Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Mair 1988 Painting and Performance
Mair 1988 Painting and Performance
.{
Painting
and
Performance
CHINESE PICTURE RECITATION
Victor H. Mair
Sinologisch lnstituut'
Riiksuniversiteit Leiden
Arsenaalstraat
Wayng bbr scroll. Archiues Internationales d' Ethnogrdphie,'
16 (1903),
23oo
taf' 18.2.
MI
University of Hawaii Press
Honolulu
l,
RA LEIDENT
llolhnd
To Li-ching
i.fillr::n:nmi:'
T1",
re HL nanides, an independent
lederal{o.agency.
W*g
9,
of
Hsiu-chih
r_Tg Universigz of
Hawaii press
AI1 Klghts
Reserved t
Manufacfured
to,h.
Library of co'gress
cataroging-in-publication
Mair, Victor H., Ig43_
r.iipttXi1'#,*"'
P.
chinese recitarion
Data
ad its rndian
cm.
Bibliography: p.
Includes index
ISBN 0_8248_ltoo_3
l.
2. chi".r.
ti;;.:;,;il
1988
398.2'0951-dct9
pL2365.M35
.dic
influences.
and criticism.
f. iitle.
s8_2t591
irt;
Sinologisch lnstituut.
Rijksuniversiteit Leiden
Arsenaalstraat I, p.O. Box 9515
23OO RA LE|DEN, Holland
would suffer if
it were obliged to recognise the least influence
from the neighbours. Love of the country, like
love of God, can degenerate to stuPid fanat:cism; it would be necessary in order to satisfy
the maniacs of chauvinism, that aU arts, all
sciences, all discoveries, all inventions should
have grown out of the privileged soil that has
had the honour to bear them.
It
Sylvain Lvi,
L'Inde et Ie Monde (1928).
Cited and translated bY C- L. Fabri,
"Mesopotamia and Early Indian Art"' p.245'
Contents
Preface
Key Terms
Introduction
xl
xv
xvii
xix
I
t7
39
55
8l
tll
133
Bibliography
227
t9l
Abbreuiations
Works i1t European Languages
Chinese Studies, Texts, Translations, and Dictionaries
Japanese and Korean Studies, Texts, Translations, and Dictionaries
South and Southeast Asian and Buddhicized Central Asian Texts,
Translations, and Dictionaries
Near and Middle Eastern Texts, Translations, and Dictionaries
Films, Petformances, Lectures, tJnpublished Manuscripts, and
Personal C omnunications
228
230
253
256
267
Seen
259
265
265
Illustration Credits
269
brdex
271
lx
Preface
Ir
literature known
t*.
tions elsewhere.
It did not
xt
xii
Preface
Preface xiii
to Henry
l:'"-Tt"g
opened
picture-storytelring ma'terials
and Joan Ferguson of Intercurture Associates was
arso
ItT-Ott
Valentina Stache-Rosen and Jyotindra Jain for their letters on the same
subject. I am delighted that, just as this book was going to press, the Institute
for Medieval Japanese Studies at Columbia University sponsored a "Workshop on Painting Recitation" (November I4-I5, f987). The entire weekend
was most stimulating and informative. I was particularly pleased to learn that
Peter Chelkowski, Susan Slyomovics, Brooks McNamara, Sal Murgiyanto,
Barbara Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, and others are actively engaged in various
historical and theoretical aspects ofresearch on this emerging field. Jonathan
Chaves lent me much appreciated support by being one of the few Sinologists
who recognize the importance of Indian performing arts for the development
of Chinese folk literature. Alfredo Cadonna tracked down an elusive Italian
source and arranged to have a copy sent to me. My colleagues Ludo Rocher,
Barbara Ruch, V. S. Rajam, Frank Korom, George Cardona, Masatoshi Nagatomi, Peter Gaeffke, and Wilhelm Halbfass each read various portions of this
book in draft and offered much helpful advice. Ann Cheng kindly offered to
help with the preparation of the index and the proofreading. Finally, I would
like to thank Damaris Kirchhofer, editor at the University of Hawaii Press, for
the meticulous care with which she prepared my somewhat intractable manu-
script for publication and for her unfailingly kind and cordial manner in
handling all aspects ofits production.
The National Endowment for the Humanities contributed to the completion
of this long project by awarding me a Summer Stipend in 1984. I am deeply
grateful for this support from the Endowment.
While happy to acknowledge the munificent assistance received from
xiv .
Preface
others, I take full responsibility for all statements made and facts put forth
in this book. The special nature of the work presented herein has required
consultation with experts in many areas. The granting o{such help should not
be construed as an endorsement of any of the interpretations or positions here
advanced, for these are entirely my own.
It has been my primary intention throughout this book to offer as much
raw data as possible. Naturally, it is impossible to present factual matter in a
connected discourse without adopting some sort of interpretation. The interpretive framework for this study is what might be called the "Indian hypothesis." This hypothesis is only one attempt to make sense of the mass of
evidence that has been brought together here. It is offered in the spirit of
honest scholarly debate, and I welcome alternative schemes for bringing order
to the material presented herein. It is even conceivable that some who reject a
priori any suggestion of diffusionism may deny out of hand all possibility of
Indian influence upon the other traditions of picture recitation that are
discussed. I wish to reemphasize that what is important to me is the evidence
concerning picture recitation that I have laboriously accumulated during the
past dozen years, not any hermeneutical scheme which may be brought to bear
upon it. During the past decade and more, I have diligently and painstakingly
K.y Terms
bnkelsang German storytelling with pictures; also called moritatand several
other names.
etoki
Japanese
"picture explanation."
theiiteral
etc-
cloth."
Chinese Buddhist technical term meaning "change"' "ttansfotm"'
pien
'"strange
happening," etc. During the T'ang and Five Dynasties periods' it was
with
also used as the name of a literary geme (pien or pien-wen) dealing
art
ofvisual
type
manifestations and appearances as well as the designation ofa
(pien or pien-hsiang) dealing with the same subjects'
xv
Mujor Chinese
Dyrastic Periods
Shang
Chou
$y'4ing States
722-481
480-22L
ch'in
22L-207
265-3r7
317-420
Tng
Five Dynasties
420-58I
Six Dynasties
(those with capitals at
Chien-k'ang
[modern Nanking])
581-618
618-906
Liao
907-960
907-Lt25
Northern Sung
960-r126
Southern Sung
Chin
LL27-L279
Yan
Ming
1260-1368
1368-1644
Ch'ing
1644-19tI
tII5-t234
xvtl
A Note on
Transcription Schemes
and Method of
Reference
a"uriog with numerous languages, some of them not very
years'
well known in the West and others of them dead for at least a thousand
will
them
transcribing
for
ortomanization
it is inevitable that various systems
authorities
various
the
among
occurred
be encountered. where conflicts have
I'
consulted,Ihaveendeavoredtoregularizethemaccordingtoasinglescheme.
is usually a
Occasional discrepancies in usage may survive, however' and this
dialectical
to
due
variations
or
sources
result of the precise quotation of
chinese,
Mandarin
with
Even
time.
differences and linguistic change over
enormous
are
there
language'
"exotic"
which is no longer considered an
diffculties involved in any attempt to achieve consistency in transcription.
scholars
The standard chosen for this work is that traditionally accepted by
system.
wade-Giles
the
of
version
working in the field of sinology, a modified
translationisusuallyprovidedinthetext'Inthenotes'however'worksare
thetext,referencestoTun_huangmanuscriptsareprecededbyabbreviations
YIY
Painting
and
Performance
Introduction
7Tt
rl
women. The contents of pien-wen were both secular and religious (chiefly
Buddhist).
Both in t}'e pien-wen themseves and in contemporary historical writings,
there are subtle indications that this literary genre derived from a type of oral
storytelling with pictures called simply chuan-pien ffiF (literally, "turning
transformation [picture scrolls]," hence, "performing transformations").t
"Transformation" here ultimately refers to the illusory manifestation or representation of Buddhist figures. A full understanding of the term can only
be gained by reference to such Indic notions as nirmr.ta, vikuruarya, yddhipratihrya, and so forth, all of which refer to miraculous Powers of manifestation and all of which were translated into Chinese expressions that included
the graph for pien.2 Essentially, it was the task of the artist to represent these
manifestations on paper or silk, or in wall-paintings, in which case they may
be called pien-hsiang ffi.lfl ("transformation scenes or tableaux").r 'the pien
storyteller would then use tlne pien-hsiang as an illustrative device during his
performance. To "perform a transformation" thus signifes the realization or
animation by the storyteller-through various devices of his stock in tradeof the transformational figures and scenes on a picture-scroll.
Unfortunately, because transformation picture recitation in China was basically a folk tradition, there are very few details about it in the historical record,
fntuoduction
Introduction
survived, pelliot
Tun-h,rr.rt"'
deta')intheBibriorh;ue;r;;;;;;;::.tiliiilJ::1.]i;;i1ij,3J
reports for the year L4l6 is the following passage about Java:
They have a class of men who make drawings on paper of such things as men,
birds, beasts, eagles, or insects; [these drawings] resemble scroll-pictures; for the
supports of the picture they use two wooden sticks, three ch'ihlfeetl in height,
which are level with the paper at one end only; sitting cross-legged on the ground,
the man takes the picture and sets it up on the ground; each time he unrolls and
exposes a section of the picture he thrusts it forward towards his audience, and,
speaking with a loud voice in the foreign language, he explains the derivation ofthis
section; [and] the crowd sits round and listens to him. sometimes laughing, sometimes crying, exactly as if the narrator were reciting one of our expository tables
:i:'"1"ff J"'J;:T:lt:ll;:nl"E**",Xi**:
il:1;:itrtr
j:i,":
lp'ing-hual.8
on the basis of these observations, Gustave schlegel induces that rndonesian uayang bbr (storytelling with pictures) had a greater anriquity than
wayang purwa (shadow puppets) (see Chaprer 3). "ff the Wayang purwa (or
scenic shades) were played in Java in e.t. 1416, Ma Hoan, the most exact
chinese enthogfapher of Java, would not have failed to notice it. But he only
speaks of t}"e Wayang bbr, a long picture between two wooden cylinders,
and which is unrolled (ambbr) as the dalang, or representator, goes on with
his explanation."e Schlegel suggesrs that this passage logicaly implies that
there
been a common Indian
in
of storytelling with
may also be
S
1430-1434) A Record of Foreign Nations
across the Western Ocean, under the heading "Kingdom of Java,,(\EE).ro
Here and in Ma Huan's original account, it is clear that wayang bbr has been
directly compared by the Chinese observers to the popular genre known as
"expository tale" (p'ing-hua.+ or T). This comparison is of rhe utmost
significance and cannot be stressed too strongly, for it offers compelling
: il
fntroduction
(r260-t368) of transformation
simply thatp
Introduction
We might even go so far as to
a Sinicized name
with
Without Pictures
Written Expository Tale
(pen-wen)
Wen-lung ordered all of his attendants to go out. When Wang Tso saw that
all of the contemptible barbarians had indeed gone out, he took out a picture
f-arJ[f=J@t ,"a
it to wen-lung
l""t
,i ri,i pL'".:""'"'
"would Your Honor
then rlJ
;;':-r".isaving'
Please
wenJung ."..,.,"r'11
';;
took a rook H
(-Ei/gr,i;;".1^ll:t
that it was a storv
one Person t"
n pjctures
in" i.,J* whom
resembring t r,
,urn"..111 p'in""'
he seemed tJ te"'gni'"
;;';r";i:e
u,
a big hatt.r" utro
general and a dead
,r* .'le t"n ttut;;*;.in"*d
"t
woman in
tha rhere were
manv il;u
an' He arso saw
His Hon o*'"u", ",,,1?:"'" -, t".". p""-,.ffi ??r::::.wom
story js
:
come and
tell it ro,o".,Inu'
"please just
ru' wretch
vvrtched one?
" this,
I don't understand'
You
,,, -^ *^--,
the side. Your Honor,
t.r t. ,-#il; -orr",
i ;;,i:to
jt that it wiil be easier for me to
at the.picture.
;;;::i
cenrral parr of
is the state or Lu-an
China.
in the
luiil* dead
sovernor and *r, ,,ro,.fll "; s*''-'"
")
occupjed the posirion
t
r,f
,,,
of
ir#;:
r son, we5g name is a" ,1,1j
--- "-rD is Madame Hsieh'
riis is their
"wretched or,.,
"urk4/:t-l"t'8'"
-tung?"
ed Lu wen-lung, "how
is:it that he' too, is
rs
cared Lu wen,,you
just keep on ,u*",,. ,,
^_ -" ,"*
;:;:'.:il'l'":"1',;#lii:.;r#J',...ff .:'*i:,U
:t-r:rTii::"i:"t;:;;,':'.':.".
;'"i'i:i;;ilJi*":fi
*a ?"-r'..0 n,arready o*" in,,"
::*i;-ff:, i:::r;f:'
,31 "*"t'v
- --'-er' n"
upserrins?r,.
"Wretched One,,,
said
--.*
me.,,t7
"i'-,i":;ii,ri:';:*:::::,i:
lu wenJung, ,,it is
obvious that you
fntroduction
Introduction
are_
lor
It is obvious that the poet does not consider this individual to be a proper
monk. At the same time, however, the "man of the way,, clearly has religious
pretensions. As we shall see over and over again in the course of this study, he
is the sort of layman-entertainer who inhabits a niche in society that lies
between the sacred and the secular. In many cases, such persons are essentially
beggars and this seems to be the case with the "man of the way.,, This poem
is also important in that it makes a connection between the recitation of precious scrolls (pao-chan ffifr) and displayed illustrations.33 precious scrolls,
popular didactic tales in typically Indian prosimetric form dating primarily
from after the Yan period and dealing with Buddhist themes, are commonly
accepted by scholars as having derived from transformation texts (pien-raen).
This is the first evidence that, like oral transformation (pien) performances,
lO
Introduction
Introduction
they
various scenes in hell, more specifically, the horrors of
the;e".:"t{s_9f Y"=_: (god of the underworld) purgatory. The Ts'ang
County
perlormers were part of a branch of the White Lotus Sect (e) known
as
danqer of extinction.
The most striking new discovery about the western Kansu pao-chan
reciters
-Igl$J!-The
rolled up
flffi!
deca-
syllabic (3-3- sylables) and is sung to a number of fixed lyric tunes, about
half of which are specific to western Kansu. Some of the songs, such "Tune
as
(tr
seldom written
into the text. Short, pentasyllabic verse, which is chanted, occurs at
major
breaks in the text. The next prose section which follows is introduced
by the
of narrative
one scholar'who has been studying western Kansu pao-chan
performances
reports having witnessed a monk from the Ber Tower Tempre
for lanyears
in chiu-ch'an pointing at narrative wail-paintings in the main hail of
the
temple and telling the story of the pilgrimage of the T'ang monk
Hsa ,.-,.g
to India in search of scriptures. His prosimetric rendering
*us 6rifi"a_
tion ovisitors to the temple and devotees who attended its fairs.3a
Another
observer has provided a more detaired account of performances in
wu-wei. ,r
-::!.. * Every year during the fifth [runar?] month, a rotus fair would be li;rerd '
.:lr".
would
in one hand and a wooden stick in the other, reciting and singing whie
pointing at the scenes on the painting. The listeners, who were of both
sexes
and all ages, would surround the storyteller but fert free to
come and go as
they
_-H).
where multiple copies of a single text exist, they are never identicar
and
may even have entirely different titles. Each storyteller
adapts the story to his
,: '
fntroduction
13
i:-,:9lfgterformanc
cnuctn).
your heart.
x.+,,
T="fr+k,
,4i_,t.
Judging
twentierh cenrury,
,l"I
""rit".y ""
probabty
relared
Kansu pao_chan
of
the
representares l ,r.rgf"
popular Buddhist tradition -"or o.ul
also has wri*en derivatives.
'urt;;;",
o" done on
t<""' upao-chan.B";",,,"
*"t""
or,l'"
ormers,,,,1;;,';""r;",i:til,t:::;#ir,l;r:*::l*:
l::T:tr:::t
perf
According
ro the
on the Orrgrrc oj-rr"nts.and
fhings (f;fuftffi),
probabry wrirten somerime
^oes
berween r&;;; iosr,
a,rri'g celebrations of the
Ghost Festival (F
z fi,-middle or ,rr. ,.rr..rir, lunar month) ,,painted
sentations f Maudgalyyana
repre_
saving hi, _;;;;, are displayed,,
E
|H *f
#14'zz Though the rexr does not siy
r" ;l;;;y, ir is conceivabre
rhar these
_p.aintings were derived
T,ang
{om
evit'-hrs itie iurry
mst
f.1rJ^i""rformatign tuUt.u.,*.o
nd Mi ng oral
-{!g!,between T,ang
of precious r"Sii pool
1
14
fntroducion
Introduction
sellers of t,u-er
@fC. (peking colloquial
printed sheets wi
s u pp,y .,
ll,f
o,
",,."
u"r,.ilj...ticture").
p ,rr.i,"J|
l*rux,,jf "". 1;lifl :, *;
ir..or.i .;;;;;"";"_*lo"o m
rr," ."r"-ir];;,;
residenrs. rhose
who_w*"
one or rhe pictures.
":l;#;":l':'*
"
;i;
;;;:iil'iffi:
tieth century
tn
"
",
,o o.,n
*oauz ),r"r*ii'rn"earriest
.iupt". s
in
";o
'':-i.i:tri;,#:::::r;ii;'^+i:ii::"::r,,i'i::f
{i:-i::l'ti#,i,1i.',::!,:,!,{i'i:v,",";':i:'ti:
rf
,,puuing,.in
","h ""," i, u."r."";: ;l:1i:s^"^(.tyn-hua ff;t)
rharrhe"n";;';;i;;;:,, j.r,,T::rhe,pi*ures*"."",r,.J
;klilft ;*r#ilf.':ii'.;::H*fti
:::i"f ::::::fi*#;:iii:ilip:i?Hi,',ij";:*
presents
were possibre. one
-a.-"",
,.,0
;" ;i:ii
it- "
ie
ae
orher effecs
trJl"'","$:n*:*l::i:1;""'";i::t;:;
qvrLl trny
i+"""",:t};1Jfl
on
top
of rhe box.5r
rt"^,,^i
: ,""
^
movemenrs"r,n"o"sr.{'il1".ffTffi
Anorher painring
Meng chiang_n
(see
Figure nl o.oi",r
4a,
PuPpets housed
ifi'"r,'ffi +:l:
rhe rare
ii"r,". f.o-
atso,pop;rr;; ,rr,_hu"rg.
The
of rhe heroine
pi*ure. whjch is
pictures served
",
;;;;;;":i"nd
orlf.-"::
the
*fu*r**rqaia*ffi 'i{*,iffi
peepshow u-oarrrt.d',
i m pr,e d
i
:T
the showmn unwilting
*,-,
peepshow, he
J ro). or.,
i l,il i,l:l: :,""
u
; ;v"r nornr!
rcitation.
,;;;;:;"1::l'-i*"
cr.,r".lyT,,lt:l:td""
5"
was
his puppers or picures
in favor of the
;ii*ru:r*:',-"ifl '*'iTii':'t''""*'in'n"i"**o
and in the enterrainSirs
o".r.r"ih:i:]:
"ffi :l';';:'i:11i,:.i:,:"T:::i:':;i,J,''i":l
;;'.i'
:::'fta1dr'io*)fri::i;:1;,'J:ji'
would sing *r,ii" o"uting
."1
;J ;;
l5
5).
ibtd still
tn
war-55
(kao_t,ai
-uy
Even
Purpose. The altar consists of hanging narrative picture-scrolls. on the pictures are brief inscriptions in cartouches that describe the scenes depicted.
It
is noteworthy that the dramas enacted are the same as the stories
deiicted on
the hanging scrolls (e.g., the Tng monk Hsan-tsang's pilgrimage
to the west
16
fntroduction
Picture-storyte lling in
Ancient India
TA7
lrtt
V V"
B.r.E.
beginning as earry
vmana's Kasika in the seventh century, generaily
ih"t pinini was
"gr."
referring to images of gods made by a lo* o.a of
rairmns (deuataka).3They
earned their living by carry_ingapicture of the
god siva or so. othe, g'oa t odoor to door and begging from people. The cJmmentaries
make the very fine
point that such pictures had different names when intended
for sale and when
as
in storytelling.
l8
Chapter
I
Picture-Storytelling in Ancient
BaIi)"'it is proper to
and, granthika
("reciters") represent them as actuary
rrupp"rirg in front of the audience.
rn the first prace, what we shourd
.ror.
bring about the kiringof
"on....ring the aubhikais that they
"How in respect
granthika [Iiteralty,,,binder,,]?,,
(onlv)ro-ora-binaing. whrte they deiineate
rheir destinies
To tihe
r",;li:J::l;':.*
incidenrs",n"oo.",'fjl:no.I:i,:,i"ir*'fi
Therefore'
.J;,1ff t::,::
katham
I
r ye uad ete obhanik nrnaite pratyaksa,t
Karyzsaln
ghtayanti pratyakaaT c.a Barir-n bandhayanttti
citrequ katham I citreu apy udgunla
nipatita ca prahr driyanre Kamsakasanyai I
ca I granthikeru i*n- yliro
mo_
gaQumatrar4 raksyate t,e
hi tra- uipoiprabhyty a uinaad
I
_'pi
Tddhtr uyacaksana
sato buddhiuiayan prakayanti
| ta ca sato uyamir hi dyyante I kecit Kam_
sabhakt bhauanti keci.d Vasudeuabhakth
I uamanyatuam khalu ,r,
Orr'rrr, Ti!*
raktamukha bhauanti kecit katamukhah.c
Heinrich Lders was of the opinion,
and went far toward proving, that
this
from the Mahabhasya on saubhika incruded
a r.fr.nc.?o pi"trr..
showmen or, more particurarry, to
shadow prayers.T He arso tried to
show that
these representations were uriimatery
retaied'to the ancient origin of Indian
drama proper' A. B. Keith, howev".,
took vehement exception to Lders,
views on,the subject, trling to estabrish
an origin for rndian theater more
akin
to that of Greek drama.s yet neither
are the da's of Keith,s highry
technical
argument concerning this particular
passage clear nor is rris cciu*.,
vincing' what is more, the research
"orr_
of tlr.iu., majority of reputabre author_
ities (e'g', Albrecht weber, Arfred
Hilebrandt, Moriz winternitz, Richard
Pischel, Ananda
passage
Coon
wh'e
dirrering. on o
"i"u',
There has been a tremendous amount
"T; "ifi1e,
of controversy on
whether saubhika
*piii1iJ;ii",ff
i.i:. i
of this
book, particularry those on rndonesia
and odern rndia (see chapters 3
and 4).
Asian folk entertainers, furthermore,
often speciarized (and st'r do) in severar
India
19
closely related genres. Hence Lders' scholarly efforts to prove that the word
Saubhikainthe Mahabhaqyapassage under consideration refers to the shadow
The
2.
7. p4i_suarika or
Picture-Storytelling in Ancient
o,
.;;;o::::,;,i,::,"i:i!!,:';Aii",:j:,::,::"i"il:umen,s,hrough
';::::" !;i:iij,"i*g.o1.,,i#'i;ire11 rbr which the commenraror
e ta nghik a,*_ o;,,ilir:i:
.; ;",;; :;;,*
mounting exercjses by means
i: i;:;:*x}
of bamboos
Jr,-a .op"r;,
".
'" :T::3:;:ika (has ih" *o.d ";;; io ao *it prayers wirh jars and
'
12 duis,at-a.bhr,t*I{!:"2"::J:
:
i:^
;j*,i::,;:,,,i::);,_"",rir,"r,,
;;;ffi;'
* ov ",,.,","g il,;;.;;",
;'.:::;'fi*:'
'##:W;l'";p"-h"p'
"
'"
r6'
_
'
17
bhert-amkha-mridairya-patahika
(music-prayers
r--r -^- through kettre_drums, conches
or trumpets, tabors, and
war_drums);
teava-panaua-uer1u-uarar"t-e*aasirt
a-udatca
[prayers on the musicar in_
srrumenrs calle d turlaua
i:'i?":i:^r"::'(the
ramous
t"ioi-ti,.;
n gu1,u**(;.;;;;',:rTii;o*l
of tndauar franric
"li:ff":r:jiiJJr*
:.'if;#*:.',::f ::i''J:;':;:::#"!"'?'ulil,r."^;1li:i',".ff
tambours and tambourines
and ail kinds of
song well executed' musical
instrumenrs and
; ff:
"Jumpers and wrestlers
o u." here, and a sight of jugglers
literaily,
;:i:1,.',Ti:::
;,
uv n
"
u".
".,,
Here there
is no question about
what sort of showmen thrhp
6n",t t;t-- _._e Saubhika
were. since
they are matc hei wtti-mayakra.
This latte, a".."-"t
rn dian dramaturgy
wir, ir,"
_*",
"s
4i,s"
"
:i."jj:: i"i
stored up.,
(ll)
#:::]
Combatsofelephants,horses,buffaloes,bulls,goats,rams,cocks,andquails.
2I
"':::?ii:":.;;:;:.1;#'"'*ll,i::";::i:il::'in..,,
zt'
India
Gandharva' He cites
a pri
it
in
re-
22
Chapter
Picture-Storytelling in Ancient
on it.
r,r-"":',::it;i:ffii'?"Tif,:
horrors ofhell.
go astray.28
source;
porn,iiao*u q,,^
tralshieratio n forpat(a)
pa'ubha'25
]<alhmandu
In Tibetan Tantric
Buddhism, the"equivaren t
croth."
rhii
*orjfo.
pa(a) is
co
23
And I have already shown in the Introduction that indirect evidence for Sung
picture-storytelling indicates that one layout could have more than one scene
sh
India
,^iit;ffi:i1i ff"i,,17
l-"-
Sanskrit:
utlcuta
iobhika
English translation
of Sanskrit:
walking on tiptoes
or heels3l
picture showman
or storyteller
Tibetan:
bshugs'
mdze.s.
rg)tan
English translation
of Tibetan:
phreh
thogs.
sit(ting)
fair; handsome;
decorate;
beautiful32
string; thread;
ornament,
decoration
carrying
Chinese
lfi#i"
ry#
English translation
of Chinese:
turning; revolving
a necklace
haraka
precious stones;
things strung
together:a
adornment;
ornament
mayakara
roa
prthu
English translation
of Sanskrit:
making illusions
form
many;
Tibetan:
sgya.ma'mkhan.po
English translation
of Tibetan:
illusion master
English translation
of Chinese:
dancing
stn' gar.byed
and dance_doing
rffiffi
of
Sanskrit:
Chinese:
nytya
bearer; gambler
Szugs
man
form; statue;
manv;
various
Ek7
.rE
#t3
like an illusion
form
many;
dance
dar[an]i
all
showing; dispaying
kun
du
various
all; pervading
[accusativemarker] showing
various
all
drama
and
various types of
entertainments
ni
dait
stun
ffi
displaying, manifesting
Sgl lgr l
q;l*e
i l lg [
iIr
l *-
i1i1ii[
r-l
I
(h
|-l
rl
0a
g|[rt
N)
26
Chapter
jiam
caQapaQantam ll
E qa
After the spy has completed his mission, he reports to Cnakya: "spreading
out the Yama scroll,
gldaim gaidum)."
