Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Women in The Classical World PDF
Women in The Classical World PDF
Women in The Classical World PDF
IN THE
CLASSICAL
WORLD
WOMEN
IN THE
CLASSICAL
WORLD
Image and Text
Elaine Fantham
Helene Pee t Fole y
Natalie Boyme l Kampen
Sarah B . Pomeroy
H. A . Shapiro
15 1 6 1 7 1 8 1 9 20
ACKNOYVLEDQMENTS
vi ACKNOWLEDQMENT
PREFACE
viii
Preface
Prefacei
We ar e als o gratefu l t o Ingri d Mua n of th e Departmen t o f Ar t History an d Archaeolog y a t Columbi a University , who checke d reference s
and credit s wit h a patienc e an d endurin g goo d humo r tha t boggle s th e
mind; she als o provide d some o f the photography .
To ou r ki n an d friends , a s always , w e ow e ou r thanks , an d t o on e
another fo r being wonderful t o wor k with . W e dedicate thi s boo k t o th e
fine women wh o pioneere d i n th e fields of ancient history , classics , ar t
history, an d archaeolog y withou t who m ou r work, and our participation
in thes e fields, would b e unlikely a t best !
New York E
Princeton H
January 1993 N
. F.
. P . F.
. B . K.
S. B . P .
H. A . S .
CONTENTS
I WOME
II WOME
xii Content
10. EXCURSUS
THE "NEW WOMAN" :
REPRESENTATION AN D REALITY , 28 0
11. WOMEN , FAMILY , AN D SEXUALIT Y IN TH E AG E OF AUGUSTU S
ANDTHEJULIO-CLAUDIANS, 29 4
12. EXCURSUS
THE WOME N O F POMPEII , 33 0
13. WOME N O F THE HIG H AN D LATE R EMPIRE:
CONFORMITY AN D DIVERSITY , 34 5
CHRONOLOGY, 39 5
ART CREDITS , 40 1
INDEX, 41 1
I
WOMEN IN
Socrates. Th e us e of the patronymic , lon g after Mnesarete' s marriage and th e deat h o f her father (h e i s not mentione d a s alive i n
the epigram) , suggests tha t a woma n wa s though t t o belon g t o
her natal family, an d especially to her father, throughout he r life .
upperworld i n admiratio n fo r he r courag e i n dyin g fo r he r hus band? Or was she, perhaps , guaranteed this reception throug h he r
initiation int o the Eleusinia n Mysteries, which promise d the ini tiate a bette r lif e i n th e worl d below ? The grie f tha t Mnesaret e
bequeathes to her mother in particular reflects the generic sorrow
felt b y parents who live to mourn a child an d perhaps in addition
the special role that Gree k women had in mourning the dead .
Women were often represented on grave monuments with th e
child (abov e all, th e mal e childhere th e wor d teknon doe s no t
allow us to specify th e child' s sex) wh o signified a fulfilled life ; if
the youn g woma n o n thi s monument , however , i s no t Mnesar ete's daughte r o r siste r o r a femal e slave , w e hav e n o wa y o f
knowing why she is there. Perhap s the famil y chos e a ready-made
design tha t doe s no t accuratel y reflec t thi s particula r woman' s
case (th e scheme of seated woman and standing attendant occur s
often o n gravestones [see Fig. 3.1], and this particular design reappears elsewhere). Nevertheless , i t seem s possible tha t imag e an d
epigram were designed to complement eac h other, an d that Mnesarete i s indeed mean t to serve as a model for a younger, unmar ried woma n (suc h a s a siste r o r daughter ) wh o ha s no t ye t
reached th e goa l of a woman's life .
The monument suggests how visual and written evidenc e ca n
reinforce eac h othe r (i f w e ha d foun d th e offering s an d grav e
goods i n he r tomb , or , a s i s les s likely , th e physica l remain s o f
Mnesarete herself , ye t anothe r piec e coul d hav e bee n adde d t o
the puzzle ) an d how carefully w e must use our nevertheless frag mentary knowledg e fro m othe r source s t o interpre t it s possibl e
meaning. By contextualizing as much as possible the visual, physical, an d writte n evidenc e fo r wome n i n th e Gree k world fro m
the eight h throug h th e firs t centurie s B.C.E. , an d b y considerin g
what problem s and questions our sources present, w e aim to provide the groundwor k for a study of women in this period. W e are
concerned a s much with th e poet's , pros e writer's, o r artist's image of women as with reconstructing "reality, " and we have tried
to present our material in the contex t of a narrative that stresse s
what we believe are the issues concerning women that are central
to each of three shorter periods within thi s larger time-span.
In Chapter 1 (the Archaic period, late eighth-early fifth centuries B.C.E.), for example, we have little more than poetry, sculpture, an d vas e painting scattered ove r th e whol e Gree k world t o
examine. Hence we chose to emphasize what sources throughout
the Gree k world aime d t o prais e o r blame in al l women , an d t o
examine ho w these text s an d monument s represented th e majo r
phases of a generic (an d above all aristocratic ) woman' s passag e
through life. Al l the Gree k excurses (Chapter s 2, 4, and 6) presen t
material fro m al l thre e o f our historica l periods . Chapte r 2 uses
evidence that begins in the Archaic period in order to offer a more
detailed pictur e o f women i n th e changin g context o f a particular, importan t Greek city-state, Sparta, which differs considerably
from ou r nex t focus o f concern, Classica l Athens.
In th e Classica l perio d (earl y fifth-lat e fourt h centurie s
B.C.E.) w e hav e concentrated o n Athens , i n larg e part becaus e i t
is the city-stat e abou t whic h we know the most . Legislatio n that
began t o b e passed i n th e Archai c period an d continued int o th e
Classical perio d apparentl y aime d t o contro l famil y lif e an d th e
relation of public to private life in Athens far more precisely than
before. W e have organized our ofte n highl y tendentious an d con tradictory evidence on women's lives in the ligh t of the historica l
transition t o democrac y an d th e socia l an d ideologica l change s
that accompanie d it . Chapte r 4 explores th e way that representations of the mythica l Amazon s served i n par t t o defin e b y inversion th e prope r rol e o f Athenia n women . Wherea s Athenia n
women too k n o part i n wa r an d politic s an d serve d to reproduce
children o f thei r husbands ' lineage , Amazon s rejected marriag e
and domesticity , perpetuate d thei r lin e throug h female children ,
engaged i n war, an d rule d their own societies.
Chapter 5 concentrates abov e al l o n th e live s o f wome n i n
Hellenistic Egypt . From after th e deat h of Alexander the Grea t in
323 B.C.E. an d unti l th e defea t of th e Ptolemai c queen Cleopatr a
by Roma n force s unde r Octavian in 3 1 B.C.E. , Gree k cultur e wa s
imposed o n Egyp t (a s well a s on other parts of the Easter n Mediterranean) b y rulin g Macedonian kings. This internationa l con text contribute d t o change s i n th e rol e o f wome n i n al l socia l
classes. Th e preservatio n i n th e dr y climat e o f Egyp t o f writte n
documents on papyru s enables u s to stud y mor e closely th e live s
and transaction s o f ordinar y citizen s a s wel l a s queens ; th e ar t
and literatur e o f the perio d als o expresse s interes t i n th e experi ences o f a greate r rang e o f social classes . Chapte r 6 stresses th e
important gynecologica l discoverie s o f Herophilus , who , unde r
the patronag e of the Ptolemies , dissecte d huma n cadavers for the
first time, an d examines the ways that Greek medical and biological theorie s i n both th e Gree k an d Greco-Roma n worlds shape d
attitudes t o femal e biolog y an d t o childbirt h practice s (an d vice
versa). Thu s Chapters 5 and 6 also serve a s a bridg e to th e stud y
of women i n th e Roma n world.
1
WOMEN IN ARCHAIC QREECE:
TALK I N PRAISE
AND BLAM E
12 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
14 WOME
radiant sky or a branch of gold or soft plume , holding the garlan d . . . she passed
on slende r feet; an d o n th e tresse s of the girl s sits th e lovely-haire d dewy grace
of Cinyras. Astymeloisa (moves ) among the gathering , an objec t o f care to th e
people . . . I f she shoul d com e nea r an d tak e m e b y th e sof t hand , a t onc e I
would becom e her suppliant.
But no w . .. a girl of deep [?] thought . . .
(Frag. 3.61-64, 79-82 Segal 1985)
94
"Honestly, I wish I were dead! "
Weeping many tears she lef t me ,
Saying this a s well:
"Oh, wha t dreadfu l thing s have happened to us,
Sappho! I don't want t o leav e you! "
I answere d her:
"Go with m y blessings and remembe r me,
for you kno w how w e cherished you.
"But i f you hav e [forgotten], I want
to remind you . . .
of the beautifu l things that happened t o us:
"Close b y my side you pu t aroun d yourself
[many wreaths ] of violets and rose s an d saffro n .
"And man y woven garlands
made fro m flowers . . .
around your tende r neck,
16
(Snyder 1989 )
96
. . . [Sardis?]
Often turnin g her mind her e . . .
[She honored you ]
like a n easil y recognize d goddess ,
she rejoiced especiall y i n your song .
But now she stands out amon g th e Lydia n wome n
as after sunse t
the rosy-fingere d moon
Surpasses al l the stars ; th e ligh t
spreads ove r th e salt y sea
equally a s over th e many-flowere d fields.
And th e de w grows beautifull y liquid
and rose s an d tende r chervi l
flourish, and th e flowery honey-lotus .
But she, roamin g abou t fa r an d wide ,
remembers gentl e Atti s with desire ;
her tende r hear t i s surely heav y [becaus e o f your fate ]
. . . to come . . .
(Snyder 1989 )
Sappho's poems are marked by sympathetic dialogue and by mutuality o f feeling betwee n olde r and younger women. Comparabl e erotic po etry by contemporary o r near-contemporary male poets seem s to emphasize instea d onl y th e desir e o f th e love r an d hi s prowes s i n th e sexua l
conquest of young men an d women . (Se e Stigers 1981. For a parallel contrast, se e the discussio n o f the elegia c poetry o f Sulpicia in Chapte r 11) .
Sappho develop s th e share d desir e o f lover an d belove d an d th e beaut y
of their experience i n an enchanted environmen t marked by the presenc e
of flowers , fruits , an d natura l image s lik e moon s an d stars . Aphrodit e
may b e invoked t o appea r as a participan t in thi s secure privat e world .
The equall y damage d papyru s fragments belo w stres s th e pleasure s in -
Figure 1.2 . Red-figur e Athenian vas e (ca . 460 B.C.E. ) with dancin g women i n the Classica l style . This
differs fro m th e Archai c i n it s closer observation o f human anatom y and th e gracefu l fal l o f drapery .
18
Figure 1.3 . Kor e fro m th e Acropoli s i n Athens , dedicate d i n th e 480s , an d showin g th e growt h o f
interest i n naturalisti c treatment o f fac e an d bod y i n th e fift h century . The "Archai c smile " o f earlier
korai (e.g. , Fig . 1.4) i s now gone .
20
21
cleia's brother ) hav e come . He r epigram (whic h was know n lon g before
the discover y of the statue ) reads :
The tom b of Phrasicleia . I shall always be called kore,
Having received thi s name a s my lot fro m th e gods ,
Instead o f marriage.
Aristion of Paros made [me].
(Jeffery 1962 : 138)
22 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
and ofte n toppe d wit h a sphinx. On e of the bes t know n o f these include s
a fin e representatio n o f a young girl , alongside a youth wh o i s probably
her brothe r (Fig . 1.5) . A fragmentar y epigra m ma y b e restore d t o sa y
that thei r parent s set up the stele fo r the young siblings (Clairmon t 1970 :
13-15). I n th e Classica l period, a ne w typ e o f grav e stele wil l becom e
one o f our principa l sources fo r representations of Athenian women (cf .
Fig. 3.2).
Relatively fe w kora i hav e preserve d a n inscriptio n tellin g u s wh o
put the m u p and why. Bu t those tha t d o have an inscription, alon g wit h
the findspots of the others , indicat e that thes e statues served tw o principal functions , bot h characteristi c o f Archaic Greek religion. Eithe r the y
were dedications t o a goddess i n he r sanctuary or they wer e grave markers place d o n th e tomb s of wealthy women . I n bot h instances , w e ma y
wonder ho w closel y th e statu e approximate s th e actua l dres s an d ap pearance o f young wome n an d wha t qualitie s it wa s meant t o express.
A life-siz e marbl e statue was amon g the mos t expensiv e dedication s
made i n Gree k sanctuarie s (typica l dedication s b y poore r peopl e wer e
clay vase s o r plaques) . Thu s th e kora i themselves , i n thei r dress , coif fure, an d attributes , ma y b e an accurat e reflectio n o f the appearanc e o f
young women o f the aristocrati c class whose familie s mad e such dedications. I t ha s bee n suggeste d tha t th e statue s represen t thes e youn g
women i n a specific situation know n to us from Archai c literary sources,
their appearanc e i n religiou s sanctuaries on th e occasio n o f public festi vals (Schneide r 1975) . Thes e wer e virtuall y the onl y time s whe n a gir l
of marriageabl e ag e migh t appea r i n public , an d th e modes t behavio r
expected o f her i s echoed i n th e demur e downwar d gaz e of many korai .
Yet a t th e sam e time , paradoxically , she might call attentio n t o hersel f
with he r elegan t clothes , elaboratel y style d hair , expensiv e jewelry ,
makeup, an d eve n a gestur e o f pullin g her garmen t tight , emphasizin g
breasts, legs , an d buttocks . He r beauty make s her a n adornmen t t o he r
family, t o b e appraise d by prospective husbands; yet sh e should no t cal l
attention t o herself , les t sh e invite unwanted admirers.
The Transition to Marriage
Both Odyssey, book 6, composed in the late eighth century B.C.E., and
the Homeri c Hymn t o Demeter, probabl y compose d a t Eleusi s i n th e
later seventh or early sixth century B.C.E. , addres s the comple x transitio n
from maidenhoo d t o marriage . Yet whereas Homer' s Nausicaa faces th e
prospect o f marriage with a charmfn g sh y reserve mixed wit h eagerness,
the Homeric Hymn dwells through its divine myth on the difficulties a
young woma n face d i n leavin g her nata l hom e fo r a new , ofte n distan t
environment an d a n unknow n husban d chose n fo r her b y her father .
In the Odyssey, Homer's intelligent and lovely princess Nausicaa is
shy about speakin g of marriage to he r parents, bu t the y understan d tha t
her sudde n desir e t o was h th e famil y laundr y i n th e compan y o f he r
handmaidens an d friend s signals a readines s fo r a ne w life .
23
24 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
26 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
"and the n ma y th e god s give you everythin g your hear t longs for;
may the y gran t you a husban d and a hous e an d swee t agreemen t
in al l things , for nothing is better tha n this , more steadfas t
than whe n tw o people , a ma n an d hi s wife, kee p a harmonious
household; a thing that bring s much distress to the peopl e wh o hat e the m
and pleasur e to their well wishers, an d fo r them th e bes t reputation. "
(6.180-85)
28 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
30 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
480
31
Figure 1.6 . Pla n o f the sanctuar y at Eleusi s with th e Telesterio n or Hal l o f the Mysterie s of Demeter,
as wel l a s th e earlie r an d late r building s foun d o n th e site . K , th e Callichoron / QP , th e Qreate r
Propylaea/ LP , th e Lesse r Propylaea/ PN , th e Ploutonion / H11 , rock-cu t platfor m an d th e are a o f th e
"Mirthless Stone" / SW , th e Sacre d Way / F , th e "Templ e F" / P1 , th e Chape l o f Panaghitsa / L10 ,
Roman buildin g o n spur, - B20 , Prehistori c remains on th e Akropolis / T , Terrac e above the Telesterion /
R1, Norther n Stairway , R , Souther n Stairway/ M , th e Megaron / T2 , Terrac e in fron t o f main eastern
facade o f the Telesterion / Z12 , th e Callichoro n of the Homeri c hymn.
32
Figure 1.7 . Black-figur e Atti c vase (ca . 520 B.C.E. ) showin g th e goddes s Demeter in he r chario t he r
daughter Persephon e returned t o he r fro m th e underworld.
them (cf . Hymn t o Demeter 470ff.) . Th e wa y i s led by Hermes, the mes senger god , wh o conduct s Persephone , free d fro m Hade s (Hymn t o De meter 360ff.) . Apollo , a s a representativ e o f th e Olympia n family , ac companies th e festiv e processio n o n th e kithar a ( a typ e o f lyre) ; th e
goddess facing hi m ma y b e his sister Artemis.
Cults o f Demete r an d o f Persephon e wer e particularl y stron g an d
widespread i n th e Gree k colonie s o f Sout h Ital y an d Sicily . Locr i
Epizephyrii was a Greek city i n Souther n Ital y (nea r modern Reggi o Calabria), founde d in th e earl y sevent h centur y B.C.E . I t ha d a n importan t
sanctuary o f Persephon e (Diodoru s 27.4.3) tha t flourishe d especiall y i n
the sixt h an d fift h centuries . I n th e sanctuar y wer e foun d hundred s of
clay plaque s dedicate d t o th e goddes s b y women . Man y o f thes e sho w
scenes relating to the weddin g of the dedicato r herself, such a s the brideto-be preparing her troussea u (cf . Chapter 7 , an d Fig . 7.10). Bu t severa l
other serie s o f pinake s (plaques ) depic t th e goddes s Persephone , he r
mother Demeter , an d occasionall y othe r gods , suc h a s Dionysu s o r
Hermes, th e messenger . On e group (Fig . 1.8) shows the abductio n o f Persephone b y Hades (Hymn t o Demeter 15-20) .
The story of Demeter and Persephon e also served as the paradig m for
many all-femal e fertilit y rituals throughou t Greece , th e mos t famou s of
which wa s calle d th e Thesmophori a (se e Chapte r 3) . Henc e w e ca n as -
33
34 WOME
35
the Gree k world durin g the Archai c period . Recen t studie s o f dedicator y
inscriptions o f th e eight h t o fift h centurie s B.C.E . showe d tha t abou t
eighty ou t o f nearl y on e thousan d wer e mad e b y women. Wit h fe w exceptions, wome n mad e dedications t o female divinities, while me n mad e
dedications t o bot h femal e an d mal e divinities . Th e recipien t o f th e
largest numbe r o f dedications b y women wa s Athen a (especiall y o n th e
36 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
The statue, put u p in the middl e of the sevent h century B.C.E. , i s not onl y
the earlies t dedicatio n b y a Greek woman, but i s the earlies t exampl e of
Greek monumental ston e sculpture .
From th e evidenc e o f Nicandre's dedication an d on e a century late r
on th e islan d o f Paros , i t woul d see m tha t dedication s b y aristocrati c
women wer e mor e prevalen t in th e Cyclade s than elsewher e i n Greece .
The late r statu e i s lost, bu t th e marbl e column tha t supporte d i t bear s
this dedication :
Artemis, Telestodic e dedicate d thi s statue to you,
the mothe r of Asphalios and daughte r of Thersiles.
I [th e statue ] boast I am th e wor k of Critonides of Paros.
(Lazzarini 1976 : no. 726)
AB
37
Figure 1.10. Nicandr e offere d thi s statue to the goddes s Artemis , as she tells the viewer i n an inscrip tion o n th e sid e o f he r dres s (C) . This earlies t remainin g monumenta l Qree k ston e statu e resemble s
Egyptian sculptur e in it s pose (A) , and it s flatness suggests it s early date (B ) (ca. 65 0 B.C.E.) .
38
WOME
One stran d o f th e archai c traditio n develope d a t lengt h a consider ably mor e ambivalen t attitud e t o wives . Thes e view s ar e bes t repre sented i n th e stor y o f the creatio n o f the first woman i n Hesiod' s Theogony an d Work s an d Days an d Semonides ' poe m o n th e origi n o f th e
different tribe s o f womankind fro m differen t animals , earth , an d sea .
Hesiod's two poem s twic e represen t th e creatio n o f the firs t woma n
as a punishmen t t o a grou p of mortal me n (create d i n som e version s b y
the go d Prometheus) . Woman' s creatio n i s par t o f man' s fal l fro m a
Golden Ag e into a worl d marke d b y death, disease, labor , an d th e nee d
to produc e heir s fro m a creatur e whos e seductiv e beaut y conceal s he r
unreliability, he r greediness , an d he r uselessness . A wife ca n exhaus t a
man sexuall y an d ag e hi m prematurel y (Work s an d Days, 702-5) ; and ,
like a drone , sh e drain s hi s hard-wo n accumulatio n o f agricultura l
wealth. I n contrast t o othe r Archai c poetry, Hesio d mention s n o contri butions by wives to the econom y o f the household , no t eve n cooking an d
weaving. Ye t a wif e i s a necessar y evi l becaus e withou t he r a ma n can not hav e a so n t o inheri t hi s property . Suspiciou s of a wife' s virtue an d
fidelity, Hesiod recommend s a lat e marriage (thirty ) t o a young an d vir-
40 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
42 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
44 WOME
N I N TH E QREEK WORLD
Mourners
Archaic art an d literatur e als o stress th e importan t publi c role of women
as mourners of the dead . Wome n not onl y lai d out th e bodie s of the dea d
for burial , bu t playe d th e majo r rol e i n lamentin g them . Wome n coul d
be so effective at traditiona l mournin g songs an d gestures , suc h a s tear ing hair , cheeks , an d clothin g an d beatin g th e breast , tha t the y wer e
often hire d t o participat e i n th e funera l lamentation s an d processions of
important aristocrat s an d warriors . I n th e Iliad, Achilles ' concubin e
Briseis play s a n importan t rol e i n mournin g th e hero Patroclu s
(19.282-303); i n Iliad 24 , the Troja n her o Hector' s mothe r Hecuba , hi s
wife Andromache , an d hi s sister-in-la w Hele n prais e th e her o an d la ment hi s loss t o famil y an d city:
By the gate s they met Pria m bringin g the corps e of his son.
Hector's dear wife an d roya l mother rushed up
To the wheel-spinnin g wagon, and touchin g the hea d of the dead
They wailed and tore at thei r hair, whil e the people crowded
Around the m and wept. And now al l day long till sunset
They would have stayed outside the gates , lamenting
And weepin g for Hector, had no t th e ol d King , still
46 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
47
Figure 1.12 . Earl y Atti c funerar y vas e (76 0 B.C.E. ) showin g mourner s at a funeral / me n an d wome n
tear thei r hair as a sig n o f inconsolabl e sorrow. Th e wome n knee l under the bier , thei r legs covere d
by lon g skirts.
carry mor e tha n a n obol' s worth o f food an d drink , no r a pannie r mor e tha n a
cubit high , an d the y wer e no t t o trave l abou t b y nigh t unles s the y rod e i n a
wagon wit h a lam p to ligh t thei r way . Laceratio n of the flesh by mourners, th e
use of set lamentations , an d th e bewailin g of anyone a t th e funera l ceremonie s
of anothe r h e forbade . Th e sacrific e of a n o x a t th e grav e wa s no t permitted ,
nor th e buria l wit h th e dea d o f mor e tha n thre e change s o f raiment , no r th e
visiting o f othe r tomb s tha n thos e o f thei r ow n family , excep t a t th e tim e o f
interment. Mos t o f thes e practice s ar e als o forbidde n by ou r [Attic ] laws , bu t
ours contain th e additiona l provis o tha t suc h offender s shal l be punished b y th e
board o f censor s fo r women , becaus e the y indulg e i n unmanl y an d effeminat e
extravagances o f sorrow when the y mourn .
(Plutarch, Solon 21.4-5 ; Perri n 1982 , modified)
48 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
women surroundin g the bie r i s relativel y smal l o n pinake s an d loutro phoroi o f th e sixt h century , an d on e plaqu e (Fig . 1.13 ) names al l th e
relations (mother , father , sister , aunts) , a s i f t o prov e tha t al l wer e
within th e prescribe d limits. The figure s wh o com e closes t t o th e youn g
man lai d ou t o n hi s bier an d actuall y touc h hi m ar e al l femal e (including a littl e girl) , whil e th e me n an d boy s approac h n o close r tha n th e
foot o f th e couch . Wome n wer e though t t o b e les s threatene d b y th e
ritual pollutio n (miasma ) o f contac t wit h a corpse , especiall y wome n
who ha d give n birth an d ha d thu s alread y incurred pollution.
In abou t 54 0 B.C.E., th e black-figur e vas e painte r Exekia s was com missioned b y a wealth y patro n t o execut e a series of about fiftee n terra cotta plaque s to decorat e a woman' s tomb , formin g a continuou s friez e
around thre e side s o f th e structure . Thes e plaque s narrat e th e variou s
stages of the funeral , fro m th e lyin g in state an d preparatio n of the bod y
to the harnessin g of the chario t t o transpor t the bod y t o th e grave . Family member s of both sexe s mour n besid e he r bier , bu t th e mourner s ac companying the chario t ar e all women. On e panel in the serie s is unique
in showing a vignette that i s not strictl y par t of the funerar y ritua l (Fig.
1.14). Eigh t women hav e withdrawn into a roo m of the hous e t o mour n
privately an d t o car e fo r a small , no w motherles s child . I n th e fore ground, tw o wome n si t quietly opposit e eac h other , perhap s the mothe r
and a daughte r or siste r o f th e deceased . Unlik e th e ritualize d gesture s
of mournin g prevalen t i n Archai c art , thi s intimat e scen e convey s th e
grief o f family and friend s i n a les s formal fashion .
By the lat e sixth century, certain shapes of vases were clearly associFigure 1.13 . Funera l plaque (ca. 500 B.C.E. ) wit h ki n gathere d a t th e wak e o f th e deceased . Wome n
stand close r t o the dea d ma n tha n d o th e mournin g men, whose arms ar e raise d i n a kin d o f farewel l
salute.
49
Figure 1.14 . Funera l plaque (ca. 540-530 B.C.E. ) showin g wome n mournin g in private, - th e littl e bo y
held b y th e wome n a t th e uppe r right contributes to the sens e o f intimacy.
50
Nonaristocratic Wome n
Figure 1.16. Th e loutrophoro s (ca . 490-480 B.C.E.) , holding water t o wash the body o f the deceased,
appears o n th e nec k o f thi s loutrophoros , while o n th e bod y o f th e vesse l th e dea d yout h i s show n
with mourners.
51
52 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
Phrygia's dedicatio n i s a smal l bronz e shiel d decorate d wit h a gorgo neion, no t especiall y "female, " bu t appropriat e fo r th e recipient . Smi cythe dedicate d a marbl e basin , appropriat e t o he r ow n profession .
