilized the pagtatanong-tanong method to locate
such participants.
Materials
Our materials involved a recorder, an interview guide, a consent form, and tokens.
The interview guide contained the questions for the interview proper and the opening and
closing scripts. The opening script states the nature and the objectives of the research, while
the closing script expresses appreciation of the group and re-affirmation of their anonymity.
Moving on, the consent form explained their rights as participants of this study. Lastly, each
of the interviewers gave a token of appreciation to their corresponding interviewees.
Procedure
Individual Dreams
Lungkot and Takot
Lakas ng loob
Family
Big
Excitement
Adjustment
Reassessment of
Dreams
Hiya
Coping
Post-Adjustment
Contentment, utang
na loob and sanay
Current Dreams
Tapang
Kasi mas malaki kasi yung kikitain ko. Mas malaki ang maitutulong ko sa
pamilya ko pag dito ako talaga tsaka mas marami ako opportunity dito na
mapapabago ko pa buhay namin doon ba.
From these perceptions of Manila, the kasambahays are then led to experience
positive emotions, negative emotions, or even a mix of both with regards to their issue
regarding their likely move to the bustling city.
Excitement of moving to somewhere new. Some had positive feelings about
relocating to Manila because they are able to experience a new environment. Grace
mentioned how she was excited about her move to the city because she wanted to experience
a new environment, Oo, excited! Excited na kung anong meron dito. Siyempre malayo
basta, gusto ko mag-experience ng ibang lugar.
Coming from a low socioeconomic status, one could infer that the kasambahays may
not have the financial luxury to move around from one place to another or have long trips to
APPENDIX
A.
ninanais ko pong makipagkuwentuhan tungkol sa inyong karanasan bilang isang tagaprobinsya na kinakailangang pumunta ng siyudad at naging isang kasambahay. Ang
impormasyong maibabahagi niyo po sa amin ay makakatulong para makabuo ng mas
malalim na pagkakaintindi sa mga karanasan ng mga kasambahay tulad niyo. Nais po naming
maintindihan ang iyong pag-aadjust sa pagtrabaho dito sa Maynila at nais din po naming
maunawaan ang inyong damdamin, pag-iisip, at aksyon tuwing sa prosesong ito.
B.
Paano unang pumasok sa iyo ang ideyang maghanapbuhay dito sa Manila? Ano po ba
Maari niyo bang ikuwento kung paano kayo nakarating dito sa Manila?
1. May mga kakilala ka ba rito? Kaibigan? Kapamilya?
2. Naaalala niyo po ba kung ano ang iyong nararamdaman at naiisip sa panahong
naghahanda ka pa lamang sa iyong paglakbay tungong Manila? Ano po ba ang
nangyari?
D.
Bago kang lumipat dito, ano po ba ang tingin niyo sa siyudad na ito?
E.
Ano naman po ang tingin ninyo sa iyong sarili bago kayo lumipat?
1. Ano po ang inyong mga paniniwala at tingin sa buhay?
2. Ano po ang inyong mga pangarap?
3. Ano po yung ugali ninyo dati nung ikay taga-probinsya pa?
F.
Nang ikay nakarating naman dito sa Manila, pwede mo po bang ibahagi ang iyong
naramdaman?
J.
May nagbago rin po ba sa inyong sarili? Paano mo na nakikita ang sarili mo? Nang
L.
inyong mga nasabi, uulitin ko lamang po ang aking mga naisulat upang maikumpirma ito sa
inyo. Ibabahagi ko rin po sa inyo ang aking mga interpretasyon ukol dito. [Insert collected
information and interpretations here].
Maraming salamat po ulit sa mga impormasyong inyong ibinahagi sa akin.
Makasisigurado po kayo sa pag-ingat ko rito. Sa dulo ng pananaliksik ng aking grupo,
mabibigay namin po kayo ng kopya ng aming papel, kung inyo pong gugustuhin. Maraming
salamat po muli at pagpalain po kayo ng Diyos.