This tradition of picture-storytelling about hell has continued into this very
century. But, in his Beast and Man in India, John Lockwood Kipling rernarked
on the degenerate state of yamapattaka inthe late nineteenth century:
One of the most popular pictures sold at fairs is a composition known as D armraj,
of Yama lsicl, the Hindu Pluto, and also used broadly for justice. The judge
is enthroned and demon executioners bring the dead to receive their doom. The
river of death flows on one side of the picture and those go safely across who hold
a cow by the tail, while others are torn by terrible fishes. Citragupt, the clerk or
recording angel of Yama, consdered to be the ancestor o tine Kayasth or clerkly
caste, sits in an office with account books exactly like those ofa Hindu tradesman,
a name
and according to the record ofeach soui, punishments or rewards are given. For, as
a popular native saying has it,-"God looks out of the window of heaven and keeps
acco\tr't." Duts or executioners torture offenders, while the blest sail upwards in airborne chariots.a5
21
Whoever is rising in power may break the agreement of peace. Carpenters, and
other spies, attending upon the prince (kept as a hostage) and doing work under the
enemy. may take away the prince at night through an underground tunnel dug for
the purpose. Dancers, actors, singers, players on musical instruments, buffoons,
court-bards, swimmers, and saubhikas(?), previously set about the enemy, may
continue under his service and may indirectly serve the prince. They should have
the privilege of entering into, staying in and going out of, the palace at any time
without rule. The prince may therefore get out at night disguised as any one ofthe
above spies.a6
with
Brahmin Gobahula
,hrowing
"*
k;;;;J;:dil:;:.::T #;:;Ji:T",1::::.;::i"*,
"^iil'o',,f"i;#:t:l:'*'*
MarTtkhatinamarp
se
Y:;:#i;;:;;-:#;#;',:::;':":::;;:;:::#':,:::;?:'#iJM
The account goes on to say
how he went from house to house
cotecting arms
and named his son ,,Cow?en_m"",,
ta.lii"i because he was born there. The
Bhagavatt-sutra
*h.n
exrr2ctsa,msby*,Jpi"1i::i:iiif
was, however, not
(
":?f;f;"":;*::::n,#
of
Jain"rr"."",,,-of uncertain
uyagrakara-bhiksu-uiesa,a,,kindof
beggarrJ"ir:r'r".:::iii::l:::ft
;1i:"i:rj*;l*r,
m e
rir
on
e,
L|,a'
sairs-ra-cakra nd depicting
ari that was there on the
, ;: i:
;:i
_...
i,.n,
**:l;
i,;
rr,.
subhuman being' and with
prenty of merit and a iittre sin one
is born as a man:
everywhere' however, there is
-ise.y. a king with great sin to his credit goes to heri.
A king with hunting paraphernalia
*."1 ,i". ,i.r. *u, u thief suffering awfully
""ry
as a
29
for his deeds. The cultivators were ill treating the beasts of burden and causing
injury to one-sensed beings; and they arone had to suffer for their sins. one carried
only puryya lmerir] and ppa [sin] wirh him, and left everything behind, on rhe eve
ofdeath. Young men enjoyed various pleasures, and they were painted on the scro[.
Similarly, men in various professions and positions, proud of this and that, were
depicted, with the consequences of their acts etc. In the subhuman world there were
the various beasts and birds, killing each other. Then there were painted the scenes
in hells, and also those in heavens. Lastly, there was the picture ofLiberation which
is characterised by eternal bliss. . . . when he unfolded the scenes of this Sarhsracakra, I could realize the despicable character ofthe worldly life; and I told him that
he must be a god or so coming from heaven, with this scroll, having some definite
purpose in mind. Then there was another picture the details of which he explained
thus: 'Here in the town of Camp ruled the king, Mahratha. Dhanadatta was a rich
merchant; from his wife Dev he had two sons: Kulamitra and Dhanamitra. soon after
their birth, the father died; and the mother urged them to do some business and earn
their living. They practised varied professions and tried their hands at different arts
and crafts; but they proved failures everywhere, with no earnings to their credit.
They decided, at last, to commit suicide; and when they were about to jump down
a mountain peak, a divine voice prevented them from being rash. It was the
admonition of a great saint in the vicinity who knew their plight and who advised
them sympathetically to take to renunciation, so that they would never be born poor
again but would get heavenly happiness and liberation. Both of them entered the
order, practised austerities, and were born in heaven. Thence one was born as
Bhnu, the son ofSirirha, i.e., yourself; and I, the teacher or painter, am the second.
I have come here to enlighten you.' Hearing this, I, Bhnukumra, fell into a swoon,
and on coming to my senses, found in that teacher a brilliant god who reminded me
of our earlier births and urged me to accept renunciation with a view to attaining
eternal bliss. on hearing this, I pulled out five handfuls ofhair, received the ascetic,s
equipment (rayahararla, muhapottiya, and paQiggahal, and left the park to the
great consternation of my friends etc. who rushed to the king. The god brought
me here." The prince appreciated his autobiography and his obliging brother.
Mahendrakumra accepted samyaktva
[perfection] which grew more and more
firm.se
By the time this novel was written, picture explanation was apparently no
onger solely a low-caste occupation. Note that in uddyotana-suri's descrip-
30
Chaprer I
Picture-Storytelling in Ancient
ili:iXilJr..,;.:,f:
justwishedrohave,.J:,'l:;i:'::i:i::;i:iJ:*;":
India
31
had gold sufficient to make ornaments for her, she would marry and accompany him.
He, being pleased, took her away and gave her the box with the thousand dlnras.
She made it over to her father, who handed over the box as well as the culprit to the
King.
Narrating such picture tales, O Ngari, Vainayika stole the paddy ofthe listening
sellers. Now I will tell you another story narrated by him:
In the town of Dharmapura, there was a merchant, Ngadatta, who had a servant
named Vainka. One day, as he ploughed a sugar-cane plot, he found hidden wealth
and wished to make it his own. In order to test his wife, he pretended to be pregnant
and told her about his pregnancy on the condition she should not disclose it to
anybody. But she did disclose the strange news, so that all the ladies in the town
came to know it soon.
Then Somaarm told Ngari the third story:
An old woman, Gamhblr, of Haripuri had a daughter named HariTi, who was
married to Vasudatta, a merchant of the town of Jayanta. Harini was pregnant and
longed for sweets. Gambhir prepared some sweets and left for her daughter's town.
On the way she happened to meet eight robbers. To escape from them, she stopped
one of them, pretended that he resembled her own son, who had left home twelve
years back, and then as a mark ofherjoy invited all ofthem to her daughter's house
for dinner and rest for the night. She took them to her daughter's house, arranged
for their bath, had them served with hot gruel, and then raised the alarm from the
top ofthe house crying "Thieves! Thieves!" Alarmed by the treachery ofGambhrr,
all of them ran away. But she, with the conviction that her victims would burgle her
daughter's house that night, kept herselfalert, armed with a sword. The thieves did
come and cut a hole in a waII of the house, and as one of them attempted to enter
through it, the watchful Gambhrr cut off his nose with her sword. He, pretending
difficulty in getting through, cme out and asked a colleague to get in. His nose too
was cut. Thus all of them had their noses cut. Leaving that place, they committed
burglary in the house of a sorcerer, stole his box and carried it to the cemetery. They
also stoie a sheep, which one ofthem killed and started cooking it while the others
siept nearby. The thief, who was cooking, opened the box, found the sorcerer's
robe, mask etc., put them on and stood by the side ofthe fire. The sleeping thieves
awoke, looked at him and, taking him for a demon, rar' away. He, too, taking the
meat followed them in fun. After covering some distance, he threw away the robe
and the mask, gave his identity to his partners and distributed the meat which they
all ate and went ahead together. After some days, Gambhrr started for her home
early in the morning. After covering some distance, she, with fear of robbers,
ciimbed a banyan tree. By this time the same robbers arrived and one of them
climbed the same tree to see if there were any travelers at a distance. He saw the old
woman and enquired who she was. She told him that she was the deity residing in
that tree. He asked her whether she would accept him as his spouse. She agreed to
do so on the condition that he should keep a piece of meat with his tongue in her
mouth. As he did so she strongly bit his tongue and consequently he, raising the
alarm, fell to the ground. Then all of them started running away, whe4 Gambhrr
announced that they should keep in the cavity of the tree the eighth part of each of
their booties; otherwise, she would swallow them. Every day the robbers kept the
eighth part of their booty there and Gambhr secretly came and took it away. Thus
the old woman ruled the band ofrobbers.
pifture
_.lainting
vainayika
ta.les
stole paddy in
paddy as twenty
wl
jii:*-",il,'lf
,,.k
rn",".u.'rr.:;i
Picture-Storytelling in Ancient
"o
explaining them
,:::.:."j'#.1i*#:,'"',ffi
p;;;)':'sured
rhe people,
#jii+:;,iii
o;Jr.':,
.r. th.""
*n.o ri{"' : #j;:::;:.;3:.= o "y, t " s" i,,,i' .,i,",,",",,
,,,:"u,
tn: and compiained to
found out the rreachery
rhe ^-'LL,
;;;;r.tanagara'
of
l,nt
uy wnose order these
the stake.6o
three were being
led
L"g".,l*
to
of
".rton picr ure_srorytei ling with d js
L1"^::"r
types is not
surprisino in lish,r;r
e ;',;
a n d pr a c e
s.
*, _ oi t' s j m ilar descri
pti on s rrom
rr
,,r"t,
enrerrainers and
were
'
:lffl
and cirra("variegared,,,":t^-'i"
;:*'
j:::
hence,
relationsh^if,'0";""'
"picu;ttti ""t*
written
"o--".rtary
on it to which I shall refer momentarily:
"Brethren, have ye ever seen a picture which they
call a ,show_piece?,,,
rntheAthasa,,r,,iiJ?!.u'rv"'ptiuu;;r",i1'f:Ji:i"t"bvpopurar
*,ff ;'J:',j;i
in
33
"Yes,
i'J;Ti::1i::
.*
India
fourth
n ctu ("consciousness")
lord."
ll
pi kho bhik-
ll
ll
1163
parently upon the outer faces of the four piece-boards serving as walls)
the various
kinds of representtion of happy or woeful states of existencJ accordig
bad destinies, and causing the labels to be inscribed to the effect:
deed, one attains to this stte." "Having done that, one attains
to good or
"uaviigdne this
to that state.,,Thus
showing different destinies, they wander about with these pictures.oa
34
Chapter
Barua has summarized and analyzed some of what can be gleaned from the
l.
That these sectaries were Brahmins by caste and known by the name of
2-
Nakha;
-rhat they wandered
about in the country, taking with them movable or
3.
pictorial representations;
6.
That painting was just one of the arts whereby they tried to inculcate their
doctrines and secured support ofthe people;
9- That here one may trace the origin and antiquity of the Indian folk-art,
Patacitra, which, as a means of popular instruction, developed side by
side with ballad-recitation and similar art of narration or story-telling.
The subject-matters changed according to exigencies of time and according to needs ofthe teaching to be imparted; and
10. That these pictures contained continous representations of successive
stages in the progress ofa story in order to have a scenic effect.66
There are two passages in the poet Bna's account of King Hara, Hara_
carita, that give a vivid account of picture-storytelling in seventh-century
India. The first is a simie: "Like those who depict infernoes
fyarnapatikahl,
loud singers paint unrealities on the canvas of the air
fambaral.,' z The second
is a full description of a lively street scene, which I shall quote in full:
No sooner had he [Harsa] entered than in t],'e bazaar street amid a great crowd of
Picture-Storytelling in Ancient
India
35
Mat-pitr-sahasrar.ti, putra-dr-3atani. ca
Yuge yuge uyatltani, kasya te, kasya ua bhavn?68
I
Here is a real picture showman, one who is not masquerading in that guise as
did the spy in Vikhadatta's Mudrrakss. The performer seems to be
holding a painted canvas in his left hand and pointing to it with a reed wand
hed in the right hand. This would resemble in format the modern Rajasthani
Ramdla type of picture-storytelling (see Chapter 4). C. Sivaramamurti quotes
this passage from the Harsa-carita and remarks that "During temple festivals
in South India there are always picture-showmen who carry yamapals in one
form or another for the amusement of children and their own living." og This
tells us something about the who, what, when, why, and where of yamapata.
All of the available evidence indicates that the situation was not very different
for transformation performances in China.
In the short play Dutavakya that is based on incidents from the Mahabharata, also attributed to Bna, Duryodhana, the enemy of the PTdava
brothers, asks that a citrapata ("painted cloth") be spread out in front ofhim.
On it are depicted ten different scenes that constitute a narrative sequence
dealing with the mistreatment of Draupad wife of the Pndavas, by Duhsana
(a son of Dhrtarstra). Each scene is first described in prose with the following
formula: "This (esa) is [the place/time/scene where/when] XXX [happens]," or
"Here XXX [happens]." This is then folowed by a verse passage emphasizing
some aspect of the scene. The same is then repeated for the next scene.70 The
formal parallels to transformation texts cannot be ignored. Before the verse
sections of transformation texts, there is a consistent formula: "the place
ne, daughter, why you have taken to silence. Make your grief easier by sharing it
with me. When I know your grief, I shall proceed to the business of curing it. For a
treatment of an unknown disease is not right." She then told Pa?dit an exact
Hrth she painted that. For i:ertainly one person does n9t know
what has
been exPe-
xhced by another Pal{it agreed, and went to Srimati and told her
everythinga remedy
In the quasi-historical-biographical
".r.r_t*:r-ffDurdar3ana,s
came rhere.
;il"*x:..iii:l1i:i;*iti
*i'1;i.jl::::ff
for
fainting, afte;e
ful"
".orrrrr. l-lro-ilto"
his
had
birth,and",,n",,rilr",iiL,i:':i,:,,ff
;:l'Til:ii",t
n*ola
**
g*
"p,
;;;;;r rr"r",
Ji;ij,**ffi :f #,n*i
exctry
-vg;;,,. u,nu
agrees
with what is
he
Recognized as a o"..nr.1""
accounroryourr.._Jloffi
and Svayamprabh is
vor" *ir"''o;;;iJ,
Nandigrma'
of_karma she
a tr*.'girt i'
she painred her own
rife and
I went to otrr.*""Jal have searched for you out of
as she is. So,
""_;;;;;"T"uikha4rda. I shall lead'you to her
*r"*o"i"r.i:::::?
From recolectio.,
Presence. piriable
t"
j*;
"::'H'i,:l-*;l*;::*
is
ort". ro]"*1.irrn,
i,r"o.*.'ii"";r"1"".,*:J,,:i:,i,ffi
i:,".#**:i*ru:
{{:ii:,'i:,:'*l#::.i'"111i:,i1ry'..*,'r.i"oa"r,*"o
;;,"#'I,ffi:::
;,;#:3;*r':"'1.":;;:i:i::ff
r, (looking) like a
sale, went
elsewhere.
n","i". *iu*_
tri;xi:;r,i[::"',-;;iii.iffi i,l]iitii:']*;t
madam when r ,"* it, i
rui.,t" d;, ;;;*iri::.":i _ru"Ti:::
?fJ""r:;
Srrprabha.
:Xi:T:r':ii.'; ;::11"
i'
**,rtppt,g*;:t:.t;#":
g.*
"-
on
iut*
it will
in mind.
"
RUSSIA
Karakorum
MONGOLIA
SINKIANG
CHINA
TIBET
-.,
MONGOLIA
mop area
o Sngim
"
a
Kucha
Gobi Desert
Toklqmqkon Desert
1'
,.J:^
HIN
Khotan
CENTRAL ASIA
A
TIBET
t'
rrl
T-fl--
150
300 krn
''
100
200
,'d
300 mi
'f+
ld rJ
HYr
J
uit,
ii*
,'
ffici ffi
i[
ssigi i ii
r
}o lJ
r,F+Fr
F{
ss8
\o
ii iil
+;+ i[s f*ii
''
v)o
lt tg
f+'
3
EF{ N)
ql
ct
JHir
llo
Fo
I rr
40
Chapter 2
Iranian sounds with enthusiasm and broke fvar. analyzed them into [equivalent]
Chinese meanings. They thought carefully as they translated and each wrote down
what he had heard. When they returned to Karakhoto, they assembled [it all] into a
single work. After that, they crossed the shifting sands and brought [the book]
back to Liang-chou
ffi/'1,1.6
The stra was subsequently (in the first part of the ninth century) translated
into Tibetan by 'os-grub (1f,ft) of Kansu.T The filiation of the text is rhus as
follows: India --+ Khotan --+ Turfan --+ Kansu (China) --+ Tibet.
Willi Baruch has brought to our attention the widespread existence of
a Maitreya cult in Central Asia that is known from artistic and literary remains.s Among these is an extremely important text for our study of the
Centra Asian parallels to transformations, transformation texts, and transformation tableaux, namely, the Uighur version (Maitrisimit) of the drama
Maitreyasamiti (Meeting with Maitreya). The Uighur text was found at Sngim
near Turfan by Albert von Le Coq, who explored the area for the Berlin
Academy of Sciences during the first two decades of this century. According
to one of the colophons, this translation into Old Turkish was from an original
in the language of Karashar (Toyr tili, i.e., "Tocharian"; the speakers of this
language preceded the Uighurs in the Tarim Basin) that was written in the form
of a prosimetric dramatic narrative.e According to Paul Demiville, the Uighur
follows the Tocharian closely.0 A Khotanese (a middle Iranian language)
version, on the other hand, is all in verse. One ofthe colophons to this version
provides the interesting information that the copyist was assisted by a spiritual master named Punyabhadra.
As Sylvain Lvi has shown. the "Tocharian A" Maitreyasamiti-nata.ka,
discovered by the German expedition in the region ofKarashar at a place called
Shortchouq, has "comme tant d'autres oeuvres de la mme region, le caractre
d'une lgende dramatique o Ia rcitation chante et la forme dialogue
alternent. . . ." 1r According to Lvi, this genre is designated by the Sanskrit
word naaka ("dance, drama") as is indicated in the colophons of the Maitreya
samita. The sections of this drama, which carry the name nipat or nipant (any
connection to par, pat, etc.?), end with a sort of stage direction lcr po.sri :
Sanskrit niSkrantah sarue ("no one remains on stage; exeunt omnes"). The
eleventh chapter, for example, ends thus: "ll lcr pons ll Maitreyasamiti natlakam Guruf daram oma ciksapint nipAfi | Everyone exits; Ends the t lth
chapter with the name "daran ('display' or 'showing') [of the Teacher] from
the drama Maitreyasamiti." 12 Formulas such as praueiakkar (Sanskrit praveSakah samapta, "the intermezzo finishes"), too, are unmistakable.13 What is
perhaps even more remarkable is that the Maitreyasamiti-nataka andthe Sutra
of the Wise and the Foolish, the ancestor of the transformation on Sriputra and
the Six Heretics, bear so many similarities of content and detail that it is
impossible to believe they are unreated.14
|
Asia
4I
apparently with different roles assigned to each other, put on some such work as
Maitrisimit or a scholarly discourse between a master and his students. These
relgious texts for delivery were not canonical, but they were composed by authorities on the iastra(docir'ardisquisitions) with the aim ofattracting the people to the
holy teaching through examples from life and with the stimulus of al sorts of
magnificent displays.
rs
Elsewhere, von Gabain has spoken more directly of the textual authority for
atta?,, t6
von Gabain's analysis has prompted Demiville to make the brilliant suggestion that krn corresponds to pien-hsiang.rT Before attempting to find some
textual authority for this correspondence, a closer examination of krn is
necessary.
42
Chapter
entire Jtaka or a section ofit) as one that was to be recited aloud or possibly
performed by actor-monks during religious festivities. During these performances, portraits ofthe figures to be activated (Bodhisattvas or other Buddhist
deities) or pictures of various scenes might have been used. The basis of this
assumption is the uighur word krn (literally, "something to look at or to
watch," "spectacle"), which seems to be the functiona equivalent in this
context of Sanskrit nataka ("dance,,, ,'drama,,'or ,,show,,), by which the
Tocharian version of Maitrisimi calls itself.
A passage from the suu artapr ab ha s a[utt amar aj af- sutr a (" Golden Splendor
Sitra," ft!1ffi ffi E ffi, translated into Chinese during rhe sixth century and
twice later) allows us to gain a better understanding of the word, krn.28
Although there exists a sanskrit text of this sutra, because of obvious differences with it, both the chinese and uighur versions discussed here must
have been translated from a different sanskrit text.2e The corresponding
passage in the sanskrit would be expected to be found between chapter 5 (,,on
Emptiness") and chapter 6 ("On the Four Great Kings,,). Unfortunately, it is
not and so we will be unable to establish an exact equivalence between krn
and a given sanskrit word. But the passage is worth studying in some detail for
the light it shines on the relationship between uighur krn and,its chinese
parallel, huan!)
in this particular passage. A single sentence will
-"illusion"
Asia
4i
illustrate this relationship: "anta yilvilning tzin tpin y(i)ma atirdlig bilirlttir
... birk ol krnftci"; Tekin renders this as "although they recognize precisely the root and the ground of that sort of enchantment. . . . ,, o The matching chinese sentence in the rranslation of I-ching *S (637-713, the famous
monk who spent twenty years in India, half of them at the Nland monastery)
is "understands the root of ilusion" (T \fif;.rt
It must be noted, however, that the chinese word huan does not consistently
correspond to the Uighur krn throughout the passage. Evidently, the
translators of both texts were not absolutely rigorous in their renderings. And,
in general, the chinese is laconic while the uighur is prolix. For this reason, the
two words may be spoken of as parallels rather than equivalents. what is
important, none the less, about the overall match betwe en huan and, krn is
that it proves that krn, in Uighur Buddhist usage, not only means ,,sight or
appearance" but, more exactly, "illusory sight or appearance.', This brings us
even closer to the meaning of pieninchinese Buddhist contexts when we recall
that there existed the sanskrit present middle participle uikuruamarla (i.e.,
uikuruana, "transforming [i.e., manifesting] illusions,,) and that it was ren_
dered into chinese as pien-huan ffi!). Here we find pien and. huan linked.
together in the same expression.
Another passage from the uighur translation oft]ne suuarryaprabhsa-sutra
he us to gain a still clearer understanding ofthe Buddhist understanding of
uft t;n.rr In his etymological dictionary of Turkish, Gerard Clauson quotes a
sentence from it (6a.6) that reads as follows: yaruktu! krkdelerin orun orun
sayu koQu yarltkap.33 He renders this as "[The Buddhas] deign to show their
shining replicas in all places." The equivalent sentence in the chinese translation of I-ching is "manifested various bodies; these are named transformation
bodies (i. e., nirmanakay a)" G.ffi ffi . ft. & IL q) :n N ow nirmanakay a is some-
times also rendered in Chinese as pien-hua shen @,11,fr. Hence we may once
again conclude that
is well within the range of meanings covered by
Buddhist pien.
_
{t"ar-
incudes ref-
If anyone, from day to day should [make a wish.] saying ,,Would that my harvests
grow greater! would that my wealth increase! would that my granaries grow full!,"
then they with devout and fithful hearts, making a new house and besmearing the
ground with ox-dung, let them painr my image
fffifr]\fft] inside rhere artisrically
and well with decorations and adornments [cf. Sanskrit vaiQryasuvan2aratnakusumaprabhasar:tguryas.gara.,
44
Chapter
As a final note on this text, it is most intriguing that there are Tun-huang
manuscripts that point to the existence of transformation tableaux (paa, if
you will) on the Suuan.caprabhasottamaraja-sutra itself . The manuscript designated P4690 has the title "One Layout on the Surpassing King of Golden
Light" (#XFfffi.Wf--ffi). More remarkable still, P3425 has the title "Inscription for One Layout of a Transformation Tableau on [the King of] Golden
Light" (yc,Hffi-ffi$f,; last character added later). It was composed by
Chang Ch'iu, Mandarin of the Ninth Degree, Fourth Class, Who is Serving as
the Military Adjudicator for Sha-chou and Provisionatly in the Post of Censor
for External Investigation s (ffi f+E t&{,i l.l F + +J ' + ffi.* ( #),ffl dF }fr
&I). The inscription onP3425 is not a narration of the content of the stra
but praise of the painting itself and those responsible for it. It tells how the
"'tat\gata manifesrs his appearance" (@ K,f,Nffi) and then goes on ro
describe how this is captured by the painter. Unfortunately, neither of the
"layouts" mentioned onP469A or P3425 survives.
There exists a Uighur translation of the biography of the famous Chinese
pilgrim Hsan-tsang (596-664), which has been studied by von Gabain.36 It
was translated from Chinese.directly into Uighur by Srngqu Sli Tutung,
who hailed from BiSbalg and was the same person who translated the
Suvarnaprabhasa-sutra into Uighur.37 The Uighur version of the biography
dates from the second quarter of the tenth century.3s In it, among the materials
mentioned by Hsan-tsang as having been gathered by him in India, are
krkkirin, translated by von Gabain as Bildnisse ("images" or "pictures").rs
The matching Chinese word is hsiang & ("1. ffi).no
Included in the biography are two extremely valuable letters written to
Hsan-tsang by Indians, the first from Jnaprabh (ff7) and the second
from Prajdeva (ffi{). Both are also in the Uighur translation, so we have
here the very interesting situation of texts that were originally written in a
Sanskritic language, then translated into Chinese, and finally translated into
Uighur from the Chinese. The translator was thoroughly conversant with
Buddhist technical terminology in both Chinese and Uighur so that, in places
where the Chinese is obscure, we may rely upon the Uighur for help in
understanding it, and vice versa.
What is most significant for our purposes is that there occurs in the second
letter a reference to pien. The crucial line in Chinese is +Xe# +#.!ffiX
ilfr#.=l[.nt This has been rendered into English by Li Yung-hsi as, "'I,
Bhiksu Prajdeva, have composed a stanza in praise of the great divine
powers of the Buddha. . . ."'42 The Uighur text has mn prtyadiwi toyn tngri
tngrisi buryan-nng ritiwid krn qt'lu yrlqamn ilok tayiut yaratp. yon
Gabain renders this as "fter I, the monk Prajadeua, had composed a poem
about the view which the most divine Buddha deigned to have with regard
to the fi.gveda. . . ." 43 Her understanding of ritiwid krn as "Anschauung
.. . des Bgueda" is open to question. The Chinese simply has ta shen-pien
Asia
45
X1fr, which means "great(ly) miraculous transformation." The expression shen-pien rr,ay render Pli iddha or sappatihariyo dhammo; Sanskrit
pratiharyaaa or vikurvita; and Tibetan rnam par sprul pa35 AII of these
expressions have to do with the ability of a Buddha or Bodhisattva to manifest
himself in various forms for the instruction of all living beings. Compare also
shen-pien hsiang -ffiffiffi, "sign or mark of spiritual transformation" (mahanimittary pratiharyar.n\. It is a commonplace to attribute such powers to a
Buddha, and there is no reason to seek a different interpretation ofthe Chinese
46
Chapter
whose body has through many repetitions been purified by merit and by
-He
knowledge; whose language has been purified by his vows, his austerities, and the
True Law; whose spirit has been wel purified by modesty, renunciation, gentleness, and mildness; that very one who approached the king of trees, 'twas the
chief of the Skyas who was honored.5r
The Mongolian version is so highly condensed that it is impossible to determine exactly how individual words in it correspond to those in the Sanskrit.
Yet we may say that the Sanskrit lacks any word meaning "pcture," and,
furthermore, the visualization of the King of Arrangements (Vyharja) was
but a part of the larger worship area which is designated as a mar.tQala.
The Chinese translation by Divkara (613 687) follows the Sanskrit fairly
closely. As such, the word pien does not appear in it as an equivalent of krg.
It is clear, however, that embedded in the parallel Chinese text is the notion of
the manifestation ofa scene through the exercise ofsupernatural power.52 The
usual Chinese title for the Lalitauistara (literally , "sport-exten sion") is Fangkuang ta chuang-yen ching (h ffi). r,ffi f;f ) (literally, "broad fuaiputya] greatly
adorned lmahauyuhal stra"). It is interesting to note that an alternate Chinese
title for this text is tlr.e Sutra of the Play of Supernatural Spirit (Shen-t'ung yu-hsi
ching, fr ftffiF,\). Shen-t'ung yu-hsi (ffi,T) is one Chinese translation of
the Sanskrit word uikrldita (cf. u/krid, "to play"). In Buddhist Hybrid
Sanskrit, this word may mean something like "miracle, exhibition of supernatural power." 53 Another Chinese translation of vikrtdita is shen-pien rfil'ft
("supernatural transformation").sa In essence, the entire Lalitauistara is a
disquisition on the playful-yet instructive-transformational manifestation
ofthe Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, which is a key to our understanding ofthe
concept of Chinese Buddhist pien and Uighur Buddhist krn.
There exists a fragment'of the Uighur version of the Lotus Sutra that can
further help us to understand the Buddhist meaning of u/kAr-.ss This is from
the Samant amukhap ariu arta Au alokite u ara-uikuru ananirde a section (24),
which describes the thirty-three apparitions (or appearances or manifestations, - J-f.-$) of Avalokite6vara. In each case where the Chinese text has
hsien !fl . . . shen q, tlne Uighur reads krkin kiirtkr ("to cause the [.{.]
manifestation to be seen") where krk(in) means "manifestation" or "Qorm"
and krtkr() is "to cause to be seen." It is patently clear from this section that
,/kor- implies the manifestation of the body of a deity. This, again, brings it
well within range of Chinese pien, Sanskrit nirmna, and a host of other
Buddhist terms having to do with transformational manifestation.