Phrygia's nam e ("th e Phrygian" ) suggest s she wa s probabl y a foreigner
living i n Athens . Th e "tithe " i n Smicythe' s dedications i s a substantia l
part o f he r earnings , an d othe r dedication s t o Athen a cal l themselve s
aparche (first-fruits) , implyin g tha t th e dedicatio n wa s somethin g o f
value, th e bes t th e dedicato r had t o offer .
Thus even th e sli m evidence that we have for the live s of nonaristo-
53
cratic wome n suggest s tha t the y imitate d thei r riche r sister s i n dedica tions t o the god s and were imagine d in poetry a s conforming to the sam e
standards o f praise an d blam e tha t regulate d th e behavio r of free, legiti mate wives .
NOTES
1. Griffith s 197 2 argues tha t th e poe m i s actually a n epithalamiu m or marriage song
for Agid o on th e mornin g afte r he r wedding . Se e Page 195 1 and Calam e 197 7 for further
discussion.
2. Fo r a citatio n o f ancient source s o n thi s insolubl e question , se e Campbell 1982 .
TRANSLATIONS
Bing, Peter , an d Ri p Cohen. 1991 . Games of Venus. Ne w York.
Foley, Helen e P . 1993 . Th e Homeric Hymn t o Demeter. Princeton, N.J .
Frazer, R . M . 1983 . Th e Poems of Hesiod. Norman , Okla .
Lattimore, Richmond . 1960 . Greek Lyrics. Chicago .
. 1965 . Th e Odyssey o f Homer. Ne w York.
Perrin, Bernadotte . 1982 . Plutarch's Lives. Vo l 1 . Loe b Classica l Library . Cambridge ,
Mass. (Originall y published 1914)
Rayor, Diane . 1991 . Sappho's Lyre: Archaic Lyric an d Women Poets of Ancient Greece.
Berkeley an d Lo s Angeles.
Rees, Ennis . 1991 . Th e Iliad o f Homer. (Firs t published 1963 )
Segal, Charles . 1985 . "Archai c Chora l Lyric. " I n Th e Cambridge History o f Classical Literature, 1 : 165-85. Cambridge .
Snyder, Jane . 1989 . Th e Woman an d th e Lyre: Women Writer s i n Classical Greece and
Rome. Carbondale, 111 .
WORKS CONSULTE D
Ahlberg, G . 1970 . Prothesis and Ekphora i n Greek Geometric Art. Goteberg .
Alexiou, Margaret . 1974 . The Ritual Lament i n Greek Tradition. Cambridge .
Arthur, Maryli n B . 1973 . "Earl y Greece : Th e Origin s o f th e Wester n Attitud e Toward s
Women." Arethusa 6 : 7-58. [Als o published in Women i n th e Ancient World: Th e
Arethusa Papers, edite d b y John Peradott o an d J. P . Sullivan, 7-58. Albany , N.Y.,
1984.]
. 1977 . "Politic s an d Pomegranates . A n Interpretatio n o f th e Homeri c Hymn t o
Demeter." Arethusa 10 : 7-48.
. 1981 . "Th e Divide d World o f Iliad VI. " I n Reflections o f Women i n Antiquity,
edited b y Helene P . Foley, 19-44 . Ne w York.
Boardman, John. 1955 . "Painte d Funerar y Plaques and Som e Remark s on Prothesis. " An nual o f th e British School o f Archaeology a t Athens 50: 51-66.
Calame, Claude . 1977 . Le s choeurs d e jeunes fille s e n Grece archa'ique. Vols . 1 and 2 .
Rome.
Campbell, D . A . 1982 . Greek Lyric. Vol . 1 . Loe b Classical Library . Cambridge, Mass .
Clairmont, C . W . 1970 . Gravestone an d Epigram. Mainz .
Donlan, Walter . 1981-82 . "Reciprocitie s i n Homer. " Classical World 75 : 137-75 .
Foley, Helen e P . 1978 . "Revers e Simile s and Se x Role s i n th e Odyssey. " Arethusa 11 :
54 WOME
7-26. [Als o publishe d i n Women i n th e Ancient World: Th e Arethusa Papers, ed ited b y John Peradott o an d J. P . Sullivan, 59-78. Albany , N.Y., 1984.]
Griffiths, Alan . 1972 . "Alcman' s Partheneion : Th e Mornin g Afte r th e Nigh t Before. "
Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica 14 : 7-30 .
Havelock, Christine . 1981 . "Mourner s o n Gree k Vases : Remark s on th e Socia l Histor y o f
Women." In Th e Greek Vase, edited b y S. L. Hyatt, 103-18 . Latham , N.Y.
Jeffery, L . H. 1962 . "The Inscribe d Gravestones o f Archaic Attica." Annual o f th e British
School o f Archaeology a t Athens 57: 115-53.
Kurtz, D . C . 1984 . "Vase s fo r th e Dead , a n Atti c Selection , 750-40 0 B.C. " I n Ancient
Greek an d Related Pottery, edite d b y H. A . G. Brijder, 314-28 . Amsterdam .
, an d John Boardman . 1971 . Greek Burial Customs. London .
Lacey, W . K . 1968 . Th e Family i n Classical Greece. Ithaca , N.Y.
Lazzarini, M . L . 1976 . "L e formule delle dediche votiv e nell a Greci a arcaica. " Memorie
della R . Accademia dei Lincei, ser. 8 , 19 : 47-354.
Leduc, Claudine . 1992 . "Marriag e i n Ancien t Greece. " I n A History o f Women i n th e
West, edite d b y P . Schmitt Pantel, 1 : 233-94. Cambridge , Mass.
Loraux, Nicole . 1978 . "Sur l e rac e de s femmes et quelques-une s de ses tribus." Arethusa
11:43-88.
Mommsen, Heide . 1984 . "De r Grabpina x de s Exekia s mi t de n trauernde n Frauen. " I n
Ancient Greek an d Related Pottery, edite d b y H . A . G . Brijder , 329-33 . Am sterdam.
Morris, Ian . 1986 . "Th e Us e and Abus e of Homer." Classical Antiquity 5 , no 1 : 81-138.
Page, D . L. 1951. Alcman, the Partheneion. Oxford .
Pritchett, W . Kendrick . 1940 . "Greek Inscriptions. " Hesperia 9 : 97-133.
Priickner, H . 1968 . Di e locrischen Tonreliefs. Mainz .
Raubitschek, A . E. 1949. Dedications o n th e Athenian Akropolis. Cambridge .
Richardson, N . J. 1974 . Th e Homeric Hymn t o Demeter. Oxford.
Richter, G . M . A . 1968 . Korai . London .
Ridgway, Brunild e S. 1987 . "Ancien t Gree k Wome n an d Art : Th e Materia l Evidence. "
American Journal o f Archaeology 91 : 399-409.
Schneider, Lamber t A . 1975 . Zu r sozialen Bedeutung de r archaischen Korenstatuen.
Hamburger Beitrage zur Archaologie, suppl. 2 . Hamburg.
Shapiro, H . A. 1991 . "The Iconograph y o f Mourning in Athenia n Art. " American Journal
of Archaeology 95 : 629-56.
Snodgrass, A . M . 1974 . "An Historica l Homeri c Society? " Journal o f Hellenic Studies 94 :
114-25.
Sussman, Lind a S. 1978 . "Worker s an d Drones : Labor , Idleness an d Gende r Definitio n i n
Hesiod's Beehive. " Arethus a 11 : 27-42 . [Als o publishe d i n Women i n th e Ancient
World: Th e Arethusa Papers, edite d b y John Peradott o an d J . P . Sullivan, 79-94 .
Albany, N.Y. , 1984.]
Vernant, Jean-Pierre . 1980a . "Marriage. " I n hi s Myth an d Society i n Ancient Greece,
45-70. Atlanti c Highlands, N.J.
. 1980b . "Th e Myt h of Prometheus in Hesiod. " In his Myth an d Society i n Ancient
Greece, 161-85 . Atlantic Highlands , N.J.
FURTHER READING
Bergren, Ann . 1983 . "Languag e an d th e Femal e i n Earl y Greek Thought." Arethus a 16:
69-95.
Burnett, Ann e Pippin. 1983 . Three Archaic Poets. Cambridge, Mass ,
du Bois , Page. 1978 . "Sappho an d Helen. " Arethusa 11 : 89-100. [Also published i n Women
in th e Ancient World: Th e Arethusa Papers, edite d b y John Peradott o an d J . P .
Sullivan, 95-106. Albany , N.Y., 1984.]
2
EXCURSUS
SPARTAN WOMEN :
WOMEN I N
A WARRIO R SOCIET Y
Spartan Women 5
cuss the m here . Late r texts an d brie f report s abou t Sparta n wome n ar e
also extant, bu t archaeologica l an d art historica l source s ar e few. Of our
sources onl y Alcman , wh o wa s probabl y bor n i n Lydi a bu t live d i n
Sparta a t th e en d o f th e sevent h centur y B.C.E. , i s a direc t witnes s fo r
women i n the Archaic period. Xenopho n lived in Sparta in the first quarter o f th e fourt h centur y B.C.E . Othe r author s wh o commen t o n Spart a
are late, bu t the y ofte n dre w thei r informatio n fro m earlie r (thoug h no t
necessarily trustworthy ) sources . Fo r example, Plutarch , wh o give s detailed informatio n abou t wome n base d o n researc h i n earlie r literature ,
lived approximatel y on e thousan d year s afte r th e so-calle d constitutio n
of th e legendar y Sparta n lawgive r Lycurgus , whic h h e describes . Thi s
excursus wil l surve y wha t i s reporte d abou t th e histor y o f Sparta n
women spannin g approximately a 500-year period .
Our sources refe r t o Sparta of the Archaic , Classical, an d Hellenisti c
periods, i n several case s without raisin g the possibility tha t lif e in Sparta
changed ove r time . Thi s telescopin g o f histor y i s on e reaso n wh y th e
texts contai n contradiction s tha t ar e difficul t t o explai n an d reconcil e
on th e natur e o f Spartan marriage , th e choic e o f spouses, an d women' s
relationship t o rea l property . W e have data abou t Sparta n wome n wh o
were upper-clas s and royal , no t abou t th e wome n o f the lowe r classes .
(The populatio n o f Sparta was distributed int o thre e groups : the Spartiates [or Spartans] were ful l citizens ; the perioko i were free, non-citizens ;
and th e helot s wer e unfre e workers. ) Bot h poeti c an d pros e text s giv e
information o n th e lif e cycl e fro m childhoo d throug h puberty , sexualit y
(including lesbianism), marriage , motherhood, an d death .
The Education of Spartan Women
Alcman wrote chora l lyric s tha t wer e performed b y unmarried girls, an d
some fragment s o f thes e Partheneia stil l remai n t o offe r glimpse s of a n
all-female aristocrati c world . (Fo r longe r excerpt s o f th e poem s fro m
which the phrase s below ar e quoted, se e Chapter 1. ) The beauty of Spartan wome n was legendary. Lik e the mythica l Helen, the girl s of Partheneion 1 are said t o have had golden hair : 'The tresses o f my cousin Hagesichora blosso m lik e pure gold . . . . She, wit h he r gorgeous golde n hair/ '
Cosmetics wer e banished , an d were, i n any case, no t needed , fo r exercis ing outdoor s mad e women' s complexion s glo w ("He r silver y face") .
These handsom e women , unsecluded , ar e name d an d thei r attractiv e
features an d accomplishment s praised . Th e anima l imager y use d fo r
them is complimentary: "Our glorious leader . . . who clearly stands out
herself, a s if you pu t amon g the herd s a racehorse, sturdy , thundering , a
champion. . . . The girl who's nex t t o Agido in beauty shal l rac e bu t as
a Kolaxeia n hors e behin d a n Ibenian. " Fin e horses connot e beaut y an d
wealth, but , lik e th e maiden s who wil l b e married, horse s mus t b e broken i n or yoked.
The girls mentioned i n Partheneion 1 seem t o belong to a t leas t tw o
58 WOME
Some o f Alcman' s language is explicitly erotic . Competen t transla tors conve y thes e sentiment s i n variou s ways . Th e followin g selectio n
provides an example of one of the majo r problems confronting the reade r
who mus t encounte r th e ancien t evidenc e throug h th e len s o f transla tion. Th e firs t quotatio n fro m Partheneion 1 is fro m th e translatio n b y
Bing an d Cohe n (1991) , whic h i s quoted i n ful l i n Chapte r 1:
and n o longer coming to Ainesimbrota' s house will you say :
"if onl y Astaphi s were mine,
if Philyll a would look m y way,
or Demareta , or lovely Vianthemis
but Hagesichor a wears me out wit h desire. "
Spartan Women 5
. . . nor will you go to Aenesimbrota's and say, "I f only Astaphi s were mine, if
only Philyll a wer e t o loo k m y wa y an d Damaret a an d lovel y lanthemis" ; no ,
Hagesichora guard s me.
(Campbell 1988 : 367)
60 WOME
cussed i n Chapte r 1 . (Se e further discussio n of the femal e nude in Chapter 5.)
The namin g o f girls in th e Partheneia an d th e fac t tha t th e name s
of victor s i n th e footrace s wer e inscribe d o n statue s o f themselves indi cate tha t wome n wer e no t exclude d fro m th e publi c spher e an d sugges t
that some , a t least , wer e literate . Wome n wh o participate d i n choir s
that performe d choral lyri c certainl y kne w ho w t o sin g an d danc e an d
had memorize d th e myth s an d historica l event s narrate d i n th e poems ,
for exampl e thos e concernin g th e Pleiade s mentioned i n Partheneion 1.
Unlike Athens , Spart a produce d a t leas t tw o femal e poets: thei r name s
are known , bu t thei r work s ar e no t extant . Athenaeu s (13.600f. ) refer s
to a poet name d Megalostrat a wh o was Alcman's contemporary, an d Aristophanes (Lysistrata 1237 ) mentions a poe t calle d Cleitagora . lambli chus (D e Vita Pythagorica 189-94 , 267 , 269 ) name s severa l Sparta n
women wh o becam e Pythagorean s (Poralla , 1985 : 72 , 79 , 118) , whil e
Plato (Protagoras 342D) remarke d o n th e intellectua l cultur e o f Spartan
women: "ther e ar e no t onl y me n bu t wome n als o who prid e themselve s
on their education ; an d you ca n tel l tha t what I say is true an d that th e
Spartans have th e bes t educatio n i n philosophy. " I n view o f the notori ous lac k o f cultur e amon g Sparta n men , i t woul d appea r tha t Sparta n
women were , i n term s o f thei r superio r education , mor e lik e me n i n
other Gree k cities.
According t o th e referenc e t o th e "Sixtee n Women " i n th e passag e
from Pausanias , quote d earlier , Spartans , lik e other Gree k women, coul d
weave. Bu t Spartan s wer e forbidde n t o engag e i n banausic , o r money making occupations : the y gaine d thei r sustenanc e fro m th e wor k o f th e
lower classe s o n plot s o f land tha t wer e distribute d t o Spartan s a t birth ,
Spartan Women 6
62 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
Spartan Women 6
ally did along with th e othe r young men. An d this continued t o be his practice
thereafter: whil e spending th e day s with hi s contemporaries, an d going to slee p
with them , h e would warily visi t hi s bride in secret, ashame d an d apprehensiv e
in cas e someon e i n th e hous e migh t notic e him . Hi s bride a t th e sam e tim e
devised schemes an d helped t o plan how they might meet each other unobserved
at suitabl e moments . I t wa s no t just fo r a short perio d tha t young me n woul d
do this , bu t fo r lon g enoug h tha t som e migh t eve n hav e childre n befor e the y
saw thei r ow n wive s in daylight . Suc h intercourse wa s not onl y a n exercis e i n
self-control an d moderation , bu t als o mean t tha t partner s wer e fertil e physically, alway s fres h fo r love , an d read y fo r intercours e rathe r tha n bein g sated
and pal e fro m unrestricte d sexua l activity . Moreove r som e lingerin g glo w o f
desire an d affection wa s always lef t i n both. . . .
What was thus practiced i n the interest s o f breeding and of the state was at
that tim e s o fa r remove d fro m th e laxit y fo r which th e wome n late r becam e
notorious, tha t ther e was absolutely no notion o f adultery amon g them.
(Plutarch, Life o f Lycurgus, 14-15 ; Talbert 1988 : 24-26)
64 WOME
you pla n t o cree p bac k in her e wher e you emerge d from? " A t this sh e pulled u p
her clothes and expose d he r belly t o them .
A woman, whe n sh e saw her son approaching, aske d how their countr y wa s
doing. Whe n h e said : "All the me n ar e dead," sh e picked u p a tile , thre w i t a t
him an d killed him, saying: 'Then did they sen d you t o bring us the ba d news? "
As a woman wa s burying her son, a worthless old crone came u p to her and
said, "Yo u poor woman , wha t a misfortune! " "No , by the tw o gods , a piece of
good fortune, " sh e replied, "becaus e I bore hi m s o that h e migh t di e for Sparta ,
and tha t i s what ha s happened , a s I wished. "
When a n Ionia n woman was priding herself on one of the tapestrie s sh e had
made (whic h wa s indee d o f great value) , a Sparta n woman showe d of f her fou r
most dutifu l son s an d sai d the y wer e the kin d of thing a noble an d goo d woma n
ought t o produce an d should boas t o f them an d tak e prid e in them .
Another woman, a s she was handing her son his shield an d giving him som e
encouragement, said , "Son, either wit h thi s or on this."
(Plutarch, Sayings o f Spartan Women 240-41 ; Talbert 1988 : 159-61)
Spartan Women 6
intervened in private ones (Agis 7.3 ) But Plutarch, who was a Neoplatonist an d wh o wa s optimistic abou t women' s moral an d intellectua l potential, rejecte d Aristotle' s conclusio n tha t wome n wer e responsibl e in
large part for the declin e of Sparta. Aristotle viewed Sparta as a gynaikokratia (tha t is , a stat e rule d b y women), an d a s such, contrar y t o th e
natural hierarchy in which men were to rule women. (Se e excerpts fro m
Aristotle in Chapte r 3, "Ancient Critica l Reactions to Women's Roles in
Classical Athens.") I n Athens and some other Gree k states women were
not permitte d to own lan d or to manage substantial amounts of wealth.
Aristotle also criticized th e Spartan system of land-tenure, which permitted women to own land and t o manage their own property:
Again, the license of the Spartan women hinder s the attainment of the aim s
of th e constitutio n an d th e realizatio n o f the goo d o f the people . Fo r just a s a
husband and a wife ar e each a part of every family, so may the cit y be regarded
as abou t equall y divide d betwee n me n an d women ; consequentl y i n al l citie s
where the conditio n o f women i s bad, one hal f of the cit y mus t b e regarded as
not havin g prope r legislation . An d thi s i s exactl y wha t happene d i n Sparta .
There, th e lawgive r who ha d intende d t o mak e the entir e populatio n stron g in
character ha s accomplished hi s aims with regard to the men , bu t ha s neglected
the women , wh o indulg e in ever y kind of luxury and intemperance . A natural
consequence o f this lifestyle is that wealth i s highly valued, particularly i n societies where men come to be dominated by their wives, as is the cas e with many
military an d warlik e peoples, i f we except th e Celt s an d a few other race s wh o
openly approv e of male lovers . I n fact , ther e seem s t o b e some rationa l justifi cation fo r th e myt h o f th e unio n o f Are s wit h Aphrodite , sinc e al l militar y
peoples ar e prone t o sexual activitie s wit h eithe r me n or women. Thi s was evident amon g the Spartan s in th e day s of their supremacy , when muc h was managed b y women . Bu t wha t i s th e differenc e betwee n wome n ruling , o r ruler s
being ruled by women? The resul t is the same . Courag e is a quality of little use
in daily life , bu t necessar y i n war , an d yet eve n here th e influenc e o f the Spar tan wome n ha s been negative. This was revealed during the Theba n invasion of
Laconia4 whe n th e wome n o f Sparta, instead o f being of some us e lik e women
in other cities, cause d more confusion than the enemy . I t is not surprising, however, tha t th e licens e o f the wome n wa s characteristi c o f Spartan society fro m
the earlies t times , fo r the me n o f Sparta were awa y fro m hom e fo r long periods
of time a s they fough t firs t agains t th e Argive s and the n agains t th e Arcadians
and Messenians . Whe n the y returne d t o a peacefu l life , havin g grow n accus tomed t o obedienc e b y military discipline, whic h ha s its virtue, they wer e prepared t o submi t themselve s t o th e legislatio n o f Lycurgus . But when Lycurgus
attempted t o subject women t o hi s laws they resiste d an d h e gave up, a s tradition says. These, then , ar e the cause s of what happene d and thus it is clear tha t
the constitutiona l shortcomin g unde r discussion mus t be assigned t o them . Ou r
task, however , i s not t o praise or blame, but t o discover what i s right or wrong,
and the position of women i n Sparta, as we have already noted, not only contravenes th e spiri t o f the constitutio n bu t contribute s greatl y t o th e existin g avarice. Thi s proble m o f greed naturall y invite s a n attac k o n th e lac k o f equalit y
among th e Spartan s with regar d to th e ownershi p o f property, fo r we se e tha t
some of them hav e very small properties while others have very large ones, an d
that a s a resul t a fe w peopl e posses s mos t o f th e land . Her e agai n i s anothe r
66 WOME
N IN TH E QREE K WORLD
TRANSLATIONS
Bing, Peter , an d Ri p Cohen. 1991 . Games o f Venus. Ne w York.
Campbell, Davi d A . 1988 . Greek Lyric. Vol . 2 . Loe b Classical Library . Cambridge, Mass .
Davies, M . 1991 . Poetarum Melicorum Graecorum Fragmenta. Vol . 1 Oxford.
Frazer, J . G . 1965 . Pausanias's Description o f Greece, Ne w Yor k (originall y publishe d
1898).
Lattimore, Richmond . 1970 . Greek Lyrics. Chicag o an d Londo n (originall y publishe d
1955).
Marchant, E . C. an d G . W. Bowersock, 1968 . Xenophon VII. Scripta Minora. Loe b Classical Library . Cambridge, Mass , (originall y publishe d i n 192 5 without supplement) .
Moretti, L . 1953 . Iscrizioni Agonistische Greene. Rome .
Spartan Women 6
Segal, Charles. 1985 . "Archaic Choral Lyric: Alcman." In Th e Cambridge History o f Classical Literature, vol. 1 , Greek Literature, edited b y P . E . Easterlin g and B . M. W .
Knox, Cambridge , 168-85 .
Spyridakis, Styliano s V. , an d Bradle y P . Nystrom . 1988 . Ancient Greece: Documentary
Perspectives. Dubuque , Ind .
Talbert, Richard . 1988 . Plutarch o n Sparta. London.
WORKS CONSULTE D
Beauvoir, Simone de. 1952 . The Second Sex. Ne w York . (Originall y published a s Le Deu~
xieme Sexe, Paris, 1949)
Poralla, Paul . 1985 . A Prosopography of Lacedaemonians. 2 d edition b y Alfre d S . Brad ford. Chicago .
FURTHER READING
Calame, Claude . 1977 . Le s choeurs d e jeunes fille s e n Grece archa'ique. Vols . I an d II .
Rome.
Kunstler, Barto n Lee. 1987 . "Famil y Dynamic s and Femal e Power in Ancien t Sparta. " In
Rescuing Creusa, edite d b y Marily n B . Skinner, 31-4 8 [Als o publishe d i n Helios,
n.s. 13 , no. 2 : 31-48.]
Mosse, Claude . 1991 . "Women i n th e Sparta n Revolution s of the Thir d Centur y B.C. " In
Women's History and Ancient History, edited by Sarah B. Pomeroy, 138-53 . Chape l
Hill, N.C.
Page, Deny s L . 1951. Alcman. The Partheneion. Oxford .
Scanlon, Thoma s F . 1988 . "Virgineu m Gymnasium . Sparta n Female s an d Earl y Gree k
Athletics." I n Th e Archaeology o f th e Olympics, edite d b y W. Raschke , 185-216 .
Madison, Wis.
3
WOMEN IN CLASSICA L ATHENS:
HEROINES AND HOUSEWIVE S
70 WOME
72 WOME
And indeed , sh e seems to b e partially correct i n he r fears , fo r when Hippolytus hear s (agains t her will ) o f Phaedra' s passio n h e pour s ou t a ti rade agains t women: h e wishes that childre n could b e acquired i n othe r
ways, sinc e wome n ar e a n economi c drain , dangerou s whe n clever , an d
prone t o adulter y (616ff.) . Thi s speec h provoke s Phaedr a t o take action,
for sh e i s afrai d tha t Hippolytu s wil l infor m he r husban d Theseus . Sh e
commits suicide , leavin g behin d a table t tha t claim s tha t Hippolytu s
tried t o rap e her. I t is hard to tel l whethe r suc h plays confir m th e popu lar fear s abou t wome n an d th e nee d t o supervis e their behavio r closely ,
or whether the y attac k th e cultura l confinement of women a s dangerou s
in itself , o r both.
Although dram a generally represente d potentia l problem s an d crise s
in life , i t coul d als o reflec t o r eve n exaggerat e popula r ideolog y abou t
the norma l rol e of women. Legally , wive s in Athen s were no t permitte d
to make important socia l and financial decisions without th e supervisio n
of a guardian , an d Aristotl e argue s i n hi s Politics tha t th e virtu e o f a
wife consist s i n he r obeyin g he r morall y superio r husban d (se e espe cially, 1252a-b , 1254b) . Som e wive s o n th e Gree k stage, unlik e Medea ,
actually reve l i n subordinatin g themselve s t o thei r husband' s needs an d
wishes, a s popula r cultur e though t tha t the y should . Alcestis , wh o
agreed t o die in he r husband' s stead, wa s a mythical ideal . (Fo r the em barrassing consequence s thi s sacrific e coul d hav e fo r he r husban d Ad metus, se e Euripides' Alcestis. For representations o f Alcestis a s a marita l
ideal i n art , se e Fig. 3.15 and Chapte r 13) . I n the passag e below , Euripi des' Andromache , forme r wif e o f the dea d Troja n her o Hecto r an d no w
concubine t o Achilles ' so n Neoptolemus, trie s t o persuad e hi s wif e Hermione t o defer consistentl y t o her husband. The rich young Sparta n Hermione, th e spoile d darlin g of her parent s Menelau s and Helen , ha s bee n
trying t o manipulat e he r husban d an d t o ge t ri d o f hi s concubin e an d
her child , sinc e sh e is childless; sh e turn s t o he r fathe r wheneve r sh e is
in trouble .
74 WOME
N IN TH E QREE K WORLD
76 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
Such passage s rais e interestin g questions . Funera l orations an d fu nerary legislatio n recommende d o r require d curtailment o f public grief.