The most important and clearest proof of Indic storytelling with pictures in
Central Asia is the celebrated wall-painting from My-Hhle II atKyzil (ptates
IV and v). The painting depicts the intelligent and faithful minister Varskra
(llFy'.-E) showing King Ajtaatru, a fervent patron of Buddhism, a cloth
that illustrates four major events in the Buddha's life: (I) his mother, lr'ry,
giving birth to him in the park at Lumbini; (2) wirhstanding rhe onslaught of
Asia
47
Mr's hosts beneath the Tree of Enlightenment; (3) turning the Wheel of the
Law during his first sermon at the Deer Park in Benares; and (a) entering
niruqta int}re sal grove at Kuinagara.56 The purpose of employing this device
was to break the news of the Buddha's death to the king as gently as possible.
The wall-painting shows King Ajtaatru taking a bath in butter which, it is
intended, will help to calm him.s7
Records of the German explorers in Central Asia during the early part of this
century indicate that the scene was actually a common one in the remains of
Buddhist monuments encountered there.58 Its profound significance for
understanding the nature of narrative has, regrettably, largely been ignored
by most students of Chinese literature.5e The existence of this story in the
canon and its tradition of representation in wall-paintings provides a firm
link between Indian picture-storytelling and Chinese transformation performances- Since the majority of the known wall-paintings depicting it date from
the sixth and seventh centuries (the middle perod of painting in the Kyzil
area), the slightly later appearance in China of picture-storytelling begins to
make some sense. This constitutes reliable evidence that the use of pictures
painted on cloth as storytelling aids was widespread in Central Asia during the
first half of the T'ang period and just before it. The fact that this scene is
described in precise detail in a Mlasarvstivdin text further proves that this
practice had an Indian prototype.
In the Mulasaruastiuadauinayak;udrakauastu, we find textual confirmation
major events in the Buddha's life], one after another, the same as in the
paintings" (1.E.r^ffiffiIj.lH;/-4Ei).un Th" word for "explain" here in
the parallel Tibetan passage is the usual bsad-ta,os which does not help us to
throw any light on what the original Sanskrit for erh-uei ch'en-shuo mFJ R;h
("thereupon explained") may have been. What is extremely important to
note, however, is that we have here identified, in a Buddhist text transated
from Sanskrit, the occurrence of part of tine transformation text pre-uerse
formula in the context of explaining a series of pictures.
Less positive confirmation of a tradition of picture-storytelling in Central
Asia is the recovery of numerous narrative paintings in various formats.
One, in particular, that has attracted my attention, is a fragmentary painting
(Plate VI) from Tun-huang with Uighur inscriptions that identify the scenes
thereon.66 Since these inscriptions have not previously been studied, it may be
worthwhile to give them here. The fragments with writing on them, numbered
48
Chapter
.['*l
A.
..
B.
c.
...
A.
B.
(d)wzup nyz['ny]
Iyrtyq'dyl . . .
ftwrt] (t)wqrum[py "zwn. . :f
...
...
z- 'vl
3. ...
y(tuz)
face/one hundred
...
lq'k'lwrdy
'lkp'k...
...
he (they) brought
...
5. ...
..
are
...
bad persons
o- .--(y)ytyp ...
having disappeared
or: ['] (y)typ . . .
having provided ...
7....kwyrksl*r\...
...|k...
...ugtyones...
s. .-- lyrl . . .
pwlwr...twyrk'...
twyrlwkkwyrkl ...
typyuruk'tan'r...
It is lin such and such] . . .
In Turkish (language), the
meaning comes out (i.e.,
it means): ". . . [number] kinds
49
Thefinal translated lines would seem to indicate that the inscribed pictures are
kived from another Buddhist tradition and language. Note the occurrence of
important word, krk (kwyrk) in the eighth sentence.6s It is possible that we
here a Uighur version of a transformation tableau expressly identified as
Were it not for the fragmentary nature of the manuscript we might also
the equivalent word in some other language.
ft is certain that the technique of picture recitation had made its way to the
heatland of the Turkish-speaking world by the end of the sixteenth
and probably long before that. In his account oflife in lltanbul, Evliy
(ca. 16I I-1660) provides this fascinating description of a group known
"Painter Fortunetellers" (Fljin Msavirn):
in four]
. doing
.
..
[deigned] to speak
c.
...
...
Asia
The most famous of them was Khoja Mohammed Cheleb, who had a shop at
Mahmd Psh. He was an old man who had seen and had the honour of speaking
to Sultn Sleimn. He filled his shop with rhe pictures and figures of all the
aforesaid heroes and knights drawn with the pen on coarse paper, for the use of the
F$sengers who stopped at his shop, in order by looking at these pictures, to get a
soottrsaying in favour of their wishes, viz.: whether there would be war or peace,
wheter Ysf or Z:.Ieica, Mejnn or Leila, Ferhd or Shern, Wirka or yulshh
would yield to amorous desires. The painter consulted to this end the pictures of
these heroes and fair dames, and delivered his answers in comical verses, which
aisd immsnse laughter. With these fgures he obtained his living. Sometimes he
carried tem to the Emperor, and at the public procession passed as chief of these
painter-soothsayers exhibiting his pictures. The prophecies ofthese soothsayers are
delivered in ridiculous words, accompanied by comical gestures.6e
50
Chapter
soldiers, who passed through Kucha, were also bearers of culture, and so there
arose a syncretism that was evident in art."73
central Asia's ties with the rest of the world became especially intense
during the fifth to seventh centuries due to the expansion of international
trade along the Great Silk Route. The Sogdians were prominently involved in
transmitting elements of vafious cultures along this route.Ta As a result, the
Sogdian language developed an elaborate Buddhist vocabulary.T5 In narrative
art, the Sogdians employed the technique of the "continuous pictorial epic,,,
to use Guitty Azarpay's term. She defines it as referring "to t]ne use of a
continuous sequence ofindividual scenes ofsecular and epic interest, in which
identical persons appear in episodes or events separated in time." 76 This is the
same technique used in virtually all picture-storytelling traditions. Buddhism
had penetrated Sogdiana by the first centuries of the International Era.77 By
the early eighth century, however, Arab armies had largely crushed this
civilization, causing its function as a transmitter of west Asian and south
Asian culture to the rest of Central Asia and points east to diminish.T8
Perhaps the greatest of all cultural amalgams operating in central Asia was
Manichaeism. Because it may have direct bearing on the fondness for pictures
in popular chinese Buddhism, it is important to examine certain aspects of this
tradition in some detail.
Manichaeism was founded by a third-century parthian of royal ancestry
named Mani who was born in Babylonia in 2L6. He announced that he was a
prophet in the year 24o. Tlne religion spread slowly from its west Asian base
until, sometime around 6OO, the Uighurs were exposed to it by Sogdians
who traded along the Silk Road. rt made its initial appearance in china in
675 and the first missionary arrived in 694. This was brought about through
the conquest of eastern Turkistan by the chinese and the consequent reestablishment of the caravanroutes to west Asia. rn73l, a Manichaean bishop
([A]ftn) was ordered by the chinese emperor to compose a catechism of his
religion.zr He produced, in response, a compendium informing the authorities
of Manichaean doctrines, scriptures, and discipline. The result was a mixture
of Taoism, Buddhism, and true Manichaeism arrived at through an effort to
gain acceptance. Apparently, the combination was effective, for in 732, an
5t
this
Asia
Transmission through Central
52
ChaPter 2
"t"
f"f""i"i""chings.
(Great lllustation of
the Chinese gloss ? nn t'uig f u I - X
tu El' it is placed after tlne seuen ching
i-'pty
In the same document, attig";t
^H"t" it is obviously being considered as
("scriptures") in the list of-tvft'i'' *otk''
that the
canon' Polotsky has already observed
constituting Part ofthe [tn""i"ft""""1
of
doctrine
the
illustrate
to
Tafebt?d
of
Eikv must have been ^ iA"u'n"^ sott
to the.translation of tlre Catechisrnby
Mni. Henning, in the '""o"a uppt"dix
thesis' Our present text defin!
Polotsky's
of
core"t'is
Haloun, has affirmed th"
mearLs ScriPture with lllustratively clarifies tfre question since T' chinSte;ally
spoke'84
pr""ir.ty ttre Iderbuch of which Polotsky
tio,i,
In the
Huwldagmn("Fortunate
words'
AII from the living Ianguage and marvelous
revealed thereby'
are
saints
of
host
The transformatls oitfte
H't'ffi#)+
4**.4y'ffiffir"
fragmentary original Parthian and
53
of pien-wen. These
k) and the demise
tbe so-called "Doctrine of Light' EE
and publish
demons
of
who 'paint images
oclude punishments for those
86 This linkage of extraordinarY
tb absurd scriptures of Manichaeism.
official attacks on
texts ls a constant theme of
.pictures and unauthorized
the period of
explain
may
then, that we
Manichaeism ln China. I ProPose,
to the fare
as being partiall v related
te rtse and fall of oien representations
it ts
to be at all credible, however
a7
of Manichaeism. For this proposal
of ideas and terms
there was a broad exchange
becessary to demonstrate that
of pien (it
mention
The Iast-known
,) ls ln a clearly
between Buddhism and Manichaeism.
picture'
narrative
the Pro bable sense of transformational
the develoPment of the
88 The Manichaean IN puts to
Manichaean context.
that arose around
sect of apocrYPhal Buddhism
millennial White Lotus secret
here But the
discussion
obvious to requlre
end of the Yan period ae too
are even
Central Asia and tn China
influences n Manichaeism ln
apparent.
IS
by Manichaeism tn China
The Buddhicizing tendencY experienced
'images
from the year I I 20 here
evident ln a memorial dating
(' 'images of
are written Fo-hsiang tfr w
deities' and "names of deities'
,,), respectivelY 89 The same
s
Buddha
and Fo-hao tfr 2t^ (" names of
texts as Sacred Book "f
Buddhist-sounding
hight
v
also refers to such
i-shih
'l
(Ch
ffi), Ga
(Fu-mu ching
(Miao-shui
Buddha of Marvelous Water'
ffi w), and Painting of the
did not
terminologY
of Manichaean
cltcttg w 7K \fr F) This Buddhicization
Asia. 91
from an earlier period ln Central
ln China but has clear precedents
Iranian
1n mind the k"y role of
I! this connection, it 1S important to keeprn Central Asia From at least the
ln cultural exchanges carried out
ln large areas of western and
92
centurY Sogdian was the Iingua franca
by another Iranian tongue, Persian
Central Asia until it was replaced
also
Khotan
90
of
Asian Buddhist kingdom
ln turn, had
Buddhicized Iranian
parents.
3
Indonesian Analogues
Irt
are referred to by the r'ame wayang. In simplest terr'r's, luayang derives from a
root that means "shadow." r Mantle Hood paraphrases this word as ,,material-
4
re-Storyte n i n g
Recent and
dern India
I"
8l
82
Chapter 4
taken to fishing, and they are on that account styled Burude Bestas. They style
themselves Dtyeru, but the origin of this term cannot be traced. In the adjoining
districts ofthe Bombay Presidency, they are known by the name ofKatbus....
The characteristic occupations ofthe caste are marionette shows and fishing. They
play various scenes of tlrre Ramayana and Mahabharata, tlne lormer being more in
demand. The dolls are cut out ofgoat's skin and painted in gaudy colors. They are
made of several pieces cut separately and joined together with wires, and various
motions and postures are caused by dexterous manipulation behind the curtain with
the aid ofthin bamboo splits. The actions ofthe figures are made to correspond to the
story as recited by the showman in prose and doggerel. For the minor class of
showman, the stage is made of screens of kamblis and white cloths borrowed of a
washerman. The showman alone sits inside, and uses both hands for moving the
dolls. A woman sitting outside produces low shrill music with a reed sounded on the
back of a flat dish of bell-metal. The words of the play are crudely conceived, and
are often fit only for a low class audience. The stage ofthe Dodda Botnbe A'tadavaru,
on the other hand, is built on a raised platform, and decorated with plantain and
mango leaves. It is spacious enough to accommodate within its curtains the whole
troupe, furnished with fiddle, drum, cymbals, etc. The text is taken from recognised
books on the epics, and the players, including women, are all literate. The women do
the singing, while the men show the pictures over the curtain. The play begins at
about l0 p.rrr. and continues the whole night. The performance is enlivened by the
appearalr.ce, on the scene at intervals, ofthe buffoons, a Killekyta and his wife in
fantastic garb, whose part sometimes borders on indecency. When the performance
is over, the whole party go to every house in the village and get presents in kind, in
addition to the lump sum collected by the whole village. Besides, during the
enactment of the play, they demand and obtain presents of cloths and other articles
from the spectators. It is considered auspicious for rains and crops to have these
shows about the harvest time, and in certain places, Killekytas are entitled to
customary annual fees for their services. . . .
The major fishing section have better plays borrowed from standard renderings of
t}ae Ramayana and Mahabharata, and also employ marionettes with separate joints,
so that the action of the play may be more effectively exhibited. They have also a
better appointed stage, large enough to accommodate all the actors and musicians.
The minor showmen composing the other division have a much cruder apparatus,
and the singer of the party, generally a woman, has to sit outside the booth, her
instrument being a reed fixed on the back of a bell-metal dish with a base of wax, on
which she produces a shrill monotonous sound, by the friction of both her hands.
This is accompanied by a drum. The plays enacted by these are also of very poor
style, very coarse in language and sentiment.. . .
The Killekytas are a wandering tribe, and live outside the villages in sheds
constructed of arched bamboos covered with mats. Though they profess to be
Kshatriyas, they are looked upon as very low in the social scale. But some of the
Bomb section [i.e., subtribe or subcaste] have, on account oftheir education, earned
a respectable position, and are received even by Brhmans into their houses. The
showmen wander in definite areas, and in some places have inams2 given them on
account oftheir proficiency in their art. They admit recruits, especially women from
the higher castes, with the sanction of the Ganchari, obtained after payment of a
fine. They have no social disabilities in the matter of conveniences in the village.
India
g3
Barbers may shave them, but not pare their nails; but the fishing section have
usually their own washerman. . . .a
ol:9f the most significanr items of informarion provided by Iyer is rhat the
Killekytas sometimes combine the use of puppets or marionettes and pictures.
This is in conformity with the intimate connection between picture-storytelling
and early theater in China and in Indonesia.
In chapter 3 ("Population") of the Bijapur volume or the Gazetteer of the
Bombay Presidency, under the section on "wanderers," there is risted
a group
called the Killikets or Katbus who were said to number 374 around the time
the
'volume was published in 1884. Although they claimed descent from high_
caste Ksatriyas, they lived outside the villages in little reed
cabins where ,,a
few cooking vessels, a grindstone, some clothes, and the show-box of pictures
constitute the furniture . . . . " 5 This box of pictures, which they showed to
earn a living, was definitely considered to have demon-dispelling qualities.
For, "when a Killiket is possessed by a ghost, he or she is made to sleep near
the show-box for three or four days, and this scares the ghost away.,'6
As the Gazetteer describes it, "Their calling is peculiar. The men fish with
nets, and in the evening show, before a light, transparent pictures painted in
Killikets were considered to be picture showmen, they displayed their translucent figures before a light and evidently without any srt of screen. This
is further indication that generically there is no absolutely clear distinction
among puppet plays, shadow plays, and picture stories (using scrolls, hang_
ings, or other types ofpainted scenes and figures). Again, the use ofartificial
illumination should be noticed. what this impries is that, in evolutionary
term , a shadow play figure is essentially a cutout from a narrative picturescroll. In the early stages of the development of the shadow play, the rhudo*,
did not have movablejoints, even though they had become detached from the
painted background.
There were also Killikiatars to be found in Dharwar. They are described in
the volume of t]..e Gazetteer of the Bombay presidency that deals with that
district under the section on "craftsmen" in the third chapter.s Around the
time of the publication of the volume in lgg4, they were ruid to number 445.
From the description of their performance given inthe Gazetteer, welearnthat
their "dolls" were shown from behind a curtain and that more than
one
main calling is showing leather dolls of various shapes all naked and
indecent. These dolls are placed behind a curtain with a lamp close
by. A man sits
near, explains the movements, and beats a drum. The motions and the
explanations
same name
and at the
by the t.""."'-."tn Dharwar
fo. rir". i"..".y
but' in nearby Bergaum,
as we shil see momentar'y,
were considered to be
re'ligious beggars. perhaps
their repertoo.r- *"* broad
enough to include
llT::i"""r""
*hor" ru,r"
".,"a
*in"rn. o""",io.,.
rr,"ri"r".,
o.
,#i*::fpiTJ:::.;::::n;*:::r*;"**:,"".,:,1;
:epersandpicture-showme.r."toth.
tosaythat
"";rii;igorr"n
il:il:: i*#.:;:"t"
'iJ
,;;.;;;;:5',1,1i:it::
;:i:::'"li;H".:i:li,T:**ji"+::,il:i:;ff
correding
g.,t" *h,.,h"
This description is
r,.,ru,,,a*.;;;;;"f,]ffiilT"-
JJ'i::',,'":l:
vilage to vilage
passage deserves to be
highrigrra
that ar least two
;,;*;i::#iii'#t":ii:,::,,i:,*J,"*i
a religious people, and
daily *".rn;;;io*
picrures.,,12 '
or
,'m*.r'#rT#ritl#**'ffi ";'"lr,T;ru:
::i;::;i:,;ii;J*{fu
vvuvusl
,yffi;,".",:-i",#:';,:,;,:N::iu,.
marronettes are
called stradagombe,
Kirrekytaismade,o,pip*',"ii.,[n,T:i#;,,1i:"#,i;ii:1;
"n ""'-iu*;",i:::j:I_holthe
*th
"ai".r..
subdivtrt.".tin.
*-r'ty;r*
sh.*-.",lJoi,
.it.nti"t
obscene jokes.
i,
rubdivided
sorr of show. . .
usuary wirhin
ffi;i:l
ing
inro rwo
"gurrr
and cikka Bombeyradavaru.
,n. ruder
.e.,
,ho*_"rrl?
number
86
Chapter 4
They take their name lrom chitra a picture and kathali.e., kathal a story, because
they show pictures ofheroes and gods and entertain their audience by telling them
stories from the Purns.
They live in houses ofthe poorer class with walls ofciay and thatched roofs. Their
house goods include blankets, quilts, cradles, boxes, and metal and earthen vessels.
Neither men nor women have any store of fine clothes for holiday wear. As a rule
Chitrakathis are dirty, thrifty, and hospitable. Their chief calling is begging by
showing pictures ofgods and heroes and reciting stories and songs about them. They
also show wooden dolis whom they make to dance and fight to represent the wars
ofthe heroes and demons. These puppet shows have ceased to be popular, and they
now seldom do anything but show pictures by which they make 8s. to IOs. (Rs. -5
[about 2 to 2I troy ounces of silver]) a month. A boy begins to act as showman at
twelve and in two years has mastered his work. A Chitrakathi's stock generaily
includes forty pictures ofRm worth IOs. to l2s. (Rs. 5-6 [about2l,to 3 troy ounces
of silverl), thirty-five of Babhruvhan the son of Arjun one of the five pndavs
worth 8s. to lOs. (Rs.4 5), thirty-five of Abhimanyu another son of Arjun worth
l0s. to I2s. (ns. 5-6), forty of Sita and Rvan worth IOs. to t2s. (Rs. 5-6), forty of
Harishchandra king ofOudh, and forty ofthe Pndav brothers worth lOs. to l2s.
(Rs. 5-6). They paint these pictures themselves and offer them for saie, and they
have a caste rule that on pain of fine every house must have a complete set of
pictures. The women mind the house and never help the men to show pictures. They
fetch firewood, beg, and cook. As they get paid in grain their monthly food expenses
are small.
The Thn (or Thne, a place just north of Bombay) volume of tlne Gazetteer
gives the population of chitrakathili.e., citrakath)inthat district as thirty-rwo
in number:
They are a Marthi speaking people. who go about carrying a few coloured pictures
oftheir gods rolled up and slung on their backs. Each showman has a companion
with him, who carries a drum and beats it when they come near a dwelling, and
offers to tell the exploits of Rm and other incarnations of Vishnu. If the people
agree, the showman opens his book and shows them the pictures singing and
describing. Their dress and customs do not differ from those of Marths.r7
Especially noteworthy in this description is the fact that these citrakath carry
their picture-scrolls (or books) around on their backs. This is reminiscent of
the portraits of presumed Central Asian itinerant storytellers found at Tunhuang and of information regarding Indonesian dalangJe
Int};.e Gazetteer for Kolba and Janjira, tlne citrakathiare recorded as only
three in number and are classed as beggars: "Chitrakathis or picture-showers,
come occasionally from the Deccan, begging from door to door, offering to
show two or three dozen paintings of the ten incarnations of Vishnu." le
Chapter 3 of the volume for Stra, gives the population of tlne citrakatht as
ninety-eight and refers to them as beggars. "They show pictures of heroes and
India
87
gods and repeat stories from the Purns while showing them, and also sing and
beg."zo The Ahmadnagar Gazetteer, also listing them as beggars, gives the
number of citrakatht as 387: "They beg by showing pictures of gods and
heroes, and reciting stories and songs regarding them. Women mind the house
and beg by singing songs."21
Additional information on these picture showmen that is useful for comparative study is provided in an article on "Chitrakathi, Hardas":
A small caste of religious mendicants and picture showmen [may be found] in the
Martha Districts. In t90I they numbered 200 persons in the Central Provinces and
1500 in Berr, being principaily found in the Amraoti District. The name, Mr.
Enthoven writes,22 is derived frotrt chitra, a picture. and katha, a story, and the
professional occupation of the caste is to travel about exhibiting pictures of heroes
and gods, and telling stories about them. . . . Though not impure, the caste occupy a
low social position, and are said to prostitute their married women and tolerate
sexual icence on the part of unmarried girls. Mr. Kitts23 describes them as "Wandering mendicants, sometimes suspected of associating with Kaikris for purposes of
crime; but they seem nevertheless to be a comparatively harmless peopie. They
travel about in iittle huts like those used by the Waddars; the men occasionaliy sell
buffaloes and milk; the women beg, singing and accompanying themselves on the
thali. -lhe old men also beg. carrying a flag in their hand, and shouting the name of
their god, Hari Vithal (from which they derive their name of Hards). They are fond
of spirits, and, when drunk, become pot-valiant and troublesome." The thIi or plate
on which their women play is also known as sarthada, and consists of a small brass
dish coated with wax in the centre; this is held on the thigh and a pointed stick is
moved in a circle so as to produce a droning sound. The men sometimes paint their
own pictures, and in Bombay they have a caste rule that every Chitrakathi must have
in his house a complete set of sacred pictures; this usually includes forty representations of Rma's iife, thirty-five of that of the sons of Arjun. forty of the Pndavas,
forty of Sita and Rwan, and forty of Harishchandra. The men also have sets of
puppets representing the above and other deities, and enact scenes with them like
a Punch and Judy show, sometimes aided by ventriloquism.2a
This immediately calls to mind Edward Moor's 1791 description of the camp
followers atDharwar.25 One wonders whether the Venerable Kumra Kassapa
who had, even during the Buddha's lifetime, the reputation of being a citrakathl
might not actually have been a forerunner of these late nineteenth-century
picture showmen.26
A closely related group, both in name and in occupation, are the citrakar(or
citrakar) who were still present in Benga as late as the fifties. Biswanath
Banerji has studied them extensively and I quote here a portion ofhis "Notes
on Chitrakars."
Their main business is to exhibit their scrolls and sing the traditional explanatory
verses as the scroll is unfolded gradually. The scroll is generally 24 ft. to 50 ft. long
and rolled like a film strip. They do not sell the scrolls like art pictures, but earn their
88
India
89
charity of the villagers. At present, this totaliy landless artisan group is leading
Stella Kramrisch emphasizes that these artisans work in several media. They
their houses and rub off the exercises
Like the citrakathl, the citrakar too may well stem from myth-shrouded
antiquity. In a discussion of the theory and origin of castes, the Brahmauaiuarta purr.ta ("legends of the metamorphoses of Brahm [who is identified
with Krsla], heavenly bodies, their influences on human behavior and other
matters") mentions them among a list of outcastes who apparently were expert
draughtsmen:
Those who were begotten by the Vaiyas upon S'dra women were styled Karanas;
son or the daughter or the wife assists the chitrakar. The chitrakars help one another
in making the images. Here, the helper is never paid in cash; at least he takes his meai
and those who were begotten by the Brhmanas upon the Vaiya women were
Amvasthas. Afterwards, Viwakarm begat 9 sons on a S'dra woman. They are
named as follows: Malkra, Karmakra, S'ankhakra, Kuvindaka, Kumbhakra,
there.
Kamsa-Kara, Sutradhara, Chitrakra and Swar4akara. AII of them are illegitimate and
expert in architecture; but out of these, the first six are particularly accompiished in
architecture and the last three being cursed by a Brhmana became unholy and were
deemed incompetent by the S'stras to offer sacrifices. Any one who engages them
for the purpose of presiding in matters reiating to sacrifice is also an outcaste; in
other words, he is rendered unholv.3o
village.
A few pages later, the same text states the specific charges made against the
to 2
ancestral citrakar:
P.M.
l.
Chapter 4
2.
3.
from
4.
Manasa Mangala,
5. Chandi Mangala and such other Mangala poems. Each scroll opens with a largesized portrait of the presiding deity which is followed by a series of pictures
illustrating his or her awards or punishment upon mankind. The concluding
scenes of the main story-is a comedy of rescue etc. Interesting scenes are
carefuily selected and painted from memory.
The women make toys from clay by freehand modelling or from clay sheets cast
in terracotta moulds. These toys are generally sunbaked, sometimes also baked in
fire. They make idols of different gods and goddesses, "aIladl" dolls and figures of
different birds and animals. These toys have many colours. In coiouring these toys
also now-a-days foreign colours and paints are used. These toys are not sold in the
weekly mrkets but in the fairs held during Pous or Chaitra Sankranti etc. Price of
such toys varies from 2 pice to annas 4.21 Men sell these toys in the fairs.
The chitrakars have no other profession. But their earning is not sufficient to
satisfy even their minimum requirements. They. actually, have to depend on the
unholy on account of
the curse pronounced against him by a Brhmil whose gold he had stolen. Sutradhra also neglected to carry out the orders ofa Brhmin to collect fuels for sacrificial
purposes and, being cursed by him, was likewise degraded. Chitrakra transgressed
the orders of a Brhmin in respect of a picture the construction of which was
defective and not according to orders and underwent the same fate.3l
The favorite themes are drawn from popular mythoogy and may focus on
matters ofsocial injustice. In the latter case, they often end with a depiction of
hell and the evil-doer receiving his just dues there.33 They may tell stories of
saints as well as of prostitutes and sing-song girls.
90
Chapter 4
Except for the fact that Bengali pa scrolls are usually arranged in a vertical
format, the scenes being divided into horizontal panels, they functioned
virtually identically as did wayang bbr and pien scrolls. The scrolls range in
length from about ten feet to as much as fifty feet and are about one or two feet
wide. The "priest"-painters who unroll the painted scrolls for the spectators
also narrate them.3a According to G. s. Dutt, these scroll paintings "represent
an art tradition of pre-Buddhist times with but the slightest admixture of
foreign elements." 35 The oldest extant specimens, however, probably do not
date from before the seventeenth century.36 But, given the fact that these
scrolls were ritually discarded when they became tattered, it is remarkable
that any survive from such an early date. Although few extant pa{ d.ate from
before the late eighteenth century, there are specific references toBengalipat
in a text dating from about 1600, the caryQ Ma.iryala (Auspicious song to the
Goddess carydr) by Mukundarma37 and in the Manasa-maitgal of visnupla, an
eighteenth-century poet. A painting in an illustrated Jain Mahapurta, dated.
l54o at Palaam, shows a woman with a pal as tall as herselr)B The pat is
attached to two long, vertical sticks and depicts two human figures, two trees,
and four other unidentinable objects. To the left of the woman holding the pa(
is another woman who is either meant to represent the audience or, perhaps,
because she appears to be dancing, she may be a partner of the woman with the
Pat.
It is no wonder that so few old scrolls survive considering how quickly they
wear out due to the constant turning. when a scroll begins to fall to pieces, the
artist often simply copies a new one from it. Although the tradition
does
change slowly over long periods of time, there is little urge to create a new
story or even to present the old stories in a new way. The intent ofthe artists
is to preserve and perpetuate the old versions. Another reason why the scrolls
do not last is because they are often painted on the cheapest available
materials, such as waste paper from shops or government offices and discarded
newspapers (Tun-huang popular literature was also often written on similar
materials-the backs of old government documents, letters, religious texts,
and so forth). The individual sheets are glued or sewn together at the edges,
varying in length from two to fourteen panels. A piece ofcalico or the tail of
a worn-out shirt might be sewn to each end of the scroll to protect the more
fragile paper. The pieces of cloth are then attached to two sticks on which the
scroll can be rolled.
The itinerant professionals who recite th e pat, t]ne patua or patidar, are poor
and oflow caste. Their caste ranking is comparable to that ofpotters, barbers,
blacksmiths, and sweetmeat makers. These storyteller-painters may be classed
as jadupau, who specialize more in magic, and duanpaua, who,,wait at the
door." 3e The area in which they wander is usually about seven or eight square
miles, but famous performers may range somewhat farther abroad. They travel
light, carrying only their bag of scrolls and a bamboo container of oir. They
usually stay the night in the village where they perform.
India
9l
story,
They form
their own social group though they have more incrination towards Musrim
r"tigio'
than Hindu. They earn their riverihood by painting the episodes
of the Ramayana,
the Bh.gavata and other rocal legends for enlerhinment
oithe peopre among whom
92
Chapter 4
picture Recitation
in Recent and Modern
These
foik
songs are
U":"
and
domestic life.
The scrot-painters serect one independent
incident from the Rmyana,rike
the
killing of Sindhu, rhe young son of.rhe
biind
as
and
the incidenr bv means .r r.ro
'iusrrare
before'
In the course of their public exhibition
made from door to door in the
v'rages, the scrot painters siow
unfold the scrors and exhibit the
paintings one by
one as they explain them by singing
a narrative song. . . .43
illl'rr:::t"i:::::"::ii
.".rni;ii:";i;:X";:i":IZi:;T
era.so The
o,11,:,, in rhe ca s re,
il:,",i
small income from pat performances
m.al be supplemented by money earned
through piercing ears and .ros.s, ,rr"k
p
r,,.,ll!
;i:,";;
n'*. f# J,Tli:
"hu.irrg,
so
India
93
to observe hi,
w;;;;"
;";"i;;;s
and he
are
f{^lilj::ff3iffffi:ri
h pa aremade in
various formats' the themes und
,.p"..s.ntation remain the same.56 This
is
similar to the situation in Indoneriu,iupurr,
and elsewhere.
i.""i
matterfrom,h"R,-,I';;T,J:il::iJ:::ff
i#:i"r",.,,+.,
dances.
Patua-Jatra
Baisak_s7
in
These
<n"^ro.--
94
Chapter 4
fam'y property'
picture Recitation
in Recent nd Modern
by members of the famiry. The profession
is an
i:;::.H:ii:1,::,ii';i;:,*:l*t'*,ln*::
Art' Hyderabad,
India
95
twenty-four
I,o. ".rd
D __
i"rfor
the
lu*o::1a"tn"-."g,"narheroes),*n.".;':^::{r;i,,ti1liJii:
normatly
parronized by the uppr
castes.
rh"
;i;;;;;;;;;"..ant
and
pursue their occupation by journeying
from village to village ,r, ,""."t o
u
group wi'ing to sponsor a performnc.
the singers who perfor m thepa are
called bhopo, a word that means
roughly ,,priest for a folk_god ,, or ,,shaman.,,es
This is in perfect consonance witr,
trre designation of the bhopo,s Indonesian
counterpart' the darang._The bhopo
arso geneiaty functions u, p-t-i-"
rorupriest who does some hearing nd
divination during trance. He may be
in
charge of a smalr shrine (nota
Lmpre) that is earcated ro his deity.
In fact, the
pay itserf may be conddered u rort
or portabre shrine.65 Though the
performance is basically a religious
observanie, the performers are drawn
from the
lower and occasionaly middle
classes . bi
-': lp^intinq and recitation are nor
high-caste, Brahmanicil
actjvities.
..
w'l
genres....
than in other
,,66
,il:;;;.;;iJ",""
i*:ii#J:J:jff:1"ry
",,g"g"d
i*o
;.,;;A
i::'J".::;:::
iio "" but one
:::;
occupation'
rqil",iii
which clearry-.*p.:esred
96
Chapter 4
know with a high degree of ac.'"acy the social background of the bhopo.
They include members of the following castes: Gujrs (cattle-keepers and
peasants), Kumbhrs (potters), Balais (weavers), and Nyaks or Thories (tribal
peopes). The first three groups focus their storytelting almost exclusively on
Lord Devnrya! while the latter group will tell stories about him as well as
about Pbjr and Rmdev. These are all from the middle and ower classes of
society. They are decidely not rulers, warriors, priests, intellectuals, or merchants. Yet, though they may be illiterate, they are always thoroughly con_
versant with the folklore of their traditions.6s A full Deunarayaq k par, for
instance, may utilize more than 335 songs and the bhopo remembers them all.6e
Unlike theBengalipatua, who is painter, musician, and poet, the Rajasthani
bhopo rarely paints his own pictures . par are normally painted by professional
painters. T.e bhopo who orders a par may or may not consult with the painter
during the course of his work.
The par bhopo generally travel in groups of two-the patavi, who is the
chief singer, and the diyaluldiuala or dlptyo ("light-holder,') bhopo, who is his
assistant. They may be accompanied by optional vocalists calledgayakfal,who
may also play percussion instruments. The pataui bhopo dresses like a Rjpt
prince.7. "|he diuala bhopo (bhopt if a woman) holds an oil lamp suspended from
a stick to illuminate the par.
The last word or last few words in sentences of t]'.e arthau are frequently
spoken by the assistant. In doing so, the assistant may simply repeat what the
bhopo }.,as said, may vary it stightly, or may himself complete the sentence.
Fuller versions of the par performances employ more extensive narration
through the sung parts. The shorter versions tend to allow the narration to be
carried mainly by the declamatory parts. In the DevnryaT epic, the gau
Iines are simply sung to a number of repetitive stichic tunes, but in the pbji
epic they are enormously expanded with padding words to produce a text that
can be made to match the strophic tunes used.Tr This is, incidentaly, the
identical technique employed in chinese performing arts to inflate a pentasylabic, heptasyllabic, or decasyllabic line to fit a canto or lyric meter. It also has
affinities to the practice of central Asian saga-tellers who deliver both the
poetic and rhythmical prose parts of their narratives in recitative, not in
spoken voice.72
T}:.e bhoporefer to the cloth painting during the "spoken" (actually chanted)
arthau sections. Some of them make a great deal of use of the painting,
illustrating every little detail of the narrative. others seem hardly to notice
97
that it is there hanging behind them. When they do use the painting, it is the
lead singer who points to the pertinent parts while the asistant singer illuminates them with a lamp. It is significant that these are night performances.
They are,
in
L perfective particles and verbs (chi ffi, yi 1,, ch'i:61, liao f , pi 4);
2. averb denoting speaking, hearing, or proclamation(yueh , yen fi,
wen
^).
The end of a gau is also marked by shifts in the musical and prosodic pattern.
It is impossible to correlate these shifts with any comparable phenomenon at
the end of the pien-wen verse sections because the music has long been lost and
the lines have been standardized at heptasyllabic length. There is, however, a
remarkable correspondence between the verse introductory formula of pienwen and the concluding expressions of arthav sections, which aso serve to
introduce the gav or sung portions of a par performance. We now turn to a
98
Chapter 4
1.21-22 And let us see, does that Mother Cow go to the sacred fireplace of Baba
Rupnath? And how does the story continue? Let us see. What things happen? Let us
see.
2.14 And what does this Mother Cow hear? Let us see, in the place of meditation.
3.I5 As these very words are .being (said), what does Mother Cow, the one entrusted
with speech by the Lord, discuss? And what does Baba Rupnath hear? Let us see, at
the place of meditation.
4.14 What matters does Mother Cow explain? And what does Baba Rupnath hear?
Let us see, at the place of meditation.
What did Baba Rupnath say? And what did Bhoj Maraj hear? Let us see. Let us
Parvati heating the milk. Let us see.
5.32
see
8.12-I3 And
at this time does he tie up the bundle ofash and grain husks? Let us see.
And how does the story go? Let us see, among (Bhoj's) men.
9.26-27 Letus see how Bhoj Maraj goes into the cows'pens. And how does the story
go? And does he let the calves of the cows go (to nurse)? And circulating (among
them) does he match (each calf with its) cow?
10.14 Then what does (his) mother say? And what does Bhoj Maraj hear? Let us
How does the story go among (ehoj's) men? Let us see.
see.
I l.I0-I I Whiie explaining these matters, what does Bhoj Maraj say? And how does
the story go? Let us see, among (nhoj's) men. What does your Mother Kathera hear?
Let us see
21.39 And then what does Baba Rupnath say? And what does Bhoj Maraj hear at the
abode ofmeditatiorr, at the sacred fireplace? Let us see.
24.L2-L3Yes, so then (what) does Bhoj Maraj say? And what is the talk about taking
the robe? Let us see, at the abode of meditation. What does Baba Rupnath hear? Let
us
see.73
The transcription of the operative words in these formulas (significant portions of which are spoken by the assistant) are as folows. dek, exactly
99
IOI
given performance. On the other hand, he might well point to the same scene
ont}le par two or more times during the course of his narration. This tremendous degree of flexibility on the part of t}:'e bhopo is tempered and constrained
by the expectations of the audience and the shared heritage that comes from
belonging to a given performance tradition. -fhe lull par epics (i.e., those that
include all possible episodes) are very long but there is a varety of narrational
devices available to the bhopo which rescue him from having to exhibit
superhuman feats of memorization. For example, the epics are composed of
discrete story segments or episodes called parvaro that are like building blocks
for the narrative structure. There are also memorized lines called kartthatmay
be inserted when needed. Embellishment is frequent and the bhopo is adept at
filling out a passage extemporaneously.
-Ihe bhopo alone is not responsible for the actualization of the par performance. The event is made possible only as a resut of a rather complicated
social enterprise that may bring into association par artists, t}:'e bhopo w}:'o
present the show, patrons who donate money to sponsor it because they wish
to fulfill vows to the deity, the village elder who helps with some of the
organization, and the audience (some of whom are devotees) who attend it and
who often punctuate the performance with questions to which the bhopo must
be prepared to respond swiftly. Nert' and inexperienced singers may receive
critical attention. The people also provide oil for the lamp and give meals to the
bhopo whlle they are in the village. They may be in residence for several days,
since the full tellingof apay epic requires two or three nights. During the rainy
season, when it is believed that their protective deities are asleep, the bhopo do
not go out into the villages seeking opportunities to put on their shows.78 A
practical consideration is the liability that would result from getting rained
out. This does not, however, preclude other types of narrative performances
less subject to the elements. The Pbji bards, for example, often find work at
odd times performing non-par entertainments for Rbri camel-keepers.Te
When the bhopo arrive in a village with their paraphernalia, the people
begin to gather and stir with excitement.so After the bhopo are convinced that
they will be adequately rewarded for their efforts, they purify the ground and
then begin to erect their pay in the street. As the sun goes down, tlne par is put
up on its stand. The par may be set up outside or in front of a patron's doorway, near the communal sitting stone, or in the vicinity of a shrine or temple
to which it may have some connection. Individuals or communities may
sponsor a pay perlormance either as a separate event or as one activity in the
context of a festival. Because a pay perlormance is elaborate in comparison
with some other forms of recitation, particularly those without a large and
cumbersome painting, sponsorship is relatively expensive and requires a fair
amount of preparation. The size of the par is truly enormous, ranging from
about 5 feet by t5 feet for those on Pbji to 5 feet by 35 feet for those on
Devnryan.8r
Once the par has been set up and all other necessary arrangements have
lO2
Chapter 4
been made, the show can begin. The performance itself starts in the evening
after dinner; the singing and dancing before the paf go on all night long. The
first part ofthe performance is the bhopo's evocation ofthe deity, Devnryan
or Pbtjr, to bless the people with prosperity and joy throughout the year.Bz
'Ihe bhopo narrates the story, event by event, and the exotic colors ofthe pr
come to illusory life as his assistant shines a flickering lamp upon the various
appropriate parts of t}ae par. The effect of conjuration is heightened by the
burning of incense and the jingling of the small bdrls (ghungru or ghughar)
worn around the ankles of the performer. The pay bhopo sings and plays;
sometimes he and his assistant will join in a sort of singing duel. The excitement of the performance depends upon many other techniques as well.
and hear everything. . . . Between the songs are poetic recitations carred arthav.T]hen
the bard may bend over and point out a particular scene which illustrates the episode
he is reciting. At other times songs and recitations stop altogether. Then a spectator
wiil offer a rupee to the deity. For this the bard or his assistant blows the conch shell
in the name of the donor for the pleasure of Devnrya4 or pbji. They continue all
night. The next morning before the sun rises, they close the performance.s3
differentfromtheorderofpicturerecitationelsevhere(e.g.,Indonesia,
Japan,
and so forth).
The Rajasthani par tradition can be traced back approximately three hundred years (legend pushes it back another three hundred years), and the
audience.sT
(Before secularization, tlne pien had a similar purpose, viz., to cause or [re]capture the appearance fcf . pien: transformational manifestationl of a divine
being.) The p ar performance also serves to transmit religious ideals while at the
same time providing entertainment. From a sociological viewpoint, it may be
said that the par performance promotes the solidarity of the community
a certain deity or deities. The purpose of a typical performance
may be said to be threefod: it provides the community with devotional
fufillment, instruction, and entertainment.ss
It is interesting to note that Devnrya\ bhopo occasionally get together for
their own fairs (conferencesl) to discuss their craft and pay respect to their
patron deities. There is little competition among them because each seems to
stick to his own mutually agreed-upon circuit.se
A process of commercialization and secularization in tlne pay and related
genres has been observed.eo When this happens to an oral tradition there is
often a loss of grounding in the essential folklore that sustains it. As a result,
the tradition gradually becomes vitiated and its survival problematic. The
same processes are observable in other Asian picture-storytelling genres. The
death knell of a vital folk art is frequently sounded when urban entrepreneurs
and the scholarly elite take possession of it for their own ends.er Wtin par
performances, however, this process is partially belied by the Devnryar,r
tradition, which continues to thrive.
There are other forms of storytelling with pictures in Rajasthan. One is the
Rmdal, which involves a much smaller cloth than tine par. Tlne bhopo holds
an end in one hand and tucks the other under his armpit. Using a pointer held
in his free hand, he cals attention to various scenes on the painted cloth.e2 The
kavar provides another format for storytelling with pictures in both Rajasthan
and Madhya Pradesh. This is a box in the shape of a small wooden temple with
numerous doors, inside which are panets depicting Hindu deities and illustrating popular stories. The bard, called a kauariya bh{, opens them one at a time
and narrates the exposed scene with song and recitation.e3 This would seem
to be very much like some of the earliest precursors of German picturestoryteling.
Other traditions arethe kalamkar(paintings on cloth) from Andhra pradesh
and Madras, and the Krsnala ("Krsna's sports or diversions") and Ahmedabad temple prints.ea Written above each frame of the kalamkarz are inscriptions in Tamil or Telugu describing the action of the scene. The narration is in
prosimetric form and the storyteller points to the scene as he tells about it.
Some of these cloth-paintings are enormous. One colorful kalamkarl from
Andhra Pradesh illustrating the futl story of the Ramayana with sixty scenes
arranged in eight rows measures 30 feet by I0 feet. 'Ilne Viuidha-tlrtha-uastrapata of Abmedabad (164I) is approxrmately I0 feet by 4fleet. A fragment of an
old kalamkarf from South India in the Madras Museum bears several points of
similarity with the Sriputra illustrated scroll (P4524) and Indonesianwayang
bbr that deserve mention. All three employ a horizontal format with trees
functioning as boundaries between scenes to break up the otherwise continuous narratives into episodes. Here, too, the forces of good are arrayed on the
right, the forces ofevil on the eft.es The so-called "Avatr" scroll painted by
hereditary faujdar (IJrdu, for "soldier" or "military man") artists of Vishnupur
focused around
The bard jaunts back and forth in front of the pay, oftenspinning, sometimes chasing
his assistant, which excites the children, who sit right up front so that they can see
foj
reddi ) of stories
no larger than
JrurJrrom
duties, such as performing during the Navartri ("nine days and nights")
sacrifices before Daahr (or Dussehra, Durg pj, Durgotsava, etc.), a tenday Hindu festival that starts on the first night of the month of Asvin, which
falls between September and October. Out of seventy-seven villages in Sawantwadi state, the Thakars still perform in twenty-nine of them. For this, they
receive an annual income from some of the local temples. Among the performances_ they offer are pangul (showing a trained bull\, citrakath (pictwestorytelling of myths), chamadyachya bahulya (myths and ghost stories told
with leather shadow puppets), and kalasutri bahulya (myths and popular
stories enacted with string puppets). Individuals, however, may specialize in
one or another of these performances. Across the Thakar community of entertainers as a whole, we see that there is not a hard and fast line between drama
and narrative. This corroborates the hypothesis that Indian-influenced narrative and drama in china are part of a continuum and not two wholly separable
realms of literature.
Occasionally, the Thakars have been classified as untouchable leather
craftsmen because they had, at times, to repair their own puppets when no
other skilled craftsmen were available. But socially they are actually even
lower than the untouchables because their occupation as wandering players
places them outside of the caste system altogether. They are not priests,
monks, or ascetics, yet many of their performances deal with religious subjects. The community has its own governing council (Jt panchayar) that acts
as mediator to resolve conflicts among members. They even have their own
special dialect (a sort of thieves' Latin), which they use when strangers are
around. Many of the younger members of the community are abandoning
the traditional occupation as entertainers and are taking more lucrative jobs
in Bombay. The seventy families who live in Gudi Wadi are mostly farmers
or fishermen but all of them also engage in one or another type of folk
entertainment.
In Pinguli, the most interesting type of performer, for the purposes of our
research, are those who display pothi, sets of approximately thirty pictures
painted on sheets of brown paper measuring about I by t j feet that illustrate
the classics. The pictures seem always to be tattered from repeated use. As
with the illustrated Sriputra scroll and ruaJang bbr, there is a clear division
between the forces of good and evil on the right and left, respectively. The
Pinguli pothi reciters believe that their pictures were painted long ago by their
ancestors and they treasure them accordingly. There are communities in the
northern part of Ratnagiri district who call themselves citrakathl but the
Pinguli people maintain that they are imposters who do not have the pothi to
authenticate their claim.
In performance, two Gudi Wadi citrakath sit cross-legged on the ground,
one playing a small two-headed drum, the other-who sings and gesticulates
three-stringed instrument called tambur and small finger cymbals. The
-a
f06
Chapter 4
artists. They are done in different, individual styles but all show the same
scenes and in the same order. Each scroll has nineteen panels arranged
vertically. These depict different stories and sometimes several scenes from a
single story are represented on a given panel to allow for narrative development. Puranic myths, regional epics, the Ramayara, and the Mahbharata
provide the themes but local elements predominate.l02
The Garoda are itinerants but do maintain a small cluster of homes that they
come back to from time to time. Some of them are at least partially literate
because they keep books of folklore written in a corrupt script. The following
passage describes the performance of a Garoda picture showman:
. . . a Garoda, carrying several bags on his shoulders, went from door to door, singing
in a low voice a couple of Gujarati stanzas which said: "One should obtain merit by
Iistening to sacred stories.... Such opportunities don't come often. '.. One should
be charitable to the wandering Garoda priest who shows the path of virtue." He had
a scroil in his hand and, as he offered to narrate the stories, he half-opened the scroll
and then closed it when he received a negative response. Often people gave him a
coin or put some grain in his shoulder bags, without asking him to narrate the
stories. While he was still moving about in the village, some women had second
thoughts and called him back. He washed his hands and face, drank some water and
sat down on a string-meshed cot in the open courtyard. In the meanwhile the
lO7
villagers gathered around him. He opened his recital with the first panel and related
in verse and prose the import of the panels and their ethical implications. As the
interest and response from the audience heightened, he rose and approached the
crowd, holding the open scroll in his hands and collecting coins or currency notes
on the scroll itself. After the show was over. he was given wheat-flour and grain
which he collected in different bags kept for the purpose'ro3
man who plucks tlne lambur props against his knee a wooden board slightly
larger than the size of the pictures to give support to them. A black cloth is laid
on the ground and bunched up at the base ofthe board to prevent the pictures
from slipping. When one episode is finished, the picture portraying it is
removed and replaced by a new one chosen from the pile that is lying on the
ground next to the singer. Some of the Gudi Wadi citrakath are reported to
hold up the scene being narrated so that the audience can see it better. Others
exhibit leather puppets and wooden dolls while they narrate stories about
them. Like earlier picture showmen we have encountered, some of the accompanists produce a drone by turning a stick on the center of a brass plate.
Another obscure tradition that has recently been studied for the first time
is that of the Garoda picture showmen of Gujarat and Rajasthan. It is known
to have been widespread in the past but is now on the verge ofextinction. The
Garoda are a caste of folk-priests, sometimes described as fallen Brahmans.
They minister to other low castes, particulary various types of craftsmen. Aside
India
The parallels
-narak
An integral part of the funeral rites of many Jain and Vaisnava communities living
Purrya. Besides
describing numerous rites and paths of liberation, tlne GaruQa Purrya expounds
upon the sins and punishments delivered in HelI (Yamaloka). The recitations
continue for three or four consecutive evenings during the period ofmourning. On
one evening, an account of the torments of Yama, the king of HeII, is given' Along
wirh this account, the priest displays small paper paintings which graphically show
the grisly tortures of Hell.roa
.lhese narak citra rerrlind us not only of ancient Indian yarnaPala but of
numerous scrolls found at Tun-huang that depict the various halls and horrors
of hell.ro5 Such paintings were immensely popular throughout China until the
middle of this century.
Finally, there exists a type of indigenous Tamil folk theater called terukkuttu
("street drama") that was very popular in the nineteenth century'106 While
gradually being forced out of existence by the cinema, it still survives.
Although terukkuttu is not a kind of picture-storytelling, certain of its features
offer interesting parallels to other types of performing arts in Asia and are
worth discussing briefly. Before any character enters the stage, he first
introduces himself behind the curtain. The plays are mostly in song, the prose
passages serving primarily to bridge the gaps between songs rather than to
construct story lines. Furthermore, the audiences know the stories by heart
and so it is the repetition and variation of the songs as well as the quality of the
singing that are appreciated, not the novelty ofthe plot. The latter is usually
episodic in nature and the individual scenes might well be described as
tableaux. At moments of great excitement, not only do some of the actors
become possessed, members of the audience may also fall into trancelike states.
The terukkuttu plays were so well liked and well known by the broad masses
of the people that the literati became familiar with them and soon began to
experiment writing imitations of them. With the introduction of the printing press, these written versions became cheap enough for many people to
buy. But as happens again and again in the process of the adaptation of folk
performing arts into written traditions, the ptot structures became noticeably
108
Chapter 4
dancers. This is taken from Edward Moor's narrative of the siege of Dharwar
in l79l
necessarily focused on picture recitation per se, we have repeatedly seen how
difficult it is to separate this particular genre of folk performance from a host
of associated oral and performing arts. This is not surprising in light of the fact
that a given group of performers often specialized in telling the same story or
stories in several organically linked media. The most recent monograph on
Indian shadow puppets, for example, richly details the close interrelatedness
with picture-storytelling:
Leather puppets are one of India's most ancient folkloric treasures. As old as
civilisation itself, we have evidence of their existence from the ancint scriptures
like the Puranas and the Jatakas. The [s]hadow theatre existed iong before human
theatre and originated from the first pictorial performances, like the Chitra Kathi of
Pinguli, Maharashtra, the Pads from Rajasthan, the other Chitra Kathas from the
South, and the Yamapatta ofBihar. Judging by the literature and historical documents, shadow theatre had already acquired a degree of excellence by the llth
century.
Shadow theatre gradually developed from picture dramatisation to cut-out figures. These were stuck on a length of cloth with thorns, in a sequence of the scenes,
and a lantern was passed behind it, moved by the narrator as the story unfolded.
Soon these cut-outs were given mobility and the figures came to iife on the white
curtain with lamplights, music, song and narration, and even sometimes a dance
rhythm.
109
I shall close this chapter with a detailed and revealing eyewitness description of a late eighteenth-century troupe of Indian picture-storytellers and
more rigid than the plays without scripts. The gradual displacement of terukkuttu by the cinema is a natural evolutionary phenomenon whereby techno-
Although our attention in this and the other chapters of this book
India
The themes played were mostly from the epics of tbe Ramayana alrd the Mahabharata. They were the only audiovisual educational aids of decades ago, for these
themes involved not only religious thought, but also social norms, philosophical
thought and of course the initial conviction of the good over-powering the evil.
In India, six different styles of leather shadow puppets have developed in six
different regions-some opaque, some small and coloured, some medium sized and
some the largest coloured shadows in the world. AII the puppets are stylised figures
in the flat, symbolic of the characters portrayed and in no way an attemPt at
adhering to human proportions.
The puppets representing gods and celestial beings are revered and considered
sacred. They are stored together and never mixed with those representing demons
and lesser humans. The latter are often grotesque and exaggerated to show the evil
in them. Even the stage entries are reserved according to tradition, with the godly
characters entering from the right side of the performing screen and the left side
reserved lor the evil ones.
These rules are adhered to by all shadow theatres in India from whatsoever region
they come and have even been adopted by the Indonesians, Javanese and Malay
shadow shows which have a Hindu origin.r0T
The number of women with this army, could they be at all accurately computed,
would not be beiieved; our estimate so far exceeds the bounds ofprobability, at least
strangers would deem it so, that we are afraid to give it. There are a great many sets
or parties ofdancing and singing girls, five, six, or seven in a set; others who dance
the tight rope, jump, tumble, and play all manner of tricks; of these parties, ten or
fifteen perhaps are constant in their visits to our line. The singing girls are generally
ttended by an old man who carries a drum and a parcel of pictures, chiefly
descriptive ofthe battles and conquests oftheir deified heroes. These he exhibits in
rotation, and chaunts an account of them, in which he is now and then relieved by
a stave from the damsels by way ofchorus. The girls in their singing are accompanied
by a curious piece of music: it is a round shallow pan of brass, about a foot in
diameter and two inches deep, on the bottom of which a thin piece of sit bamboe,
inserted in a piece of wax to keep it from slipping, is placed; and one of the party
siides her thumb and finger of both hands alternately heavily down it, bringing out
a sound uniformly deep and sonorous, that serves as a bass to their vocal strains- The
pan is actually a culinary utensil; it is used to wash and clean rice in preparatory to
cooking, and to serve it up in at meals: when used as a musical instrument, one side
rests on the ground, supported by the feet of the performer, who, as well as the
whole party, squats on the ground, or on carpets, if the auditors choose to furnish
them. The subjects of their songs are not at all limited; they comprehend a great
variety ofincident from which the obscene cannot be exciuded; the actions oftheir
armies and heroes are for the most part the theme, and we could not but remark that
our detachment did not go unsung. The persons, however, who through their favour
had become heroes, were not very characteristicaliy introduced, from which it may
be supposed the poems were not new but old ones adapted to the occasion. It would
be impossible for so many of these itinerants To get a livelihood merely by singing;
they depend, indeed, more upon their personal appearance than their vocal abilities,
which we apprehend they find more profitable as in general the handsomest girls are
selected for this vocation. Being professedly votaries of pleasure, subject to the same
regulations as the dancing girls, of whom they are an inferior class, chastity is not at
all necessary either to their credit or character.tos
Moor has left littte to the imagination concerning the social status and dramatic abilities of these entertainers. Judging from what we know of picturestorytellers elsewhere, his account is credible.
Picture Recitation
around the World
fus
far in our investigations, we have discovered that
picture-storytelling was found in India, central Asia, rndonesia, and china.
This genre of oral folk literature was, however, by no means restricted to these
areas alone. There is plentiful evidence that shows it thrived in numerous
other countries, both in and outside of Asia. The purpose of this concluding
chapter is to survey the available data for picture recitation as it existed (and,
in some cases, still exists) in Japan, Tibet, Iran, the Near East, and Europe. As
always, r shall endeavor to extract information that may be useful for understanding the performance aspects of the isolated, perplexing transformation
scroll from Tun-huang, P4524, which depicts the contest of magic between the
Buddhist disciple, Sriputra, and his heretical opponents.