Tragedy an d othe r source s represen t contradictor y view s o n women' s
public expressio n o f emotion. I n Aeschylus' s Seven Against Thebes, fo r
example, th e her o Eteocle s first encounters th e choru s of young wome n
praying excitedl y t o statue s o f th e god s an d bringin g them offering s i n
the hop e of acquiring their protectio n fro m th e enem y encamped outsid e
Thebes' walls . Eteocle s view s thei r activitie s a s disastrous t o th e effor t
of th e Theba n warrior s t o defen d thei r city . Plutarc h even argue s tha t
women's mournin g for the go d Adonis, a religious rite discussed later i n
this chapter , threatene d th e wa r effor t durin g the Peloponnesia n Wars:
"the wome n wer e celebratin g . . . th e festiva l o f Adonis, an d i n man y
places throughou t th e cit y littl e image s o f th e go d wer e lai d ou t fo r
78 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
burial, an d funera l rite s wer e hel d abou t them , wit h wailin g crie s o f
women, s o tha t thos e wh o care d anythin g fo r suc h matter s wer e dis tressed, an d feare d les t al l tha t powerfu l armament , wit h al l th e splen dor and vigou r that wer e so manifest i n it , shoul d speedily withe r awa y
and com e t o naught " (Nicia s 13 , Perrin 1982) .
Similarly, Athenia n democracy celebrate d it s war dea d an d di d no t
wish grie f t o undermin e it s heroizin g of the dea d an d th e dedicatio n o f
its soldier s t o th e interest s o f the state . Plutarc h also tell s us that whe n
Pericles returned t o Athens after subduin g Samos and delivered a funera l
oration i n 44 0 B.C.E., man y o f th e wome n crowne d hi m wit h garlands .
But Elpinice , th e siste r o f Cimon , on e o f th e fe w wome n o f Athen s t o
have a (dubious ) reputatio n o f he r ow n (se e Plutarch , Cimo n 4.5-7) ,
reportedly cam e u p to him an d said,
"This was a noble action, Pericles , and you deserv e all these garlands for it. You
have thrown awa y the live s of these brav e citizens of ours, no t i n a war agains t
the Persian s or th e Phoenicians , such ha s m y brother Cimon fought, bu t i n destroying a Gree k city whic h is one o f our allies. " Pericle s listened t o he r word s
unmoved, s o it i s said, an d onl y smile d an d quote d t o he r Archilochus' s verse ,
"Why lavis h perfumes o n a head that's grey?"
(Plutarch, Pericle s 28. Scott-Kilvert 1960)
In a fashio n traditiona l t o Athens' s archai c past, th e aristocrati c Elpin ice wielded politica l influenc e for and throug h her brother Cimo n (eve n
long afte r hi s death , a s here) , fo r whom sh e twic e intercede d wit h Per icles; he r advance d ag e ma y als o explai n th e libertie s sh e feel s fre e t o
take here . Pericles , a s a representativ e o f th e ne w ideolog y o f Athens ,
dismisses her speech an d he r claims to authority .
Like th e word s o f th e elderl y Elpinice , women's lamentation s als o
potentially challenge d th e wa r effort , becaus e the y stresse d th e conse quences o f death fo r the survivors . Ye t when mal e characters i n traged y
imagine thei r ow n deaths , the y hop e fo r burial , car e afte r death , an d
lamentations fro m th e wome n o f thei r famil y (fo r example, Oreste s i n
Euripides' Iphigeneia Among th e Taurians, 700-705). And what i f a ma n
died i n a privat e contex t o r a whol e countr y becam e exhauste d b y wa r
and it s rhetoric , a s may hav e happened durin g the lon g (431-40 4 B.C.E. )
Peloponnesian War s betwee n Spart a an d Athens ? The familie s of suc h
men ma y hav e resente d th e absenc e o f a publi c opportunity t o displa y
grief over private deaths (th e reemergence of ostentation i n private grave
monuments durin g the las t quarter of the fifth century ma y also indicat e
resistance t o funerar y legislatio n curtailin g suc h display) . Th e overal l
dramatic context s i n whic h th e action s o f Antigon e o r Theseu s occu r
suggest (althoug h thi s cas e canno t b e made here) tha t poet s ma y b e expressing ambivalenc e abou t th e stat e contro l o f burial practic e an d th e
suppression o f women's lamentin g voice s i n th e publi c aren a o f Athens .
We kno w tha t wome n continue d t o hav e a n importan t informa l influ ence o n privat e funerals , fo r th e speake r o f Isaeu s 8.21-22 claim s that ,
although he had been planning to conduct hi s grandfather's funeral fro m
his own house , h e acceded to the wishe s of his grandmother, who wished
to la y ou t an d dec k th e corpse , t o conduc t i t fro m th e hous e o f the de ceased.
Silenced Women
Advice t o th e parent s o f th e dea d wa s a traditiona l featur e o f public
funeral orations , an d Pericle s urge d thos e couple s wh o wer e physicall y
capable t o produc e mor e children . Exploitin g th e traditiona l vie w tha t
young wome n wh o lacke d mal e supervision and a mal e relative to con duct transaction s tha t require d meetin g me n wer e i n dange r o f losin g
their respectability , Pericle s offer s t o wa r widow s a warnin g unique i n
extant funera l orations :
If I also must say something about a wife's virtu e to thos e of you wh o wil l no w
be widows, I will state i t i n a brie f exhortation. You r reputatio n i s glorious if
you d o no t prov e inferio r to your ow n natur e an d i f there i s the leas t possibl e
talk about you amon g men, whether in praise or blame.
(Thucydides 2.45.2, 43 1 B.C.E. )
80 WOME
Here the speakers find it necessary to prove that thei r mother wa s Ciron' s
legitimate daughter, an d they mak e their cas e not onl y b y citing Ciron' s
actions, bu t b y referring to th e activitie s of the wome n o f the district .
81
Named Women
Inscriptional evidence is exceptional i n namin g and eve n celebrating individual citizen women . A n inscription on a black-figure vas e of the fift h
century B.C.E . celebrate s th e victor y o f a gir l name d Melos a i n a girl' s
carding (wool-working ) contest (Attic , fifth-centur y B.C.E . Friedlande r /
Hofleit 1948 : p. 16 5 177m). Priestesse s (unlik e other respectable women )
are name d i n a numbe r of religious context s (se e below) , an d afte r sh e
died, a woman' s nam e migh t b e inscribed o n he r tombston e alon g wit h
the name s o f her closes t mal e relative s (se e Mnesarete' s stel e i n th e In troduction t o Par t I) . Th e genealog y o f some wome n ca n b e establishe d
in this way . Fo r example, he r mother an d fathe r set up the tombston e o f
a littl e gir l name d Aristyll a (Fig . 3.1), wh o die d abou t 430-42 5 B.C.E. ,
perhaps in the plagu e that ravaged Athens in the earl y years of the Pelo ponnesian War . A brief epigram gives the name s of her parents , Aristo n
and Rhodilla . Aristyll a stand s befor e he r mother , thei r hand s clasped .
The handshake is a common motif on Athenian gravestones, symbolizing
both th e leave-takin g of the dea d wh o mus t journey t o th e Underworld
82 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
and th e unio n o f famil y member s tha t continue s eve n i n death . Arys tilla's tende r ag e i s indicate d b y he r close-croppe d hai r an d th e smal l
bird sh e hold s i n he r lef t hand , a favorit e playthin g o f young girls . He r
mother Rhodill a i s characterize d a s a prope r Athenia n matro n b y he r
backed chai r wit h footstool , th e mantl e drape d ove r he r legs , an d th e
veil pulle d up over he r head .
The woma n commemorate d b y another graveston e wa s name d Pau simache (Fig . 3.2). Th e epigra m carved just abov e her hea d reads :
It i s fated tha t al l wh o liv e must die ; an d you , Pausimache , left behin d pitifu l
grief a s a possessio n fo r your ancestors , you r mothe r Phainipp e and your fathe r
Pausanias. Her e stands a memoria l o f your goodness and goo d sens e for passers by t o see .
(Clairmont 1970 : No. 13 , p. 77 )
Civic Religio n
Despite the attemp t t o regulat e women's publi c activity an d reputation ,
women i n classica l Athen s legitimatel y appeare d i n publi c context s
when the y engage d i n ritua l activities . Women' s participatio n i n civi c
cults an d thei r rol e a s religiou s official s ofte n represente d a significan t
opportunity t o contribute , a t leas t symbolically , t o th e welfar e o f th e
city-state a s a whole . Th e Athenia n state religion , wit h it s many cults ,
festivals, an d rituals , wa s a n integra l par t o f everyday life , an d wome n
participated as much as men. Wome n of all social positions, bot h nativ e
Athenians and foreigners, worshiped together, thoug h some cults and rituals wer e restricte d t o a mor e limite d group , suc h a s marrie d wome n
(possibly includin g concubines) a t th e Thesmophoria . Thes e ritual s apparently helpe d t o mark and facilitate a girl's transition t o marriage and
motherhood, t o celebrat e he r rol e a s weaver , an d t o harnes s women' s
reproductive powers to promote th e fertilit y of the entir e society .
From earl y childhood , girl s took par t i n religiou s rituals. Aristophanes mention s thre e activitie s i n whic h group s o f girl s o f th e sam e ag e
participated.2 Som e of these activitie s were probabl y similar to those of
Spartan girls . (Se e Chapte r 2 discussio n o f Alcman , Partheneia.) Girl s
wove, groun d grain , carrie d burdens , an d dance d i n ritua l context s
(choruses o f girl s dance d a t th e Greate r Panathenai a an d perhap s a t
other festivals) . I n thi s passage the gir l i s probably meant t o b e under-
84
85
86 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
88
Figure 3.6 . A : Vas e (ca . 450 B.C.E.) : Cul t ritual s i n hono r o f the go d Dionysus, a favorit e o f women
in bot h Qree k an d Roma n culture.
object lik e a fla t basket , whic h wa s use d t o carr y the mas k of Dionysu s
to th e sanctuar y where it woul d b e set up for worship.
The Basilinna , the wif e o f the Archo n Basileus, played a key role i n
the celebratio n o f th e Anthesteria , a three-da y festiva l o f Dionysu s i n
late winter. Sh e made secret offering s o n behal f of the cit y a t Dionysus' s
89
Figure 3. 6 B : Vase (ca . 45 0 B.CE j a s i n A. Woma n wit h a ritua l wine cup , o r kantharos.
90
Figure 3.7. Vas e (ca. 440 B.C.E. ) show ing th e drunke n Dionysus coming to
visit hi s bride, th e Basilinna , wh o
waits within th e doorwa y o f the
house.
the Basilinn a sits on the brida l bed that we glimpse through ope n doors ,
awaiting th e god . H e approaches unsteadily , afte r a generou s sampl e of
the ne w win e tha t wa s celebrated i n thi s festiva l (Fig . 3.7). Dionysu s i s
preceded b y a youn g saty r holdin g a win e pitche r calle d a chous (thi s
second da y o f the festiva l wa s called Choes, after th e shape) , an d a n ol d
satyr casuall y guard s th e doo r t o th e chambe r (se e furthe r Simo n 196 3
and 1983) .
Both vase paintings and literar y passages generally suggest tha t Dio nysiac rite s involve d releas e fro m ordinar y lif e an d it s cares . Dionysu s
was th e go d o f wine , an d hi s worshi p coul d includ e departur e fro m
household tasks , dancin g t o th e excite d rhythm s o f th e aulo s (ofte n
translated "flute, " bu t actuall y close r t o th e moder n oboe ) an d drums .
For thes e reasons , w e ca n understan d som e o f it s specia l appea l t o th e
relatively confine d an d seclude d wome n o f Athen s (Kraeme r 1979). I n
poetry an d vase s female worshiper s of Dionysus wear fawnskins, wreathe
their hai r wit h iv y an d snakes , an d carr y a thyrsus , a branc h toppe d
with iv y leave s (se e Fig . 3.8). Althoug h the actua l worship of Dionysu s
by Atti c wome n wa s mor e subdued , th e followin g passage fro m Euripi des' Bacchae, i n whic h th e choru s o f wome n tr y t o conver t Thebe s t o
Dionysus, ma y conve y somethin g of the spiri t of Dionysiac worship :
O Thebes, nurs e of Semele,
wreathe yourselve s wit h ivy !
Abound i n bryony , gree n
and brillian t wit h berries !
Make yourself a bacchan t wit h branche s
of oak an d pin e an d
fringe you r dapple d fawn skins
with tuft s o f white wool !
Treat you r violen t wand s
91
Figure 3.8 . Interio r o f an Atti c white-ground cup by th e Brygo s Painter , ca . 480 B.C.E. , A maenad , a
female followe r o f the win e go d Dionysus , appears wearing a n animal-ski n cape , a snak e in he r hair ,
and carryin g a thyrsu s an d panthe r i n he r hands / al l these testify t o th e maenad' s wildness.
In th e lat e fift h century , whe n Athen s ha d a larg e foreig n population, man y cult s fro m abroa d wer e introduced , suc h a s that o f the Asi atic vegetation go d Adonis (se e the passag e from Plutarc h quoted earlier ,
and th e discussio n o f Theocritu s 1 5 in Chapte r 5) , who m th e goddes s
Aphrodite loved an d lost. His worship seems to have been especiall y pop ular with nonaristocratic wome n an d hetairai . Th e rites for Adonis were
held a t nigh t durin g the ho t seaso n o f late July. Group s of women cele brated o n th e rooftops , lamentin g fo r the beautifu l youn g dea d go d Adonis. Specia l miniatur e "garden s fo r Adonis, " broke n terra-cott a pot s
with seeds , wer e mad e t o sprou t quickl y an d the n se t ou t t o withe r i n
the su n o n th e roof s o f houses . O n a red-figur e lekytho s (Fig . 3.9) ,
92
Priestesses
Cults o f female divinities regularl y ha d priestesse s a s thei r chie f person nel, but , lik e their mal e counterparts, thes e wome n wer e no t chose n fo r
extraordinary piet y o r afte r specia l religiou s training . Generall y th e
priesthood wa s eithe r hereditar y withi n a famil y or wa s ''bought " b y a
wealthy famil y for one o f it s members , fo r a limite d ter m i n offic e (se e
further, Turne r 1984) . Althoug h the y wer e subjec t t o stat e audit s (Ae schines 3.18) , ther e i s littl e evidenc e tha t th e priestesse s profite d fro m
their offic e i n an y way , althoug h th e decre e fo r the buildin g of the Tem ple o f Athena Nik e o n th e Acropoli s specifies tha t th e priestes s shal l receive the skin s of sacrificial animals (Inscriptiones Graecae I 3 35; Meiggs
and Lewi s 1969 , no . 44 ) an d th e Priestes s o f Demete r a t Eleusi s appar ently received fee s fro m initiate s (se e th e Chapte r 13) .
Before th e fift h century , reference s t o priestesse s i n Athen s ar e fe w
and vague , e.g. , Herodotus' s mentio n tha t whe n th e Sparta n kin g
Cleomenes trie d t o ente r th e Acropoli s i n 508 , th e priestes s o f Athen a
told hi m i t wa s unlawfu l for a Sparta n (5.72) . Ye t by the middl e of th e
sixth century , i n the wak e of the reorganizatio n o f the Panathenai c festi val i n 566 , w e fin d numerou s depiction s i n vas e paintin g o f th e cul t o f
Athena, includin g a woma n wh o ma y b e identifie d a s he r priestes s o n
the Acropoli s (Fig . 3.10). Her e a sacrificial procession le d by the priestes s
approaches a statu e o f th e goddes s o n th e Acropolis . Tw o me n lea d a n
ox tha t wil l b e sacrificed at th e alta r tha t stand s betwee n priestes s an d
statue. Th e priestes s doe s no t wea r an y sacerdota l clothing , bu t i s
marked b y her proximit y t o alta r and statu e an d b y her gestur e of holding out purificator y branches toward th e goddes s sh e serves. Th e subjec t
is essentially th e sam e a s tha t depicte d muc h mor e grandl y on th e Parthenon friez e a century late r (cf . Figs. 3. 3 and 3.5) .
In th e fift h centur y an d later , man y priestesse s are know n b y nam e
from inscriptions . B y far the mos t famous , and th e subjec t of much schol arly controversy , i s Lysimache , wh o wa s priestes s o f Athen a fo r sixty four year s i n th e late r fift h an d earl y fourt h centurie s (Pliny , Natural
History 34.76) . She appears in an inscriptio n o n a statue base ; the statue ,
now lost , ma y wel l hav e depicted Lysimach e as priestess o f Athena. She
has bee n identifie d a s th e mode l fo r Lysistrata , i n Aristophanes ' play ,
and bot h names , Lysimach e an d Lysistrata , meanin g "disbande r o f ar mies," occur i n late r generation s o f the Eteobouta d famil y that hel d th e
hereditary priesthoo d o f Athena Polias (se e Lewi s 1955) .
Figure 3.10 . Black-figur e vas e (ca . 550-540 B.C.E. ) with th e cul t statue of Athena o n th e Acropolis/ a
priestess an d tw o me n wit h a n o x approac h th e alta r befor e th e statue . Th e mos t sacre d statu e o f
Athena wa s a smal l an d crud e woode n one . Thi s imag e ma y reflec t anothe r statu e o f Athena tha t
stood i n a secon d templ e on th e Acropolis o r in th e open .
94
One other priestes s of the fifth century whom we know by name was
Theano. Whe n Alcibiade s was condemne d i n absenti a i n 41 5 for parodying th e mysterie s o f Demeter , Thean o refuse d t o curs e hi m publicly ,
as ha d bee n require d o f al l priest s an d priestesse s (Plutarch , Alcibiade s
22.4) .4 The nam e Theano ca n hardl y be accidental, sinc e i n Home r thi s
is th e nam e o f th e priestes s o f Athen a a t Tro y (Iliad 6.297-300) . Thi s
suggests tha t som e priestesse s ma y hav e take n o n "professional " name s
during their ter m i n office. 5
We shoul d no t underestimat e th e importanc e o f women's religiou s
role i n Athens . (Se e th e sectio n o n religiou s dedication s b y wome n i n
Chapter 1 for a n exampl e o f a religiou s dedicatio n mad e b y a Classica l
woman.) Plutarc h tells u s tha t durin g a struggl e betwee n th e follower s
of Megacles and Cylo n i n th e sevent h century , thos e follower s of Cylon
who too k refug e a t altar s wer e slaughtered ; bu t thos e wh o supplicate d
the wive s of the archon s were spared. (Solo n 12.1 ) I n passages cited ear lier, women' s rol e a s lamenter s o f th e dea d wa s viewe d b y moralizin g
writers as potentially disruptive ; other writer s suggest that religio n could
lead wome n int o adultery . I n Lysia s 1 (see late r unde r "Adultery" ) th e
defendant's wif e wa s first seen b y her future love r at he r mother-in-law's
funeral. Plutarc h dismisse s allegation s tha t th e architec t Pheidia s ar ranged assignation s fo r Pericle s wit h freebor n Athenia n wome n wh o
came to the Acropoli s on the pretex t of looking at work s of art (Pericles
13.15). Ye t it i s less th e unreliabl e allegation tha n th e reporte d pretex t
for th e women' s presenc e tha t i s of interest her e (se e also th e interes t o f
the choru s o f women a t Euripides ' Ion 184ff . i n observin g th e religiou s
monuments a t Delphi) .
In dram a wome n ofte n cit e thei r importan t rol e i n religio n whe n
they protes t agains t thei r literar y reputatio n fo r adultery , drinking , or
irresponsibility. Sometime s the y recal l th e city' s interes t i n thei r reli gious upbringin g (Aristophanes , Lysistrata 641-47 , quote d earlier) . I n
the passag e below, Euripides ' Melanippe offers th e mos t powerfu l defens e
of he r se x fo r it s rol e i n religio n (wome n di d no t serv e a s prophet s i n
Athens, bu t the y di d at th e othe r place s in Greece mentioned here) :
Men's blame and abus e of women i s vain
the twangin g of an empt y bowstring .
Women ar e bette r tha n men an d I will prove it .
They manage the hous e and guard
within th e hom e goods from th e sea .
No house i s clean an d prosperou s without a wife .
And i n divin e affairs I thin k this of the first importance
we have the greates t part. For at th e oracle s of Phoebus
women expoun d Apollo's will. A t the hol y seat o f Dodona
by the sacre d oak th e femal e rac e conveys
the thought s of Zeus to all Greeks who desire it .
As for the hol y ritual s performed fo r the Fate s
and th e nameles s goddesses, thes e ar e not hol y
96 WOME
As additiona l defense s agains t thei r reputation , wome n cit e th e contri butions they mak e to the cit y i n the for m o f sons (Aristophanes , Women
at th e Thesmophoria), o r thei r thrift y managemen t o f th e household ,
which i s far les s corrupt an d mor e generous tha n th e action s o f men i n
the assembl y (Women a t th e Assembly). Sometime s they announc e tha t
if they ha d bee n allowe d a public voice in poetry , the y woul d have sung
an answe r t o th e othe r sex , wh o ar e jus t a s guilty o f adulter y an d betrayal a s women (Medea 410-30) .
Domestic Activities
Women also participated in religious rituals more closely associate d wit h
their role s i n th e family . Domesti c cult s require d dail y tending . Mar riages, funerals , an d the care of the dead at famil y tomb s may have bee n
less ostentatious an d les s assertivel y publi c than i n th e Archai c period,
but the y still offere d occasion s to mark women's contribution to the continuity o f individual oikoi, a continuity Athenia n law an d custom mad e
a poin t o f protecting.
Care of the Dead
We hav e alread y discusse d women's mor e subdue d role a s lamenter s of
the dead . Ye t th e car e o f th e dea d di d no t en d wit h th e funera l an d
burial. Th e grave had t o b e continually visite d an d provide d with offer ings, an d this responsibility fell primaril y to Athenian women. O n a typical funerar y vas e (Fig . 3.11), th e visito r arrive s with a larg e basket o f
offerings a t a particularl y elaborat e tomb , a tal l stel e standin g ato p a
stepped platfor m and crowne d b y a flora l acroterion . Th e offering s tha t
fill the step s ar e o f tw o types , wreath s an d smal l jugs of perfume d oil ,
the sam e shap e a s the vas e on which thi s scene i s painted. Anothe r lek ythos of this typ e floats in th e background . This shape, especiall y whe n
covered wit h a whit e slip , a s here , wa s mad e exclusivel y fo r funerar y
use. Th e visito r i s dressed onl y i n th e sleeveles s fin e line n chito n tha t
97
Figure 3.11. Funerar y vase, o r lekythos (ca. 44 0 B.C.E. ) i n the white-ground technique , which permit ted delicat e us e o f outlin e fo r depiction s o f scene s o f mourners . Th e yout h a t left , nearl y nud e an d
carrying a spear (A), is perhaps an apparitio n of the deceased, a male relative of the woman wh o visit s
his tom b (B and C) .
became fashionable in Athen s during the fifth century. Fro m the middl e
of th e century , i n bot h sculptur e (cf . Fig . 3.5 ) an d vase-painting , th e
sheer garmen t cling s to th e body , revealin g the form s underneath. Bu t
this should b e taken mor e a s a reflection of artistic tast e than a s a deliberate attemp t t o eroticize women's bodies , especiall y o n a solemn occa sion lik e this. W e should no t assum e tha t wome n actuall y wen t ou t i n
public dresse d i n transparen t clothing , an y mor e tha n th e nud e mal e
warriors in Gree k art reflec t actual battle practice .
On another vase of similar type (Fig . 3.12), a young woman, coming
to la y a n offerin g a t th e tom b o f a dea d relativ e (he r mother? ) i s confronted b y a n apparitio n o f th e deceased . Th e offerin g i s a kin d of sash
that wil l b e tie d aroun d th e stele , whic h alread y ha s tw o suc h orna ments. Suc h epiphanie s o f th e decease d a t thei r tombs ar e no t uncom mon on white lekythoi of the lat e fifth century. They are not t o be taken
literally, bu t simpl y offe r th e viewe r a "portrait " o f th e decease d tha t
often correspond s t o th e type s foun d o n contemporar y marbl e gravestones (cf . Fig . 3. 1 an d Mnesaret e i n th e Introductio n t o Par t I) . Her e
the woma n rest s he r chi n o n he r fis t i n a dejecte d pose , a s if broodin g
over her own death .
98
Figure 3.12 . White-groun d lekytho s (ca . 430 B.C.E. ) wit h a scen e of a beribbone d stel e to whic h a
woman come s bearing another sash. At lef t i s a seated woman, perhaps the deceased .
Weddings
The centra l even t o f an Athenia n wedding was th e processio n i n a simple chario t fro m th e hom e o f th e brid e to tha t o f the groo m (Figs . 3.13
and 3.14) , an d cour t case s ofte n cit e thi s momen t a s proo f o f a wife' s
legitimacy. Th e processio n traditionall y too k plac e a t night ; henc e th e
presence o f figure s carryin g torche s t o ligh t th e way . Th e bride , stil l
veiled, stand s i n the ca r a s her husband mounts it i n preparation fo r the
journey. Other relative s follo w the chario t o n foot, bringin g gifts fo r th e
couple. This small cylindrical vase with lid is a pyxis, a box for women's
toiletries. Suc h a n objec t woul d hav e bee n a typica l gif t fo r th e bride .
On th e da y afte r he r wedding , a n Athenia n woman wa s visite d b y he r
female friend s an d relatives . I n Figure 3.15 the brid e stands a t th e right ,
in fron t o f the door s t o he r bedroom , receivin g her guests . Th e gift s in clude nuptia l vase s filled with greenery , an d on e woma n play s wit h a
pet bird . O n th e wal l behin d ar e hun g a mirror , attribut e o f the brid e
(cf. Fig . 3.2) and a wreath. Al l the wome n have been given mythological
names; th e brid e i s Alcestis , prototyp e o f th e virtuou s wif e becaus e o f
her loyalt y t o he r husban d an d willingnes s to die in hi s place. Thi s unFigure 3.13. Pyxi s (ca. 440-430 B.C.E. ) fo r cosmetics, ornamente d wit h a bridal scene. Th e attendan t
family an d friend s bea r gift s includin g a larg e ja r an d a box , perhap s containing jewelry, househol d
goods, o r the bride' s trousseau. The doo r t o the lef t i s a sign fo r the house .
99
Figure 3.14 . Pyxi s a s i n Figur e 3.13, her e showin g th e brid e carrie d i n a chario t t o he r ne w home .
The compositio n o f brid e an d chariotee r i s reminiscen t no t onl y o f othe r weddin g scene s bu t als o o f
the abductio n o f Persephone b y Hade s as i t appears i n Qree k ar t (cf . Fig. 1.8). Th e go d Herme s lead s
the coupl e to their new home .
100
101
'Figure 3.15 . Epinetro n (ca . 420 B.C.E. ) wit h scene s o f a brid e and he r guest s and gifts . Th e epinetro n
is a curve d piece o f ceramicware placed ove r the le g of a woman wh o the n cards the ra w woo l o n it .