The counterpart of pien storytelling in Japan, etoki {@ffi (,,explanation
oflby a picture"), is a tradition that goes back to at least the Heian period
(794-I i85) and is still alive today, though in a limited way. on the question of
how picture recitation reached Japan, it is possible that Koreans were involved. There is documentary evidence that Korean monks not only visited
Tun-huang but lived there in substantial numbers and may even have established a temple, called on one manuscript (p3935) the ,,Han ssu
ffig.,,r
conceivable that they may have been involved in the transmission of pien to
Japan. The famous pilgrim Ennin (79314-864)and other Japanese traveuers to
china, we know, had extensive contact with Koreans who had established
temples and monasteries in various parts of china. Korean traders and merchants were also active in China.
The earliest unmistakable reference to etoki may be found in the Miscellaneous Notes Concerning the Temple of Clarified Truth (Daigoji zakki,
HHffi+
ffi), aatea 93L-2 Etoki were definitely being performed in Japanese temples
dwing the twelfth century. rn the diary of Fujiwara no yorinaga (1I20-l t56),
under the twenty-second day of the tenth month of the year |43, a description is given of the explanations of pictures by a "monk" (;fr
ffig) rerating to
the life of prince shtoku (ry', 574-622) at the shitennji (zsxE*) in
lI2
Chapter
it"
in
$+re|j-=l,/). This could very well be a description of similar traditions
India, Tibet, and Germany.
Barbara Ruch has written an extremely important article entitled "Medieval
Jongleurs and the Making of a National Literature" that explains in detail who
the "picture explainers" were and how they operated. She also reproduces
several old paintings showing these efoki jn performance, among which one
dates from the year 1299. These paintingsre invaluabe for understanding
some of the various techniques for displaying and commenting on pictures
that were current, particularly during the Muromachi period (1392-1573).
Ruch's Figure
a
her shaven head covered by a cloth, sitting by the side of the road, where
many travellers are sure to pass, telling about her pictures.T These she displays
on a stand in the form of hanging scrolls (kakej;fr l3l'4). The one she is
pointing at with a staff has the basic circular arrangement of a mandala
depicting heavens and hells.s This puts it squarely in the tradition of Indian
tamapata and Tibetan ma-r.ti-pa (see below). She seems at this moment to be
discussing the character kokoro,' ("heart-mind"). Behind her is a large box
that must have been difficult to carry and which was used to hold her scroll
pictures. Her young assistant holds out a cup to solicit donations. There is no
musical instrument evident. A whotly different setting is portrayed in Ruch's
Figure 4 (dated tS04).e This illustration shows a "nut" performing etoki lor
two ladies at court or, perhaps, in their house. She is gesticulating while the
ladies look at the scroll. which is unrolled on the floor. A little girl covers her
face with a handkerchief as though she were crying. The box for storing and
transporting her scrolls, similar to that carried by the "singing nun" in Ruch's
World
lf
priests.
"
Ruch's remarks on the social and religious status of these "priests" and
"priestesses" are illuminating. These people were actually from a very low
Ievel of society and performed religious and semireligious ceremonies for
shrines and temples. Etoki performances of engi (ffifu), "legends concerning
the founding of a temple and the deities worshipped there," and eden (li+),
"illustrated biographies of important religious figures," were not considered
to be menial tasks. On the other hand, they were not undertaken by the
ordained nuns and monks either. "In general ..., such highly specialized
performing arts seemed to be the province ofpeople from the bottom level of
society who were associated with temples but not fully involved with religious
pursuits."l4 This corresponds closely to what we know of similar folk performers in India, Central Asia, Tibet, Mongolia, Korea, Indonesia, and China.
That the Kumano bikuni were not really ordained Buddhist nuns at all is
brought out in this account oflchiro Hori:
In medieval times, especially during the Ashikaga period (1338-I573), the mountain
ascetics (yamabushi or shugen-ja) of Mount Kumano sometimes married shamanesses
l14
Chapter
and wandered with them from village to village throughout Japan. Because the
Kumano-shugen-jahad been controlled by Mantrayna Buddhist Tendai and Shingon sects, the wives of sftugen-jawerc colloquially called nuns (bikuni). They traveled
from village to village to preach the way to salvation in the Pure Land of Amida
Buddha and the moralistic theory of causality, designating as etoki boards on which
pictures of paradise (Jdo) and hell were painted. They iived on offerings from the
villagers.
r5
In Japan there was aso a distinction made between those etoki hshi who
operated in and around shrines or temples and those who stationed themselves
at the roadside or in the marketplace.
Like their counterparts elsewhere, etoki performers were not always what
they seemed to be in other respects as well. Reminiscent of the accounts in
Indian literature of spies who disguised themselves as yamapattaka (painters
and explainers of pictures about hell) is a scene from a play by Chikamatsu
Monzaemon (1653 1725) called Shume Hgan Morihisa (+
t1), prob+lJ
ably written
using the small scroll with pictures of heaven and hell that is inside the
portabe Buddhist altar the travellers carry, as is customary, for protection.
That a group of women could hope to deceive the barrier guards by such a
poy or that a spy could gain entrance to an important official's house in
the guise of a yamapataka s surely indicative of the enormous popularity
of picture-storytelling in seventeenth-century Japan and in eighth-century
India. Rather than drawing attention to oneself, a person who had adopted the
guise ofpicture-storyteller was effectively concealed from suspicion. Like the
the
performer was intimately familiar through long training and practice- The
written inscriptions probably were not meant to serve as a text to rely on since,
through repeated performance, the storyteller would quickly memorize them'
They must have been intended, rather,
as a
World
l15
of the oral narration (most likely the verse) that were not to be tampered with.
They were what gave structure to the narrative and, as such, should remain
unchanged. In some cases, however, no texts were used at all.ig
In Japan today there are still approximately fifty different temples in which
individuals regularly perform etoki. Most contemporary etoki use hanging
scrolls, in sets ranging from two to eight in number.re They do occasionally use
a horizontal handscroll very much in the format of p4524. one particularly
interesting religious hanging scroll with many scenes is a pictorial biography
of the priest Rennyo 48-t^'!l*fflS published by the temple called
Gankei-ji Fq+ on the mounrain named yoshizaki-san
il6 in the province of Echizen frdi, which lies northwest of Kyoto on the Japan Sea. As we
have discovered so often in Asian picture-storytelling traditions, trees are
utilized in this etokito divide scenes with registers.
as
late as 1950, was stil enormously popular in the Japanese countryside. It has
been estimated that at that date there were yet active some 25,000 players. In
spite of the poor documentation (as is the case, incidentally, with nearly all
other types of folk arts in Japan and elsewhere until recenty), the magnitude
116
Chapter
that they may have been imported from Germany during the nineteenth
century. Peep shows or raree shows were indeed introduced to Japan from
abroad and were known during the Meiji period (1866-1912) as nozoki
karakuri AF,' I 0 ("peep gimmick") ot karakuri-megane h\ < D HF$
storytelling.
In Tibet, the functional equivalent of wayang bbr dalang and pien petformer until recent times has been ma-r.ti-pa.2a 'lhese are itinerant storytellers who recite edifying tales whie showing the episodes on a painting that
they carry with them. They also engage in a certain amount of mime during the
explanation of the pictures.25 Guiseppe Tucci has described the practice in
detail:
The custom survives in Tibet; in the fairs, places of pilgrimage and bazars of the
chief cities one frequentiy meets itinerant lamas or laymen, who sing to a devoutly
spellbound audience wonderful stories about Padmasambhava and the glories of
Amitabha's heaven, showing as they sing, on large tankas they unroll, the pictorial
representation of the events or miracles they are relating. Often they repeat tales in
verse, reciting them in a sort ofsing-song, and drawing them from a special section
ofsacred literature, calledgsol qdebs,]nymns or invocations; the saint is invoked in
each verse, with a brief allusion to one of the most remarkable episodes of his life, a
vision he had or a miracle he performed; some tankas . . . are precisely iilustratedgsol
qdebs.26
Inhis Recherches sur I'popee et le barde au Tibet, Rolf Stein shows a ma-nipa at atemple in Ghoom (near Darjeeling) during a festival.2T He has hung up
his tanka (tibetan thahka, a religious painting that is usually mounted on
fabric) on the wall and is sitting down to the left of it. He has set a plate in front
of the tanka, most likely for expected donations.
i
\...
World
LI7
would hang their tankas by the side of the road and chant the stories depicted
on them.2e
Like their counterparts in many other lands, t]ne ma-ni-pa possessed clear
shamanistic traits. Their very name reveals them to be adepts equipped
through Avalokite6vara's initiation with the "power,, (d.bang) to recite the
"lotus" formula-Om mar.ti padme hum ("Oln, Jewel
fmaryil in the Lotus!,,).
Apart from their picture-storytelling, they also performed various rituals that
demonstrated their unusual powers.3o
A final, key observation about the ma-ni-pa is that their subjects were
largely the same as those enacted in Tibetan plays.3r This is a crearnalogy to
the uayang tradition and stands as further confirmation of the unified nature
of narrative in Asian storytelling and drama.
The epic of Gesar (or Kesar [< Caesar]) of Ling was enormously popular in
Tibet and Mongolia. The men who wandered about telling it resembled picturestorytellers elsewhere in Asia in many respects. Since this was still a living
tradition in the first half of the twentieth century, it might be well to quote in
extenso the observations of a student of Tibetan culture, George Roerich,
regarding it:
Among the rhapsodists of the Kesar Epic one finds both professional itinerant
a special costume, and ordinary laymen, both men and
women. The recital of the epic may take anything from three to ten days. The epic
is sung or often read drawlingly. A professional rhapsodist may often improvise
whoie passages while reciting it. I still vividly remember my experience with a
rhapsodist of the Kesar Epic whom I had invited to write it down. This rhapsodist
continually improvised passges and whenever I asked him to repeat the passage
sung by him, he would always sing it in a slightly different version. professional
rhapsodists seidom use manuscripts of the epic during recitals. They know it by
heart and often sing it in a sort of trance. Laymen on the contrary iead it from a
manuscript, and seldom know it by heart, except for a few passages. Itinerant
rhapsodists are distinguished by a special costume. These rhapsodiits (sgruirpa,
pronounced drul-pa,or sgruh-bad) wear on the head a special high hat, called the
"rhapsodist's hat" or sgruirwa. The hat is white and is adorned with the images of
the Sun and Moon. It is a pointed hat with three triangular shaped sides, edgeJwith
red. on his body a rhapsoist wears a white Tibetan coat or chu-pa. It is noteworthy
that the colour ofthe hat and coat is white, white being the colour ofthe ceremonial
Sarments worn by Bon-po priests and exorcists. An itinerant rhapsodist ofthe Kesar
Epic always carries with him a painted image or than-ka representing the life story
ofking Kesar, and an arrow adorned with multicoloured (blue, green, yeliow, and
red) ceremonial scarfs or kha-btags. with the help of this arrow or d-tar (mda'-dar),
the rhapsodist points out the various episodes of the Kesar Epic depicted on the
painting. Some ofthe more famous rhapsodists are accompanied on theirjourneys by
a troop of disciples who learn the art of singing and reciting the epic. In the Amdo
Province of North-East ribet the rhapsodists of the Kesar Epic often belong to the
ancient Bon faith. very often a rhapsodist of the Kesar Epic is also well known as
an
exorcist. Among the Goioks and the Hor-pas of North-East Tibet the epic is recited
rhapsodists, distinguished by
ll8
Chapter
during funeral ceremonies. Before such a recital a flat platform is prepared and the
floor is strewn withrtsam-pa or barley flour. The listeners sit around the platform
and the rhapsodist sits facing the platform. The recital continues for several days. It
is commonly said that frequently hoof-prints appear on the platform, and these are
beiieved to represent the hooprints of the mighty steed of king Kesar, invoked by
the rhapsodist. Some ofthe rhapsodists lead a sedentary life and marry. In such cases
the sons often follow their fathers and become rhapsodists in their turn. In western
Tibet, in Ladak, the Kesar Epic is sung by village musicians or bedas. One of the
versions of the epic recorded by Dr. A. H. Francke (his "first manuscript") was
recited by a girl of about sixteen years of age (Indian Antiquaryt, vol. XXX, 190I,
p. 330). In some districts ofTibet the Kesar Epic and its singers were persecuted by
the Lamaist clergy and this somewhat reflected on the popuiarity of the epic (king
Kesar is popularly beiieved to be the mortal enemy of the yi-dam lCam-srin).32
It
is
evident from this description that Roerich's "rhapsodist ofthe Kesar Epic"
apprentices; and that he was sometimes at odds with the religious establishment. All of this is in agreement with what we know of other picturestorytelling traditions in Asia. Furthermore, Roerich's report that the professional teller of the Gesar epic did not resort to a text while "laymen" (i-e-,
nonprofessionals as entertainers-both were laymen in the sense of not being
ordained monks) who dabbled in it did keep written versions from which they
read is highly significant. This confirms our understanding not only of the
situation in south and southeast Asia but in Tun-huang as well. 'lhe written
transformation texts (pien-wen) discovered at Tun-huang were neither for nor
by the professional teller of transformations; they were the preserve of the
very individuals who copied them down and passed them about among
friends. There is no clear indication that such copies ofpopular literary texts
were sold commercially until during the Sung period when, with the "sprouts
of capitalism" and the development of printing, enterprise in the book trade
became a reality.
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f 19
This is cleary a parallel to the Indian yamapa[ika. grat also means puppet and in
the Persian popular theatre the reader or singer for the puppets is called khwn or
khon; he usralTy prefaces his performance by the recitation ofa religious poem called
rak-i-hind|. Martinovitch, to whom I owe this information, renders this ,,the Indian
way," but it seems much more likely that rak : rag, and thus the meaning should
be "rndian song or tune." In any case there is here some positive evidence for an
Indian origin of the puppet show in persia, or at least for Indian influence in the
manner ofits presentation, and this supports the idea ofan Indian origin for the srat
khwn.36
coomaraswamy's remarks are important also because they point to the evolu-
+--.+-
+L^^^
l{-
l2O
Chapter
narratives. I am not aware that any musical instrument is used as accompaniment for this type of storytelling. At appropriate moments, he points with a
cane to various scenes on t]ne parda to illustrate his narrative. The onlookers
who gather to listen and watch usually give him a few coins. Should a
constable come to harass him, he will immediately begin to sing the praises of
the sheriffwho is painted on the upper right corner forjust this purpose. This
meager attempt at self-protection would appear to be a necessity because the
parda-darperformers have long been persecuted by the authorities. The latter
scorn them because they are manifestations of rude, folk culture and fear
them because their performances are sometimes capable of stirring the peope
to protest. An essential comPonent of alI parda sessions is copious weeping.
Though we might consider tine parda-dar to be a sort of folk priest' he
receives no recognition from the religious establishment; no imam, mullah, or
ayatollah he. Persians make a clear distinction between the molla-akhondayatotlah group who have formal religious training (no matter how little) and
the entertainer. Parda-dar perform no legal religious functions, nor do they
officiate in mosques. They are not recognized by the ecclesiastical authorities
because they do not represent the Islam ofthe books and the law, but rather
popular folk belief, which is always in tension with what the religious
establishment tries to promote.a After centuries of government interference
with their performances , tine parda-dr ate now very hard to locate and carry
out their tradition only in remote, provincial towns and villages. This situation
parallels quite closely the fate ofpien performers in Sung Chinaandpao-chan
reciters in the People's Republic.
Another lranian picture recitation tradition is that of tt'e shamayel-gardan
(literally, "picture/portrait circulator"). T'he performers usually travel in pairs
with their religious pictures. one carries the pictures and explains the stories
depicted on them; the other sings at appropriate moments, sometimes slapping
his chest for rhythm.a2 Shamayel-gardaT is essentially the same tl:'ingas pardadar, and the two terms are used interchangeably today.
The connection between lranian religious storytelling with pictures and the
primary stages of development of folk drama has been recognized by Jiii
Cejpek with regard to the perform ance of tlne parda-zan: "It is but a small step
from alluding to simple pictures as accompaniment to a narrative about a saint,
to having his story actually dramatised by live persons." a3 This observation of
a real historical process perfectly coincides with the argument I have been
making about the evolution of folk and popular literature in parts of Asia
farther east.
In Syria, Lebanon, and Palestine, there is a type of entertainment similar to
thatof theparda-zanwhichis calledsandukal-'ajQyib ("wonder lcf.pienint}jle
sense of shen-pien fF4l box"). The storyteller carries it around on his back,
announcing his presence with a klaxon. when he finds an audience, he sets up
the box on its stand and collects a few pennies from each of the children and
occasional grownups who
with magnifying
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I2l
glasses inserted.
unfolds.aT
i-
L22
ChaPter
Moving northward into Europe, we find that picture recitation was also
up the
widespred there. During the Middle Ages in South Italy' there grew
pictures
scroll
practice of reading t:ne praeconium Pa.schale from illuminated
vigil
called "exultet rolls." These rolls are so denominated because the Easter
(rejoice!).
service in which they are used begins with the exhortation exultet
Mostoftherollsdatefromthetenthtotwelfthcenturies.agTheyareina
vertical format, like the Bengali pat. The deacon would stand in the pulpit
the
and, pointing with his index finger to the apPropriate pictures' unroll
the
before
down
scroll over the front of the ambo so that it would hang
various
the
between
congregation.5o The text was usually inserted alternately
,""ri"r.rd upside-down so that the deacon could read from it directly. The
earliest known scrolls, however, did not have the text written in upsideor
down.5 Occasionally the texts were destroyed, cut away' erased' rewritten'
illusthe
that
rearranged in the opposite direction.52 llence it would aPpear
trations were primary and the written texts secondary. Nonetheless, since
it
there is no true Roman liturgica extant older than that of the ninth century,
connection
has
some
is possible that the use of exultet rolls in religious services
that
to its formation.5s Two other interesting features of the exultet rolls are
the texts include neums instructing the deacon in the correct manner of
singing them and that, on at least one, the Vatican MS. Latin 9820, christ is
pictured inside what could well be described
as a marydala'
At the Museo del Duomo in Salerno, there are illustrations of Bible stories in
blue, red, and gold that were used like films. These paintings date to the
twelfth or thirteenth century and consist of eleven sheets approximately 24
inches by l8 inches-" 54
The earliest attested predecessors of modern ltalian picture reciters can be
traced back to the first half of the sixteenth century and were known as
cantambanco (var. cantimpanca, cantainbanca, cantambanca, cantambanchessa,
cantambanchina -- "bench-singer"). Some of the variant forms are feminine,
which indicates that women must have been involved in early Italian picture
recitation. From seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Paintings (see Figures
IO-12), we know that the cantambanco sometimes worked alone and sometimes in pairs. When they performed in pairs, the singer would accompany
himself on a guitar and his partner would indicate the appropriate scene with
a pointer. Various media (carved wooden triptyches, hanging banners' and
so forth) would be used as the illustrative material. A portion of their earnings derived from the sale of printed versions of their songs and stories and
cheap pictures. Their social status in the seventeenth century is determinable by their customary association with magic, swindlery, skulduggery,
quackery, charlatanism, puPPetry, and even acrobatics'55 Some ofthe earliest
cantambanco were blind or affected blindness. Their performances were a
combination of comedy, horror, and profanity in varying degrees' In the
seventeenth century, they were also called ciurmadore and cerretano. while in
the twentieth century they have been styled cantastorie. The pictorial layouts
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123
they used normally had multiple scenes represented (from seven to thirty-five
in the ones I have seen and read about). A I79O engraving (Figure t3) by
Giuseppe Testi of the picture reciter Luigi Pergola shows that it was even
possible to recite before a large crowd with the aid of a medium-sized picturebook. Like most other picture reciters around the world, Italian reciters were
usually itinerants and, together with their audiences, came from the poorest
leves ofsociety (see Figure l5; cf. Figure 74).56In Sicily today, tll'e cantastorie
still sing stories of legendary heroes and contemporary criminals. They usually
accompany themselves on a guitar and display large, garishly painted canvas
banners. The banners are divided into sections illustrating various episodes of
the stories they tell.57 Tlne cantastorietravels about (some now by car) with
several of these banners and mounts them on a pole for all the audience to see.
Italian puppet theater showbills reveal a direct link to the narrative illustrations of cqntastorie.ss The puppets too are made to appear like the figures in the
storyteller's pictures and the plots used in the two genres are identical.:s This
is reminiscent of the Indian, Indonesian, and Chinese drarnatic narrative
traditions.
In Germany, the analogue of Asian picture reciters was called Bnkelsnger
("bench-singer")so; Marktsnger ("market-singer"); Strassens(inger ("street
singer"); Zeitungssringer ("news-singer"); Strindlisnger ("stand-up singer");
and Schildersringer ("picture-singer"). They are also sometimes referred to as
Moritat, the precise meaning of which is uncertain.6l One of the earliest textual
references to a German picture reciter. in the I536 account book ofthe town
of Ochsenfurt, simply called him a Spilman (Spielmann, "street-player" or
"minstrel").62 The first pictorial evidence for picture recitation in Germany
dates from around 1485 and is found in a drawing from the Hausbuch der
Frsten Waldburg-Wofegg (see Figure 28). J. Scheible's Die Fliegenden Bl(itter
reprints many Bcinkelsang texts from the first quarter of the seventeenth
century and a few from the sixteenth century, including one dated 1520. There
are other grounds for placing the origins of Bnkelsang in Germany at least
back to the fourteenth or fifteenth century.63
Most of tl:'e Brinkelsnger wete itinerants. Their performance was usually
quite straightforward. First came an announcement or advertisement and that
was
followed by
a series
with prose explanations. At the beginning of some verse sections came a line
that is remarkably similar to tlne pien-wen pre-verse formula: "Look at this
picture ..." ("Betrachtet dies Bild hier ...")^un
The best account of the early history of these itinerant picture-storytellers
may be found in Rolf Brednich's article entitled "Zur Yorgeschichte des
Bnkelsangs." 65 lIe traces them back as far as the beginning ofthe seventeenth
century and gives one reference to the year 1536.66 It may be speculated that
the forerunners of the Brinkelsang were introduced from Italy with the exultet
scrolls and wandering juglares (jongleurs). Since, however, many of the oldest
known pictorial records of Bcinkelscinger show them performing with folding
I24
Chapter
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125
Musically Talented Wife." John must have done most of the talking and his
wife most of the singing. The audience consists of a woman and a child'
Although we see them from the back, the quizzicalposture and the pointed left
index finger of the woman as well as the raised, outspread right hand of the
boy indicate that they are properly spellbound and fittingly aghast. At the
bottom of the engraving is a short poem, probably as it would have been
spoken by the man, written both in French and German. I offer the following
crude translation:
Listen to what happened to Cartouche and his band,
How they were executed, as usual, on wheel and with rope,
This may well have been the sort of ballad singer who was satirized by
Daniel Chodowiecki inlnis Rermation of Morals (1787, see Figure 4l) and in
an almanac compiled by Friedrich Nicolai and illustrated by Chodowiecki:
Eyn feyner, kleyner Almanach Vol schnerr liblicherr Volckslieder, lustigerr Reyen unndt
klegJicher Mordgeschichte, Sesungen uon Gabriel Wundeilich, weyl' Benkelsengerrn zu
Dessaw. . . .
A fine little almanac fuII of beautiful, charming folk-songs, merry and lamentable
tales of murder sung by Gabriel Wunderlich [Wonderful], formerly ballad-singer in
Dessau. . .
.72
It
Brednich's second plate (Figure 32) depicts a singer, mouth wide open, with
a hinged triptych that has been elevated for easy viewing, on a small table.73
The nine scenes within the opened triptych are carved in relief. In front stand
six pious children in rapt attention.
Brednich's third plate (Figure 78) shows an enormous diptych standing high
above a crowd of observers.Ta A singer, again with mouth wide open, also
stands above the crowd, probably on the same bench with the diptych- The
singer has casually hung his tricorne over the front edge of the diptych. His
left hand holds a long, thin stick that points to the middle of the top row of
scenes, which apparently depicts Christ on the cross. In his right hand are
some sheets of paper (probably texts for sale). In this market setting, the
women passersby who have chores to do (note the heavy water pails) and the
children tugging at their skirts evince far less interest than the men, who seem
to demonstrate genuine curiosity.
It is important to observe that the Brinkelsnger sometimes earned a part o
their living by selling copies of the ballads they sang and the commercial
126
Chapter
broad-sheets called l"{eue Zeitung, which were written versions of the stories
they told. -l};.e Bnkelsang peorrr'ar.ce was, in a sense, an advertisement for
the published wares. T}r,e Bnkelsringer sold other sorts of goods, including
quack medicines, at parish fairs, entertainment centers, and elsewhere.T5 This
is reminiscent of the Japanese kamishibai performers, who survived by selling
candy to the children in their audience, or those Bengali palua wlno peddled
their paintings to pilgrirns. There is also good evidence that Bnkelsangs were
(Figure 71).
By chance,
There exist other examples of drawings of Neue Zeitung sellers and analogous vendors in France (see Figures 3l and 76), so we may assume that they
were fairly commonplace in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Germany and
elsewhere in Europe. But we may not assume that literacy was so widespread
that all auditors would be prompted to buy the printed texts. An illustration
for a 1619 picture recitation shows an encounter between a Neue Zeitung seller
and a peasant (see Figure 30b). The accompanying text says that the peasant
does not want to buy the merchant's broadsheets because he would not be able
to understand them.78
Anne Pellowski has brought together in convenient compass a great deal of
valuable information regarding the mode of operation of t}:,e Bnkelscinger.Te
'Ihe Bnkelsnger were active from the late sixteenth century, as we have seen,
to the beginning of the twentieth century in German-speaking areas of Europe.
There were similar performers in other language areas of Europe but they have
scarcely been studied at all. It should be noted that these street-singers were
despised as being among the lowest classes of society.8o In Basel, Swiss
Morithaten were considered by individuals of refined taste to be so abominable
that they would sometimes call in the police to disrupt the performances.sr
audiences
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127
l2
or city. "rhe Bcinkelscingerltas a hand organ that he cranks with one hand and
in the other he holds a pointer.
performances but they also earned their living by sale to the audience
of
printed versions of the sung narratives. The printed narratives were called
Fliegenden Blcitter or Flugblcitter (both of these names mean
approximately
"flying sheets"), and Flugschriften, (,,flyingpapers,,). The former were
sheets
printed on one side, usually just one picture with a simpre text.84
other types
of vendors also might sell these but usually they were to be
obtained from the
amount of text. The printing was generally of the poorest quality and the
paper used was crude and rough. one publisher who issued a tremendous
number of Bcinkelsang texts during the second half of the nineteenth century
was Ernst Reiche of schwiebus. He had an in-house writer named zerndt,
an
elementary school instructor, who composed them for him. The Bnkelsnger
themselves were also known to commission poetasters, jesters, and teachers to
write songs for them. occasionally, as for example was the case with the family
Damm, the Bcinkelscinger would compose their own texts, especially the picture
explanations in prose.s5
in
essence,
a dramatized
Bcinkelsang
128
Chapter
and parody of the "Moritat von Mackie Messer (Ballad of Mack the Knife)." sz
The characters, of course, soon step out from the illustrative stage tableaux
and begin to sing and speak for themselves. At various important points
(compare shih lr and ch'u ft of tlne pien tradition) in the play, a board or sign
will descend from the flies or light up on a screen to give fitting tags for a
section of the play (compare pien-hsiang cartouches). For example, at the
beginning of Act I in Mr. Peachum's shop for beggars, the sign says, "It is
more blessed to give than to receive." 88 In the final scene, these words appear:
"Third Finale: The Arrival of the Mounted Messenger."se Brecht has, in
effect, created on the stage an animated series of transformation tableaux or
Bcinkelscinger's Schilder ("bench-singer's pictures").
There are much earlier ties between picture recitation and mainstream
European literature. For example, an intriguing parallel to such storytelling
recitation formulas as Chinese pien-wen " Ch'ieh k'an fplease look!]" and Indian
par " Dek [Let us see!]" exists in the recurring locution " Asf ais uosf uus or As
les uus fSee now! or Behold!]" of the medieval French Song of Roland.eo Gerard
J. Brault remarks that this narrative technique "imparts a sense of immediacy
to the narration, but it also implies pointing by the jongleur to draw the
audience's attention to the approach of an imaginary walking or riding
figure-"et There may, however, be more to the locution than Brault himself
suspects. After more than a century of scholarship on the chanson de geste, its
origins are still clouded in obscurity. It is possible that thejongleur's frequent
"See now!" or "Behold!" suggests a connection with picture-storytelling.
The events in t}'e Song of Roland took place on August 15, 778, and were
written down in the Oxford manuscript version sometime around 1095 to
1100. This time period coincides with that of the worldwide diffusion of
picture-storytelling. Other aspects of the chanson de geste that suggest an
affinity with picture-storytelling are the dramatic nature of its narrative and
the illiteracy of its jongleurs.e2
In France, the picture reciter was known as Ie chanteur de cantiques, Ie
chanteur
like. It would
ft
book-the lack
of
firm
boundaries between various types of oral and performing arts-is also borne
out by the history ofSpanishjongleurs. The first Iiterary reference to puppets
in Spain dates to I 2 I I and is found in a poem by Girant de Calans. The juglar
(jongleur), says de Calans, should know how ro present puppets (bauastels)
World
l2g
and do conjuring tricks (e fey tos castells assalhir).s7 The counterpart of the
Btinkelsnger in Spain was commonly known as cantor de
feria.
characteristics.
The people in Lorca's play who watch the show refer to it as one of titeres
and to the showman as " seor tituitero." These terms are usually rendered into
narrative and its embellishment that they tremble and shiver. Like virtually
all the other picture-storytellers we have encountered., seor tituitero is an
itinerant jongleur (: juggler; magician). Lorca writes of "those ballads and
little songs you sing and terr through the villages (todos esos romances y
chupaletrinas que canta y cuenta por los pueblos).,,r0: fs verses he sings
are also called aleluyas ("couplets");Io4 this implies a connection with the
seventeenth-century wandering merchants of foided pictures mentioned
above. The showman points with a staff (uarill) to incidents depicted on the
painting. As he does so, he uses the same types of picture-storyteller's phrases
as do his counterparts in many other lands:
f3O
Chapter
.)."
kartinki.tos
In old Moldavia, entire churches used to be covered with colorful frescoes
inside and out. As on the fifteenth-century monastery church at Voronet,
these paintings illustrated Romanian folklore and stories from the Bible.r06
Their purpose was to serve as teaching aids for the illiterate who would come
to hear recitations ofthe tales portrayed thereon.
I have also come across reports of picture-storytelling in Holland and
England (see Figures 80-83) but have not been able to document these entirely
to my own satisfaction.I0z It is clear, however, that from at least the sixteenth
century, there existed in Europe a continentwide phenomenon of storytelling
with pictures. The Swedes called picture reciters marknadsngere; the Swiss
styled them Stndlisringer, Steliscinger, or Schildersnger, and, in Frenchspeaking areas, simply Ie chanteur; the Czechs referred to them as krmarski
zpevk; in Flanders they were known asliedjeszanger; and so on. Because of its
low social status, unfortunately, picture recitation has not been regularly
recorded in the history books. Consequently, it is very difficult to obtain
reliable information on this subject for many countries.
In all areas where I have traced storytelling with pictures, religious imagery
is frequent but not exclusive. Another common trait of picture-storytellers
around the world is that they are virtually all itinerant lay persons who have
to supplement their income from storytelling with other types of work. Though
they are, as a rule, illiterate, they are capable of reciting lengthy tales. Their
social status, as we have seen repeatedly, is generally quite low but occasionally, because a wealthy or powerful person enjoys their performances, a
few individuals among them may attain a certain degree of fame and influence,
if not wealth.
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131
In tracing the origin and extension of picture recitation, we have now come
ful circle. I have not pursued the spread of this genre to America because it is
essentially a modern phenomenon in the New World and my purpose has
been to study traditional manifestations of storytelling with pictures. Furthermore, we are all familiar with flannel board ectures at Sunday school,
grade school projects involving picture-scrolls on wooden dowels viewed
through the front of an old shoe box, and the like. Visitors to Gettysburg
(Pennsylvania) will remember the spectacular postbellum cyclorama painted
by Paul Philippoteaux. Even more intriguing were the moving panoramas that
were six to ten feet tall and hundreds offeet long. Like gigantic uayang bbr,
etoki, or transformation scrolls, these paintings were wound on two upright
spindles and were transferred by means of cranks from one to the other.
Displayed on the proscenium of a theater stage, these moving pictures were
accompanied by music and a lecture. The owner of the scroll, like so many of
the other picture reciters we have encountered in this study, was an itinerant
performer.108 We have, then, literally followed the development of the phenomenon of picture recitation around the entire world.
To bring this chapter, and indeed this book, to a close, I refer the reader to
the map appearing on the endsheets. What with all the arrows of influence
emanating from India, it would seem to be a diffusionist's delight. Certainly,
we have seen in various chapters indisputable evidence of links between
South Asian picture recitation and parallel traditions elsewhere. At the same
time, many question marks could be added to the map. For a genre of
folk literature that has been so vital for such a long period of time and
in so many different places cannot conceivably be reduced to a few lines
on a simple schematic map. Hence the map ought to be viewed only as suggestive of some possible connections in the spread of this phenomenon
across the globe.
My intent in gathering the information offered in this book has not been to
demonstrate that picture recitation has a single Indian source. My sole original
purpose was to carify the meaning and function of the enigmatic narrative
picture-scroll from Tun-huang (Pa52a), which shows the contest of transformations between Sriputra and the Six Heretics. After many more years of
INDIA
See
pp. 89ff-
CHINA
Figure
7.
Figure
feng-su pai
See
Pei-ching min-chien
pp. 13-14.
iI
pbnjr bhopo in front of his pr singing and playing the rva4tahtto. Tlne bhop stands behind him. Bhilwara,
Rajasthan.
.'
.
',)t,
44
,t
Itt
(
Y
t
w,
\r
ITALY
iS
+:
'\,
,"\
.Jt,",
*
:
.,., ... ;'l
-''"
?':''
.- t. -f'
'a:*4
.'.t" !n-' ,".-".&"{:
Figure 10. Picture reciter with guitarist assistant in idealized landscape. Based on a
pantlng by the Dutch artist Karel Du Jardin (L622-I678) who worked in Italy' From
Petzoldt, Die freudlose Muse, p. I0.
pl. I63
t,
:-r: i
,
{
i:t
FigureI2. Cantastofiewithmandolin-playingassistantusingbothhangingpainting_andhinged
tripty"h for illustration. Alessandro Magnasco. Venice, Private collection. From Brednich, "Zur
vorgeschichte des Bnkelsangs," pl. 4.
is {-q((t(
l\14trlA
t*
o."
r,i
.'J
-
.]'.
,l
LI
t0
ruJ
il
.-+a.!^a;D'^'ith
arri+rr
rinlinicf
ssis*nf-
&
rl
F
,1
't
/:
'
ir
t\:'
Figure 20. The North Ifalian cantastorie Maino Piazza and Vincenzo Magnifico, performing in
1966. From Schenda, "Der italienische Bnkelsang heute," Pl. L
ft
**:-
I
t|
,t,
n*.
t rt
as assistant. From
GERMANY
,'' itr
i
,t
1
t
1
-e.
Tyrannenislut,
Figtre 27. Spanish picture reciters presenting a mystery play. 1965. From Eichler, Btinkelsang
und Moritat, p.48.
I
29- Sixtcenth-^.rr?,,
p. 15.
Figure 30, a and b. Broadsheet used by German picture reciter and detail (Actus IV) showing a seller and singer of early
illustrated newspapers. 1619. From Scheible, Die fliegenden Bltter.
1(,',I'l'l{.1\
8"e-
ft$^</ o,,{ilot<l
foo*
o",*'l,.,,.,..
'' Jte'
Figure 34- "Hans Pumsack, privilegierter Marckt- und Zeitungs Snger, mit seinem Musicalischen Weibe," ca. !72L.
Anonymous colored copper engraving. Kunstbibliothek der Staatlichen Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz. Berlin. Fron
Brednich, "Zur Vorgeschichte des Bnkelsangs," pl. l. Discussed in detail in the text at pp. 124-L25.
Figure 36. Johann Wilhelm Meil (1733-1805), "Der Bnkelsnger," 1765. Note broadsides
tucked under left arm ofthe performer. Drawing from the Veste Coburg collection. From
Eichler, Bcinlcelsang und Moritat, p.92.
.offiilft
\..-rmlf
'
i,#l$
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f
-
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a
r.l\,r
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I t,^#,
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it
, t"lt
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,tr\
\
I
'
p.18.
Figure 40. Brinkelsringer and his wife. Detail ofa picture-sheet. Nrnberg, second
eighteenth century. From Petzoldt, Die freudlose Muse. p. 16.
halfofthe
9er Snnfetnger.
\-
,- /.,/,,.L,,,./.,.t
.tirlntt '
{$
I
I
It
'1
ii
'
t!'
lt
p.4I.
*-,
.*
tr,
Moritat, p. lo4.
a*d,*
ad., h.& co
.d fs dh
trft
g F *J, l. hr,,
fa &h.!r. .r r
lrn
ai lh p
e.dkln.nlh
r lt . rLln b tr.,
t!.
ld d.lhh
tr*iok
&'drdttu,4lh
t.
rlltra
r,
f.r l.
n. *. rA nblt,
rkd,
t& rr a
9r dl .a blr
r
$..rthktQr.r'
o erd0 r tu
& Fr.thr&lrdr
&iSSt
Atd.grrh
ld
rr ad*
il.*,
l4 l{d, dt. .r,
&h ll h aurd
rd*&
b.ds**
dkt4
*aiw
hH.-9.
Dbr*b,
.*.-*.
&a*-s
*8ts.
rdd*.
bhtd.
bhx{tr
tfr*,
Figure 52. Illustration lor Die entsetzliche Mordgeschichte uon dem jungen Werther by Friedrich
Nicolai' From "Musenklnge aus Deutschlands Leierkasten," reipzig, rcas,1r. Auilage. From
Neunzig, Das illustrirte Moritaten-Lesebuch, p. 22I -
F.*,r
i.4r"..hda*..r!.'
Figure 50. "Der Jahrmarkt," I852. Drawing by Kaspar Braun (I807-I877). A street scene in
Munich. Collection of Ulrike Eichler, Stuttgart. From Eichler, Bnkelsang und Moritat, p. 163.
t...,.:
\t
'
n*
Figure 56. The noted street singer Frau Rosemann (ne Kahnert) at Nicolaiturm in Grlitz
(1900). The six hanging illustrations are by Adolph Hlbing of Neustadt/tlolst. From
Zimmermann, Lechzend nach Ttrannenblut, p. 60.
Figure 54. Street singer at Nauen in 1898 performing before a large crowd. The six huge paintings hanging from the
warehouse wall are by Adolph Hlbing of Neustadt/Holst. From Zimmermann, Lechzend nach Tyrannenblut, p. 59.
'
r ' '.!
'1i
.,1
r
I
-fj.
l .;il.
$ffi
tu#
t*n
&T
i;FF
{
i
il
' '''.t'y
TF,!
/
Il>t
,[;,
ofthis
.v,
{l
f
L
PlateII. Detailfromawall-paintinginthePalaceofEternalJoy.YungJokung,pl.
t9I.Seep.6.
Plate
III.
See
lr
I
, ,-
il
i.
''
:
:r
t,:
ti!.
-
{'
.
f,r
.
Plate
Iv.
Detail of a wall-painting from My-Hhe II, Kyzil (Chinese part of Centra Asia). See. p. 46.
\:
':
t'
:.
I
T
gtur wative
picture-scroll.
See
pp. 47ff.
tFiT
t:
4,'
Lte
VII. PreParingfor
\
I,I
',,
,.
llate
vul.
-t_
il
ri
1,
t8.t.
Notes
Notes to Introduction
l. rnanumberofbooksandarticres, Ihaveshownthatpien-wend.erivedfromatype
of oral storytelling with pictures. see victor H. Mair, Tun-huang popular Na.rratiues;
T'ang Transformation Texts; "Lay students and the Making oi w.itt.r, vernacular
2. For a general discussion of the ideas behind popular Buddhist fiction, see
victor H. Mair, "The Narrative Revolution in chinese Literature: ontologicar
Presuppositions.
"
believes
It is obvious that this scroll was designed for private reading (the classical language
also
confirms this assessment). p4524, n contrast, has illustrations that occupy
the entirety
ofthe recto and corresponding vernacular verse passages on the verso. For additional
evidence thatP4524 was used as a transformation(pien)performance
scroll, see chap.
4 of Mair, T'ang Transformation Texts.
5- P4524 has been reproduced in magnificent facsimile with an introduction by
Nicole Vandier-Nicolas and studied intensively from the art historian,s
viewpoint by
Akiyama Terukazu.
6. For evidence, see Mair, T'ang Transformation Texts, chap. 6.
7. There is evidence of government repression due to the association of pien-wen
with unauthorized religious movements. See ibid.
8' J. v. G. Mills, tra.,s., ying-yai sheng-ran, p. 97, with a sright modification. w. p.
Groeneveldt, Historical Notes on Indonesia and Malaysia p. 53, translates
the same
192
Japan. See Sun's Chung-kuo t'ung-su hsiao-shuo shu-mu, p.2, andPatrick Hanan, "Sung
and Yan Vernacular Fiction," p. 175n. 83.
13. See Saryu Doshi, "Spring Festival: The Vasanta Vilasa (three vignettes)," pp.3738, plus plate. See also the exhaustive textual treatment of W. Norman Brown, The
Vasanta Vilasa.
14. See A-ying, Chung-kuo lien-huan t'u-hua shih-hua, p.8.
15. Y Yeh, Chiu-chiu hsiao-hsia Iu, l2.LOab.
16. ForthebiographyofWu-chu,seethefirstentryintheofficalHistoryoftheChin
Dlnasty hin Shih +,ql) 77.4 similar stratagem is employed in a Yan drama with a
T'ang setting, the anonymous Hsiao Y-ch'ih chiang-tou chiang jen fu kuei ch'ao,7b-Bb.
17. Ch'ien'[s'a, Shuo Yeh ch'an-chuan, pp.275-276.
18. See T'ao Chn-ch'i , Ching-ch ch-mu ch'u-t'an, p. 283. This play is still popular
in the Cho-chou ($nrfl) operatic tradition. Wang Tso's profession as a storyteller is
brought out very clearly in Act II. The crucial point at which he begins his illustrated
tale is as follows: "Here I have a picture which I wili hang up. I wiil relate my story in
accordance with the picture" (?-E-+F, #|ft!^, FEX;) From the recording by Kuo ChihJeh (9ll86), et al., "Wang Tso Cuts off His Arm."
19. Tom Gee, Stories of Chinese Opera, pp.27O 273.
20. Shansi sheng wen-wu kuan-li kung-tso wei-yan-hui, ed., Yung-lo kung, Preface,
p. 16.
22. Reference is to the plates section ofLiu Yanlin, Ch'ing-ming shang-ho t'u chih
tsung-ho yen-chiu. The White Cloud HaIl copy is owned by Huang Chn-pi E
(ibid., p. B2). Liu's dating of this copy is given on p. 49. It is difficuit to tell from the
reproduction in Liu exactly what is being displayed.
23. The Yan Secret Treasure copy is also reproduced among Liu's plates. Here,
however, there appears neither to be a cioth nor a narrator holding a pointer. The same
is true of the Metropolitan Museum of Art (A) copy, section nine, except that it does
show a curtain of sorts.
24. These are the copies by the Ming artist, Ch'iu Ying (Shih-chorr) W lhfr(l:h,
| /'l'l ) ; see plates in Lu, Ch'ing-ming shang-ho t'u.
Notes to Pages
7-13
193
lffitrefrl
(^)
ffiryffiffi, Iffi\frtu,
#tJ
-'
,1s,
la
Ti
ft
aF-n tt 'gffi ,
ER,
11 rT f,*
i ffi FF.
xtFrywFt. T (
)L* fr,, trr EFr, .|^8i,&..
ffill
),
ffi .
I was unable to locate this poem in the two vorumes of ch,en To's san-ch,
that were
republished in this century: Ch,iu-piyeh_fu
and, Li_yn chi ao
^H#ffi
in
flfiffiffi,
t,l'ch'i." (chi-yeh) i(Hgi), ed., yin-hung i so k,e ch,u
1r"ip.i,
Shih-chieh shu-ch, 1967 rpt.), vol. l.
ffitrffffi/fr
l2l.
no.
(I,u Vtan_y-U
tr6;.
*r,
"[.d
to my attentioi
ty riet van
42' Compare, for exampre, the folowing ch'ing dramas: picture of Drinking
wine
and Reciting Vexations (ftE;EE), picture oj Auspicious
Celebration
Picture of Numerous progeny
(-+E),
f*ml
194
43. 'I'an Cheng-pi and T'an Hsn, eds., T'an-tz'u hs lu, pp. 33 36.
44. Ibi.d., pp. I60-162.
45. Maudgaiyyana is calied Molon Toyin and Labay or Labuy (i.e., "Turnip").
46. See Alice Srkzi, "A Mongolian Picture-Book of Molon Toyin's Descent into
Heil."
morals.
J--^-i.-l
L.,
n^l.^i-
:-
;^
.,;^",-;--L--
v^-;^-;.h
f 95
"ri:":;tor
61. Information kindl.
62rhe""k;;;;;,J.:.::i:f'..i:l:i#:::];01,,'l;",
Lily
t3 and 430.
Notes to Chapter I
l. F. W.
Thomas, ,,political..and
.r in a left
;:,f
ro righr progression.
onihe .ou_rlr.
his h;.r;-;pp"u.,
the p.ogr"ssion o
,-rn
,op
2.
See
z,i
4.
F. Kielhorn
ch""j;;;;;,i.rr.
"g".rar.
thrr Kr;; ;;mas
tB2;and,AlbrechtWeber,
somewhatdeficienr.
rhesanskritquotationa,r","ilJ.T;'"::Tifi;:i,ff;:i;
(tTuI
lr.u-]]7,
8. Keith,
The Sanskrit D
inremperate
before my direct
i;;;;i,';i,:::,if ,ui,,ii,;l;**9
32_33
:i:':::,: ,y::f.:3::::p::-
196
theory," "renders
Notes to pages
it
t,ii;,i;|:j
;:liiLi.itr;: r;;:
16. V.Fausbil,ed.,TheJataka,book22,lI99
12OI,p.277;trans.byH.J.Francis
in vol. 6 of Edward Cowell, ed., The Jataka (t902), p. I35. The material in brackets has
been added by me. It is interesting to note that in this Jtaka the formula "Passa: . .
manimhi passa nimittary" ["Behold created in this jewel"] frequently recurs. Cf.
"Please look at the place . . . " (E- ... ffi) in the transformation texts.
I7. Adapted from Manumohan Ghosh's translation of Bharata-Muni, The Natyaastra, p.439; Sanskrit edition in Kvyamt 42, ed. Sivadatta and Parab, c}'aqtet 22,
number I89, p.24O.
18. Slightly modified from T. W. Rhys Davids and C. A. F. Rhys Davids, trans.,
Dialogues of the Buddha, vol. I, pp. 6-9. The correction in square brackets has been
added by me. The translators provide helpful notes on all of the terms given and these
should be consulted by those who are interested in the subject of entertainers in early
India.
21.'ij'r
As record-ed in E. B. Co*.[ urrin.
a. U.i
24.,IanfredMayrhof er,Kurzgef
asstes,;r;;;:r::";r'#ri':!;f
:::;o,irrrorr,
pp. 192-193; Henry yule and
e. C. Burnelll Hobson_Jobson,p. 683a.
25. Pratapadit
"""t;.::::.lsf.oml.tepali.rtheprinceofWalesMuseum,,,p. t6.
26' Tibetan scrots
for picture recitation are arso
caTled thanka(,,something
rored
up")' see Guiseppe Tucci, Tibetan painted
scrous, p.267, whosays that
the word for
pa{(a)inNepalisprabh.-TheTatterirp.ouuurf
u rrariantof thewari wordpaubha.
,, ,Ippo,
. Minani Shinj,
:..lio:,
fol:et!^in
p. t56.
senren c e
:,',ilf ;i'""5i1".1T,1;r
lit,;.'EH,T-':.@i;111i;:ff
- i+i'rnshihyai,Tun-huangshih-shihhua-hsiangt,i_snii,;p.;;;r;air;.
,;"ij::#,:j,i::i
q=
U,*,,, p.-362.
urq
f5. Slightly modified from Radhagovinda Basak, A Stud! of the MahuastuAuadana, pp. 37-38; also in his "Indian Life as Revealed in the Buddhist Work, the
Mahuastu-avadana." The material in brackets has been added by me, excePt in
number 17, which, incidentaliy, is left unclosed in Basak's original commentary.
Aithough they are not listed by name, it is iikely that tlne Saubhika also existed in South
India at a very early date. We read in the Tamil novel Silappadikaram, composed
around l7l I.E. with the possibility of additions as late as the fifth centry, of "a
Ig7
p. s33b.
12. Monier Monier-Williams, A Sanskrit-English Dictionctry, pp. I253c and 1093.
13. Cf. also Armenian surb and Sanskrit.obhate, ubhra, which function similarly to
Tocharian kwlte. See Pavel Poucha, Institutiones Linguae Tocharicae, pt. I, p. 6 I , and
A. J. van Windekens, Lexique tymologique des dialectes tokhariens, p. 32.
14. For helpful annotations on all ofthese terms, see the commentary in J. J. Jones,
by me.
2l_25
27
,r.riJ.,l
no tgt ni
. nJ.r..,
Skshasa mucca|a:
added.
A Compendium of Buddhist
no 3e40(stk,';:.:;::r'l"r:;11,i!?i2;:i:',";:,;::",_:X;,.^
"rt:;';:;:;;;i::t';::"
Index, p. 484a.
ts
rrom w'riam
' s'oir''r
and rewrs
n"i"','
a'
*,r,",v
ials-krt-pat
n;;_;;r.
thiswordin;;::;::;;:ii:.,1":i;l..#li;"fi:::;"::;:r;,rr:^i
198
Notes to Pages
of
yama,
am going into this house here, and show yama,s picture and sing his
spv: Oh, we belong to the same school! Let me come in and show yama,s
to your master and instruct him in the Law.
p. I7.
45. John Lockwood Kipling, Beast and Man in India, pp. I23_L24. On
yamapata, see also Ajit Mookerjee, The Arts of India, p. 32.
46. R. Shamasastry, trans., Kautilya's Arthastra, pp.343_344. The question
in the quoted translation after the word ,,saubhikas,, is Shamasastry's own.
47. Meyer, Das Arthaastra, pp.4B2 and 850. See also R. p. Kangle,s critical
The Kautllya Arthastra,2.27.25,7.t7.34, IL.t.34, and glossary, p. 78b.
48. The PIi name for him is Makkhali Gosla [putta]. rn sanskrir he is called
Go6liputra. We might understand the latter name as referring to a wandering
who carried tn his hand bam boo staff maskara) It 1S not my purpose here,
to dispute the accuracy of the Jain legend.
49. See Coomaraswamy, "picture Showmen,,. p. Ig3n. 2 for references.
50. L. D. Barnett, trans., The AntagaQa-dasao, pp.l_2. A similar list of
appears in the Ka lpasutra (sixth cenrury
[?] ) of Bhadrabhu. See Jacobi, The
sect. 100,
p.57.
28-34
199
irlt.t ay a-p
appr1at7t Dnauemane
ar in ay amat t e jubbanagamanuppatte
uiharai.
2OO
Notes to Pages
ll
of chap.4;E.B.Cowell
and Frederick Thomas, trans., The Hara-carita of Bar\a, p. I 19. The translator's note
on this page states that ambara means "ether, the vehicle of sound" and ,,canvas.,,
4O-42
2Ol
9.
The
68. Kane,Harshacharita,p.2lofchap.5;CoweliandThomas,Hara-carita,p.136.
und 'Tocharisch:
originally written in t],,e Anritk (Indian) anguage, was translated into t'e 'roNn
("Tocharian") ianguage by the Master acarya ("teacher"), the vaibhsika(,,member
of
a realistic school of Buddhism") rycandra, and was then transiate
d, from the Toxri.
ianguage into the "Turkish" (i.e., uighur) Ianguage by rhe Master prajraksita.
It
(English).
71.
Ipicture-storyteilers].
"
184.
75. Heien Johnson, trans., Trisastialakapurusacaritra, vol. I, pp. 60,63. This same
story was found earlier in di-purna of Jinasena (fi. 77S-B3S).
76. Merutuga carya, ed., Prabandhacintmar1i, p. 258; Tawney, trans., praandhacintamani, p. 160.
77. Pratapa Chandra Ry, trans., The Mahabharata, book 12, vol. 2, section 295,
p. 540; italics added.
b
Notes to Chapter 2
l. H. \/. Bailey, "The Culture of the Iranian Kingdom of Ancient Khotan in Chinese
Turkestan," p. 25.
2. PauI Pelliot, "Autour d'une traduction sanscrite du Tao T King," p. 355n.4.
3. Paul Pelliot, "Notes propos d'un catalogue dtt Kanjur," p. I39, supposes this to
be the Gomatrmahvihra.
4. In
pp.405 and 414. Tl'e colophon in question states tht the text was
would appear that both ofthese men were Indian scholars. see pavel poucha, ,,Indian
Literature in central Asia," pp. 2i-29 and ir. For additional discussion ofthe
various
central Asian versions of the Maitrela.samitl and their coiophons, see Baruch, ,,Maitreya
dprs les sources," pp.79-91.
10. Paui Demivilie, review of Annemarie von Gabain. ed., Faksimile der alttrkischen
Version eines Werkes der buddhistischen Vaibhaika_Schule, p. 435.
ll. Lvi, "La Stra du Sage et du Fou," p. 3I8. see arso Emil sieg and w. siegting,
Tokharische sprachreste, vol- l, pp. 51, r0r, 125_126, and,254-256(notes),
and werner
Winter, "Some Aspects of 'Tocharian, Drama,', p. 2g.
12. My reading and translation are based on poucha. "Indian Literature in central
Asia," p. 32; Pavel poucha, Institutiones Linguae Tocharicae, part l, p. 26g; and
wolfgang Krause and werner Thomas, Tocharisches Erementarbuh, vor. 2, p.
36, sect.
6.
I3.
vol. l.
14. Lvi, "La Stra du Sage et du Fou,,, pp.325_326.
I5. TranslatedfromtheGermanofAnnemarievonGabain, DasuigurischeKnigreich
uon Chotscho, pp. 73-74.
16. Translated from the German of Annemarie von Gabain. ed., Maitrisimit,
vor. r,
pp' 19 and 29-30; qtotation from p. 30. Also see vor. 2, p. 19. cf. krn-rk ("stage,
platform") in a list of entertainers and musicians mentioned in Das uigurische InsadiSutra, ed. and trans., by Semih Tezcan.
17. Demiville, review of von Gabain, Faksimile, p. 436. The modern uighur
word
for pien-hsiang, as used, for exampre, to refer to a wall-painting
of the Maitrya regend
in cave I7 atKyzil is zgirii ("transformation,').
18. B. M. Nadelyaev et al., Dreunetyurlcsii slouar', p. 3I9a and A. Caferollu, comp.
'Eski
Uygur Trkesi SzI!,
5. Thus Pelliot and Takakusu (see note 6 below for references). It is conceivable,
however, that this should be rendered "teaching in accord wtln karma," that is,
exercising the doctrine of upaya ("skill-in-means").
6. Taish Tripitaka (21a5)55.67c. This passage has been exhaustively studied by
Sylvain Lvi, "Le Stra du Sage et du Fou dans ia littrature de l'Asie Centrale,"
pp. 3L2 3I3; Paul PeIIiot, "Neuf notes sur des questions d'Asie Centrale," pp. 258261; and J. Takakusu, "Tales of the Wise Man and the Fool, in Tibetan and Chinese,"
pp.4s8
"
a59.
p. tt7.
p.746a.
20' Ibid., and vasilii Radloff, versuch eines wrterbuches der Trk-dialekte sdsi_
biriens, coI. 1254.
21. clauson, Etymologicar Dictionary, p.746b. Listed as krnk(mk), ,,to expose,
exhibit" in Caferoglu, Eski Uygur Trkesi Szt!, p. tt7 .
22. Radloff, versuch eines wrterbuches, cor. 1255. For additional citations and
explanations, see W. Bang and A. von Gabain, Analytischer Index, p.25
(4g3), and von
Gabain, Alttilcische Grammatik, p. 316a.
23. Taken from Clauson, Etymologicat Dictionary, pp. 7aL and
74Oa.
2A2
tlg*-, .[*
Notes to Pages
see"
in
Pashto,
25.