102
Figure 3.16. Vas e for water fo r a bride's bath (loutrophoros) , probabl y a wedding gift / A . Th e groo m
leads the brid e toward the bedroom , B . indicated by the doorwa y (ca . 430 B.C.E.) .
Critobulus, you mus t tell u s the truth , fo r we ar e al l friend s here . I s there anyone to whom you entrus t a greater number of serious matters than to your wife ?
Critobulus replied, "No one. "
"Is there anyon e with whom you hav e fewer conversation s than wit h your
wife?"
Critobulus answered, "No one, o r at leas t no t ver y many. "
"And you marrie d her whe n she was a very young child who ha d see n an d
heard virtually nothing of the world?"
"Yes."
(3.11-13; trans. Sarah B. Pomeroy)
104
B
Figure 3.17 . A . Pla n of a hous e (fift h century , B.C.E. ) o n th e nort h slope of the Areopagus i n Athens,
with indication s of the separatio n o f men's an d women' s quarter s and th e placemen t o f the latte r i n
an are a wit h n o direc t connection to the andron, th e roo m for men's gatherings. B. Women's quarters
are marke d b y -I - an d men' s are shaded.
Penelope, th e symbo l o f the virtuou s and industriou s wife. Socrate s ad vises a ma n wh o i s havin g troubl e supportin g a larg e grou p o f femal e
relatives to pu t the m t o wor k makin g wool; the y wil l contribut e t o th e
household an d b e happy to b e occupied (Xenophon , Memorabilia 2.7.214.) O n a red-figur e cu p (Fig . 3.18), a seate d woma n draw s strand s o f
wool fro m a baske t (kalathos) an d smoothe s the m ove r he r leg , a s a
friend watches .
Child care was of course a main preoccupation o f the women' s quarter o f an Athenia n house , thoug h th e subjec t i s not commonl y show n i n
vase painting. I n one unusual example (Fig . 3.19), the mothe r i s handed
her chil d b y a slave girl. The kalatho s i n th e middl e i s not i n use , bu t i s
simply a toke n o f th e respectabl e housewife . Th e babie s depicte d o n
Athenian vases are inevitably male , perhaps reflecting the concer n of all
Athenians to produc e a male heir .
Playing with dolls and nurturing pet animal s prepared a girl for marriage an d motherhood . Doll s wer e dresse d a s girl s of marriageabl e age .
Little girls are often distinguishable fro m grow n women i n Greek art only
by thei r smal l stature . Thei r chignon s an d long dresses ar e thos e o f mature women , an d Gree k artists o f the classica l perio d stil l ha d difficult y
in renderin g convincingly a child' s face . A girl on a gravestone , i n on e
example (Fig . 3.20) , wear s a fin e line n chiton , girde d hig h abov e th e
waist, a s wa s fashionabl e in thi s period , an d a fille t i n he r wav y hair .
But th e gir l is probably meant to be only five or six. He r name is Plangon
(Doll), an d th e dol l tha t sh e so prominently display s may b e a pla y o n
the name . Besid e the toy , sh e i s shown wit h he r favorit e pet , a goose .
105
106
107
Figure 3.21. Vas e (ca . 450 B.C.E.) , with a woman seate d o n a klismo s and readin g fro m a scrol l amid
other women / th e grou p suggest s th e women' s quarter s and th e socia l environmen t o f respectabl e
married wome n fo r whom exposur e to men no t directl y relate d to them seems t o have bee n rare .
neck used for transporting water. Her e several women ar e ready to leave,
balancing th e ful l hydri a o n thei r heads . Tw o other s ar e waitin g thei r
turn, th e empt y vessel s sittin g sideway s o n thei r heads , a s yet anothe r
fills he r hydria . I t i s eviden t tha t thi s i s als o a socia l occasion , th e
108
Figure 3.22. Water-jar (ca . 520 B.C.E. ) fro m Athens , depicting women a t a fountai n house .
110
Figure 3.23. Vas e showin g wome n pickin g fruit (ca . 460 B.C.E.) . The light-colore d clothin g an d erec t
poses o f the picker s seem mean t t o differentiat e the m fro m th e woma n carryin g the fruit , bu t whethe r
the dark-cla d on e i s a slav e an d th e other s are no t i s unclear.
theirs were intimat e friend s an d use d to visi t one another , a s was natural, sinc e the y bot h live d in th e countr y an d were neighbors, an d since ,
furthermore, thei r husbands had bee n friend s while the y lived . Well , my
mother wen t t o se e theirs, an d th e latte r tol d he r wit h weepin g wha t
had happened , an d showed he r th e effects " (Demosthene s 55.23-4; Mur-
111
Figure 3.24 . A . Vas e (ca . 460 B.c.E. ) wit h a woma n sellin g perfume s an d unguent s i n a shop . Such
commercial scene s are rar e i n Qree k vas e painting , a s ar e reference s t o th e wor k wome n di d outsid e
the home . B. Revers e of th e vas e i n Figur e 3.24.A . Th e domesti c environment , indicate d b y mirro r
and wool-basket , differ s fro m th e shop , wher e th e ja r hangin g o n th e wal l an d th e larg e ja r o n th e
floor use a typicall y abbreviated visual languag e t o depict a commercia l environment.
ray 1988) . I n Aristophanes' Lysistrata (700-02) , a mother speaks of inviting her daughter's friend, a neighbor, to share in a celebration o f Hecate.
Aristotle complain s tha t i n radica l democracie s wome n dominat e th e
house an d sprea d gossi p abou t thei r me n (Politics 1313b) . (Se e also Demosthenes 53. 4 an d 58.40 , Theophrastu s 10.13 , Lysia s 32.10 , Plat o
Theatetus 149 , Euripides , Electra 1130. ) O n rar e occasions , group s o f
women ma y eve n hav e spontaneousl y take n action . Herodotu s tell s u s
that durin g the Persia n Wars, afte r th e Athenia n men stone d a council lor t o deat h fo r advocatin g submissio n t o Persia , th e Athenia n wome n
ran t o hi s house i n order t o stone hi s wife an d childre n (Histories 9.5).
Although no t legall y competen t t o transac t serious business, citize n
women als o participated in an d were knowledgeable about economic ex changes amon g relative s an d abou t matter s o f inheritance ; the y wer e
also brough t int o cour t t o elici t sympath y fo r defendants . On e o f th e
orations o f Demosthene s (41 ) makes clear tha t bot h a mothe r an d tw o
daughters wer e familia r wit h famil y wills ; th e mothe r len t mone y an d
jewelry t o he r son-in-la w and kep t account s o f thes e loans . Aeschine s
(1.170) refer s t o wealthy young men whose father s were dead an d whos e
mothers wer e administerin g thei r property . I n Lysia s 32 , the childre n of
a wido w ha d bee n defraude d o f their inheritance by their guardian, Dio-
112 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
geiton, he r deceased husband's brother and her own father (sh e had married he r paterna l uncle. ) A t a famil y counci l sh e criticize d Diogeito n
over th e treatmen t o f her tw o sons : "An d whe n w e assemble d she asked
him wha t sor t o f man h e was to thin k i t righ t to ac t i n th e wa y h e had
acted toward s th e boys . . . . I f you hav e n o feelin g o f embarrassmen t
towards any man, you ought to have feared th e gods; you received , when
your brothe r se t sail, five talents fro m hi m o n deposit. An d in suppor t of
this I a m willin g t o pu t forwar d m y childre n . . . an d swea r o n oat h
upon thei r head s anywher e you car e t o name. " Afte r provin g he r point
with record s fro m a n accoun t book , sh e says : "An d the n yo u ha d th e
audacity t o claim, though you hav e all this money, tha t thei r fathe r lef t
two thousan d drachma e an d thirt y staters , th e su m whic h wa s be queathed t o me , an d I hande d ove r t o yo u whe n h e wa s dead. " Th e
speaker the n add s tha t "al l o f thos e presen t wer e s o affecte d b y wha t
this ma n ha d don e an d b y th e thing s which sh e said t o him , whe n w e
saw th e boy s an d th e injurie s inflicte d o n them , an d remembere d th e
deceased an d ho w unworth y a trustee h e had lef t fo r his possessions, an d
when we reflecte d o n ho w difficul t a thing it i s to find a man wh o coul d
be trusted wit h wha t h e ought t o b e trusted, none o f us who wer e ther e
could utte r a word , gentleme n of the jury , we coul d onl y wee p a s sadly
as th e victim s an d depar t i n silence. " (Lysia s 32.12ff . [ca . 40 0 B.C.E.] ;
Lacey 1968 : 160-61 . Se e Demosthenes 40.10 , Isaeu s 12.5 , Lysias 13.39-42,
and Demosthene s 36.1 4 fo r othe r example s of women's participatio n i n
issues relating t o inheritance.)
Women an d thei r prioritie s als o ha d informa l influenc e o n thei r
menfolk i n othe r context s a s well. Demosthene s 59.110 suggests that th e
jurymen wil l hav e t o justify thei r decisio n o n the infamou s Neaera (se e
below) t o thei r wife , daughter , o r mothe r (se e als o Lycurgus , Against
Leocrates 141) . Isaeu s 12.5 insists that women would not allo w their hus bands t o giv e fals e evidenc e abou t famil y matters . Isaeu s 7.14-15 (se e
also Demosthene s 40.1 0 an d 50 ) show s tha t me n consulte d respecte d
women i n a range of family matters : "so he came to my mother, hi s own
sister, fo r who m h e ha d a greate r regar d tha n fo r anyon e else , an d ex pressed a wis h t o adop t me , an d aske d he r permission , whic h wa s
granted" (Murra y 1988) . I n Isaeu s 2 a ma n name d Menecle s reportedl y
gave his wife back to her family for remarriage because he could no t giv e
her children : "Menecles , wit h man y expression s o f praise fo r our sister ,
approached us and said that he viewed wit h apprehensio n hi s increasing
age an d childlessness : sh e ough t not , h e said , t o b e rewarde d fo r he r
virtues b y having to grow old with hi m without bearin g children; i t wa s
enough tha t h e himsel f was unfortunate . He, therefore, begge d us to d o
him th e favo r o f marrying her to someone els e with hi s consent." (2.7-8 ;
Forster 1983 ) Indeed , a s Andromach e puts th e whol e issu e o f wifely in fluence i n Euripides ' Trojan Women:
I gav e
Adultery
Law-court cases on the subjec t o f adultery or concerning th e violatio n of
marriage law s give us a goo d ide a o f the mal e concerns ove r hono r an d
the legitimac y of their childre n that le d to women' s confinement in th e
oikos an d o f the comple x relation s tha t coul d develo p betwee n wome n
of different socia l statu s i n the household . I n the story tol d in the follow ing law-cour t speec h writte n b y the orato r Lysia s i n th e firs t quarte r of
the fourt h century , a young wife wa s seduced only afte r th e seduce r had
caught sight of her at he r mother-in-law's funeral. (A n older widow wh o
had a son could continu e t o live in the sam e house with him , even afte r
he married. ) Th e husband , Euphiletu? , murdere d hi s wife' s seducer , a
man name d Eratosthenes . Althoug h orations writte n fo r law court s ar e
usually tendentious, Euphiletu s expects that hi s household and activities
will appea r norma l t o th e member s of th e jur y wh o are , lik e himself,
Athenian me n o f moderate means . H e describes hi s hous e a s follows: "I
have a little two-stor y house , bot h storys ar e the same size, th e women' s
quarters are on the uppe r story an d the men' s on the groun d floor" (Lysias 1.9 ; trans . Sara h B . Pomeroy) . Th e husban d wa s fre e t o ente r th e
women's quarter s and t o hav e sexual relation s wit h hi s wife an d slaves
(see further, the house-plan , Fig . 3.17). Euphiletu s describes how he ha d
gradually com e t o lear n abou t hi s wife's affair . H e emphasizes that th e
adultery bega n afte r th e birt h o f his bab y an d h e neve r give s hi s wife' s
name:
When I , Athenians, decide d t o marr y and brough t a wife int o m y house, fo r
some tim e I was disposed neithe r t o ve x he r no r t o leav e he r to o fre e t o do just
as she pleased . I kept a watc h o n he r a s fa r a s possible, wit h suc h observatio n
of her a s was reasonable . Bu t when a child wa s bor n t o me , thencefort h I began
to trus t he r an d place d al l m y affair s i n he r hands , presumin g w e wer e no w i n
perfect intimacy . (Lysia s 1.6; Lam b 1960)
One day , whe n I had com e hom e unexpectedl y fro m th e country , afte r din ner, th e bab y was crying an d colicky. Actuall y th e slav e girl was bothering hi m
on purpose t o make him behav e so , becauseas I found out laterthi s man wa s
in th e house . Well , I told m y wif e t o g o and nurs e th e baby , t o sto p hi s crying .
But a t first she refused, pretending tha t sh e was so glad to se e me back afte r m y
absence. A t las t I began t o ge t annoyed , an d I insisted on he r going .
"So tha t you ma y assaul t th e littl e slav e girl, " she exclaimed. "Whe n yo u
were drunk , i n the past , you grabbe d her."
(Lysias 1.11-12 ; trans. Sara h B . Pomeroy)
Doubtless because she spent s o much time with he r mistress and becaus e
her master was so violent, th e slav e girl attempte d to conceal the affair ,
even thoug h he r maste r threatene d he r with th e usua l punishments "t o
114 WOME
The prosecution cast s doubt on Neara' s respectability b y naming her repeatedly in th e speech :
Nicarete, wh o wa s th e freedwoma n of Charisius of Elis and th e wif e of his coo k
Hippias, bough t seve n girl s when the y wer e smal l children . Sh e was a n astut e
judge o f natura l beaut y i n littl e girl s an d furthermor e sh e understoo d ho w t o
bring the m u p an d trai n the m skillfully , fo r she mad e thi s he r professio n an d
got he r livelihoo d fro m th e girls . Sh e use d t o addres s the m a s daughters , im plying tha t the y wer e fre e women , s o tha t sh e migh t extrac t th e larges t fee s
from thos e wh o wishe d t o ge t close t o them . Whe n she ha d reape d th e profi t of
the youthfu l prim e o f everyon e o f them , sh e sol d al l seve n o f them : Anteia ,
Stratola, Aristocleia , Metaneira, Phila, Isthmias , and thi s Neaera here.
In th e cours e o f m y speec h I wil l tel l yo u wh o bough t eac h o f the m an d
how they wer e set free b y those who purchased the m fro m Nicarete . . .. At the
moment I wish t o retur n t o th e defendan t Neaer a her e an d prov e tha t sh e belonged to Nicarete, and that she worked by letting ou t he r body for hire to those
who wished t o get close t o her .
The rhetoricia n Lysia s was th e love r o f Metaneira . I n additio n t o al l th e
other expense s h e ha d incurre d fo r her, h e wishe d t o hav e he r initiate d i n th e
Mysteries, fo r he thought that everythin g else h e had spent o n he r was taken by
the woma n wh o owne d her , bu t tha t fo r whatever h e spent o n he r for the festival an d the Mysterie s th e woma n hersel f would b e grateful. So he asked Nicarete
to come t o the Mysterie s bringin g Metaneira wit h he r so that she might be initiated, an d h e promise d tha t h e himsel f woul d initiat e her . Whe n the y arrived ,
Lysias di d no t brin g the m t o hi s ow n house , ou t o f respec t fo r hi s wife , th e
daughter o f Brachyllu s who wa s hi s ow n niece , an d fo r hi s mothe r wh o wa s
elderly an d live d in th e sam e house . Instea d he house d th e two , Metaneir a and
Nicarete, wit h Philostratu s of Colonus, wh o wa s hi s friend an d stil l a bachelor .
The defenden t Neaer a her e accompanie d them , fo r sh e wa s alread y workin g
with he r body , althoug h sh e wa s stil l ver y young, fo r she ha d no t yet reache d
puberty.
(Dem. 59.18-22; )
Hetairai
Apparently relyin g on th e anonymit y of respectabl e wives, th e forme r
prostitute Neaer a temporaril y succeede d i n passin g her daughte r off a s
an Athenia n wife. Ye t most prostitutes could only imitate respectability
by engaging in respectable domestic practices like weaving and spinning,
116 WOME
as we see them doin g in man y vas e paintings. Ther e wer e man y type s of
prostitutes i n Athens . Hetairai , o r "femal e companions/ ' a t th e to p of
the socia l scal e o f thes e professiona l sexua l entertainers , wer e wel l
trained an d possesse d artisti c talents ; porna i wer e a t th e bottom . Som e
were fre e foreig n wome n o r residen t alien s o r metics , an d other s wer e
slaves. The y coul d entertai n me n a t symposi a o r drinking parties i n th e
men's quarter s o f a respectabl e house , i n house s rente d fo r the m b y pa trons, o r a t thei r ow n establishments . O f these women , onl y on e playe d
a significan t rol e i n Athenia n history : th e famou s hetair a an d late r
madam, Aspasia . Her e i s ho w Plutarc h describe d he r liaiso n wit h Per icles:
Sources clai m tha t Aspasi a was highl y valued b y Pericles because sh e wa s
clever an d politicall y astute . Afte r all , Socrate s sometimes visite d her , bringin g
along his pupils, and his close friends too k thei r wives to listen to heralthoug h
she ra n a n establishmen t tha t wa s neithe r orderl y no r respectable , seein g tha t
she educate d a grou p o f young femal e companions t o becom e courtesans . Aeschines say s tha t Lysicle s th e shee p dealer , a ma n lowl y bor n an d humbl e of
nature, becam e th e mos t importan t ma n o f Athens by living with Aspasi a afte r
the deat h o f Pericles . Consequentl y ther e i s a goo d dea l o f trut h containe d i n
the Menexenus o f Plato (eve n if the first part i s written tongu e i n cheek ) whe n
it state s tha t sh e ha d th e reputatio n o f associatin g wit h man y Athenian s a s a
teacher o f rhetoric . Nevertheless , it appear s as i f Pericles ' affectio n towar d As pasia wa s chiefl y eroti c i n nature . . . . Th e stor y goe s tha t h e woul d kis s he r
warmly bot h whe n h e lef t fo r th e marketplac e an d whe n h e returne d hom e
each day .
(Pericles 34.3-6 ; trans. Hallet t in Sarah B . Pomeroy,
Goddesses, Wives, Whores and Slaves, p. 89)
117
Figure 3.25 . Symposiu m vas e (490-48 0 B.C.E.) , wit h me n an d thei r hire d femal e companions . Th e
popularity of these vases testifie s t o the commo n practice among citize n me n o f entertaining themselves
under circumstance s utterly separated from th e househol d and family .
pair faces eac h other , relaxe d on pillows , a s if having their own private,
all-girl symposium (Fig . 3.26), probabl y a male fantasy. Hetairai are als o
pictured i n all th e sam e domestic contexts i n which respectable (tha t is,
citizen) wome n ar e seen , thoug h sometime s thei r nudit y make s clea r
their status . Th e distinctio n betwee n hetaira i an d matron s i s fa r fro m
obvious i n man y scene s tha t sho w wome n performin g domesti c chore s
like spinning and weaving (cf . Fig. 3.18). Since hetairai like Neaera tried
to pas s themselve s of f a s Athenia n citizens , the y woul d hav e affecte d
the same manners and styles a s their reputable counterparts. A n unusual
epitaph of the lat e fifth century, apparentl y recording the devotio n of an
hetaira t o he r dea d friend , furthe r testifie s t o th e desir e o f hetaira i t o
emulate customs relating to respectabl e women. 7
Because o f your tru e an d swee t friendship , you r companio n (hetaira ) Euthyll a
placed thi s table t o n your grave , Biote , fo r she keep s your memor y wit h tears ,
and weep s fo r your los t youth.
(Peek H15/I G II 2 10954 ; trans. M . R . Lefkowitz ,
in Lefkowit z and Fant , 1982 , no. 25 , pp. 11-12 )
118
Figure 3.26 . Drinkin g cup (520-51 0 B.C.E.) , wit h a pai r o f hetaira i amusin g themselves a s i f a t a
symposium/ thei r nudity an d poses , a s well a s th e drinkin g vessel s they hold , mak e it clear that thes e
are no t what th e Athenians would conside r respectable women.
119
Figure 3.27. Detai l of a symposium vase (ca . 500 B.C.E.) , with a n olde r hetaira whose body and doubl <
chin plac e he r fa r from th e idealize d young women o f Fig. 3.26 . L/nlik e them, older prostitute s appea
on othe r symposiu m vases a s th e object s o f sexual penetratio n by two o r more me n a t once .
120 WOME
still maintai n that ou r male and femal e Guardian s ought t o follow the same occupations.
And rightl y so , he agreed .
There i s n o administrativ e occupation whic h i s peculia r t o woma n a s woma n
or man a s man; natura l capacitie s ar e similarly distributed i n eac h sex , an d i t
is natural for women t o tak e par t i n al l occupation s a s well a s men, thoug h i n
all wome n wil l be the weake r partners .
Agreed.
Are we therefor e to confin e all occupations t o me n only?
How can we?
Obviously w e can't ; fo r we ar e agreed , I think, tha t on e woma n ma y hav e
a natura l ability fo r medicine o r music, anothe r not .
Yes.
And on e ma y b e good a t athletics , anothe r hav e no tast e fo r them; on e b e
good a t soldiering , anothe r not .
I thin k so .
Then ma y a woma n no t b e philosophi c o r unphilosophic , high-spirite d or
spiritless?
She may.
Then ther e will als o b e some women fitte d to b e Guardians: for these natu ral qualities , yo u wil l remember , wer e thos e fo r whic h w e picke d ou r me n
Guardians.
Yes. the y were .
As law-giver, you hav e already picked your me n Guardians . You must now pick
women o f as nearly similar natural capacities a s possible t o go with them . The y
will liv e an d fee d together , an d hav e n o privat e hom e o r property . The y wil l
mix freel y i n thei r physica l exercise s an d th e res t o f thei r training , an d thei r
natural instinct s will necessarily lea d them t o hav e sexual intercourse .
We must , i f we ar e t o b e consistent, an d i f we're t o hav e a rea l pedigre e herd ,
mate th e bes t o f our me n wit h th e bes t o f our wome n a s often a s possible, an d
the inferio r me n wit h th e inferio r wome n a s seldo m a s possible , an d brin g u p
only th e offsprin g o f th e best . An d n o on e bu t th e Ruler s mus t kno w wha t i s
happening, i f we ar e t o avoi d dissension i n ou r Guardia n herd.
That i s very true .
(extracts from Plato , Republic 452 , 453e-456a, 458c-d , 459e; Lee 1987)
122 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
Among th e Taurians, Helen). On e o f the mos t poignan t figure s i n trag edy i s th e maide n wh o voluntaril y sacrifice s hersel f for family , city , o r
nation. I n th e followin g passage, Iphigeni a agrees to sacrific e herself t o
the goddes s Artemis so that th e Gree k army can go to Troy. Sh e imagines
that sh e will wi n th e fam e fo r heroism denie d t o wome n i n th e rea l lif e
of classical Athens :
I hav e decided t o die . Bu t I want t o di e
gloriously, putting aside what i s ignoble.
Look here , mother , an d conside r with m e i f I calculate well.
All Greec e turns to m e no w i n he r greatness;
on m e depends the departur e of the flee t an d th e defea t o f Troy.
Because of me barbarians wil l n o longe r have the licens e
to abduc t women fro m th e blesse d lan d of Greece;
they wil l expiate the los s of Helen, whom Pari s stole .
By my deat h I will achieve all thes e things;
as liberator of Greece I shall win a gloriou s name.
Surely I should not lov e lif e to o much .
You bor e m e for all th e Greeks , not fo r yourself only .
Innumerable soldiers armed with shields
and plyin g oars dare to challeng e the enem y
and di e for their country when i t ha s been wronged.
Shall m y life , m y singl e life, hol d al l thi s back?
(Euripides, Iphigeneia in Aulis 1376-90 ; trans . Helen e P. Foley)
124 WOME
126 WOME
FURTHER READIN G
Blok, Josine , an d Pete r Mason , eds . 1987 . Sexual Asymmetry: Studies i n Ancien t Society. Amsterdam.
Clark, Gillian . 1989 . "Wome n i n th e Ancien t World." Greece and Rome. New Surveys i n
the Classics, No. 21 . Oxford.
Cole, Susa n G . 1981 . "Could Gree k Women Rea d and Write? " I n Reflections o f Women i n
Antiquity, edite d b y Helene P . Foley, 219-45 . Ne w York .
Des Bouvrie, Synn0ve. 1990 . Women i n Greek Tragedy. Symbola e Osloenses Fasc . Suppl .
XXVI. Oslo .
Cohen, David . 1991 . Law, Sexuality, an d Society: Th e Enforcement o f Morals i n Classical
Athens. Cambridge .
Goldhill, Simon . 1986 . I n hi s Reading Greek Tragedy, "Sexualit y an d Difference, "
107-37. Cambridge.
Harvey, David . 1988 . "Painte d Ladies , Fact, Fictio n an d Fantasy. " I n Ancient Greek and
Related Pottery, edite d b y J. Christianse n an d T . Melander , 242-57 . Copenhagen .
Keuls, Eva . 1983a . "Atti c Vase-Paintin g and th e Hom e Textil e Industry. " I n Ancient
Greek Ar t an d Iconography, edite d b y W. G. Moon, 209-23 . Madison , Wis .
. 1983b . " The Hetaer a an d the Housewife' : The Splitting of the Femal e Psych e i n
Greek Art. " Mededelingen va n het Nederlands Instituut t e Rome 9-10: 23-40 .
Lefkowitz, M . L . 1981 . Heroines an d Hysterics. London .
Okin, Susan . 1979 . Women i n Western Political Thought. Princeton , N.J .
Patterson, Cynthi a B . 1991 . "Marriag e i n Athenia n Law. " I n Women' s History an d An cient History, edite d b y Sarah B. Pomeroy, 20-47 . Chape l Hill , N.C.
Schaps, D . M . 1982 . "Th e Wome n o f Greec e i n Wartime. " Classical Philology 77 :
193-213.
Schmitt-Pantel, Pauline , ed . 1992 . A History o f Women : Fro m Ancien t Goddesses t o
Christian Saints. Cambridge , Mass.
Sutton, Robert . 1992 . "Pornograph y an d Persuasio n i n Atti c Pottery. " I n Pornography
and Representation i n Greece and Rome, edited b y A. Richlin , 3-35 . Oxford .
Zeitlin, Froma . 1985 . "Playin g th e Other : Theater , Theatricality , an d th e Feminin e i n
Greek Drama. " Representations 11 : 63-94.
4
EXCURSUS
AMAZONS:
WOMEN IN CONTROL
Figure 4.1 . Vas e (ca , 520-500 B.C.E. ) i n th e black-figur e techniqu e wit h th e heroe s Heracle s an d
Telamon fightin g Amazons .
Figure 4.2 . Outsid e o f a cu p (ca . 510 B.C.E.) , o n whic h Theseu s abduct s the Amazo n Antiope, - sh e
wears th e exoti c garments of an easter n warrior to mark her differenc e fro m Qree k women .
130
132
133
Figure 4.4 . Th e shiel d o f Athena Parthenos fro m th e gol d and ivor y statue
(mid-fifth centur y B.C.E. ) i n th e Parthenon i n Athens/ i n this reconstruc tion drawing , th e inevitabl e defea t o f
the Amazons is made clear by their
falling an d dea d figures.
134 WOME
nant. The y kee p thei r gir l children, an d kill , emasculate , o r send awa y
for adoptio n thei r mal e children . I n Diodorus' s first-centur y B.C.E . ac count, o n th e othe r hand , Amazo n men i n Liby a liv e the live s of Greek
womenthey sta y a t home , weave , an d ten d th e children , deprive d o f
the righ t t o governwhil e th e wome n figh t an d demonstrate a remark able capacity fo r just an d orderly rule .
Amazons are often envisioned a s less civilized than th e Greeks . The y
practice a n orgiasti c religion , worshipin g Ares , th e Phrygia n Magn a
Mater, Cybele , an d the virginity-lovin g Artemis in a fashion that recall s
the dangerou s attractio n o f Gree k women t o th e worshi p o f Dionysus .
Although Strabo (Geography 11.5.1 ) ha s Amazons engage in agriculture ,
Diodorus makes them less civilized eaters of meat alone, an d Herodotus' s
Amazons hav e no t yet learne d ho w t o navigat e ships. Amazons ' weap ons, th e bow , th e ax , an d sometimes th e javeli n and th e spear , ten d t o
associate the m wit h light-arme d soldiers o r wit h those , lik e bowmen ,
who had les s military prestige than th e heavy-armore d hoplite. Amazo n
communities ar e typicall y locate d a t th e border s of the know n world
for example , i n th e Nort h East on the souther n shor e of the Blac k Sea on
the Thermodo n Rive r o r i n th e Sout h Wes t i n Libya . Geographers an d
medical writers tried to explain the Amazo n phenomenon b y the inferior
climate fro m whic h the y come : fo r example, saying that th e colde r cli mates of the Nort h West produced mor e virile women .
Insofar a s Amazon s ar e untamed , virginal , an d aggressive , the y
could serv e t o represen t a phase o f life fo r both young me n an d women :
the androgynou s state of life between childhoo d an d adulthood . Ye t Amazons serve a s important paradigm s precisely becaus e the y generall y fai l
to mak e th e transitio n t o "maturity. " Bot h eroti c an d virginal , heroi c
on the Greek model and yet les s civilized than their opponents, Amazon s
were a parodoxical mixtur e of youthful attractivenes s an d a danger that
must be surpressed.
Although man y late r Gree k writer s scoffe d a t th e unlikelihoo d o f
Amazon myth s (fo r example , Strabo , 11.5.3) , th e storie s o f Amazon s
were remarkabl y persistent. Alexande r the Grea t was said t o hav e bee n
chosen a s a mat e b y the Amazo n Queen Thalestris, who approache d hi s
camp with th e hop e of conceiving an heroic child. Amazon myths, whil e
largely imaginary , ma y hav e originate d i n Gree k encounters wit h th e
nomadic Scythian s i n th e are a nort h o f th e Blac k Sea . Archaeologica l
remains confirm that som e Scythian aristocrati c women , wh o wer e buried wit h hors e trapping s an d weapons , rod e horse s an d fough t i n war .
Indeed, Plat o use s th e exampl e o f thes e Scythia n wome n i n th e Law s
(805A an d 806B) , whe n h e wants t o giv e proof that women ar e capabl e
of fightin g fo r their country .
NOTES
1. Amazon s ha d als o bee n depicte d i n easter n dres s o n black-figur e vases (se e Shapiro 1983) . Boardma n 198 2 suggests tha t th e equatio n betwee n Persian s an d Amazon s
began afte r th e Ionia n revol t i n th e earl y fifth century B.C.E .
TRANSLATIONS
Lamb, W . R . M. 1960 . Lysias. Loe b Classical Library . Cambridge , Mass. (Originall y published 1930 )
Rawlinson, George . 1942 . Herodotus: Th e Persian Wars. New York.
WORKS CONSULTE D
Bamberger, Joan. 1974 . "The Myt h o f Matriarchy: Wh y Men Rule in Primitiv e Society."
In Women, Culture and Society, edite d by M. Rosald o and L. Lamphere, 263-80 .
Stanford.
Boardman, John. 1982 . "Herakles , Theseu s and Amazons. " I n Th e Ey e o f Greece, edited
by D . Kurt z and B . Sparkes, 1-28 , Cambridge .
Bothmer, Dietric h von . 1957 . Amazons in Greek Art. Oxford .
Carlier-Detienne, Jeanne. 1980-81 . "Les Amazons font la guerre et I'amour." L'Ethnographie76: 11-33 .
du Bois , Page . 1982 . Centaurs an d Amazons: Women an d th e Pre-History o f th e Great
Chain o f Being. An n Arbor , Mich.
Hardwick, Lorna . 1990 . "Ancien t AmazonsHeroes , Outsider s o r Women? " Greece and
Rome 37 : 14-36.
Just, Roger . 1989 . Women i n Athenian Law and Life. London .
Lefkowitz, Mary . 1986 . Women i n Greek Myth. London .
Merck, Mandy . 1978 . "The City' s Achievements : Th e Patrioti c Amazonomach y an d An cient Athens. " I n Tearing th e Veil, edite d b y Susan Lipshitz, 95-115. London .
Shapiro, H. A. 1983 . "Amazons, Thracian s and Scythians." Greek, Roman, and Byzantine
Studies: 105-14 .
Tyrrell, W . Blake. 1984 . Amazons: A Study i n Athenian Myth-Making. Baltimore , Md .
5
THE HELLENISTIC PERIOD :
WOMEN IN A COSMOPOLITAN WORLD
Figure 5.1. Marbl e bust of Cleopatra, perhap s fro m Alexandri a A. fron t vie w and B . profile. The ova l
face, wit h it s prominent nos e and shor t chin , ar e repeate d o n severa l image s o f the quee n t o conve y a
distinctly recognizabl e portrai t type beneat h th e overla y o f youthful idealization .
137
138
called melo n coiffure , wit h a bu n a t th e back , wit h man y o f her Ptole maic ancestor s tw o centurie s earlier , a s well a s Roman women, an d he r
face conform s to th e Alexandria n ideal o f the youthful queen. Ye t ther e
is als o a stron g individualit y tha t make s he r unmistakable . Thi s i s evident i n a compariso n wit h a coi n sh e probabl y ha d minte d i n 3 9 or 38
B.C.E. tha t show s al l th e sam e feature s (Fig . 5.2). B y contrast, a slightl y
later coin , fro m th e tim e o f he r involvemen t wit h Mar k Anton y (Fig .
5.3), ha s bot h "Romanized " Cleopatr a an d "Orientalized " her , espe cially in th e exaggeratedl y large , hooked nose , i n order to portray he r as
a "client " (subjec t ally ) o f the Roman s (Smit h 1988 : 133-34) . Throug h
her involvemen t wit h Juliu s Caesar an d Mar k Antony , an d he r rivalr y
with Octavia n (th e futur e empero r Augustus) , sh e wa s indee d a s im portant i n shapin g th e cours e o f Roma n histor y a s tha t o f he r nativ e
Egypt. Lik e othe r Ptolemai c queens , Cleopatr a wa s als o portraye d i n
purely Egyptia n style (cf . the portrai t o f Arsinoe II , Fig . 5.10), i n sculp tures made for the nativ e Egyptian s (cf . Bieber 1961, fig. 371). She coul d
even b e show n a s th e Egyptia n (male ) Pharaoh , wit h bar e ches t an d
short kilt , takin g u p a traditio n tha t wen t bac k t o th e Ne w Kingdom
Queen Hatshepshut , ca . 150 0 B.C.E. (cf . Cleopatra's Egypt, cat . no . 78) .
Although Cleopatr a wa s hei r t o som e ancien t Egyptia n tradition s
(Fig. 5.4) , sh e was no t a n anomal y i n a long line of Greek queens (Pomeroy 1984 : 3-40) . Thus , i t i s no t a distortio n o f historyeve n histor y
defined i n th e traditiona l sens e a s political changet o pu t wome n lik e
Cleopatra a t the center of the inquiry, the n to look a t other elite wome n
for who m suc h queen s serve d a s models, an d finall y t o discus s ho w th e
lives o f lower-clas s an d anonymou s wome n differe d fro m thos e o f thei r
counterparts i n precedin g periods of Greek history.
_L
a II I = - I
Cleopatr a I V
y X I Alexander II
r Ptolem
s Philadelpho
y Cleopatr
s Selen
a = Kingjubal l
e I o f Mauretani a
Il
Ptolemy o f Mauretania Drusill a
140 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORL D
dealing with thes e texts is that mos t often a woman i s known from onl y
one document. Thu s i t i s not clea r whethe r th e sourc e describe s a common phenomenon o r an idiosyncrati c situation . Papyri also often provid e
the onl y texts of literary works such a s Callimachus's "Victory of Berenice" an d "Loc k o f Berenice. " Thoug h som e scholar s wil l inevitabl y ask
whether evidenc e fro m Greco-Roma n Egyp t i s typica l o f tha t whic h
might hav e bee n foun d i n th e res t o f th e ancien t worl d i f th e climat e
had bee n favorabl e to th e preservatio n o f papyri, wit h th e exceptio n of
the Canopu s decre e an d th e depiction s o f Black s i n th e cul t o f Isi s
(which wil l b e discussed late r i n thi s chapter) , th e document s cite d i n
the presen t chapter do not seem exotic an d probably had their analogues
in th e res t of the Hellenisti c world.
In th e wak e o f Alexande r th e Great , workshop s o f Gree k artist s
throughout the Mediterranea n recorded th e rhythm s of urban lif e with a
new sophisticatio n an d realism . Terra-cott a figurine s fro m al l corner s of
the Gree k worl d giv e insight s int o women' s dail y live s an d testify , fo r
example, t o women' s literac y (Fig . 5.5: a gir l holdin g a boo k roll ; se e
below, "Educatio n an d Professions") . The y ofte n show ethereall y prett y
young women engage d in carefre e activitie s like dancing, playing games
(Fig. 5.6), 1 o r talkin g with on e another . Th e sam e spirit of intimacy between wome n i s depicte d b y Hellenisti c poets , suc h a s Herodas , who ,
writing for a largely male audience, imagine s two women havin g a fran k
discussion abou t sex :
METRO: Pleas e tel l m e th e truth , dea r Koritto , wh o stitche d yo u th e scarle t
baubon? 2
KORITTO: Wher e have you see n it , Metro?
METRO: Oh , i t wa s Nossis , Erinna's daughter, who ha d i t give n me a coupl e of
days agola! a prett y present! 3
KORITTO: Nossis ! From who m did sh e ge t it ?
METRO: Wil l you betra y m e i f I tell you?
KORITTO: B y these swee t eyes , Metr o dear, no t a sou l shal l hea r fro m Koritto' s
mouth anythin g you say .
METRO: I t wa s Eubule , wif e o f Bitsas , wh o gav e it t o her, an d tol d he r tha t n o
one was to know about it .
KORITTO: Women , women, thi s woman wil l b e th e deat h o f m e on e day . I ha d
pity on he r entreaties and gav e it t o her , Metro, before I used it myself,
and sh e snatche s it lik e some treasure-trov e and make s a presen t o f i t
to imprope r people; I bi d goodbye , dear , fo r eve r t o suc h a woma n a s
this; le t he r choos e som e othe r frien d instea d o f m e henceforward . I
shan't len d anythin g to Nossis , daughter of Medokesi f I speak more
strongly tha n a woma n should , may Nemesi s forgiv e meno t eve n a
rotten baubon , if I had nin e hundred and ninety-nin e besides.
(Herodas 6.12-36; Headlam and Knox , 1922, modified)
142
Figure 5.5. Terra-cott a figurin e fro m Benghaz i (330-30 0 B.C.E. ) o f a woman wit h a writing tablet.
143
Figure 5.6 . Terra-cotta figurin e fro m Tanagr a (ca . first half o f thir d century B.C.E. ) o f youn g wome n
playing a game resembling piggyback (ephedrismos). The lon g and elegan t figures, clearly beyond earl y
childhood, mix innocen t conduc t wit h a touc h o f sensuality.
144 WOME
146
Figure 5.7 . A . Silve r tetradrach m minte d a t Alexandri a (246-22 1 B.c.E. ) o f Queen Berenic e II . Signs
of maturit y hel p t o conve y th e queen' s power . B . Revers e of th e sam e coin . The cornucopia , whic h
also appear s o n th e vas e i n Figur e 5.9 , connect s the quee n wit h th e goddes s of goo d fortune , Tyche ,
and wit h fertility .
Figure 5.8 . Portrai t bus t (provenanc e unknown ) (secon d hal f o f th e thir d centur y B.C.E. ) o f Quee n
Berenice I I showing th e typica l ful l fac e wit h larg e eye s an d simpl e hairstyle / th e diade m i s missin g
here bu t i s present o n th e coi n portrai t i n Figure 5.7 .
147
148
Figure 5.9. Faienc e jug fro m Alexan dria, foun d a t Xantho s (ca . 240 B.C.E.) ,
with a n imag e of Berenic e I I making
an offerin g a t a n altar . The cornucopi a
indicates th e prosperit y o f Egyp t unde r
the queen' s beneficen t rule, as do th e
inscriptions that connec t Berenic e II
with th e "Benevolen t Qods. "
Callimachus's "Loc k o f Berenice " i s to o fragmentar y t o b e repro duced i n it s entiret y her e (Fragmen t 110 , Pfeiffer) . Instead , w e prin t a
translation o f excerpt s fro m th e Lati n versio n b y Catullus , wh o kne w
personally Roma n wome n wh o (lik e Berenice ) exercise d economi c
power, wer e involve d i n politics , an d coul d appreciat e erudit e poetr y
(see Chapte r 10) . Th e poe m i s not onl y arcan e but amusing , a s the loc k
of hai r comment s o n persona l an d historica l events . (Aphrodit e i s re ferred t o a s Venus in Catullus' s Lati n version) :
Conon th e astronomer , wh o ha s observed ever y star
in th e sky , determined thei r rising s and settings ,
is the expert o n solar eclipses , th e corona' s splendor,
the slo w precessio n o f the constellations ,
and int o what cav e on Latmo s the Moon-Goddes s descends
when love' s vibrations disturb he r orbit
this Conon ha s als o observed i n th e velve t nigh t sky
yours truly , a lock o f hair from Berenice' s head,
glowing serenely, whic h she dedicated t o Al l Goddesses,
stretching out he r slender arms in supplication,
what tim e the king , her newlywed husband , sate d an d proud ,
sallied fort h t o anne x Syri a t o hi s realm,
displaying, I might add, on hi s royal perso n th e mark s
of the previou s night' s struggl e for virgin spoils .
Query: is Aphrodite really distasteful to brides ? Are thos e
crocodile tear s they she d a t th e brida l chamber's threshold ,
blubbering away whil e their parents ar e weeping for joy?
Dissimulated groans, s o help me gods,
as I deduced fro m m y mistress' s pitifu l lamentation s
the da y he r new husban d went of f to war.
Oh, bu t you sa y you weren' t mournin g your desolat e bed
but th e poignan t departure of a cherished brother?
And yet th e sorrow consume d you dow n t o the marrow,
your boso m heave d wit h exquisit e anxiety ,
you wer e senseless wit h grief ! And this from a woman
I've known a s courageous from girlhoo d on .
Or have you forgotte n the nobl e crime by which you secure d
your roya l marriage ? Who else would hav e dared it?
What a fit of tristesse, wha t a maudlin send-off you gav e him!
Zeus! How many time s did your hank y dab your eyes?
A characte r change wrought b y some god? Or do lovers
simply resen t th e absenc e o f the bod y loved?
Anyway, you dedicate d m e t o Al l Goddesses (wit h a good deal
of bull's blood) towar d your husband' s return,
and retur n h e did, in fairl y shor t order , havin g annexed
half of Asia t o hi s eastern frontier .
For which exploit s and i n expiation o f which vo w
I hav e been enrolle d a s a membe r of this celestial club.
My sister strands, jus t recentl y parted , wer e bewailin g my fate ,
When Memnon' s brother, Arsinoe' s dainty mount, pumping
150 WOME
152
Figure 5.10 . Portrai t (provenance unknown) (ca . 270-246 B.C.E. ) o f Ptolemaic queen Arsinoe I I in a traditionally Egyptia n (Pharaonic ) style.
154 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
singers to sing to her each day , durin g the feast s and festivals of the othe r gods,
whatever hymn s th e sacre d scribe s writ e an d giv e t o th e teache r o f songs , o f
which als o copies shal l be entered i n th e sacre d books .
And wherea s provision s are given to th e priests fro m th e sacre d (revenues )
whenever the y ar e brough t t o th e grou p (o f priests o f eac h temple ) (b e i t re solved) fo r there t o b e given to th e daughter s of the priest s from th e da y of their
birth food fro m th e sacre d revenues , such a s shall be determined b y the council lor priests in each temple in proportion t o the sacred revenues; an d for the brea d
given t o th e wive s o f th e priest s t o hav e it s ow n particula r shap e an d t o b e
called th e brea d o f Berenice . An d le t th e appointe d superviso r an d chie f pries t
in eac h templ e an d th e scribe s o f the templ e inscrib e this decree o n a ston e or
bronze stele, i n sacred characters 9 an d i n Egyptia n (characters), 10 and i n Greek
(characters), an d le t the m se t i t u p i n th e mos t conspicuou s plac e i n th e firstand second - an d third-rat e temples, i n order that th e priests in the countr y ma y
be seen t o hono r th e Benefacto r God s and thei r children, as is just.
(Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae 56.
Bagnall an d Dero w 1981 : 222-26, no. 136 )
156
Figure 5.11 . Marbl e votiv e relie f (lat e secon d century , B.C.E. ) fro m Athens , showin g Isi s an d a n en throned go d worshiped b y a famil y wit h wome n an d children .
ors were th e resul t o f their kinshi p with me n wh o enjoye d simila r hon ors; som e wer e probabl y granted a s a resul t o f the women' s generosity .
For example , Phil e wa s th e firs t woma n t o b e selecte d a s th e stepha nephoros, th e eponymou s magistrate 15 a t Priene.
Decree of Prien e in hono r o f Phile , firs t centur y B.C.E .
Phile daughter o f Apollonius and wif e o f Thessalus, th e so n o f Polydectes, hav ing held th e offic e o f stephanephoros, th e first woman (t o do so), constructed a t
her own expense the reservoi r for water an d th e cit y aqueduct .
(Die Inschriften vo n Priene 208; Burstein 1985: 59, no. 45 )
157
158
Figure 5.13. Tombston e (secon d cen tury B.C.E. ) fro m Izmi r (ancien t
Smyrna) showin g a seate d woma n
with tw o slaves , on e holdin g a spindl e
to remin d th e viewe r o f the virtuou s
domestic lif e o f the decease d who, lik e
all othe r good wives , spu n an d wov e
the clot h fo r her family .
woman. Th e earlies t extan t Gree k marriag e contract give s detailed pro visions for self-help. Th e aggrieve d wif e wil l b e obliged t o hav e dealings
with me n wh o ar e no t he r clos e ki n whe n sh e seek s retributio n fro m
her husband:
In th e sevent h yea r o f the reig n of Alexander, so n of Alexander, th e fourteent h
year of Ptolemy's administratio n a s satrap, i n the mont h o f Dius.
Contract o f marriag e o f Heraclide s o f Temno s an d Demetria . Heraclide s
takes a s his lawfu l wif e Demetri a of Cos from he r father Leptines of Cos and he r
mother Philotis . He is free; sh e is free. Sh e brings with her to the marriag e clothing an d ornament s value d at 1,00 0 drachmas. Heraclides shall suppl y t o Demetria al l tha t i s suitable for a freebor n wife. W e shal l liv e together i n whateve r
place seems best t o Leptine s and Heraclides , deciding together.
160 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
of the necessitie s of life. An d whe n I wished t o obtai n justic e fro m he r i n Alexandria, sh e begge d m y pardo n an d i n yea r 1 8 she gav e m e i n th e templ e o f
Arsinoe Actia a written oat h b y the kin g that sh e would pa y m e twenty drach mae ever y mont h b y mean s o f he r ow n bodil y labor ; i f sh e faile d t o d o s o or
transgressed an y of the term s o f her bond, sh e was to forfeit t o me 500 drachmae
on pai n o f incurring the consequence s o f the oath . Now, however , corrupte d b y
Dionysius, wh o i s a comi c actor , sh e i s not keepin g an y o f her engagement s t o
me, in contemp t of my old age and my present infirmity . I beg you therefore , O
king, no t t o suffe r m e t o b e wronged b y my daughter an d Dionysiu s th e come dian wh o ha s corrupte d her , bu t t o orde r Diophane s th e strategu s t o summo n
them an d hea r ou r case ; an d i f my words ar e true , le t Diophane s deal wit h he r
corrupter a s seem s goo d t o hi m an d compe l m y daughte r Nic e to yield m e m y
rights . . . Fo r by thi s mean s I shall n o longe r b e wronged , bu t havin g sough t
your protection , O king , I shall obtai n justice . (Docketed ) W e hav e delegate d
. . . (Endorsed ) Yea r 1 , Gorpiaeus 30 Tubi 13 . Ctesicles agains t Dionysiu s an d
Nice his daughter concerning a written oath .
(P. Enteuxis 26; Hunt and Edga r 1968: 2:233, no. 268 , modified)
Evidence for infanticide in Egyp t appear s just afte r th e Roma n conquest. I n th e followin g letter a husban d instructs hi s wif e t o expos e a
baby if it i s female. Th e husband addresses his wife a s "sister." This term
may merel y indicat e closeness an d affection , o r it ma y b e a reflection of
reality; brother-siste r marriag e occurred amon g bot h Greek s and Egyp tians. (Se e Fig. 5.4; the Canopu s decree, above , for references to Arsinoe
162 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
law lai d down : fo r him, t o lov e hi s woman fo r ever til l th e end ; fo r her, t o d o
whatever give s he r husban d pleasure . Al l I demanded, m y husband ha s bee n t o
me; an d al l tha t please s him , father , please s me . Yo u say he i s good t o m e bu t
he i s poor! So now (yo u tel l me ) yo u giv e me i n marriag e to a ma n o f wealth,
that I may no t liv e all m y life i n distress. Wher e in th e worl d i s all tha t money ,
father, whichi f I have itwill chee r m e mor e tha n th e ma n I love? How i s i t
just o r honorable , tha t I should tak e m y share of the goo d thing s h e had, bu t i n
his poverty tak e n o share a t all ? Say, i f the ma n wh o i s now abou t t o tak e m e
(which dear God forbid, no r shall it eve r be!at leas t no t o f my will, no r while
I ca n preven t it)i f h e should los e his substance hereafter , wil l you giv e me t o
another man ? An d the n t o another , i f he to o lose s all ? Ho w lon g wil l you us e
my life , father , fo r your experiment s wit h fortune ? Whe n I wa s a child , tha t
was th e tim e fo r you t o fin d a husban d t o giv e me to, fo r then th e choic e wa s
yours. Bu t when you ha d onc e give n me , father , a t onc e i t wa s fo r me t o loo k
to m y ow n fate . An d justl y so , fo r i f I judge no t well , i t i s my ow n lif e tha t I
shall injure . There is the truth . S o by the goddes s of our home , d o not ro b me of
the ma n t o who m you wedde d me . Thi s favo r I ask of youa jus t one , father ,
and ful l o f lovin g kindness . I f you refuse , yo u shal l d o your pleasur e b y force :
and I shall tr y t o endur e my fortun e as I ought, withou t disgrace .
(Menander; Sandbach 1972: 328; Page 1970: 185-87)
164 WOME
glory of the Lesbia n women with lovel y tresses ; Erinna ; renowned Telesilla ; and
you Corinna , who sang the martia l shield o f Athena; Nossis, th e tender-voiced ,
and dulcet-tone d Myrtisal l craftwome n o f eterna l pages . Grea t Heave n gav e
birth t o nin e Muse s and Earth to these nine, th e deathles s deligh t o f mortals .
(Adapted from Pato n 1968 : 3:17, Book 9:epigram 26)
Erinna, lik e mos t o f th e othe r poet s o f th e period , als o wrot e epi grams (shor t poem s o n a variet y of themes) . Erinn a wrot e tw o sepulchral epigrams for Baucis:
O stele an d Siren s and mournfu l ur n o f mine,
you wh o hold thi s small heap of ashes that belon g to Hades,
Give greetings t o thos e wh o pas s by this m y grave,
whether the y ar e citizens o r visitors fro m othe r towns .
Say that thi s tomb holds me, wh o was a bride; say also this,
that m y father called m e Baucis, and tha t m y famil y
Was of Tenos, s o that the y ma y know , an d tha t m y companion
Erinna inscribe d these words upon my tomb .
(Palatine Anthology 7.710 ; Snyder 1989 : 91)
I a m th e tom b of the brid e Baucis; passing by
this much lamented stele, sa y this to Hades beneath th e earth :
"Hades, yo u ar e envious." But to you wh o see them,
these beautifu l monument s wil l announc e th e crue l fat e o f
Baucis:
How with th e pine-torche s with whic h Hymenaio s was hymned
her father-in-law se t the gir l ablaz e upon this pyre,
And you yourself , Hymenaios , changed the tunefu l son g of marriage
into th e mournfu l sound o f lamentation .
(Palatine Anthology 7.712 ; Snyder 1989 : 90)
166 WOME
Much o f Corinna' s poetry , lik e Anyte's , wa s probabl y directe d t o audi ences o f me n an d women . Perhap s this i s on e o f th e reason s tha t he r
work, lik e tha t o f othe r wome n poets , survived , becam e famous , an d
was incorporate d int o the cultura l mainstream . Fo r Roman poets of th e
Augustan age , he r nam e wa s synomymou s wit h talen t an d erudition .
Ovid call s hi s mistres s "Corinna," an d Propertiu s 2.3.22 claim s that hi s
mistress wrot e verse s tha t wer e a s goo d a s Corinna's . Fragmen t 2 wa s
addressed t o a group of girls who ar e probabl y members of a chorus wh o
will lear n t o perfor m Corinna' s songs (fo r similar partheneia, see Chapters 1 and 2) :
Terpsichore [summone d me] to sing
beautiful tale s of old
to th e Tanagraea n girls in their white robes.