C1auson, Etymological
p. xviii.
27. inasi Tekin, in a letter dated May 27, 1978. For the "following event," or
happening. affair,matter, story, cf. Clnineseshih .FortheUighurword (sauf savlsab),
see Bang and von Gabain, Analytischer Index, p.40 (498). The formula reads: mt bo
sauii magat ului-ta ndaTtakri atly suzaq-ta bilmi uqmi' krgk. After Annemarie von
Gabainand TadeuszKowalski, eds., "Turkische TurfanTexteX," pp. 10-12, n.3f-33.
In another ietter, dated September 25, 198L, inasi Tekin states that the imPortant
expression of narrative moment and locus, "the time/place when/where X did such and
such," can be found in almost atl the Old Turkish Jtakas, especiaily those translated
from Central Asian languages into Uighur. i.e., from Tocharian, Khotanese, etc. For
example, Tekin refers ]UsTo Maitrisimit nom bitiq, edited by him, and to F' w. K.
Mller, ed., "Uigurica III." This corresponds closely with the pien-uen pre-verse
formula that derives from picture-storyteliing (see Chapter 4) and to the inscriptions in
the cartouches of pien-hsiang inscriptions.
28. Edited and translated into German
die
of Golden Light, p. x.
30. Tekin, Die Kapitel ber die Bewusstseinslehre, p. 62, II.12-13 (Uighur text), and
p. 90 (German translation, rendered here in English).
31. Taish Tripitaka (665)rc. 26a.2. Note the gratuitous (in Chinese) use of the
pseudo-objective case marker yzi fS.
32. While the extant manuscript of the Uighur translation dates from the eighteenth
century, the composition is much earlier. According to Clauson, Etymological Dictionary, pp. xv-xvi, it dates from the eighth century or later. I believe that it probably is
from the end of the ninth or the beginning of the tenth century, exactly the time when
many of the plen-wen mar,scripts were being copied.
33. Ibid., p.742a. Clauson's definition of krkde is "ofthe same shape, ateplica."
Cf. also Annemarie von Gabain, "Die Uigurische bersetzung der Biographie Hentsangs," p. I73n. 156.
43-47
203
.37' c'TaishTritaka(20550.Thererevanlportionsofrhechineserexlaregiven
by von Gabain. For the uighur text, see v. . nadrov, and S. E.
Marov,, eds.,
Suuan.taprabhsa, pp. 343,1.tO and 674, ll. ff.
38' von Gabain, "Die uigurische bersetzung
40' A similar usage occurs in the uighur transration from the chinese
biography of
Hui-yuan i (334-4t6), founder of the pure Land Se*: "abit(a)
bur*on karkdri
skintri (before rhe form/represenrarion/image of Amirbha
n,ria'rra.,, xoikdri is an
as a
noun.
See
paier ,,Hui-he-wen
s0. Ibid., p.
'51'
103.
L. yaidya,
ed..,
p.
p.
ZbZ;d. Foucaux,
+ + fr R&^tJ
2O4
Notes to Pages
Notes to Page 47
Albert Grnwe
del, Altbuddhistische
Albert Grnwedel,
n shih
incidents in the story of Ajta6atru. They are of cartouche length and many end
Tun-huang
with
connection
a
close
F+ (,,the time when..."). This format suggests
suddhist popular narratives. See Mair, T'ang Transformation Tetcts' "\"Ptt' 1-:.
in
59. Simone Gaulier, Robert Jera-Begard, and Monique Maillard' Buddhism
its
from
"apart
that
Afghanistan and Central Asia, pt- l, p. Is, have recognized
icographical interest this image is proof of the existence of a mobile form of painting
I0
servirig io instruct the faithful and to transmit the sacred images." See their figure
reproduction.
another
for
60.seeWilliamE.SoothillandLewisHodous,ADictionaryofChineseBuddhist
293.
Terms with sanskrit and English Equiualents and a sanskrit-Pali Index, p.
61. Taish Triptaka [a5t)2a.399bc62. lAnufkram, meaning
"in
methodical/due order'"
p'
97:.
kingwouldthenfallintoaswoonandhisbodyshouldsuccessivelybeplacedin
sevn ars fiIIed
rhe
eighthlar fiIIed with sandal wood, and the king would revive. Varsakra (Dbyarbyed) followed the instructions and the life of the king was saved'
66. Introduced by umezu Jir, "Tonk shutsudo Kaikotsu Bukky danpen." The
Japan)' is
date of this painting, which is kept in the library of Tenri universit5z (Nara,
Gahain.
"Ksitigarbha-Kult
47-50
205
fragments of
uighur picture-scrolls that deal mostly with the underworld. since many of the
fragments have snatches of writing, they merit further study. von Gabain's figure 64
particularly interesting in that it shows a man holding a scroll unrolled in front ofhim
as though he were displaying it to some onlookers.
67. r am deeply grateful to inasi rekin, who both transcribed and translated these
highly fragmentary inscriptions.
68. I follow Kudara Kgi, whose work only became available to me just as this book
was going to press, for the translation of krk. Tekin had suggested "form" (Sanskrit
rupa).Kudata tentatively dates the painting to the Mongol period (thirteenth-fourteenth
centuries). He identifies the content of the painting as being based on an apocryphal
uighur text about the ten kings ofthe Buddhist underworld. Kudara also published in
the same article another fragmentary painting associated with the same apocryphal text
that bears the following uighur inscription: onun bcig uu ta(o . . .) luin wang icig(-ning)
[k]rki ol ("this is the picture of rhe tenrh king, rhe King of the rive oestinies;,).
69. Evliy Efendi, Narratiue of Travels in Europe, Asia, and Africa, in the seventeenth
is
p.219.
70. This wall-painting is now in the Museum fr Indische Kunst. Berlin. see Hrtel
and Yaldiz, Along the Ancient SiIk Routes, pp. 105-106.
71. Poucha, "Indian Literature in Central Asia,,, p.27.
72. R.en Grousset, Chinese Art and Culture, p.221.
73. Translated from the German of Liu Mau-tsai, Kutscha und seine Beziehungen zu
Century,
l, p.3a.
74. Aleksandr Markovich Belenitskii, Monumental'noe iskusstuo pendzhikenta, p. 59;
Samuel Nan Chiang Lieu, "Diffusion and persecution of Manichaeism,,, pp. 56ff.
75. D. N. Mackenzie, "Buddhist Terminology in Sogdian: A Glossary.,, The Middle
Iranian specialist David utz (personal communication, July lgga) hotds that much of
the sogdian Buddhist terminology was derived from chinese sources. The polyglot
atmosphere ofcentral Asian Buddhist culture may also be seen in the texts recovered
from the Turfan, where chinese characters are intermixed with scripts of other
languages, especially uighur. cf. Gerhard Schmitt and Thomas Thilo, comps., Katalog
China, vol.
;+F+^+i^- +L^+
206
Notes to Pages
See Te
80. The information in this paragraph has been gathered chiefly from Hans-Joachim
Klimkeit, Manichaean Art and Cattigraph!, togetner with articles n the Macropaedia of
tlne Encyclopaedia Britannicaby E. G. Pulleyblank on An Lu-shan and by Henri-Charles
Puech on Manichaeism. I have also consulted Colin Mackerras, ed. and trans., The
Uighur Ernpire According to the T'ang Dynastic Histories, and Luc Kwanten, Imperinl
derived from tirreverb phanein, "tobringto light, make known, display" and its
mediopassive counterpart phanesthai, "to appear, be brought to light,', both
ultimately from the noun phs rignally phos), ,,Ight.,' ActuaIIy,
fantastic as
weII as fantasy, phantastn, phantotn (or fantom), and phantasmagoria (ofignally,
magic-lantern display in which optical illusions were produced for entertainment), come from the verb phantzein, "to make visible," itself a reasonably
transparent dervatve of phanelnt}.'roug].'tj.,e addition ofthe -z- infrx signifying
process (which appears in English as -ize and ise).
Other English spinoffs from the verb phanen having to do with appearances,
apparitions, and illuminations are:
diaphanous ("transparent, see-through"), used at least 97 percent of the time
as an epithet for women's wear;
epiphany ("showing forth, revelation"), specifically (and capitalized), rhe
revelation of the infant Jesus to the Magi;
phenocryst ("an easily visible crystal in an igneous rock,,);
phenotype ("an individual that looks like another but may be genetically
different underneath it aII");
phosphene ("an appearance of light" and, specifically, ,,the appearance of
rings of light when somebody pokes you in the eye");
phase (as in "phase of the moon," that is, "the way something appears at a
given time");
emphasis ("special significance or prominence given to something',);
hierophant (originally, "an explainer ofthe Eleusinian mysteries," that is, of
the sacred rites of spring celebrated at Eleusis in honor of the goddess Demeter).
a
I.
John Crawfurd,
Countries,
p.
apparition."
2. Mantle Hood, "The Enduring Tradition: Music and Theater in Java and
p. a39.
207
3. Beryl de Zoete and Walter Spies, Dance and Drama in Bali, p. 343.
4. A Malay Dictionary, p. 169.
5. This connection between fantastic manifestations and illusional phenomena
would not have been at all strange to the ancient Greeks. Both the English "fantasy"
Nomads8f. Cf. L. Carrington Goodrich, Short History of the Chinese People, p. L32.
55-56
From Alexander and Nicholas Humez, Alpha to Omega: The Life and Times of the Greek
6.
See
pp. r57-I58.
Victor H. Mair, T'ang Transrmation Texts, chap.2.
emary of critical factors, including a list of basic technical terms in wayang that
Sanskrit and Oriya words with the sme or similar meaning. Jacques Brunet,
his "Attempt at a Historical Outline of the Shadow Theatres," p. 129, states that
spread to Southeast Asia with the expansion of Indian culture. See also
Friedrich seltmann, "vergleichende Komponenten der schattenspielformen von sdMalaysia, Thailand, Kambodscha, Bali und Java, who emphasizes the
echnical and ritual similarity between Indian and Southeast Asian shadow-play
performances.
208
Il.
p. xxxiv.
13. See Tibor Bodrogi , Art ol Indonesia, figs. I l8-l19, and Gy Kovcs. "An Illustrated Wayang Book."
14. Lindor Serrurier, De Wajang Poenu, eene Ethnologische Studie, p. I3O.
15. See l|i/.ar, T'ang Transformation Texts, end of chap. 2.
16. Betty Erda, Shadow Images of Asia, p. 35.
17. AIso transliterated as keroetjil or kelilik.
I8. Bodrogi, Art of Indonesia, figs. lt3-I14, l16, l17. pl. rI.
19. R. M. Soeripno, "Javanese Classical Dances."
20. Georg Jacob, "Die Entwickelung des Schattentheaters," p. 14.
2I. There are also numerous other minor types of wayang, such as tuayang madya,
urayang woesana, wayang dobel, wayang lilingong, etc., all of which are derived from
"shadows." For another descriptive list of wayang, see C. Poensen, "De Wajang,"
pp.234-242.
22. Onthe
"Kunst," in
Notes to Pages
59-62
209
32. Wayang presented during the day is known as utayang lmah; duringthe night
it is known as wayang ptng. See Seltmann, ,,Vergleichende Komponent en,,, p. 3A.
l, L2-I3.
40. In India, Andhra Pradesh shadow puppets (tlubommatata) arelarge like Thai
tnng but also share many features wiT]n lalang kulit. There are the usual clown
chaacters, called Killegithirigadu and Bangarakka, and the puppets are stored in a box
similar to the chest in which wayang kulit fgures are kept. Joseph c. Miller. Notes for
an exhibition entitled OraI Literature in India: An Exhibition ol Pictorial Media Used in
Narratiue Recitations, p. 5I. For an illustration of splendid flat leather cut-outs for
shadow plays from Andhra Pradesh and Mysore, see verrier Elwin, Fotk-paintings of
India, p. 49.
4I. Dato Haji Mubin Sheppard, "The Khmer Shadow play and Its Links with
Ancient India," p. I99.
42. Jacques Brunet, "The Shadow Theatres ofCambodia." pp. 53-55.
43. The quotation in Thai, together with its translation and much ofthe information
that follows, are drawn from E. H. S. Simmonds, "New Evidence on Thai Shadow-play
Invocations," pp. 553-555.
44. Cf. Robert Shafer, Introduction to Sino-Tibetan, pp. 69 and 499-500:
pl$en'
Siamese
Laotian
Ahom
Pin
btyrn
phieit
Shan
Pin
Black Tai
White Tai
pien
pieit
Pin
pien
peir
pien
pien
piit
Tho
Nung
Dioi
Pit)
Jai
Pln
Cantonese
pin
peiz
pieit
pien
byn
2lO
Notes to Pages62-64
Notes to Pages
I02, and
ll0.
48. I am grateful to Charles Benoit for having checked this for me in Vietnamese
etymologicai dictionaries.
658a.
56. IngeC.Orr,"PuppetTheatreinAsia:'pp.T3andT9.Onthedisposalofpuppets
in water, see also S. G. Morab, The Killekyatha, p.25.
57. JacquesGernet,DailylifeinChinaontheEueoftheMongollnuasion,p.223,citng
64-69
2ll
58. On Bali, t.e gunungaz is also called kakayon or babat; cf. Ensink, "Rekhacarmma," pp. 415n. and 423. Eor magnificent color photographs of a kayon or gunungan ("Symbol of Cosmic Ord.er"), see the frontispiece to Scott-KembalI, Jauanese
Shadout Puppets, and Th. G. Th. Pigeaud, Literature ofJava, vol. 3, pl. 14, facing title
page.
59. See the edition of M. L. West, Hesiod: Theogony, p. I 12, on ,rihom I rely for my
understanding of the proverb, and his extensive discussion (including references to
Ugaritic and Latin texts), pp. 167-169. My thanks to Sylvia Brown for bringing this
classical motif to my ttention. I have also independently traced the proverb to the
following texts: Homer, Odyssey, xix. 163 (Loeb Classical Library, vol. 2, pp. 240-241,
esp. n. I); Iliad, xx. 126 (LCL, vol. 2, pp. 462-463, esp. n. l), and Plato, Republic,
544D (LCL, v.12, pp.240-241, esp. note c).
60. E. T. Kirby, Ur-Drama: The Origins of the Theatre, p. 45. For a general documentation of the sacred tree symbol throughout the world. see Roger Cook, The Tree of
Life: Image of the Cosrnos. And for the cosmic symboiism of the tree in India and in
Greater India, see F. D. K. Bosch, The Golden Germ: An Introduction to Indian Symbolism.
Inhs The Daemonin the Wood,David,Bynum offers an extensive discussion of the motif
ofthe tree in storytelling throughout the world.
6I. Paui Wheatley, The Piuot of the Four Quarters, p. 417.
62. W. H. Rassers, Paji, the Culture Hero, p. 172.
63. R. A. Kern, "De Beteenkenis van het Woord Dalang."
64. H.aze:u, "Bijdrage tot de kennis van hetjavaansche tooneel," p. 23.
65. Onghokham, "The Wayang Topeng World of Malang," pp. lt4-t2l.
66. Amin Sweeney, "The Malaysian Rmyana in Performance," p. 140.
67. Christian Hooykaas, Kama and Kala, pp. 33, 32, and 85.
68. For a full description of an Indian picture recitation tradition (performed by the
baQuo l"masTer of rituals"] of the "scheduled" tribe from central Gujarat province
known as the Rathva) that is so mystically incantatory that it has nearly lost whatever
narrative qualities it may once have had, see Jyotindra Jain's Painted Myths of
Creation.
69. R. A. Kern, "De Wajang Beber van PatJitan," p. 342.
70. On the priestly, shamanistic function of tt,e dalang, see Seltmann, "Vergleichende Komponenten," pp. 3lff.
71. De Kleen, Wayang, p. ll.
72. lJolt, Art in Indonesia, p. 132. On the duties and abilities of tJne stradhra in
ancient India, many of which resemble closely what was expected of a dalang, see
Jeannine Auboyer,
16.
75. Brandon, On
Thrones of Gold,
pp.3t-32.
76. Paul Thieme, "Classical Literature," p. 79, in W. Norman Brown, ed., India,
Pakistan, Ceylon.
77. S. J. Tambiah, "The Magical Power of Words," p. f 80. Cf. Bronislaw Mali_
nowski, Argonautsof theWesternPacific, chap. lB,pp.428-463, "Thepowerof Words
212
Notes to PagesT3-76
78. S. J. Tambiah, Buddhism and the Spirit Cults in North-East Thailand, p. ZO9.
79. P. L. Amin Sweeney, The Ramayana and the Malay Shadow-Play, pp. 64-65.
80. Holt, Art in Indonesia, p. 139.
8f . Tjan Tjoe Siem, Hoe Koeroepati zich zijn Vrouw Verwerft, p.2a9.
82. See James Frazer, The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Religion, and William
Ridgeway, Dramas and Dramatic Dances of Non-European Races.
83. Kirby, Ur-Drama, p.2.
84. rbid.
85. Ibid., pp.3 and 8.
86. Lucile Hoerr Charles, "Drama in Shaman Exorcism," p.
tooneel," p. 72, }lazeu reported that wayang bbr was a form of popurar
entertainment
87. John Beattie and John Middleton, eds., Spirit Mediumship and Society in Africa,
p. xxviii.
88. IrvingA.Hailowell, TheRoleof ConjuringinSalteauxsociety,p. IO.TheSalteaux
Iive along the Berens River in Manitoba, Canada.
89. Ibid., pp. 35 and 9-I0.
90. Selwyn Dewdney, The Sacred Scrolls of the Southern Ojibtaay.
91. Francis Huxley, The Way of the Sacred, p. 263. Italics added.
92. Charles, "Drama in Shaman Exorcism," p. 95, referrin! (note 2) to the important
study of B. Laufer, "Origin of the Word Shaman ," American Anthropologist (n.s.) 19, 3
(I9l ). In strictest terms, the word "shaman" (from German Schamane which comes
from Russian shaman) refers to certain religious practitioners of northern Asia who
were thought to travel to the abodes of the spirits during trance. It uitimately may be
traced back to Tungusic aman ("priest, medicine man"). Further derivation from
Tocharian qamne,Prakrif samat.ta, and Sanskrit Sramaqa ("ascetic") is suspect. The
word "shaman" has long since come to be used commonly by anthropologists and
students of religion to refer to a broad variety of medicine men and mediums.
93. Piet van der Loon, "Les origines rituelles du thtre chinois," English summary,
p. 168. In the same article, pp. I58-162, van der Loon discusses the purification aspects
of Mu-lien performances. Mu-Iien (i.e., Maudgalyyana) was a favorite stbject of pien
performances and texts.
94. Though a very few dalangmight achieve prestigious position and considerable
wealth, it was customary for them to be drawn from the ranks of the lowest castes.
95. Sten Konow, The Indian Dran'a, pp. 59 and 67.
96. Brandon, On Thrones of Gold, p. 5.
97. DeKleen, Wayang, p. 10. Mydiscussionof uayangbbrwaswrittensevenyears
before I became aware ofBenedict Anderson's study ofthe same subject entitled "The
Last Picture Show: Wayang Beber." His interpretation of the history and social
sTandngof uayangbbr differs greatly from mine. He strongly emphasizes the courtly,
elite aspects of the genre to the extent that he comes close to denying it ever was a form
of popuar entertainment. After reading Anderson's study, I reread my own account
and did not feel that the evidence he presented was sufficient to cause me to change the
basic understanding of the genre presented here and in other chapters of this book.
2I3
occasions
for the performance of wayang bbr. cf. Joan Raducha, ,,The arrative
Tradition in Mathur Art," who notes the hieratic and devotional qualities
that seep
into and, in some cases, dominate the narrative realm.
l0l. Recorded by Brandon, Theatre in Southeast Asia, pp.45 and 340n. g.
I02. Bapak sarnn was interviewed in his village for me by Diane Borden and Bill
Crawford during the summer of 1977.
103. For photographs of wayang bbr, see N. J. Krom, "L'Art javanars dans res
muses de Hollande et de Java,,,pl. 59 (same as in Rassers below); i. Kunst, ,,Een
en
Ander over de Javaansche Wajang,,' figs. 9 and l0; Holt, Art in Indonesia,
pt. lO5
(p. IZZ), an old and battered wayang bbr scroll of pacitan, South Java; W. H.
Rassers,
Paji' the culture Hero, p. r7I, from Leiden National Museum of Ethnology
(series 360,
nos. 5254-5259).
p.
as
dalang, performer of wayang bbr). This sort of lore seems to indicate that
2I4
uayangbbrs more ancient ttrar' wayang Purua, sinceiTs embedded within. it. There
is also listed in Pigeaud, vol- 2, p. 70O (LOr f 0.973-5-43.12O, tem six in the portfolio)
a wayang bbr of Wdi, Wanasari, from Jogjakarta. This is a Javanese text dated
1832-1902 entitled Lakon Pajalin kincang, written in Jogjakarta script. Item seven
in the same portfolio, incidentally, has photographs of the tuayang bbr of Pacitan by
Mr. J. L. Moens. There are also two more recent complete texts written for interested
persons. The first (Pigeaud, vol. 2, p. 965 [LOr I 0.934-B-3 I. IaI] ) is of the wayang bbr
on Paji Jaka Kmbang Kuning, noted down by order ofMangu Nagara VII in 1918, and
the second (Pigeaud, vol. 2, p.671[LOr I0.834-B-31.142]) is a romanized text made for
Dr. Pigeaud in l93l ofthe uayang bbr scrolls ofGdompol, south Centrai Java, on the
same story, and including suluk songs and conversations. The private collector Harrison Parker mentioned to me the existence of lontar (synopses of the plays written on
palm leaves or paper) to be used to refresh the memory before shadow-play performances, but I have not seen any such for utayang bbr.
I 16. Holt, Art in Indonesia, p. 136.
ll7. TCWSC, pp.97-98 and 3IL
I18. Ensink, "Rekhacarmma," p. 422; de Kleen, Wayang,.p. 14.
1 19. Cf. Clifford Geertz, The Religion of Jaua, p. 264: "T}re lakon as t}rie Qalangleatns
it is hardly more than an outline, consisting of a bare description of what happens in
each of a half-dozen to a dozen major scenes. . . . In the uajang t}ae same Pattern recurs
over and over. First the people face each other, then they talk, then they leave, then
they talk again, and then they fight." Not only does formulaic language assist the singer
to elaborate the bare outiines of his story, there are also formulaic structurai elements
that he relies on for the very shape of the narrative. For an example of a complete,
written lakon, see Tjan Tjoe Siem, "Hoe Koeroepati zc}:' zijlr Vrouw Verwerft."
120. Brandon, On Thrones of GoId, pp. 3a-35.
I2t. Similarly, in Manichaean scriptures and paintings, evil-doers are invariably
located on the left side. L. Koenen, lecture, "Manichaean Apocalypticism at the
Crossroads oflranian, Egyptian, Jewish, and Christian Thought."
122. See Hanfmann's article on Greek illustrated narrative in the symposium on
"Narration in Ancient ArT," p.74.
123. The earliest-known illustrated stra from Japan is t}ne Kako genzai inga kyo
This stra narrates bioAttta-pratyutpanna hetuphala stra (?)l *ti,E*ffi.
graphical events concerning Skyamuni and Jtaka stories ofhis past lives. There are
severai illustrated versions. which began to aPPear in Japan in the Nara period, just
after the middle of the eighth century. The scrolls are believed to have a Chinese
prototype, but it has not yet been discovered. The top half of the scroll consists of a
continuous series of narrative pictures, broken oniy by mountains and trees. This
method of scene division bears a striking resemblance both to the illustrated Sriputra
scroll and to uayangbbr. The bottom halfofthe scroll contains the text, each segment
of which begins "At that time " (^ft+) and which corresponds to the illustration
above. See the l9I8 facsimile reproduction of the Tokyo Academy of Art copy
pubtished by Nihon bijutsu gakuin and Kadokawa shoten henshubu, ed., tngo-ky.
124. See, for example, the palm-leaf manuscript of Jayadhaval, painted between
t I 13 and 1120, in the collection of Siddhnta Vasahr (Mudibri, South Kanara, Mysore
State). In Moti Chandra, Studies in Early Indian Painting, figs.27 and 28.
I25. See Mar, T'ang Transrmation Texts, chaP.4, fot a full explanation of these
terms.
Notes to Pages
79-87
2I5
126. Becausethistypeofstorytellingalreadyexistedinlndiamanycenturiesbefore
the beginning of the International Era, I hesitate to seek an earlier source elsewhere.
The possibilities of satisfactory documentation today would be very slim. At the same
time, I do not wish to rule out hypothetical Egyptian or Mesopotamian influence even
as far back as Mohenjo-Daro and Harappa.
l. I have
2. From Arabc in'm, "a gift (from a superior),, or,,afavor.,, In India, this word
often refers to a gift of rent-free land.
3. Indo-Portuguese term for "headman of a viliage.,,
4. In H. v. Nanjundayya and Rao Bahadur L. K- Ananthakrishna ryer, The Mysore
Tribes and castes, pp. 516-517, i32-533, 534, and 535. A more recent but less helpful
study for our purposes is S. G. Morab, The Kiltekyatha.
5. Gazetteer of the Bombay presidency, vol. 23, p. l9g.
6. Ibid., p. 199.
7. Ibid., pp. I98-I99.
8. Ibid., vol.22, pp. 152-t53.
9. Ibid., p. I53.
10. Ibid., vol.2t, pp. 185-I87. rbid., p.
185.
see
da
langmay
216
26.
Notes to Pages
play director").
3I. Ibid., p. 3 (p. 3l of Sanskrit text).
32. P.V. Sastri and V. M. Ramakrishna Bhat, trans. and annots., Varahamihara's
Brihat Samhita, p,67.
33. Verrier Elwin, ed., FoIk Paintings of India, p.8.
34. See Sudhansu Kumar Ray's remarks in Asok Mitra, ed., Tribes and Castes of West
Bengal, pp.3ll-312. Sankar Sen Gupta, however, in The Ptas and the Patuas, p. 5O,
makes a distinction between t}re patu who are supposed to paint t}:,e pat and the
pattikr w}:Lo sing about them. Most other authorities indicate T}l.at patua do their own
singing.
35. Guru Saday Dutt, "The Indigenous Painters ofBengal," p. 19.
36. Ibid., p. 21. Most of the old pa in the Asutosh Museum of Indian Art, Calcutta
Museum, and in the collection of G. S. Dutt are not more than I l5 years old. The earliest
extaT jarano-pa are probablv not more than 180 years old. See D. P. Ghosh, "An
Illustrated Rmyana Manuscript of Tulsids and Pats from Bengal," p. t33.
37. Joseph C. Miller, Notes for an exhibition entitled Oral Literature of India,
February 14 through April 9, 1978, Van Pelt Library, University ofPennsylvania, p.4,
and Rebecca Tiger, "Narrative Folk Pd-s of West Bengal," p. 8.
38. See Saryu Doshi, "Iconic and Narrative in Jain Paintingi' p.32. This illustrated
manuscript is in the collection of Shri Digambara Jain Atishaya Kshetra (Shri Mahavirji)
ofJaipur. My colleague, Peter Gaeffke, has kindly identified the literary source for this
illustration as canto 22.21, lines l0ff. of the Mahapurna by Pupadanta. His translation of the relevant lines is as follows:
sky."
10
Il
9O-94
ZL7
in
[Radhagovinda Basak, ed. and trans., The prakrit Gathasaptaatl, p. 6, with minor
changes.]
39' Ewin, Folk Paintings of India, p. 23, and. Kramrisch, (Jnknoutn India, p.70.
40. Sen Gtpta, The patas and the patuas, p.74.
41. Miller, Notes for Oral Literature of India, p. 3.
42. liger, "Narrative Folk pat-s,,, pp. 7 and 66n. 2O.
43. Asutosh Bhattcharya, "Oral Tradition of the Rmyana in Bengal,,, pp. 604_
605, with stylistic revisions.
44. W. G. Archer, Bazaar paintings of Calcutta, p. LO.
45. Elwin, FoIk Paintings of India, p. IL.
46. J.P. Das, "PatachitraofOrssa," p.77.
p.39.
fifteenth...."
12
final couplet
This sort of private picture explanation for the purposes of heartfelt communication
goes ali the way back to the first century in India. In the collection of Prkrit poems
associated with HIa Stavhana entitled Gathasaptaat-, when a chaste wife becomes
218
Notes to Pages
6a. Ibd., p.
29.