And th e cit y rejoice d greatl y
in my clear, plaintiv e voice.
For great things . . .
. . . the broad-plained earth . . .
I, havin g done honor to th e oracles
in th e tim e of our fathers . . .
. . . to the maidens . . .
I mysel f often honore d wit h word s
the leade r Cephissus [the rive r god]
but als o often grea t Orion
and th e fifty mighty youths
whom [h e begat ] b y matin g wit h
nymphs . . .
(Frag. 664b Poetae Melici Graeci;
Snyder 1989 : 50)
168 WOME
threaten he r parent s sh e would mak e away wit h herself , unles s sh e were give n
in marriag e t o him . Crate s therefor e wa s implore d b y her parent s t o persuad e
the girl , an d di d al l h e could , an d a t last , failin g to persuad e her , h e go t up ,
took of f his clothes before her fac e and said . 'Thi s is the bridegroom , thes e ar e
his possessions ; mak e you r choic e accordingly ; fo r you wil l b e n o helpmee t of
mine, unles s you shar e my pursuits."
(Diogenes Laertius 6.96-98; Hicks 1922)
The painter s grouped together her e range in date fro m th e fift h centur y
to th e firs t B.C.E. , an d mos t are otherwise unattested. I t is striking, however, that , a s i n th e Renaissanc e and Baroque , most wome n artist s ar e
daughters of male artists who taught them their art .
In the Hellenisti c period women also began the forma l stud y of medicine. Hagnodice , the firs t femal e obstetricia n i n Athens , studie d wit h
Herophilus, probabl y in th e las t quarte r of the fourt h centur y B.C.E . (se e
Chapter 6) . Som e details abou t wome n bein g excluded b y la w (rathe r
than b y custo m a s was probabl y th e case ) fro m practicin g medicin e i n
Athens ar e likel y t o b e fabrications. Nevertheless, Athenian women di d
begin t o practice obstetrics in th e fourt h centur y B.C.E. :
The ancients ha d n o midwives, and therefore women died [in childbirth], le d on
by thei r sens e o f shame . Fo r th e Athenian s ha d take n hee d tha t n o slav e o r
woman shoul d lear n th e scienc e o f medicine . A certai n girl , Hagnodice , a s a
young woma n desire d t o lear n th e scienc e o f medicine. Becaus e o f this desire,
she cut he r hair, pu t o n male clothing , an d entrusted hersel f t o a certain Hero philus fo r he r training . Afte r learnin g thi s science , whe n sh e hear d tha t a
woman wa s havin g labor-pains , sh e use d t o g o to her . An d when th e woma n
refused t o entrust hersel f [to Hagnodice], thinking that sh e was a man, Hagnod ice lifte d he r undergarmen t an d reveale d tha t sh e wa s a woman . I n thi s wa y
she used t o cure women .
(Hyginus, Fabula 274.10-11 ; p. 16 7 Rose; von Stade n 1989 : 53)
170
Figure 5.14 . Tombston e from lat e fourt h o r thir d century , B.C.E . Attica showin g a woma n wh o ma y
have died in childbirth .
Simaetha i s only on e of the young women in Hellenisti c poetry wh o apparently liv e without mal e supervisio n an d engag e i n lov e affair s wit h
men without bein g courtesans or prostitutes .
The following fragmentar y pastora l poem entitled th e "Oaristus " or
"Whispered Eroti c Dialogue " wa s attribute d t o Theocritus , bu t i n fac t
was composed b y an imitato r of a later bu t uncertai n date . Her e a cowherd graduall y seduces a young gir l wh o i s pasturing goats. Th e yout h
wears dow n th e maiden' s reluctanc e wit h theme s tha t als o appea r i n
marriage song s (epithalamia)th e woman' s fear o f losing her virginity
and o f childbirt h i s countere d wit h reminder s o f th e shor t bloo m o f
youth an d th e reward s of children . Thi s poe m leave s th e resul t o f th e
seduction unclear . Daphnis mimic s in a pastora l mode al l th e protesta tions of a responsible suitor, bu t bot h th e girl' s aged father and th e cow herd's homestead are quickly ignored in favor of the physica l consummation tha t th e "littl e satyr " ha s bee n aimin g a t fro m th e start . B y
contrast, i n Longus' s later Gree k nove l Daphnis an d Chloe, th e poe t
makes a poin t o f delayin g th e consummatio n of th e pastora l couple' s
desire until after marriage.
MAIDEN: Paris , anothe r cowherd , abducte d chast e Helen .
DAPHNIS: No , Hele n of her ow n fre e wil l capture d th e cowher d wit h a kiss .
MAIDEN: Don' t b e so sure, you littl e satyr . The y sa y a kis s is a trivia l thing .
DAPHNIS: Ye t there i s sweet pleasur e eve n i n trivia l kisses .
MAIDEN: I wipe of f my mout h an d spi t ou t you r kiss .
DAPHNIS: You'r e wiping your mouth ? Give it bac k to m e t o kiss .
MAIDEN: A kiss is a good thin g fo r your calves , no t fo r an unwe d girl .
DAPHNIS: Don' t b e so sure. Soo n lif e wil l pas s you b y like a dream .
MAIDEN: Supposin g I a m growin g a bi t older , I drink milk and hone y now .
DAPHNIS: A half-rip e grap e wil l b e a raisin . Wha t i s no w a ros e wil l dr y u p an d
fade.
MAIDEN: Don' t pu t a han d o n me . Stil l on me ? I'll tear your lip .
DAPHNIS: Com e her e unde r th e wil d olives so I can tel l you a story .
MAIDEN: I don't wan t to . Yo u tricked m e with a lovel y stor y onc e before.
DAPHNIS: Com e her e unde r th e elm s so you ca n hea r m y pipe .
172
flocks.
174
Figure 5.15 . Athenia n vas e (ca . 500 B.CE. ) showin g th e sac k o f Troy/ th e nud e figur e o f Cassandra,
the doom-predictin g priestess whose punishmen t fo r her transgressio n was tha t n o on e woul d believe
her, clings , a t th e lowe r lef t o f th e figure , t o th e city' s cul t statu e o f Athena, bu t i t canno t save he r
from he r Qree k attacker, th e Lesse r Ajax. He r nudit y stands as the sig n o f her imminen t rape.
entirely nud e female in Classical sculpture, the Cnidia gave rise in antiquity t o man y romanti c anecdotes : Praxiteles 1 mistress, Phryne , was sai d
to b e th e statue' s model ; a ma n supposedl y becam e enamore d o f th e
statue, Pygmalion-like , an d mad e lov e t o it ; an d th e goddes s Aphrodit e
herself, o n seein g th e statue , allegedl y aske d indignantly , "Wher e di d
Praxiteles se e me naked?" (Pato n 1968 : Boo k 16.160).
Praxiteles di d not continu e t o work int o th e Hellenisti c period , bu t
through th e influenc e of his son , als o a sculptor, an d hi s workshop, th e
type of the nud e Aphrodite became one of the centra l image s of Hellenistic an d Roma n art. Th e choic e o f Aphrodite, goddes s of love an d sexua l
desire, i s of course no t accidental , an d n o othe r femal e divinities wer e
shown nude . Eve n Aphrodite's nudity i s always motivated b y a narrative
element (fo r example, sh e was bor n fro m th e se a an d i s portrayed bath ing o r preparin g t o bathe) , t o mitigat e th e exhibitionisti c qualit y an d
overt eroticis m o f what mus t at first have seemed a shocking exposure .
The body type that evolve d for the nud e Aphrodite by the thir d cen -
Figure 5,16. Statu e of Aphrodite from Cnidos (Asia Minor ) by Praxiteles (ca. 350 B.C.E.) , The type of
nude Aphrodite spawned a series of similar statues in the Hellenisti c period and o f copies made in th e
Roman period .
175
176 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
177
Figure 5.18. Terra-cott a statuette from Naucratis (first centur y B.C.E . to first century C.E.) of Aphrodite
Isis. The broad hips an d heavy breast s assert th e connection of this composite goddes s with fertility.
178
Figure 5.19 . Hellenisti c terra-cott a statuett e fro m Tanagr a (ca . 325-300 B.C.E. ) o f a woma n wit h a
heavy an d agin g body . The contras t wit h th e idealize d attenuatio n o f the figurine s o f young wome n
(see Figure s 5.5 an d 5.6 ) is striking, and , alon g wit h othe r image s o f older wome n (se e Figure 5.20),
it seem s reminiscen t o f th e ridicul e implici t i n th e image s o f agin g prostitute s i n earlie r Qree k vas e
painting (Fig . 3.27).
179
Figure 5,20. Statue (thir d centur y B.C.E. ) o f a drunke n ol d peasan t woman , probabl y mad e fo r th e
decoration o f a villa or for a private art collection of the sort known fro m th e Roma n empire.
pity her, fo r the splendi d wine vessel sh e caresses suggests that he r inebriation i s the gif t o f the go d Dionysus, a happ y consolation fo r the in firmity o f ag e (Zanke r 1989) . Appreciatio n of old wome n an d o f a lif e
well spent appeare d as well in poetry:
180 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
Stranger, kno w tha t I who res t her e
Was once a priestess of Demeter,
And Priestes s to o o f the Cabir i
And late r als o of Cybele;
That thi s old woman, no w dust i n earth,
helped man y throug h th e pain s of birth
And bor e tw o sons , i n whos e arm s I
Closed m y eyes . Farewell . Pas s by.
(Palatine Anthology 7.728 ; Lombard o an d
Rayor 1988 )
Miccos kept hi s Phrygia n nurs e Aischr a
Well care d fo r all he r life , an d whe n sh e die d
Set up her statu e i n perpetua l gratitud e
For the ol d woma n an d he r nursin g breasts.
(Palatine Anthology 7.458 ; Lombard o an d
Rayor 1988 )
NOTES
1. Th e game , know n a s ephedrismos, wa s a kin d o f piggyback ride an d wa s playe d
by bot h littl e girls and young women, bu t les s often b y boys o r men .
2. A baubon i s a leathe r dildo .
3. Erinn a an d Nossi s were poet s (se e "Education an d Professions") , bu t no t related .
The us e of their name s her e ma y b e facetious.
4. Athenaeu s 15.689a . Arsino e II , Berenice' s predecesso r a s th e quee n o f Egypt , ha d
also been fon d o f horses an d o f perfume mad e of roses. Fo r the horses , se e Hesychius, s.v .
hippia an d Callimachus , "The Lock o f Berenice," lin e 54. See the excursu s o n Spart a fo r
Spartan queen s wh o owne d horse s tha t wer e victoriou s a t Panhelleni c game s and , fo r
recent epigraphi c evidence, Trace y an d Habich t (1991) .
5. Fo r the rol e o f the empres s in th e Roma n imperial cult see Chapter 13.
6. Hyginus , Astronomy 2.24 . Although Hyginus is not a trustworth y source , simila r
stories abou t Macedonia n and Ptolemai c queens ridin g i n comba t hel p t o confir m Hygi nus's report abou t Berenic e II . Se e further, Pomero y 1984 : chap. 1 .
7. Interpreter s of writings concerning gods .
8. Api s and Mnevi s were sacre d bulls .
9. Hieroglyphics .
10. Demoti c Egyptia n script.
11. Osiri s wa s Kin g of the Dead .
12. Sirius , which ros e o n July 1 9 and signale d the beginnin g of the ne w year.
13. Th e calenda r year wa s identifie d b y he r name . See, fo r example, th e datin g formula a t th e beginnin g of P. Elephantine \ , quote d o n pp . 158-159 .
14. Loca l governor .
15. Loca l magistrate.
16. Perhap s "in confinement " o r "in detention " b y the god' s order .
17. Probabl y hi s companions .
18. Chalaio n als o honore d Aristodama : Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecarum 2
(1925) 26 3 (Delphi , third centur y B.C.E.) .
19. "Frien d o f th e state, " a n hono r awarde d t o foreigner s a s acknowledgmen t o f
their benefaction s o r importance .
20. Morm o wa s a femal e boge y traditionall y use d t o frighte n childre n int o obe dience.
TRANSLATIONS
Hicks, R . D . 1922 . Diogenes Laertius: Lives o f Eminent Philosophers. Loe b Classica l Li brary. Cambridge , Mass.
Hunt, A . S. , an d C . C . Edgar . 1968 . Select Papyri. Loe b Classica l Library . Cambridge,
Mass.
Lombardo, Stanley , an d Dian e Rayor . 1988 . Callimachus: Hymns, Epigrams, Select Fragments. Baltimore , Md.
Oldfather, C . H . 1968 . Diodorus Siculus, Biblioteca historica. Loe b Classica l Library .
Cambridge, Mass.
Paton, W . R . 1967 . Polybius: Th e Histories. Loe b Classica l Library , Vol . 5 . Cambridge ,
Mass.
. 1968 . Th e Greek Anthology. 5 vols. Loe b Classical Library . Cambridge, Mass .
Perrin, Bernadotte . 1968 . Plutarch's Lives. Loe b Classical Library . Cambridge, Mass .
Rackham, H . 1968 . Pliny: Natural History. Loe b Classical Library . Cambridge, Mass.
Rist, Anna . 1978 . Th e Poems of Theocritus. Chape l Hill , N.C.
Rose, H . J. 1934 . Hyginus Fabulae. Lugdun i Batavorum.
Seaton, R . C . 1980 . Th e Argonautica. Loe b Classical Library . Cambridge, Mass . (Origi nally publishe d 1912. )
Staden, Heinric h von. 1989 . Herophilus: Th e Ar t o f Medicine i n Early Alexandria. Cambridge.
WORKS CONSULTE D
Bagnall, Roge r S., an d Pete r Derow . 1981 . Greek Historical Documents: Th e Hellenistic
Period. Chico, Calif .
Bieber, Margarete . 1961 . Th e Sculpture o f th e Hellenistic Age. 2 d ed. Ne w York.
Bonfante, Larissa . 1989 . "Nudit y a s a Costum e i n Classica l Art. " American Journal o f
Archaeology 93 : 543-70.
Burstein, Stanley . 1985 . Th e Hellenistic Ag e from th e Battle o f Ipsos t o th e Death o f
Kleopatra VII. Ne w York .
Cameron, Alan . 1981 . "Asclepiades' Girl Friends. " I n Reflections o f Women i n Antiquity,
edited b y Helene P . Foley, 275-302 . Ne w York.
Carney, Elizabet h D . 1987 . "Th e Reappearanc e of Roya l Siblin g Marriag e in Ptolemai c
Egypt." Parola del Passato 42: 420-39.
Cleopatra's Egypt. 1988 . Exhibitio n catalogue. Brookly n Museum.
Dittenberger, W . 1903-05 . Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae. Leipzig.
Dittenberger, W. , ed . 1915 . Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum*. Leipzig . Rep. 198 2 Olms,
Hildesheim.
Finley, M . I . 1968 . Aspects o f Antiquity. London .
Fraser, P . M. 1972 . Ptolemaic Alexandria. 3 vols. Oxford .
Gow, A . S . F., ed . 1952 . Theocritus. 2 vols. Cambridge .
Gow, A . S. F., an d D . L . Page. 1968 . Greek Anthology, Hellenistic Epigrams. 2 vols. Cambridge.
Hauben, H . 1979 . "Le transport fluvia l e n Egyp t ptolemaique: les bateaux d u ro i e t d e l a
reine." I n Actes d u X V e Congres international d e papyrologie. (Papyri Bruxellenses Graecae 19) , 68-77. Brussels.
Havelock, Christin e M . 1970 . Hellenistic Art. Greenwich , Conn .
Headlam, Walter , an d A . D . Knox . 1922 . Herodas: Mimes an d Fragments. Cambridge .
Hondius, J. J. E . et al , eds . 1923 - Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum. Leiden .
Kassel, R. , an d C . Austin . 1989 . Poetae Comici Graeci. Berlin.
Kock, T . 1884 . Comicorum Atticorum Fragmenta, vol . 2 . Leipzig.
Korte, A . 1957 . Menandri reliquiae. Leipzig . Teubneri .
Lloyd-Jones, Hugh , and Pete r Parsons. 1983 . Supplementum Hellenisticum. Oxford .
182 WOME
Page, D . L . 1970. Greek Literary Papyri. Loe b Classical Library . Cambridge, Mass . (Origi nally publishe d 1941 )
Page, D . L . 196 2 (rep. 1975) . Poetae Melici Graeci. Oxford.
Pfeiffer, R . 1949-58 . Callimachus, 2 vols. Oxford .
Pfuhl, Ernst , and Han s Mobius. 1977 . Die ostgriechischen Grabreliefs. Vol . 1. Mainz.
Pollitt, J. J. 1986 . Art i n th e Hellenistic Age. Cambridge .
. 1990 . Th e Art o f Greece: Sources and Documents. Cambridge .
Pomeroy, Sara h B . 1977 . "Technika i ka i Mousikai : Th e Educatio n o f Wome n i n th e
Fourth Centur y an d i n th e Hellenisti c Period. " American Journal o f Ancient History 2 : 51-68.
. 1984 . Women i n Hellenistic Egypt from Alexander t o Cleopatra. Ne w York, (pa perback ed., Detroit , 1989 )
Ridgway, Brunild e S. 1990 . Hellenistic Sculpture. Vol . 1 . Madison , Wis .
Rist, Anna . 1978 . Th e Poems of Theocritus. Chape l Hill , N.C.
Rose, H . G . Hyginus Fabulae.
Sandbach, F . H . 1972 . Menandri reliquiae selectae. Oxford.
Skinner, Marilyn B. 1987. "Greek Women and th e Matronymic. " Ancient History Bulletin
1: 39-42.
. 1991 . "Nossis Thelyglossos." I n Women's History an d Ancient History, edite d by
Sarah B . Pomeroy, 20-47 . Chape l Hill , N.C.
Smith, R . R . R. 1988 . Hellenistic Royal Portraits. Oxford .
Snyder, Jan e Mclntosh . 1989 . Th e Woma n an d th e Lyre: Wome n Writer s i n Classical
Greece and Rome. Carbondale, 111 .
Solmsen, Friedrich . 1979 . /sis among th e Greeks and Romans. Cambridge , Mass .
Thompson, Doroth y B . 1975. Ptolemaic Oinochoai an d Portraits in Faience. Oxford .
Tracey, Stephe n V. , an d Christia n Habicht . 1991 . "Ne w an d Ol d Panathenai c Victo r
Lists." Hesperia 60 : 187-236 .
Vedder, Ursula . 1988 . "FrauentodKriegerto d i m Spiege l de r attische n Grabkuns t de s 4.
Jhs. V . Chr., " Mitteilungen de s Deutschen Archdologischen Instituts (Athen.
Abt.) 103 : 161-91 .
Wallace, W. , an d M . Wallace. 1941 . Asklepiades ofSamos. Oxford .
West, M . L . 1990. "Datin g Corinna. " Classical Quarterly, n.s . 40 : 553-57.
Zanker, Paul . 1989 . Die trunkene Alte. Munich.
FURTHER READIN G
Fantham, Elaine . 1975 . "Sex , Statu s an d Surviva l i n Hellenisti c Athens : A Stud y o f
Women i n Ne w Comedy." Phoenix 29 : 44-74.
Fowler, Barbar a Hughes. 1989 . Th e Hellenistic Aesthetic. Madison, Wis .
Griffiths, Frederic k T . 1981 . "Hom e befor e Lunch : The Emancipate d Woma n i n Theocri tus." I n Reflections o f Women i n Antiquity, edite d b y Helen e P . Foley , 247-73 .
New York.
Onians, John. 1979 . Art an d Thought i n th e Hellenistic Age. London .
Thompson, Doroth y J . 1988 . Memphis under th e Ptolemies. Princeton , N.J .
6
EXCURSUS
MEDICINE:
THE 'TROOP' OF ANATOMY
LESLEY DEAN-JONE S
The medical texts of Greece and Rom e span the perio d fro m th e mid-fift h
century B.C.E . to the las t years of late antiquity, thoug h som e period s ar e
better represente d tha n others . Lik e th e res t o f Greco-Roman literature ,
these writing s wer e overwhelmingl y male-authored. 1 Unlik e the major ity of ancient literature , however , th e gynecological materia l within th e
medical corpora woul d b e derived fro m an d aime d a t a female audience .
Of course , women' s experienc e woul d b e refracted throug h author s an d
practitioners wh o wer e male , bu t i f the latte r wer e to maintai n a clien tele o f an y size , the y woul d hav e t o wor k wit h image s wit h whic h
women themselve s concurred. Thus , i f only t o a limite d extent, th e gynecological treatises of antiquity give us some access to women's perception o f themselves.
Moreover, wher e individua l wome n ar e mentione d i n th e medica l
texts, w e catch a glimpse of events and circumstance s of the dail y lif e of
women fro m al l classe s o f society. I n th e Classica l perio d a docto r wa s
called i n t o atten d th e niec e o f a certain Temenes :
The niec e o f Temenes wa s asthmatic . Th e hypochondri a seeme d straine d tigh t
after a time . An d i f she ha d a n infant , I do not know .
(Epidemics IV . 26; trans. Lesle y Dean-Jones, from Littr e 1962 : 5:170 )
184 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORL D
tity fro m th e bell y tha n does th e bod y of a man . Fo r if anyone shoul d set clea n
wool an d a piec e o f cloth whic h i s clean, thickly-woven , an d equa l i n weigh t
to th e wool , ove r wate r o r o n to p o f a dam p plac e fo r tw o day s an d nights ,
when h e take s the m of f an d weigh s them , h e wil l discove r tha t th e woo l i s
much heavie r than th e cloth . Th e reason thi s happens is that wate r i n a widemouthed jar alway s escapes i n a n upwar d direction. No w the wool , o n th e on e
hand, becaus e i t i s both porou s an d soft , receive s mor e o f the escapin g water ,
while th e cloth , becaus e i t i s soli d an d thickly-woven , wil l b e fille d up , al though it doe s not tak e on muc h of the escapin g water . It is in thi s way , then ,
that a woman , becaus e sh e i s more porous , draw s more moistur e and draw s i t
with greate r speed fro m he r bell y t o her body tha n does a man.
(Hippocrates: Diseases of Women I.I ; Hanson 197 5 572 )
Another Hippocrati c autho r describes a typ e of flesh similar t o tha t o f a
woman's body i n th e gland s of a man :
The natur e o f gland s i s spongy , an d the y ar e porou s an d fat , an d ther e i s n o
flesh like i t i n th e res t o f the body , no r anythin g els e simila r in th e body , bu t
they ar e o f loose textur e an d hav e numerous veins. I f you wer e t o cu t throug h
one, i t would blee d profusely . I n appearance the y ar e white an d like phlegm, t o
the touc h the y ar e lik e wool. An d i f you knea d a glan d with your fingers and
apply considerable force , it give s out a n oily liqui d and breaks into many piece s
and i s completely destroyed .
(Glands 1 ; trans. Lesley Dean-Jones, from Joly 1978 : 13:114 )
Whereas a ma n ha s flesh of this weak natur e only i n a fe w appropriate
parts of his body, where it serves the specifi c functio n o f absorbing excess
moisture, a woman's whole physical being is constituted fro m suc h flesh.
Those surface bod y parts thought to exhibit this glandular nature in men
(that is , the breasts) , ar e further pronounce d i n women :
The glands on the chest ar e called breasts and they fill out i n those who produce
milk, bu t no t i n thos e wh o d o not produc e milk . Wome n do produce mil k and
men d o not. I n women th e natur e of these gland s is extremely porous , just like
the res t o f the body , an d th e nourishmen t which the y draw to themselve s the y
convert t o milk . .. I n men the denseness and compactness of the bod y contribute greatl y t o thes e gland s not becomin g large. Fo r the mal e i s fir m an d lik e
close-woven clot h bot h t o th e sigh t an d t o th e touch . Bu t the femal e i s porous
and loos e an d lik e wool t o th e sigh t and touch , wit h the resul t that a s a porou s
and sof t thin g sh e doe s no t giv e u p moisture , whil e th e mal e doe s no t absor b
any, bein g compact an d hard ; moreover, labo r strengthens his bod y s o that h e
does not have anything from whic h he might take any excess fluid. This accoun t
demonstrates tha t o f necessity bot h th e ches t an d th e breast s and th e res t o f a
woman's bod y ar e loos e an d sof t bot h o n accoun t o f her inactivit y and o n ac count o f what ha s been said. With men th e opposit e i s the case .
(Glands 16 ; trans. Lesle y Dean-Jones , from Jol y 1978 : 13:121-22)
The autho r did no t believ e the excessiv e porosity of a woman's body
was due to nature alone (although , since it was a part of nature, it could
never be completely eradicated), bu t also to the supposedl y inactive life style pursued b y women. Thi s point o f view i s shared b y another Hippo cratic author :
186 WOME
There is a thick vein in each breast. These contain the greatest portion of intelligence. . .. In one who is about to go mad the following is a warning indication:
blood collects i n the breasts .
(Epidemics II . vi . 1 9 and 32 ; trans. Lesle y Dean-Jones , Littre 1962:
5:136 and 138 )
188 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
Another aspec t o f female anatom y tha t wa s see n a s a threa t t o female healt h an d a caus e of erratic behavior was he r womb . Th e Hippocratics believe d tha t i f a woman' s wom b becam e too dr y an d ligh t be cause sh e wa s no t havin g enoug h intercourse , th e wom b coul d b e
attracted t o th e moiste r organ s of her bodyher liver , heart, brain , diaphragm, or bladder. If it settle d o n an y o f the first four o f these a woman
could become voiceless, los e consciousness, or exhibit any o f those symptoms we designate by the wor d "hysteria." 5
190 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
Aristotle
Aristotle believe d male upper-bod y strength i s relevant because i t mirrors th e dispositio n o f the natura l orde r o f the univers e i n whic h mor e
honorable object s ar e place d above and befor e thos e thing s less worth y
of honor . O f the tw o sexes , then , th e mal e was th e mor e perfec t representative of any species and a s such was als o the hotter .
Aristotle di d not mea n tha t women wer e deformed because of their physical appearance . Th e aspect i n which the y wer e "deformed " (vita l heat)
had far-reachin g effects becaus e i t wa s th e ver y principl e o f generation .
It was because of this "deformity" tha t women wer e weaker; their weakness was not , i n itself , thei r deformity.
The most importan t physica l result of a woman's lesser hea t an d he r
inability t o concoc t he r seminal residu e was the menstrua l flow. Unlike
the Hippocratics , Aristotl e di d not thin k menstruation wa s beneficial for
all women . Fo r some wome n i t coul d seriousl y weake n th e body .