65. Joseph C. Miller, "The Performance of Pbji's paf :' p. 7, and John D. Smith,
"Metre and Text in Western lndia," p.349.
66. Amin Sweeney, "Professional Malay Story-Telling," p. 56.
67. Miller, "Performance of Pbji's paf:' p. 43n. 4O, mentions a figure of five
dollars for 1972.- in another paper, "Current Investigations in the Genre of Rajasthani Pay Painting Recitations," p. 12, Miller cites twelve and a half dollars for
t977.
lO3-107 2I9
91. Cf. chap. 5 of Mair, T'ang Transrma.tion Texts, and Victor H. Mair, ,,The
contributions ofTransformation Texts to Later chinese popular Literature."
92. Miller, Notes for Oral Literature of India, pp.25_26.
93. Ibid., p. 27; also Valentina Stache-Rosen, "survival of Some Ancient Forms of
Audio-Visual Education in Present-Day lndia," pl. 10, and Heinz Mode and Subodh
chandra, Indian Folk Art, pp.263ff. and plates 388-396, for this and other types of
modern narrative paintings.
94. See Pellowski, The World of Storytelling, pl. 26. Ltla means ,,play, amusement,
sport, pastime," but it may also mean "mere appearance, sham, semblance.,' The
etymology is uncertain. see Monier-williams, sanskrit-Engtish Dictionary, p. 903bc.
For an example of a twentieth-century Krsrla-Illa scroll from Midnapur, west Bengal,
see Elwin, FoIk Paintings of India, irrustration 13. Also see Ajit Mookerjee, Art of India,
pl. 94, for a nineteenth-century Kr.ta-ltlascroll-painting on paper from Midnapur kept
in the Asutosh Museum of Calcutta.
95. Shridhar Andhare, "Painted Banners on Cloth: Vividha-tirtha_pala ofAhmed_
abad," p.40, and Pupul Jayakar, "G^iety in Colour and Form: painted and printed
Cloths," p.31, fig. ll.
96. Elwin, FoIk Paintings of India, p. 12.
97. JoanErikson,Mtn Pachedl:ABookontheTempleclothoftheMotherGoddess,
p. 15. For some other types of narrative picture cloths, see Robert F. Bussbarger and
Betty D. Robins, The Eueryday Art of India, pp. f 9I-I93.
98. For bibliographical information on paithn paintings,
see Eva
Ray, ,,Documenta_
I00. Most of the information in this paragraph has been gleaned from Ray, ,,Documentation for Pailhn Paintings," pp. 240-244.
l0l. Valentina Stache-Rosen, "On the Shadow Theatre in India,,,p. 2g3 and fig. ll,
and "Schattenspiele und Bildervorfhrungen," especially fig. 6. Ray, ,,Documentation
for Pailhn Paintings," p. 240, has provided additional helpful information. There is an
excellent fiIm on this group by pramod Kale entitled "Folk Arts of pinguli." Mr. Kale
has aiso
in an extensive investigation ofmedieval Chinese narrative paintings that deal with hell
verso (discussed in my article on "The Origins ofan Iconographical Form ofthe Pilgrim
by BiIl crawford entitled "The Tamil cinema and the plays of Tmil NIu Ntaka
Ntikar cnkam" and from a lecture by Richard A. Frasca entitled "Ritual Theater
of Tamil India." Much of what I have to say here of terukkttu could also be said of
Hsan-tsang").
3.
other folk dramas in India such as khyal, suaizg, nautahlcl, turcakalairyt, and so forth.
Khyal, according to Miller, "The Three principal Ways.,, p. I0, ,,offers an interesting
fusion of verbal expository and written (often prompted) song texts." The prompter,
who stands on the stage in close proximity to the actors, ensures that they do not stray
too far from the main drift of the story by constantly referring to a chapbook version
of the story that he holds in his hand.
22O
[T]he characters . . . are set in a rectangular, oval, round or square shape having
implications in design of their environment [usually a tree]. The puppets
are very static, and may have only one arm and hand which is mobile and of an
exaggerated proportion to the character. They are heid with one main stick
running down the centre as the supporting stick with another stick which is
detachable to the hand and arm. They are, howevqr, very richly perforated.
While performing they are at times moved away from the screen to create an
some
illusion.
The manipulation of these puppets lies only in an up and down or side to side
movement with gesticulations of the mobile arm if any. But battle and hunting
scenes take place with great vigour to the beat of the chanda falayalam cheryQa]
drum, ankle bells, a gong and a large pair of cymbals. Spare arrows and bows are
made separately so they can be let off by the manipulators to make them appear
as if the puppet is doing so.
The gist of Contractor's remarks here is that T],e kootu paua are essentially a cross
between pictures and manipulable shadow puppets. Perhaps it would be more accurate
to say that, in essence, they represent the tentative emergence of mobile shadow
PuPPets from the flat. stationary surface of narrative illustrations. For additional
information on the early history of the Andhra Pradesh shadow theater tradition,
see M. Nagabhushana Sarma, Tolu Bommalata, pp. 14-17. The two most scholarly
monographs on the Indian shadow theater are both by Friedrich Seltmann and have
appeared within the past two years: Schatten- und Marionetten-spiel in Suantv.di (SdMahr;lra) and Schattenspiel in Kerala.
I08. Moor. A Narratiue of the Operations of Captain Little's Detachment, pp.29-3O;
partially cited in F. Seltmann, "schattenspiel in Mysore und ndhra Prade," p.453.
summarized on pp.
5l-52.
Notes to Pages
l12-I16
221
Museum, Atami.
6. Murata Noboru, Nihon bungaku no bukkyteki ronkyu, p. lO5.
7. Ruch, "Medieval Jongleurs." Detail from a pair of screens, ,,A Festival at the
Sumiyoshi Shrine," in the Freer Gallery.
8. Thenun'spaintingisspecificallyofagenrecaliedKanjinjikkaizuffi,,fFEor
Kanjin jikkai mandara
hells, hungry ghosts, animals, titans, men. deities, saints, serf-oriented Buddhas,
bodhisattvas, and Buddhas. on pilgrimage mar.tQalathatwere used by etoki, see victor
and Takako Hauge, Folk Traditions in Japanese Art, p. 17; for a photograph ofa folding
Nachi pilgrimage mandala with loops to hang ir, see p. 38. no. 3, and, p. 226.
drawing.
13. See Nakamura Hajime. Bukkyogo daijiten, p. 378c.
14. Ruch, "Medieval Jongleurs," pp.296-297.
15. Ichiro Hor, Folk Religion in Japan, pp. 2r4-2r5. on the various types of
medieval Japanese eo,ti and the parallels they offer to T'angpien performances, see also
Naba Toshisada, "zokko to henbun," pp. 432-433. For brief remarks on fourteenth-
century etoki,
see Akiyama Terukazu, "New Buddhist sects and Emakimono (handscroll painting) in the Kamakura period," p. 66. A good general account in Japanese of
etoki and related art forms is okami Masao, "Etoki to emaki, ezshi. " There has been
a recent surge of interest in etoki that has resulted in a number of valuable scholarly
contributions. See Hayashi Masahiko, Nihon no etoki; Kawaguchi His ao, Etoki no sekai;
title page.
22. Kata Koji, Machi no ji joden, p. t3; Anne pellowski, The Wortd of Storytelling,
pp. 56-57 a',d 144-145; and V. Hrdlikov, ,,Traditional Games of Japanese
Children."
23.
SAtOShi KAKO,
"KAMISHIBAI."
24- For the sort of picture that could be used by t]'e ma-r1i-pa, seeL. A.wadd,ell, The
222
Notes to Pages
l16-ll8
Buddhism of Tibet, p.542 and facing fgure. This particuiar painting has forty-nine
different epsodes in a former life of the Buddha as the Charitable Prince Vivantara.
The story has a canonical basis and is also acted out as a play.
25. Roif A. Stein, Tibetan Ciuilization, p. L74, and Recherches sur l'pope et le barde
au Tibet, p.330.
26. Guiseppe Tucc, Tibetan Painted ScroIIs, vol. I, p.271.
27. Stein, Recherches sur l'pope, pl. l.
28. Sven Hedin, Trans-Himalaya, voi. I, p. 383.
29. See Michael Hoffman. ed., Tibet the Sacred Realm, p. 134.
30. Stein, Tibetan Ciuilization, p. 174.
223
p. 520.
sentences are
'
203.
50. This scene is actualry depicted on many of the exurtet roils themserves.
see
224
52. Bannister, "vetus ltara," p. 53; Avery, "Exurtet Roils of South Italy," p. r9l.
53. Bannister, "Vetus Itala,,, p. 52n.2.
54. According to a fravel diary entry by w. scott Morton of May I, r9g0, communicated to me on February 20, L9gl.
55. See Ettore Li Gotti, il teatro dei pupi, and Giuseppe cocchiara, ,,Il carte[one
dell'opera dei pupi." Arso Roberto Leydi, "Cantastorie," photographs following
p. 2BB
and preceding p. 369.
56. Willi IJir dt, Italienischer Btinlcelsang,,,Vorwort
[Foreword].,,
57. Roberto Leydi, '1 cantastorie siciriani," pp. 353-389, in the author.s
"Cantastorie."
wer
the acting
teatro dei pupi, pp. 45ff
as
as
62. walter salmen, Der fahrende Musilcer in europescher Mittelalter, p. I3gn. 503.
63. Otto Grner, "Der Bnkelsang,,, p. 157.
64. Karl V. Riedel, Der Bnkelsang, pp.76_77.
65. Rolf Brednich, "Zur vorgeschichte des Bnkelsangs." See also Elsbeth Janda
and Fritz Ntzoldt, Die Moritat uom Brinlcelsang, for the late nineteenth-century
variations of this type.
66. Brednich, "Zur Vorgeschichte des Bnkelsangs.,, p. gl.
67. Kunstbibliothek Berlin, stiftung preussischer Kulturbesitz sign. 930.35; photo_
graph by K.-H. Paulmann.
68. Brednich, "Zur yorgeschichte des Bnkelsangs,,, p. g3.
des Bnkelsangs."
72. Maria
73. This is a mezzotinr by the Durchman Jacob Gole (ca. L66o-r7); Deutsches
Volksliederarchiv Frieburg i. Br., Inv.-Nr. 362.
74. Acopperplateengravingbasedonasketchofc.N.cochinofparisdatedtorTTg.
75. Brednich, "Zur vorgeschichte des Bnkelsangs," p. g4; Riedel, Der Bnkersang,
p.t4.
76. Leander Petzoldt, Brinkelsang, p. 30. walter Rhler, Grosse Liebe zu lcleinen
Theatern, demonstrates a close connection between theater, paper theater.
and prints
about the theater that were sold on the streets ofGerman cities.
77 . The original engraving is in the Cabinet des Estampes
and has been reproduced
in Jean Mistler, Franois Blaudez, andAndr Jacquemin, pinal et I'imagerieopulaire,
p.45.
,.rr\..rt
225
126_12g
s t oryt
euing, pp.
s e
62, 1 37
-t
4s, t
5, 20
t,
238n. 66 -7 0,
nnzyitopciarscnu aritrrn-rng;rn"r^
l.u.rr"j
iun*urn|.
nanttsaig,pp. 20ff.
81. Arthur Rossat, d chanson populaire
dans la Suisse romande,p. 36n.
82' Hans Adolf
See
l.
r#T# *"[i:ffirli
a practice
in Les cris de Berrin: Zwrf me.rhardige
Aur*rrion Berrin mit in
err"ny(Berlin:
Johann Morino' Knigr' Acad. Kunstind.,
"ri
rseo;. The picture reciter
stands in the
street selring his wares to a poor
"r.
man whire surrounded
by two chirdren and a woman.
Reproduced in Karen p- Beat, Kaufrufe
und strasse:nhcindrer, p.55. For
numerous other
examples of such picrure ,,"]t-.r:
Europe and rhe New Wortd, cf. ibid.,
pp.
llr:lqnout
96 -97, 99, 168, t7 0, 35t,
405, 447, 45, urrd purri_.
85. Riedel. Der Bnketsang, p.12.
86. David Stewart IJulI, Fitm in the
Third Reich, p. 34.
87. Karl Riha, Moritat, Song, Bnkelsang,pp.
t tiff..flere is an entire monograph
by
Sammy McKean enritled The Bnkelsang'""'rn
*"r,, o Bertolt Brecht.
iliJ#"i
i:,:#:::""
riterar!,."*y
'r'""r,
i"
inig,"g ,l,o
226
Notes to Pages
128-l3l
Entremeses,
I00.
p. f69n. L
Asensio, Entremeses.
I0l. See Frederico Garcia Lorca, Obras Completas, ed.. and annot. Arturo del Hoyo,
pp. 861-870, and James Graham-Lujan and Richard O'Connell, trans., Five Plays,
pp. 88-95, for the picture-storytelling scene. I would like to thank Alex Hadary for the
references to Cervantes and Lorca.
lO2. Lorca, Obras Completas, p. 865; Graham-Lujan and O'ConneII , Five Plays, p . 9l .
103. Lorca, Obras Completas, p. 863; Graham-Lujan and O'Connell , Fiue Plays, p.90.
lO4. Lorca,ObrasCompletas,p.364;Graham-LujanandO'Connell,FiuePlays,p.gl.
rasse et les livrets graus 16291885, pp. 23ff ., and Russell Zguta, Russian Minstrels.
106. Merle Severy, " The Byzantne Empire, " pp. 7 3O-7 31.
I07. Evidence for picture recitation in Holland and England may be found in
William Hogarth's (1697-1764) paintings of fairs at Southwark; Robert Thomas
Stothard's (1775-1834) "The Ballad Seller" (1795); Francis Wheatley's (1747-1801)
"A New Love Song Only Ha'penny a Piece" (1796); and in Jan van Meurs' (ca.
L76O-1824) "De Schilderij Vertooner" (179I) in the Deutsches Volksliederarchiv,
Freiburg/Brs. Cited in Eichler, Bnkelsang und Moritat, p. 94. An engraving from the
late eighteenth century by the French Artist, Philippe Jacques de Loutherbourg
(L74O-1812, lived in England from l77l), shows a mountebank with medicines,
monkey, texts, and hanging illustrated banner. See Sandro Piantanida, "Ciarlatani,"
p.249.
lO8. Llewellyn Hedgbeth, "Extant American Panoramas."
Bibtiography
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exhaustive bibliographical coverage for any ofthe geographical areas iouched
228
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IAE
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MBV
NT
AKPAW
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2. Works
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Lu Yu
pft
ffi
(I
works of Lu Yu]
(SPPY ed.).
Texts
255
Ma Huan
of
2t.
fiffijfi
(ZS
Pei-ching min-chien feng-su pai t'u lOne hundred drawings of popular customs in
Pekingl J h H R f'I li fA " @ ; originally entitled Pei-ching min-chien sheng-huo
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"?t'f-W(+.y-t4ry)
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Frontispiece: Reproduced by permission from Archives Internationales d,Ethnographie.
Figure
4l:
Figures 52, 64, 83: Reproduced by permission from Hans Adolf Neunzig,
Das illustrirte Moritaten-Lesebuch. @ by Nymphenburger verlagshandlung
Mnchen mit Genehmigung des Deutschen Volksliederarchiv in Freiburg im
Breisgau 1973.
270
Illustration Credits
fndex
&
Co.,
Norn: Fig.
Cpl.
Pl.
:
:
Figure
Color plate
Plate
Ajivikas, 27
Il8
Arjuna-uiuaha, 58, 59
ArthaSstra, 26
ll,
Aupapatika-sutra, 27
Auque(s), 128
Avalokitevara, 46, ll7
Azarpay, Guitty, 50
Backpack, 16,74,86,90, 106,
129, 223n44; Fig. 74
Bali, 56,
It6, t24,
tt8
65, 76
Ballad sheet(s), Figs. 8, 15,45,55,7Oa,71
57
74,83
B\a,34,35
M.,
34
Bendall, Cecil,23
Benedict, PauI,62
Bengal, 28, 87, 89,
9L-93,
LO4
Bahr-i'ajam,
5t, 58,
61,71; CPl.5
Baruch, Willi, 40
Beattie, John, 7l
Angkor Wat, 6l
rOO,
Barua, B.
84,86,93,97,
Bnkelscinger
Baphuon, 6l
khyana ("story"), 2r
Akiyama Terukazu, xi
Aleluyas, L29
Allee, Ruth. xii
Atthasalin, 32
Audience, 7, 8, lO,
Banerji, Biswanath, 87
Bhopo,16,95-97,99, tOO,
l0l,
tO3;
Figs. 4, 5, 7; CPI.2
Bihar,9l,
108
Brahma-jala sutta, 2l
Brahman(s), L7, 29, 33, 34, 37, 89, tO6
Brahmavaiuarta purfu1a, 89
Brandon, James, 59, 73, 76
Brault, Gerard, 128
Brecht, Bertolt, I27
272
Index
Index
Brednich, Rolf, 123
Bhatsarphit, 89
Brunet, Jacques, 6l
'os-kyi 'Od-zer,45
Buddhaghosa, 32-34
IIa, llc,
Carana,32,33
Cardona. George,
cejpek, Jii, r2O
xiii
lll-,
113,2O5n75
Cervantes, Miguel, 129
Ceylon,25
Chant(s), 23, 58, 69, 70, 76, 96, 97, tOO,
chaya-patti,76
Chelkowski, Peter, xiii
Cheng Ho, 3
Ch'en To, 8, 9
Chikamatsu, l14
China, 2, 3, 13, 15, 16, 35, 37, 39, 47,
49,
5t-53,
83, r05,
64,72,73,75,78.79,
t13, r23
55,
Ill,
Ch'ing-ming shang-ho
lI7,
Dvakara,46
Dlwn Luati' I-Turk, 42
Doll(s), 16,58,59,81-83, 86, 92, 106,
lL3; Fig.79
Forster, Harold, 58
Forte, Antonio, 52
Foucaux, d., 45
g7 ,
France, 128
Franke, Otto,2l
Frazer, James, TO
Fujiwara no Yorinaga, Ill
Fukien, 15, 51,52
Funerals, 15,59, 107, l18
Gabain, Annemarie von, 41,44
Gaeffke, Peter, xiii
Galunov, R. 4., l19
Garoda, 106
Gt ha sapt aS atl, 21 6n3
Genghis Khan, 5I
Hsan-tsang, 10,15,44
Hsueh Meng-li, 5
Hs K'o, l3
Huan ("illusion"), 42, 43
Hu Shih, 2
63,67,74, 86-88,
Dtauakya,35
I-ching, 43, 56
Ichiro Hori, l13
Illumination, artificial, 25, 55, 6t, 68,70,
7t, 83, 84,96,97, tOO, ro2, Lo8, t2t
Gunardjo, Bambang,
Illusion,
Dutt, G. S., 90
Engi, IL3
England, I30
Flanders, 130
Folklore and folk traditions, 1,7, tl, t4,
35, 49, 93,95,96,99, tO3, lo7
Format ofpaintings, 4, l:),47,7j, g7,
89-93, r03, tO4, tL3, tzt, I22;Fig. tB
Formulaic language, 35, 47 , 77 , g7-gg,
lt2, ll4,
t16
Hedin, Sven, l16
Hein, Norvin, xiii
Hell, 10. ll, t3, I5-I7, 22,26-29,34,
ll2,
II3
Egypt, r2I
Clauson, Gerard, 43
Clunas, Craig, x
Coeds, George. 56
Germany, 14,92,93,
Edo Seisei,
I22,2O8n23
97, gg,
Chuan-pien, I
Ch'u san-tsang chi-chi, 39
Cinema, 58, 78, 87, 94, lO4,
U,
95
I07, lO8,
273
124
xii
Ennin, I I I
Halbfass, Wilhelm,
Haloun, G., 5I
Hanan, Patrick, 15
Hanaway, William, xii
Hanfmann, G. M.4., Z8
Hanging paintings or scrolls, 10, ll, 15,
ll2, ll3, It5; Figs. t2,28, >4-56
7t,72
xiii
Hara,23,34, 35
Haryana,95
Haydar, Adnan,
Hualdagman,52
Huxley, Francs,72
Fig. 5; CPl. 2
l,
14,
t8, 20,
Illustration(s), 60
Incense, 63,67, lO2
India,7, 13, 16,39, 49, iO, 53,56,6t,
64, 68,69,75,77_79,8r, 95, r05,
t3t
xii
Hazeu, G. A. J.,73
Hazrat-i'Abbs, tf
Iran,5O,53,
Ilf, l2l
274
fndex
Index
Iyer, L. K. Ananthakrishna, 8l
Jacob, Georg, 23,
l2l
Kauilya,26,27
Keith, A. 8., 18
Kerala, 104
Kern, R. 4.,68,73
Khmer Empire, 6l
Khotan, 39,40,53
Krittivsa, 92
Kucha, 49, 50
Kumra Kassapa, 87
Kumrapla, 35
Kung Chen, 3
Lalitavistara, 45
Lay entertainer(s).
I. 8. 10, 16,27,67,
4O
Lvi, Sylvain,
4O
Li Tou,
13
Liu Mau-tsai, 50
Li Yung-hsi, 44'
Lo, Lucy L., xii
Lorca, Frederico Garia, 129
Lotus stra,46
t2l
Merutuga,37
Mahapurfu.ra,90
Maharashtra, 104
xiii
tl3
Karnataka
Nagatomi, Masatoshi,
4O
7t, to2
Il2,
Marriari, 95
Mask(s), 57, 72
Mat ni pachedl, IO4
Maudgalyyana, (Mu-lien), 9, L2, 13, 15,
76,93
McNamara, Brooks,
17
xii, g-t3,
5-7
Nang,6l-62
Majumdar, R. C., 56
Malaysia, 55,62,66,95
Manas-maitgal, 88, 90, 9l
MaqQala, 46, ll2, L22,22Ln8
Manichaeism, 50-53
Manifestation(s), I, 46,55, 63, 67,70,
Ma-ni-pa,
rt9,
3,
Parda-dr,223n4O; Cpls, 7, I
Parda-zan, 119,223n4O
Parker, Harrison, xii, 63
Parthian, 52
Pat or Pata,22,28,34,75,89, 92_
94, 108, 122;Fig. t
Patajali, 17, 19,94
Patron deities, 88,94,95,1O2, 103
2181167
Mahuastu, L9
Ma Huan, 3
Matreya,4O
Maitrisimit,
106,
Pakem (texts),76,77
Paninl
Mahvan1sa,25
l0l,
t29
Moritat, 123
See
36,86-88,90-93,96,
Mysore.
Orc,Inge, 64
Moldavia, 130
45,
93
Mudrarkasa, 25,35
Madhya Pradesh, 95, f03
Madras, 103
9I,
Oriya,2O7n9
Pacitan (P atjitan), 7 3, 7 4
Painting(s), 47,6t, tC4, t2I; sacrality
of, 63, 64,75, 84, 85, tO2; size of, 4,
Orissa,
275
xiii
xiii
74,77-79, 83,9I,93,96,
tOO,
128, 130,2I1n68
Ntaka,40,42
Navartri, 105
NearEast,
llt,
I16
Nepal,95
Neue Zeitung, 126
News-sheet(s), t24; Figs. t4, 2g-3t, 76
Nilakha4ha,25
Nirntatla, l, 43, 46
North American Indians, 7l
Number of scenes, 4, II, 22, 35, 57, 6i,
74,76,84,86,87, tO6, 122,123, I25
ll9
ll7. l18
also
T'u
62, 72,
t\,
276
Index
Index
Il,
lll,
Pornography and indecency, 14, 15, 8f85, IO9, 116, LzO, 223rr44; Fig.9
Possession(s), 7, 86, 88, 94
Pothi, IO5
Poucha, Pavel, 49,5O
Poverty, 86, 89, 90, 92, lO4, 123; Figs.
15,74
Prabandhacintamary.i, 37
Pratimadhariry, 37
Priests and priestesses, folk, 7, 66, 106,
I,2,9L,
Purupottamadeva, 23
Rafnles, Thomas Stamford, 75
Rajan, V. S., xiii
Rajasthan, 63,74,89,96, LOz,
LL9,
Ridgeway, William,
Shutne Hgan
l0l,
ll2, ll4
Hil|, L2l
Gary,
15
Secret societies, 5I
Sen Gupta, Sankar,92
2L2n92
I03,
106,
t24
Shamasastry, R., 26
S hamy e l- gardan ( " picture/portrait
circulator"), I20
Rma,61,62,86
Ramaya4a,56,58,63,82, 85, 88,
93, t03,104, 106, r08
9I-
Shang Period, 70
Shan-shu ("morality books"),
Shaw, Isabel, x
Shinto, I13
Rawson, Philip, 93
Ray, Sudhansu Kumar, 94
Shtoku, Prince,
Shrine(s), 28,95,
Reinhart, Kevin,
Rennyo, ll5
TO
Ringgit,58,59
xii
Shitennoji,
79
Shui-Iu,
ll
lll
l0
Morihisa,
ll4
Siksamuccaya, 23
Silk road,
Spain, 128,129
Spencer-Chapman. Frederick, 116
Spies, 25-27 , 85, I 14
Stache-Rosen, Valentina, xiii
Stein, Rolf, 116
Steinglass, F., l18
Stoler Miller, Barbara, xiii
Switzerland, 130
Tableaux, 16,61, IO7,
Taiwan, 7, 15, 16,95
l2I
Tambiah, S. J., 69
lll
Text(s),
8l;
Siva, 17, gl
Sivaktycrya, 29
Sivaramamurti, C.,35
Slyomovics, Susan, xiii
Smith, John D., xi
Tamathll,
Telugu, lO3
5O
r2l,
CPl. 3
6t
Thahka, 116
Theme(s),
9l-93,
4?
Thomas, F. W., 17
Three Penny Opera, The, xiJ',127
Tibet, 7, 9, L3, 40, 45,
Tjan Tjoe Siem, 70
Ill-ll3
Tocharian, 40-42,49
roy(s), 88
Trance, 67,95, lO7,
ll7
Transformation(s), 2, , 23, 35,39, 4i47 , 52, 53, 72, 76, tO2, to4, IO7, L28,
I3l
lI5;
CPl.
Ts'ang county,
Ts'ao Ning,
II
Tun-huang,
(s 43e8), 2
Tunisia, l2I
Turfan, 40
Turkey, Old Turkish, 40, 4t, 48, 49, 5t,
52,66
Turkistan, 50, 5I
Uddyotana-Suri, 28
58,73, 8t,93
Tan-tz'u ("strum lyric"), f 3
Taoist picture recitation, 6
106,
Thenath,25
Thieme, Paul, 69
Tekin Sinaci 4?
277
Vaddardhane,29
Vmfti,92
Ymana, 17
278
Index
Varhamihira, 89
Varma, K. M., f 8, f 9
Vasantauilsa, 4
Vaudeville, Charlotte,
xiii
Ventriloquism, 72, 87
I91n4
Vietram,62
Vimalakirti, 78
viskhadatta, 25, 35
Vishnu,86
WaIl painting(s), 46, a7, 49, 7L, 76, 78,
89, I30, 217n38
Wang Kuo-wei, 70
Wang Tso, 5
Warring States Period, 4
Wayang,55,66
Walang bbr, xi, 3, 7, 22, 57, 58, 60,
62-65, 67, 68, 73-79, 90, 93, 94,
Wayang karbt,57
VlI,
Wayang keruc[h]i|,57
Wayang kulit, x, 57, 59, 60, 62, 64,
65, 68,73,76,77
Wayang puna, 3, 57
Wayang tal,57
Walang tengul, 58
Walang topeng, 57, 58
Wayang wong or u.talang orang, 57, 58
Weber, Albrecht, I8
Weber, Eugen, xiii
Weinstein, Maxine Belmont, xiii
Wheatley, Paul,65
white Lotus sect, II, 53
Wibisono, Singgih, xii
Winternitz, Moriz, 18, 19,23
Wu-chu,5
Wu-keng tiao, lI
Wu Tzu-hs, 4
Yama, I I
YamaPata, IO7, IO8, LL2
Yamapatlaka, 6, 25, 26, 34, 35, IL4,
n8
Yangchow, 13
Yang Tung-ming,4
Yan Period, 3, 7 , 8, 7l
YungJo kung, 6; Pl. il
the major archives where they are preserved (paris, London, Leningrad,
Beijing, and Taipei). He lectures frequently on sino-Indian and sino-rranian
cultural exchange, andhe has published extensively on these subjects. Among
his recent works are Tun-huang popular Narratiues and T'ang Tiansrmation
Texts.