After pubert y some lad s who wer e thi n befor e gro w stout an d healthy , an d th e
converse als o happens ; an d th e sam e is equally tru e of girls. For when i n bo y or
girl th e bod y i s loade d wit h superfluou s matter , then , whe n suc h superfluitie s
are go t ri d o f in th e spermati c o r menstrua l discharge, their bodie s improv e i n
health and condition owing to the remova l of what had acted a s an impedimen t
to health and prope r nutrition; but i n suc h a s are of opposite habi t their bodie s
become emaciate d an d ou t o f health , fo r the n th e spermati c discharg e in th e
one cas e an d th e menstrua l flow in th e othe r tak e plac e a t th e cos t o f natural
healthy conditions .
(History of Animals 581b26-582a5; Thompson 1984: 911)
192 WOME
194 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORL D
Herophilus
Herophilus lived an d worked a t Alexandri a at th e en d of the fourt h an d
the beginnin g of th e thir d centur y B.C.E . Unlik e any o f hi s predecessors ,
or successor s unti l th e lat e thirteent h centur y C.E. , Herophilus was abl e
to dissec t th e huma n body . W e kno w fro m variou s testimon y tha t h e
was particularly interested i n gynecological matters, bu t we do not hav e
the sam e extensive work s for him a s we do for the Hippocratic s and Aristotle. Wha t ha s survive d i s chiefl y fragmente d quotation s o n specifi c
contentious issue s i n antiquity , an d mos t o f those dealin g wit h wome n
are anatomical in nature.
Although, a s a physician , h e considere d himsel f to b e followin g i n
the traditio n o f Hippocrates, where th e differenc e betwee n mal e an d female wa s concerne d h e accepte d Aristotle' s theor y tha t th e significan t
fact wa s tha t male s possesse d greate r heat . Eve n th e womb , th e defini tively femal e organ , wa s forme d fro m th e sam e material s a s th e res t o f
the huma n bod y an d wa s subjec t t o th e sam e principle s of healt h an d
disease.
And i n hi s Midwifery Herophilu s says that th e uteru s is woven from th e same
thing a s the othe r parts, i s regulated b y the sam e faculties, ha s th e sam e material substance s at hand , an d i s caused t o b e diseased b y the sam e things, such
as excessive quantity, thickness , an d disharmon y i n similars. Accordingly , says
Herophilus, there is no affection peculia r to women, except conceiving, nourishing what has bee n conceived, giving birth , "ripening " the milk , an d th e opposites of these.
(Soranus, Gynecology III.3 ; von Stade n 1989 : 365 )
covering, bu t easil y damageabl e in their flesh, just like the testicle s of males. I n
mares they ar e also quite sizeable. An d they ar e attached t o the uteru s with n o
small numbe r of membranes and wit h a vein an d a n arter y implante d fro m th e
uterus into these "testicles. " Yo u see, th e attachmen t i s from th e vei n an d th e
artery that go to each of the tw o "testicles, " a vein from th e vei n an d a n arter y
from th e artery .
The spermatic duct [tha t is, Fallopian tube] from eac h "testicle" is not ver y
apparent, bu t i t i s attached t o th e uteru s fro m th e outside , on e duc t fro m th e
right, th e othe r fro m th e left . Lik e th e semina l duc t o f th e male , it s anterio r
part i s also convoluted, an d almos t al l the res t u p to its end looks varicose. An d
the spermatic duc t fro m eac h "testicle " grows into the fleshy part o f the nec k of
the bladder , just lik e the mal e duct, bein g thin an d winding in it s anterior par t
where i t touche s th e hipbones . Her e [at th e nec k o f the bladder ] it als o termi nates, lik e the pudendu m penetrating t o th e interio r fro m eithe r side .
(Galen, O n th e Seed II . 1; von Stade n 1989 : 185-86 )
Herophilus thu s recognize d organ s i n th e femal e analogou s t o testi cles i n th e male , an d tha t ther e wer e duct s leadin g fro m thes e organs .
But althoug h h e describes the ducts a s being attached to the uterus, they
empty ou t (a s d o th e mal e ducts , whic h discharg e thei r see d int o th e
penis fo r ejaculation) int o th e nec k o f th e bladder , whenc e th e femal e
seed wil l b e voide d fro m th e body . Followin g a theor y articulate d b y
Apollo i n Aeschylus ' Eumenides (se e Chapte r 4 ) an d establishe d a s th e
medical nor m b y Aristotle , Herophilu s believe d tha t a woman' s onl y
contribution t o reproduction wa s the menstrua l fluid, so female seed wa s
unnecessary fo r conception ; i t therefor e ha d t o b e diverte d pas t th e
uterus. Unfortunately , w e d o no t kno w wha t function , i f any, Herophi lus believe d femal e see d fulfilled .
Herophilus's vie w o n menstruatio n wa s als o muc h close r t o Aris totle's tha n t o th e Hippocratics' . I n fact , wherea s th e Hippocratic s believed th e onse t o f menstruation wa s invariabl y a cur e for any diseas e a
woman wa s suffering , Herophilu s believed i t coul d mak e a woma n sus ceptible t o fallin g ill .
Herophilus, however , say s tha t a t certai n time s an d fo r certain women , men struation is harmful. Som e women, h e says, ar e actually in a state of unimpeded
health whe n the y ar e no t menstruating , wherea s th e opposit e ofte n happen s
while the y ar e menstruating : the y becom e pale r an d thinne r an d contrac t th e
beginnings of diseases. A t other times , however , and i n certain cases, menstruation i s beneficial , s o tha t wome n wh o previousl y wer e wa n an d emaciated ,
later, afte r menstruation , have good colour an d ar e well nourished.
(Soranus, Gynecology 1.29 ; von Stade n 1989 : 374)
By th e Hellenisti c period , then , th e bodie s o f wome n wer e consid ered fa r mor e analogou s t o th e bodie s of men tha n the y ha d bee n i n th e
Classical period , whic h ma y hav e bolstere d th e increase d autonom y
many wome n enjoye d i n affair s tha t ha d traditionall y bee n reserve d for
men (se e Chapte r 5 , "Wome n i n Public") . Bu t thi s assimilatio n o f th e
interior spac e o f the tw o sexe s contrast s sharpl y with th e developmen t
in th e artisti c representatio n o f the female , whic h i n th e Hellenisti c pe-
196 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
Although, lik e Herophilus , Soranus does no t believ e the femal e semen eve r enters th e wom b an d contribute s t o conception , h e doe s give
us an explanation of the significanc e o f women becoming excited during
intercourse and releasin g their fluid.
Just a s withou t appetit e i t i s impossibl e fo r th e see d t o b e discharge d b y th e
male, i n th e sam e manner , withou t appetit e i t canno t b e conceived b y th e female. An d a s foo d swallowe d withou t appetit e an d som e aversio n i s no t wel l
received an d fail s i n it s subsequent digestion , neithe r ca n th e see d b e taken u p
or, i f grasped, b e carried throug h pregnancy , unles s urge and appetit e fo r intercourse hav e bee n present . Fo r eve n i f som e wome n wh o wer e force d t o hav e
intercourse hav e conceived , on e ma y sa y wit h referenc e t o the m tha t i n an y
event th e emotio n o f sexual appetit e existe d i n the m too , bu t wa s obscure d b y
mental resolve . . . .
As movement o f the whol e bod y i s wont t o provoke sweating, whereas lac k
of motio n hold s i t bac k an d prevent s it , an d a s th e performanc e o f th e voca l
function stimulate s to an increased excretion th e saliva which by nature accompanies the passag e of the breathi n th e sam e way, durin g intercourse th e asso ciated movemen t aroun d th e femal e genitals relaxe s th e whol e body . An d for
this reason i t als o relaxes th e uterus .
(Gynecology 1.3 7 and 31 ; Temkin 1956 : 36, 28)
As far as a material contribution to conception was concerned, however, Soranu s concurred in th e theor y o f Aristotle and Herophilu s that
the only thin g a woman contributed wa s her menstrual fluid. Indeed, he
advises prospectiv e bridegroom s to inquir e int o a woman' s menstrual
flow, among other things, before marryin g her.
Since wome n usuall y ar e marrie d fo r th e sak e o f childre n an d succession , an d
not fo r mere enjoyment , an d sinc e i t i s utterly absur d t o mak e inquirie s abou t
the excellenc e o f their lineag e an d th e abundanc e o f their mean s bu t t o leav e
unexamined whethe r the y ca n conceiv e o r not , an d whethe r the y ar e fi t fo r
childbearing o r not , i t i s only righ t fo r u s t o giv e a n accoun t o f th e matte r i n
question. On e mus t judg e th e majorit y fro m th e age s o f 1 5 to 4 0 t o b e fi t fo r
conception, i f they ar e no t mannish , compact an d oversturdy, o r too flabby and
very moist . . . . Furthermor e the y see m fi t i f their uter i ar e neithe r ver y mois t
or dry, no t to o lax o r constricted, an d i f they hav e their catharsis regularly, no t
through some moistur e or ichor s o f various kinds, but throug h bloo d an d o f this
neither to o much, nor , o n the other hand, extremel y little. Also those in who m
the orific e o f the uteru s i s comparatively fa r forward an d lie s in a straight line .
(Gynecology 1.34 ; Temkin 1956 : 32)
198 WOME
Now we say that ther e exis t natura l conditions i n women peculiarl y thei r ow n
(as conception , parturition , an d lactatio n i f one wishe s t o cal l thes e functions
conditions), wherea s conditions contrar y t o nature ar e not genericall y differen t
but onl y i n a specifi c an d particula r way . Fo r in regar d t o generi c differences ,
the femal e has he r illnes s i n commo n wit h th e male , sh e suffers fro m constric tion o r fro m flux , eithe r acutel y o r chronically, an d sh e i s subject t o th e sam e
seasonal differences , t o gradation s o f disease , t o lac k o f strength , an d t o th e
different foreig n bodies , sores , an d injuries . Only a s fa r a s particular s an d spe cific variation s ar e concerne d doe s th e femal e show condition s peculiarl y he r
own, i.e . a differen t characte r o f symptoms . Therefor e sh e i s subjec t t o treat ment generically th e same .
(Gynecology III.5 ; Temkin 1956 : 132)
Soranus believed all the illnesses in the body resulted from som e part
of the bod y being in eithe r a constricted o r a la x state . I n therapy what
was constricte d ha d t o b e relaxed , wha t wa s la x ha d t o b e tightened .
Relocation o f the wom b was no t a possibl e source of disease. However,
Soranus di d believe that th e wom b was particularl y susceptible to con striction, an d h e recognized the femal e diseas e "hysterical suffocation/ '
connecting i t wit h wha t wer e perceived as abnormalities in a woman' s
life.
Hysterical suffocatio n ha s bee n name d afte r bot h th e affecte d orga n an d on e
symptom, viz . suffocation . Bu t it s connotatio n is : obstructe d respiratio n to gether with aphoni a an d a seizure of the sense s caused b y some condition o f th e
uterus. I n mos t case s th e diseas e i s preceded b y recurrent miscarriages , prema ture birth , lon g widowhood , retentio n o f mense s an d th e en d o f ordinar y
childbearing or inflation o f the uterus. . . . The hysterical disease, on account of
the aphoni a an d seizure of the senses, i s related to epilepsy, apoplexy , catalepsy ,
lethargy an d th e aphoni a cause d b y worms. . . . Th e majorit y o f the ancient s
and almos t al l follower s of other sect s have made use of ill-smelling odors (suc h
as burnt hair , extinguishe d lam p wicks, charre d deer's horn , burn t wool, burn t
flock, skin s an d rags , castoreu m wit h whic h the y anoin t th e nos e an d ears ,
pitch, ceda r resin , bitumen , squashe d be d bugs , an d al l substance s whic h ar e
supposed t o hav e an oppressiv e smell ) i n th e opinio n tha t th e uteru s flees from
evil smells . Wherefor e they hav e als o fumigate d with fragran t substance s fro m
below, an d hav e approved of suppositories of spikenard (and) storax, s o that th e
uterus fleeing the first mentioned odors , bu t pursuin g the last-mentione d migh t
move fro m th e uppe r t o th e lowe r parts . . . . We , however , censur e al l thes e
men wh o star t b y hurting the inflame d part s and caus e torpor b y the effluvi a o f
ill-smelling substances . Fo r the uteru s doe s no t issu e fort h lik e a wil d anima l
from th e lair , delighte d b y fragran t odor s an d fleein g ba d odors ; rathe r i t i s
drawn togethe r becaus e o f the strictur e caused b y the inflammation.
(Gynecology III.2 6 and 29 ; Temkin 1956 : 149 , 152 , 153)
Arctacus
Like Soranu s and Galen , Aretaeu s the Cappadocian , as hi s epithe t suggests, wa s bor n i n th e easter n Empire , an d lik e th e tw o mor e famou s
physicians, Aretaeu s probably made his name at Rome . W e are no t sur e
200 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
when he lived, but neithe r does he mention Galen (which due to Galen's
enormous authorit y an y medica l write r comin g afte r hi m wa s almos t
obligated t o do ) no r doe s Gale n mentio n him , thoug h h e mention s b y
name virtuall y every earlie r medical writer wit h whos e theorie s h e disagrees. I t i s generally assumed , therefore , tha t th e tw o wer e clos e con temporaries and a s such did not refe r t o each other's work in what seem s
to have been a convention o f the time . This would place Aretaeus in th e
second centur y C.E . Aretaeus' s extant work s focus o n specifi c acut e an d
chronic diseases an d th e correspondin g therapies. I n discussing "hysteri cal suffocation/' Aretaeu s goes further tha n an y previous medical writer
in animatin g the womb.
In th e middl e o f th e flank s o f wome n lie s th e womb , a femal e viscus , closel y
resembling a n animal ; for it i s moved o f itself hithe r an d thithe r i n th e flanks ,
also upward s i n a direc t lin e t o belo w th e cartilag e o f th e thorax , an d als o
obliquely t o the righ t or to the left , eithe r t o the live r or spleen; an d it likewis e
is subjec t t o prolapsu s downwards, and , i n a word , i t i s altogethe r erratic . I t
delights, also , i n fragran t smells , an d advance s toward s them ; an d i t ha s a n
aversion t o feti d smells , an d flees fro m them ; and , o n th e whole , th e wom b i s
like a n anima l withi n a n animal . . . . Th e affectio n occur s i n young women ,
but no t i n old . Fo r in thos e i n who m th e age , mod e o f life, an d understandin g
is mor e mobile , th e uteru s als o i s o f a wanderin g nature ; bu t i n thos e mor e
advanced i n life , th e age , mod e o f living , understanding , an d th e uteru s ar e
of a stead y character . Wherefor e thi s suffocatio n fro m th e wom b accompanie s
females alone .
The uterus i n women ha s membranes extended o n both side s a t th e flanks,
and als o is subject t o th e affection s o f an anima l in smelling; for it follow s afte r
fragrant thing s a s if for pleasure, an d flee s fro m feti d an d disagreeabl e thing s a s
if fo r dislike. If , therefore , anythin g anno y i t fro m above , i t protrude s eve n be yond th e genita l organs . Bu t i f an y o f thes e thing s b e applie d t o th e os , i t re treats backward s an d upwards . Sometimes it wil l go to this sid e or thatto th e
spleen an d liver , whil e th e membrane s yield t o th e distentio n an d contractio n
like the sail s of a ship.
(On th e Causes and Symptoms o f Acute Diseases 11.1 1 an d Therapeutics o f
Acute Diseases 11.10; Adams 1972: 285-87 and 449)
Qalcn
The most authoritativ e individua l medical author i n antiquity, an d into
the Renaissance , wa s Galen , a nativ e o f Pergamu m wh o wa s activ e i n
Rome from th e mid - to th e lat e second centur y C.E . H e was an extremel y
prolific writer , bu t h e did not concer n himsel f particularly with gyneco -
logical matters, perhaps because he believed that male and female bodie s
could b e viewed a s the sam e for all bu t reproductiv e purposes. H e went
even furthe r tha n Soranus in assimilatin g male and female genitalia .
The female is less perfec t tha n th e mal e fo r one, principa l reasonbecaus e she
is colder; for if among animals the war m one i s the mor e active, a colder animal
would b e les s perfec t tha n a warmer . A secon d reaso n i s on e tha t appear s i n
dissecting . . .
All the parts, then , tha t men have, women hav e too, th e difference betwee n
them lyin g in only on e thing , namely , tha t i n women th e part s are within [th e
body] whereas in men the y ar e outside, i n the regio n called the perineum . Consider first whichever one s you please , tur n outwar d th e woman's , tur n inward ,
so to speak, an d fold doubl e the man's , an d you wil l find them th e sam e in bot h
in ever y respect . The n thin k first, please, o f the man' s turne d i n an d extendin g
inward betwee n th e rectu m an d the bladder . If this should happen , the scrotu m
would necessaril y tak e the plac e o f the uteri, wit h th e testes lying outside, next
to i t o n eithe r side ; th e peni s of the mal e would becom e th e nec k of the cavit y
that ha d bee n formed ; an d th e ski n a t th e en d o f th e penis , no w calle d th e
prepuce, woul d become th e femal e pudendum [vagina] itself. Think, too, please ,
of the converse, th e uterus turned outward and projecting. Woul d not the "testicles" the n necessaril y b e insid e it ? Would it no t contai n the m lik e a scrotum?
Would no t th e nec k [th e cervix] , hithert o conceale d insid e th e perineu m bu t
now pendent, b e made into the mal e member? And would not the femal e pudendum, bein g a skinlik e growth upo n thi s neck , b e change d int o th e par t calle d
the prepuce ? I t i s als o clea r tha t i n consequenc e th e positio n o f th e arteries ,
veins, an d spermati c vessel s woul d b e changed too . I n fact, you coul d no t find
a singl e mal e par t lef t ove r tha t ha d no t simpl y change d it s position ; fo r th e
parts that ar e insid e in woma n ar e outside i n man . Yo u can se e something lik e
this i n th e eye s o f the mole , whic h hav e vitreou s an d crystallin e humor s an d
the tunic s tha t surroun d these an d gro w out fro m th e meninges , a s I have said,
and the y hav e thes e just a s muc h a s animal s d o tha t mak e us e of their eyes .
The mole' s eyes , however , d o no t open , no r d o the y projec t bu t ar e lef t ther e
imperfect an d remai n lik e th e eye s o f other animal s when thes e ar e still i n th e
uterus.
(On th e Usefulness o f th e Parts o f th e Body XIV.6 ; Ma y 1968 : 628-29)
It i s clear from th e analog y to th e mole' s eye s tha t Gale n did not mea n
that the female genitalia wer e th e male's "inside out." Th e scrotum an d
the peni s ha d bee n translate d upwardshenc e th e nee d t o ad d th e in junction t o "fol d double " th e male' s t o produc e th e femal e organs. Th e
reason women's genitalia remained inside their bodie s was that the y did
not have sufficient hea t t o "perfect" them , tha t is , cause the m to projec t
from he r body . I n a sense , however , thi s lac k of perfection wa s a piec e
of perfect planning on th e par t o f nature, fo r it wa s only th e positio n o f
the uterus that permitte d huma n reproduction.
In th e femal e [Nature ] has locate d th e uteru s belo w th e stomach , becaus e sh e
found tha t thi s place is best fo r sexual intercourse , fo r receiving the semen , an d
also for the growt h o f the fetu s an d it s birth when i t has been perfected . Fo r you
would no t find any plac e in the whol e bod y of the anima l more suitable fo r any
of thes e use s I hav e mentioned ; i t i s bes t fo r coitu s becaus e i t i s fa r remove d
202 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
This description may have bee n a direct challeng e t o the mobilit y attrib uted t o th e wom b b y Aretaeus . However , althoug h Gale n ha d impris oned th e wom b s o tightly , h e stil l believe d wome n wer e susceptibl e t o
exhibiting "hysterical " symptoms an d stil l blame d i t o n a deprivation of
intercourse, whic h lac k adversel y affecte d a woman' s reproductiv e
system.
It i s generally agree d upo n tha t thi s diseas e [tha t is , "hysterica l suffocation" ]
mostly affect s widows , an d particularl y those who hav e previously menstruate d
regularly, ha d bee n pregnant and were eager to have intercourse, bu t wer e no w
deprived of all this . I s there a mor e likely conclusion fro m thes e fact s than tha t
in thes e patient s th e retentio n o f menstrua l flo w o r o f seme n cause s th e so called uterin e condition , b y which som e wome n becom e apnoic , suffocate d o r
spastic? And possibly, this affliction i s made worse by the retentio n o f semen. . .
It becam e evident to m e that a badl y composed seme n ha s a greater powe r
to inflic t damag e t o th e whol e bod y tha n doe s menstrua l discharge . Conse quently, a wido w coul d hav e he r monthl y flo w bu t retentio n o f troublesom e
and damaging semen ca n stil l occur.
(On th e Affected Parts V.5; Seigel 1976 : 184-85 )
Conclusion
The femal e bod y wa s understoo d increasingl y i n th e sam e term s a s th e
male bod y i n th e medica l writing s of antiquity, whic h ma y hav e correlated wit h women' s playin g a n increasingl y mor e divers e socia l role ;
however, i t als o mean t tha t th e archetypica l femal e functio n o f men struation los t it s positive connotation s of a natural purg e and develope d
aspects o f th e Judeo-Christia n "curse. " Moreover , whil e fewe r specifi c
aspects o f "female " behavio r wer e attribute d t o biology , th e concep t
that wome n wer e generall y les s perfect than me n becaus e o f their lesse r
heat becam e axiomati c an d wa s supporte d b y citin g anatomica l fact s
that indisputabl y separated mos t me n an d women .
NOTES
1. Fro m late r antiquit y we hav e treatises by Cleopatr a and Metrodora , an d Aetiu s
of Amid a quote s chapter s o n gynecologica l matters fro m a wor k b y a certai n Aspasia .
Other femal e medica l authorities are referre d t o b y Galen an d Pliny .
2. Se e Figure 5.6 for young girls at vigorou s play.
204 WOME
N IN TH E QREEK WORLD
3. "Crisis " was the ter m give n by the Hippocratic s t o the poin t i n th e diseas e whe n
the disease d materia l i n th e bod y ha d separate d of f and wa s read y t o b e evacuated . I f
this was achieve d th e crisi s was complet e an d th e patien t recovered . Otherwis e th e dis eased materia l wa s reabsorbe d an d th e patien t relapse d til l th e nex t crisis . I f no crisi s
occurred o r none wa s ever successful, the patien t died .
4. Epistaxi s (bleedin g fro m th e nose ) wa s considered almos t a s good a sign o f recov ery a s menstruation becaus e th e menstrua l bloo d coul d trave l throug h th e passage s o f a
woman's body eithe r downwar d or upward to b e evacuated.
5. Thi s word derive s fro m th e Gree k word fo r womb, bu t i t wa s no t a wor d use d b y
the Hippocratics . Wher e the wom b moved t o was significant in treating th e disease , an d
when a generalizing term was use d i t wa s usuall y pnix o r "suffocation" .
6. Aristotl e argued against th e Hippocratic s that n o animal could produc e tw o seminal residues .
7. Thi s ma y hav e contribute d t o th e associatio n o f the apocrypha l stor y o f Hagnodice studying with Herophilu s (see Chapter 5 , "Education an d Professions") .
TRANSLATIONS
Adams, Francis . 1972 . Th e Extant Works o f Aretaeus th e Cappadocian. Boston . (Origi nally publishe d 1856)
Barker, Ernest . 1973 . Th e Politics o f Aristotle. Oxford. (Originall y published 1946 )
Goss, Charle s M. 1962 . "On th e Anatom y o f the Uterus. " Anatomical Record 144 : 77-83.
Hanson, An n Ellis . 1975 . "Hippocrates: Diseases of Women /. " Signs 1 : 567-84.
. 1992 . "Conception an d Gestation i n the Hippocrati c Corpus. " Helios 19 : 31-71.
Jones, W . H. S. 1979-84. Hippocrates. Vols . 1-4 . Loe b Classical Library. Cambridge, Mass.
(Originally publishe d 1923-31) .
Lonie, lai n M . 1981 . Th e Hippocratic Treatises "O n Generation" ; O n th e Nature o f th e
Child; "Diseases 4." Berlin .
May, Margare t T. 1968 . Galen on the Usefulness of the Parts of the Body. Ithaca , N.Y.
Peck, A . L . 1979 . Aristotle XIII: Generation o f Animals . Loe b Classica l Library . Cam bridge, Mass . (Originall y published 1942)
Seigel, Rudolp h E. 1976 . Galen o n th e Affected Parts. Basel.
Staden, Heinric h von . 1989 . Herophilus: Th e Ar t o f Medicine i n Early Alexandria. Cam bridge.
Temkin, Oswei . 1956 . Soranus: Gynecology. Baltimore , Md.
Thompson, D'Arc y W . 1984 . History o f Animals. Book s 1- 9 i n Th e Complete Work s of
Aristotle, edited b y Jonathan Barnes , 1 : 774-984. Princeton , N.J.
WORKS CITE D
Campese, Silvia , Paul a Manuli, and Giuli a Sissa. 1983 . Madre Materia. Turin .
Dean-Jones, Lesley . 1991 . "The Cultura l Construc t o f the Femal e Body in Classica l Gree k
Science." I n Women' s History an d Ancient History, edite d b y Sara h B . Pomeroy ,
111-37. Chape l Hill , N.C.
. 1992 . Women's Bodies in Classical Greek Science. Oxford .
Gourevitch, Danielle . 1984 . Le Mai d'etre femme: L a femme e t l a medecine dans la Rome
antique. Paris.
Joly, Robert . 1978 . Hippocrate. Vol . 13 . Paris.
Hanson, An n Ellis . 1987 . "Disease s o f Wome n i n th e Epidemics. " I n Actes d e colloque
hippocratique 1984 , edite d b y Gerhard Baader and Fran z Steiner, 29-41 . Stuttgart .
. 1990 . "The Medica l Writer's Woman." I n Before Sexuality, edite d b y David Halperin, John Winkler , and From a Zeitlin , 309-38. Princeton , N.J.
FURTHER READING
Betz, Hans Dieter. 1986 . Th e Greek Medical Papyri i n Translation, Including th e Demotic
Texts. Chicago .
Clark, Stephen R. L. 1982. "Aristotle's Women." History of Political Thought 3: 177-91.
Cooper, John M . 1988 . "Metaphysics i n Aristotle' s Embryology." Proceedings of th e Cambridge Philological Society 214 : 14-41.
Dean-Jones, Lesley . 1992 . "The Politic s of Pleasure: Femal e Sexual Appetite i n the Hippo cratics an d Aristotle. " Helios 19 : 72-91.
Hanson, An n Ellis . 1987 . "The Eight h Month Child: Obsit Omen. " Bulletin o f th e History
of Medicine. 61 : 589-602.
Horowitz, Maryann e Cline. 1976 . "Aristotle an d Woman . "Journal o f th e History o f Biology 9 : 183-213 .
King, Helen . 1987 . "Sacrificia l Blood : Th e Rol e of the Amnion i n Ancien t Gynecology. "
Helios 13 : 117-26.
Lefkowitz, Mar y R. 1981 . "The Wanderin g Womb." I n her Heroines and Hysterics, 12-25 .
New York.
Morsink, Johannes. 1979 . "Was Aristotle' s Biolog y Sexist?" Journal o f th e History o f Biology 12:83-112 .
Padel, Ruth . 1983 . "Women : Mode l fo r Possessio n b y Gree k Daemons. " I n Images o f
Women i n Antiquity, edite d b y Averi l Camero n an d Ameli e Kuhrt, 3-19 . Beck enham.
Pomeroy, Sara h B . 1978. "Plato an d th e Femal e Physician (Rep. 454d2). " American Journal o f Philology 99 : 496-500.
Rousselle, Aline . 1988 . Porneia: O n Desire an d th e Body i n Antiquity. Translate d b y
Felicia Pheasant . Oxford.
Sissa, Giulia . 1990 . Greek Virginity. Translate d b y Arthu r Goldhammer . Cambridge ,
Mass.
Staden, Heinric h von. 1992 . "Women, Dir t an d Exotic a i n th e Hippocrati c Corpus." He lios 19 : 7-30 .
II
WOMEN IN
212 WOME
Figure 1. Tombston e (possibl y second o r third century C.E.) o f Volusia Faustina , a citize n from Lincoln ,
in Roma n Britain , wh o ha d been marrie d t o th e militar y officer wh o appear s besid e her .
214
cities an d nativ e village s o f Egypt , whos e dr y sand s hav e pre served s o man y fragmente d archive s with publi c an d privat e records an d letters . Thus , th e discussio n o f th e Hig h Empir e mus t
include more tha n tw o centurie s of women bot h urba n and rural,
from ever y civi l an d socia l status . Chapte r 1 3 opens wit h a por trait galler y o f elit e wives , an d a n interpretatio n o f th e publi c
images o f th e imperia l wome n fostere d b y successiv e emperor s
from Vespasia n to Septimiu s Severus. Acros s the empire , i n Italy ,
Africa, an d th e Gree k East , inscription s hono r th e daughters ,
wives, an d widow s o f leadin g publi c me n fo r thei r benefaction s
and recor d th e statue s an d title s and priesthood s the y receive d i n
return. I n the secon d par t of this far-flun g chapter , w e survey th e
scattered evidenc e fo r educated wome n an d women' s education ,
for th e role s o f wome n i n specialize d domesti c service , i n th e
working worl d o f trade , a s medica l attendants , an d eve n a s
witches. Inscription s rathe r tha n literar y text s illuminat e ho w
slave wome n migh t legall y en d thei r servitud e an d laboriousl y
construct a famil y lif e fo r themselves an d thei r partner s and chil dren. Difficul t a s it i s to recove r th e live s of unlettered hardworking women , th e clas s of ex-slaves ha d goo d reaso n t o b e proud of
its achievements . Becaus e freedme n an d freedwome n see m t o
have bee n particularl y fon d o f recordin g thei r live s o n ston e i n
word an d image , we hav e been abl e to assembl e a mosaic of their
diversity fro m th e epitaph s an d relief s o f thes e centuries . Thei r
lives hav e no t unti l recentl y bee n par t o f history, bu t i t i s hoped
that reader s wil l reac h th e en d o f our stud y wit h a ne w sens e of
interest i n an d sympath y wit h thes e uncelebrate d wome n o f th e
Graeco-Roman world.
WORKS CONSULTE D
Bowman, A . K. , and J. D . Thomas. 1987 . "New Text s from Vindolanda. " Britannia 18 : 125-42.
Haines, C . R. , trans . 1962 . Marcus Cornelius Pronto. Loe b Classica l Library .
Cambridge, Mass .
7
REPUBLICAN ROME I:
FROM MARRIAQE BY CAPTURE
TO PARTNERSHIP IN WAR
THE PROUD WOMEN
OF EARLY ROME
This chapter wil l cove r more than five hundred years, fro m th e foundin g
of Rom e in 75 3 B.C.E. t o 20 2 B.C.E, th e yea r o f Rome's victory i n he r life and-death wa r t o fre e Ital y fro m th e occupyin g force s o f Hanniba l o f
Carthage. Thi s perio d begin s befor e th e accepte d dat e o f th e Homeri c
poems an d end s a centur y afte r th e deat h o f Alexander, bu t i t wa s no t
until th e las t decad e o f the thir d centur y tha t Rome' s relativel y simpl e
culture of farming, war , an d religio n attempte d an y literar y record of its
history. Thu s our knowledg e of women's role s during these five hundred
years depends on a very few simple inscriptions and a much later historical tradition : even Rome' s first historians, Fabiu s Pictor (lat e thir d cen tury) an d th e elde r Cat o (234-14 9 B.C.E. ) onl y surviv e a t secon d hand ,
and the would-be historian o f these centuries must depend on the idealistic reconstruction s o f Livy an d th e Augusta n poets.
According t o th e Romans ' ow n traditio n thei r communit y bega n
without women . I n the days when prince s were little mor e than successful shepherds , Romulus , son o f an Alba n princess, Ilia , b y the go d Mars,
was exposed wit h hi s twin brothe r Remus , suckled by a wolf and brough t
up by the shepher d who rescued the babies . Once he discovered hi s royal
birth an d restore d hi s grandfather to th e kingshi p of Alba, h e lef t wit h
his shepherd band to found a new community on the Palatin e hill by th e
Tiber crossing. Thi s was the futur e cit y of Rome. To increase the numbe r
of fighting men, h e offered asylu m to fugitives fro m nearb y communities .
But only enemies ever suggested that Rom e should find its women amon g
fugitives an d criminals . Roma n legendar y traditionfirs t know n t o u s
from Enniu s (239-16 9 B.C.E.)ha d thei r founde r an d hi s me n seiz e b y
Republican Rome I
217
218 WOME
But agains t thi s vote o f confidence in Rome' s women, w e mus t bal ance th e tal e o f betrayal reporte d b y Liv y i n th e sam e narrative . Whil e
the Sabine s wer e besiegin g the Roma n citadel o n th e Capitolin e hill , a
girl called Tarpeia , wh o was either daughte r of the garriso n commander ,
or a Vesta l virgi n (se e below, unde r "Vesta l Virgins'* ) showe d th e Sa bines a secre t wa y u p t o th e citadel . Whe n sh e aske d a s he r reward ,
"what you wea r o n your lef t arms " (meanin g their gol d bracelets ) the y
Republican Rome I 21
220 WOME
These statues, al l honorific , includ e at leas t one made during the recipient's lifetime (no. 2). She was to have decided where it should be displayed. Th e statu e o f Cloeli a show n o n horsebac k in a typ e tha t ha d
always bee n associate d wit h militar y valor, i s important i n markin g a
new trend, a s is the statu e o f the Vesta l "Taracia." Pliny comments ex plicitly bot h o n th e hono r an d o n th e publi c nature of these image s of
women of the highes t rank i n Republica n society.
Some Earl y Heroine s
Figure 7,3. A terra-colf a statu e of a young woma n (third-centur y B.CE. ) from Latium. Distantly relate d
to the korai of late Archaic Qreece, the serene facial expressio n an d elaborate hai r and ornaments of the
figure demonstrat e the impac t o f outside cultura l influences o n art i n Ital y during the Roman Republic ,
221
222 WOME
cause Cloelia wears the honorifi c garmen t of the mal e citizen (th e toga,
which we kno w was als o onc e wor n by women ) and is depicte d on
horseback, lik e a militar y commander . I t ma y see m strang e tha t sh e
should b e show n mounted , bu t th e pos e ma y hav e bee n adapte d fro m
the Hellenisti c Gree k tradition of depicting queens on horseback, o r perhaps i t implie d hono r fo r he r dee d o f masculin e heroism . Cloeli a ha d
been carrie d acros s th e Tibe r amon g a grou p of nobl e Roma n maiden s
taken hostag e by the Etruscans:
One day, with a numbe r o f othe r girl s wh o ha d consente d t o follo w her , she
eluded th e guards , swa m acros s th e rive r under a hail of of missiles, an d brough t
her compan y saf e t o Rome , where the y wer e al l restore d t o their families .
(Livy. 2.13 ; Selincourt 1960 : 43-44).
Twice in his early histor y Liv y shows the wome n actin g collectivel y
for th e publi c good : th e firs t instanc e wa s th e crisi s o f th e earl y fift h
century whe n th e exile d leade r Marciu s Coriolanu s marche d agains t
Rome a t th e hea d o f a Volscia n army . When a delegation o f the Senat e
and eve n priests could not mak e him relent ,
the wome n o f Rome flocked to th e hous e o f Coriolanus' mother Veturi a an d hi s
wife Volumnia . . . . They succeede d i n persuading the age d Veturi a an d Volumnia, accompanie d b y Marcius' tw o littl e sons, t o go into the enemy' s lines and
make their plea fo r peace.
(Livy 2.40; Selincourt 1960 : 150 )
[The Roma n mothe r commande d respect . A t th e sigh t o f hi s ap proaching mother Coriolanus flinched but wen t t o kis s her an d receive d
this rebuke.]
1 would kno w befor e I accept your kis s whether I have come t o a n enem y o r t o
a son, whether I am her e a s your mother o r a s a prisoner o f war. Hav e my lon g
life an d unhappy ol d age brought m e to this , tha t I should se e you firs t a n exile,
then th e enem y o f your country ? Had you th e hear t t o ravag e the eart h whic h
bore an d bre d you? When Rome was before your eyes , di d not th e though t com e
to you "withi n thos e walls i s my home, wit h th e god s that watc h ove r itan d
my mother an d m y wife an d m y children" ?
(Livy 2.40 ; Selincourt 1960 : 150 )
Republican Rome I 22
Figure 7.4 . A larg e engraved bronz e container, th e Ficoron i cista, dates t o fourth-century B.C.E. Rom e
but wa s foun d i n a tom b i n Palestrina , a nearb y town . I t i s one o f th e earlies t signe d object s fro m
Italy, an d bear s th e nam e of Novios Plautios . The style , a blen d o f late Classical Qree k an d Etruscan
elements, demonstrates the degre e t o which earl y Roman art was shape d by these two cultura l forces.
224
Republican Rome I 22
226 WOME
Republican Rome I 22
228 WOME
family, i t i s not clea r how much she could share in he r husband' s family
cults. Description s o f household ceremonie s t o Vesta and th e Lare s (goddess of the hearth , an d god s of the househol d supplies) , sho w daughter s
rather tha n wive s supportin g th e paterfamilia s in the daily rites .
For a comple x serie s o f financia l an d politica l reasons , th e nata l
family o f a woma n migh t no t wis h t o giv e he r awa y i n a manus marriage. Ther e wa s another , looser , for m o f marriag e without manus , al ready attested t o in the Twelve Tables, Rome's earliest la w code, writte n
around 450.
Any woma n wh o doe s no t wis h t o b e subjected i n thi s manne r t o th e han d of
her husband should b e absent three night s in succession ever y year, an d so interrupt th e usucapio (prescriptiv e right) of each year .
(Table V I of th e XI I Tables, Lewis/Reinhol d I . 10 5 1990: 111 )
Republican Rome I 22
a pun on lucus],
230 WOME
It migh t be said tha t Rom e had subordinate d its goddesses a s it subordi nated its women. Neighborin g cities honored patron goddesses like Diana
of Aricia (th e goddess whose priest-consort had to fight a challenger eac h
year fo r hi s continue d privilege) , o r Juno, represente d o n coin s arme d
and i n goatski n headdress , a s warrior patroness of Lanuvium. Unlike the
Greek goddes s Hera , whos e imager y a s wif e an d mothe r obscure s an y
reference t o a military identity, th e Juno of Lanuvium seems t o draw on
the mode l o f Athena, warrior-goddess , as well a s on loca l Italia n tradi tions. Th e denariu s o f the mid-firs t centur y tha t show s a gir l makin g a
cult offerin g o f food t o Juno's sacred serpen t (Fig . 7.5) confirm s an inci dental allusio n mad e by Propertius, writing in the lat e first century B.C.E .
According t o Propertius , if the serpen t refuse d food , thi s prove d th e gir l
was no t a virgin . Thi s coi n i s on e o f ver y fe w image s o f women' s cul t
activities from th e Republica n centuries.
At Rome , Juno ha d bee n merel y Jupiter's consort , groupe d wit h hi s
child Minerv a in the Etrusca n Trinity tha t occupied th e thre e chamber s
of th e Capitolin e Temple . He r public worship was subordinate d t o tha t
of Jupite r an d cul t act s i n he r hono r see m t o hav e bee n confine d t o
women. Bu t i t woul d b e oversimplifyin g t o spea k genericall y o f
"women's cults. " Noncitizen s wer e exclude d an d eve n citizen-wome n
observed separat e cult s base d o n thei r cast e o r socia l standing . Thu s a
woman bor n t o patrician parent s was herself a patrician unles s sh e married a plebeian ; the n he r caste , lik e he r clan , becam e tha t o f he r
husband.
This cast e divisio n i s reflected in tw o anecdotes , on e reflectin g th e
political implication s o f intermarriage , th e othe r it s religiou s conse quences. Onc e agai n a mal e historia n present s wome n a s motivators o f
political change . Liv y attribute s th e fina l successfu l agitatio n o f th e
leading plebeians fo r access t o th e highes t magistracyth e consulship
to th e jealous y fel t b y one sister , wit h a plebeia n husband , fo r her sib ling, whos e patricia n husban d was consul , an d escorte d b y lictors (Liv y
Republican Rome I
231
Figure 7.5 . Revers e o f a denariu s of L . Roscius Fabatus (64 B.c.E. ) showin g th e feedin g o f the goddes s
Juno's serpent .
232 WOME
One phras e her e deserve s separat e comment : "th e wife o f one man " i s
not a fancy phrase fo r monogamy. I n Roman thinking the Univira, wh o
had slep t onl y wit h on e man , an d neve r remarrie d afte r th e los s o f he r
husband, wa s mos t honore d a s th e sexua l ideal ; bu t th e idea l wa s i n
conflict wit h bot h th e widow' s nee d fo r a socia l protecto r an d society' s
need fo r children; ther e woul d com e a tim e whe n i t wa s overridde n b y
legislation (se e Chapter 11) .
But althoug h th e mas s o f Romans , ric h an d poor , wer e plebeians ,
there was a further divisio n of status marked by both dress and cult . Th e
respectable marrie d matron a wa s t o b e identifie d b y he r lon g stola , a n
overgarment wor n ove r he r dress and covering he r ankles, an d the vitta e
or headband s covering her hair ; this wa s said by later author s t o distin guish he r fro m respectabl e noncitizen s an d fro m th e half-worl d of un married women living by their sex. On a statue of a matron (Fig. 7.6)
from th e tim e o f Augustus (2 7 B.C.E.-14 C.E. ) w e ca n se e th e stol a wit h
its shoulde r straps , rarel y depicte d excep t apparentl y t o hono r ladie s of
a late r er a fo r thei r old-fashione d virtues. Th e stol a an d certainl y th e
vittae see m t o hav e gon e ou t o f fashio n b y th e tim e thi s statu e wa s
made.
In general, noncitize n wome n wer e excluded fro m cul t a s they wer e
from citize n marriage . Bu t i n hi s poe m celebratin g the rite s o f th e Ro man calendar , Ovi d seem s t o invit e marrie d wome n an d freedwome n
alike"Latin mother s an d daughters-in-law, and you wh o lac k th e lon g
overdress an d fillets"t o shar e i n th e ritua l washin g of Venus on Apri l
1. I n hono r o f Fortun a Virili s (Fortun e of men ) al l th e wome n als o of fered incens e an d a drin k o f honeye d mil k an d poppysee d an d bathe d
together i n the men's bath. Ovid explains the ritua l a s guaranteeing tha t
men would be blinded by the goddes s to the bodil y defects of their wom enfolk (Fast i 4.133-60) . Althoug h moder n scholar s hav e sough t t o kee p
respectable an d free-livin g wome n apar t b y distinguishing the tw o ritu als, th e poe t carefull y include s al l wome n i n eac h o f the differen t cul t
acts.
Normally, however , onl y th e religiou s observance s o f the matrona e
are reported . I n th e crisi s of the Hannibali c invasion afte r 21 8 B.C.E. reli gious rite s proliferate d t o reassur e th e civilia n population , an d a serie s
of collectiv e women' s offering s i s recorded ; i n th e firs t yea r o f th e wa r
the matron s gav e a bronz e statu e t o Juno th e Quee n (Liv y 21.62) . Nex t
Republican Rome I
233
Figure 7.6 . Statu e of a matro n fro m Rom e (ca . 2 7 B.C.E . t o 1 4 C.E. ) wearin g a stol a ove r he r tunic, long an d withou t sleeves, th e garmen t may hav e bee n decorate d with stripe s t o indicat e th e ran k of
the woman .
234 WOME
Republican Rome I
235
Senate (se e above); in any case, i t is the only known likeness of a named
woman foun d o n publi c coinag e o f the Republi c and date s fro m th e pe riod o f the civi l wars that ende d th e Republic.
Roman traditio n hel d tha t th e goddes s Vest a ha d n o imag e i n he r
oldest shrin e in th e forum , althoug h a coin o f Cassius Longinu s seems t o
show th e goddes s with he r ritua l ladl e (simpuvium) i n a for m tha t suggests the existenc e o f statuary models . Accordin g to Plin y the Elder , th e
shrine als o containe d a s talismans for the generativ e surviva l of the na tion a sacre d phallu s (fascinum), th e D i Magn i (househol d gods ) o f
Troy, an d a sacred Troja n imag e of Athena know n a s the Palladium . It
would hav e been har d for a man t o verif y thes e details , sinc e th e shrin e
was closed t o al l men. Certainly the Vestal s sacrificed thei r own years of
fertility t o transfe r their power s t o Rom e and th e renewa l o f the genera tions.
Although the Vestals ' relief (Fig . 7.8) fro m a public monument, per haps fro m th e tim e o f Tiberius (14-3 7 C.E.) , i s far late r tha n th e perio d
covered b y this chapter , i t show s a scen e tha t ma y hav e bee n commo n
in th e Republi c also. Th e six Vestals were frequently seen a t publi c banquets an d game s wher e the y receive d specia l seat s o f honor ; the y ha d
the righ t t o mak e their ow n wills , unlik e other wome n o f the time , an d
were treated in some ways like men. On the other han d they were bound
by ritua l an d taboo . I f the sacre d flam e wen t out , i t coul d no t b e reli t
from a n ordinar y firebrand , bu t ha d t o b e rekindled b y rubbing a borin g
stick int o a hole . O n June 5 each yea r th e Vestal s sacrificed a pregnant
heifer, an d rituall y burned both mothe r an d fetus , cleansin g th e templ e
with thes e ashe s an d othe r specia l materials ; during the day s of cleansing fro m thi s sacrific e t o th e Vestali a o n June 1 5 it wa s ill-omene d fo r
any youn g woma n t o marry . Th e Vestals ' uniqu e servic e t o th e stat e
236
Figure 7.8 . Fragmen t of a marbl e relief fro m Rom e showing Vestals banquetin g (ca. 14-37 C.E.). Th e
relief probabl y cam e fro m a publi c monumen t commissioned by the state , althoug h it is no longe r
possible to know it s original location or purpose.
earned special privilege s and penalties , describe d here by Plutarch, writing a t th e beginnin g of the secon d centur y C.E .
They ha d powe r t o mak e a wil l i n th e lifetim e of their father ; they ha d a fre e
administration o f their ow n affair s withou t guardia n or tutor, . . . whe n the y
go abroad they hav e the fasces [ a ceremonial bundle of rods and ax that symbolized power over corporal and capital punishment] carried before them ; an d i f in
their walk s they chanc e t o mee t a crimina l on hi s way t o execution , i t save s
his life, upo n oath mad e that th e meetin g was an accidenta l one , an d no t con certed o r o f set purpose . An y on e wh o presse s on th e chai r on whic h the y ar e
carried is put t o death .
If thes e Vestal s commi t an y mino r faul t the y ar e punishabl e b y th e hig h
priest only, wh o scourges the offender , sometime s with her clothes off, in a dark
place with a curtain drawn between; but sh e that has broken her vow is buried
Republican Rome I 23
In view of the genuin e reverence fel t for this cult, i t is not surprising
that Augustus , when finall y electe d chie f pries t i n 1 2 B.C.E., copie d th e
device of the plebeia n Vergini a and create d hi s own domesti c versio n of
the publi c worship. Augustu s took contro l o f the cul t o f Vesta by incorporating a new shrine of the goddes s into his own residence on the Palatine. Th e empero r thu s identifie d his domesti c heart h wit h th e sexua l
renewal of Rome and he r empire; even as chief priest he might not ente r
the shrine , bu t h e could surely control it s attendants (Bear d 1980) .
Contacts wit h Othe r Culture s
How did it affec t Roma n women when the earl y phases of Roman society
encountered th e influenc e of the Gree k cultures of Sicily and south Italy ?
It used to be thought that acces s to Greek works of art an d mythology a t
Rome in th e years o f Etruscan domination wa s followe d by intellectual
isolation an d cultura l impoverishmen t i n th e earl y Republic , unti l fi nally i n th e thir d centur y Roma n forces in sout h Ital y renewe d contac t
with th e riche r culture s o f Greate r Greec e (Magna Graecia). Mor e recently excavation s i n th e Foru m Boarium , on e o f th e oldes t part s o f
Rome, hav e reveale d fifth-centur y relief s with Gree k mythological sub jects an d encourage d th e belie f that Gree k influence returned quickl y to
Rome, o r was neve r absent.
Although th e lif e o f respectable Greek women in southern Ital y ma y
have been a s circumscribed as in mainland Greece, it i s fully represente d
in art , bot h sacre d an d secular , reveren t an d luxurious . I n souther n It aly, especiall y i n th e cit y o f Locri , th e cul t o f Kor e (th e Maiden ) wa s
associated wit h tha t o f Aphrodite and honore d wit h votiv e terra-cottas
in variou s shapes. Beside s th e figurine s o f the goddes s herself, model s of
naked kneelin g wome n hav e bee n foun d singl y a t th e fee t o f femal e
burials, an d i n mas s deposits alongsid e shrines o f Kor e (Fig . 7.9), whil e
238
Figure 7.9 . Mold-mad e terra-cott a figure s o f kneelin g wome n fro m Loo t fift h centur y B.C.E . Suc h
statuettes came from th e deposit s associated with shrine s o f Kore, as well as fro m women' s burials .
the cla y tablet s o f Locri (see Chapter 1 ) illustrat e every phase of preparation fo r a marriag e either o f the Maide n to Hade s or of a mortal woma n
like those who serve d th e goddess . (Fig . 7.10).
Although Cere s an d Liber a (Proserpina ) wer e identifie d wit h De meter an d Persephone , thei r cult , share d wit h th e Itali c god Liber (Bacchus), an d establishe d a t Rom e a t th e beginnin g o f th e fift h century ,
presents a striking contras t wit h th e Gree k cult. The cult of Ceres seem s
to have bee n a political measur e t o appeas e socia l discontent . Certainl y
Libera/Proserpina di d not hav e an y separate cult , an d the worshi p a t th e
new templ e i n th e Foru m Boariu m wa s primaril y a cul t o f Cere s a s patroness o f Rome's commercial trader s i n wheat an d other imports.
Women's ritual s in Sicily and southern Ital y are also reflected b y th e
many vase s tha t appea r t o celebrat e marriage , an d ma y hav e bee n created a s wedding gift s o r furnishings . Thes e ofte n depic t wome n holdin g
mirrors or puttin g o n thei r jewelry , whil e winge d figures of Eros or Nike
hover benevolentl y aroun d them . On e elaborately ornat e vase-type , th e
lebes gamikos (Fig . 7.11), combine d suc h scene s wit h elaborat e lid s an d
free-standing figurine s o f doves o r cupids (Trendal l 1988) . I t i s clear tha t
women's religiou s an d secula r interest s wer e importan t i n th e Gree k
communities o f souther n Italy . Thei r chie f cult , tha t o f Demete r an d
Persephone, wa s wealth y an d honore d wit h votiv e gifts : thei r weddings ,
Republican Rome I
239
their self-adornment , an d thei r beaut y wer e depicte d o n vase s commis sioned o r produce d fo r mas s retai l sale . Th e sensualit y an d luxur y o f
such artifacts , produce d an d use d i n Gree k communities i n souther n It aly during the thir d centur y B.C.E. , ma y lea d u s to questio n whethe r Roman lif e i n this period was dominated b y the mora l puritanism that late r
writers lik e Cicero , Sallust , an d Liv y clai m fo r th e pas t tha t the y ide alized.
In Rom e and centra l Ital y almos t n o representation s o f women sur vive befor e th e firs t centur y B.C.E. ; eve n i n a funerar y contex t the y ar e
symbolized onl y b y th e plaines t femal e ornament. A pai r o f sandals , a
makeup bo x o r bow l ar e sometime s show n i n relie f o n simpl e ston e funerary cippi , a s markers for the gende r of the dead , paralle l to th e tool s
240
Figure 7.11. Weddin g vas e (lebe s gamikos) fro m Campania , sout h of Rome ,
by the Danaid Painter , showin g a
scene o f women wit h pet s in an inte rior/ date d to th e fourt h centur y B.C.E .
The femal e nudit y depicted here is in
contrast t o Athenian vases , wher e onl y
prostitutes are shown nude .
Republican Rome I 24
242 WOME
WORKS CONSULTE D
Beard, M . 1980 . "The Sexual Statu s o f Vesta l Virgins. " Journal o f Roman Studies 70 :
12-27
, 1989 . wit h J. Nort h and S . F Price, Pagan Priests. Cambridge.
Crook, J. A . 1967 . La w and Life o f Rome. Ithaca.
Degrassi A . 1963-65 . Inscriptiones Latinae Liberae Rei Publicae. Florence.
Evans, J. K . 1991 . War Women and Children i n Ancient Rome. Ne w York.
Gardner, J. F . 1986. Wome n in Roma n Law and Society. Bloomington , Ind .
Pomeroy, S . B. 1976. "The Relationship of the Marrie d Woman to He r Blood Relative s a t
Rome," Ancien t Society 7 : 215-27.
Rawson, B. , ed . 1986 . The Family i n Ancient Rome: New Perspectives. Ithaca, N.Y.
Sailer, R . 1984. "Fami/ia, Domus and th e Roma n Conception o f the Family, " Phoeni x 38:
336-55.
1986. "Patria Potesta s an d the stereotyp e of the Roma n family," Continuit y
and Change 1 : 7-22 .
Trendall, A . D . 1989 . Re d Figure Vases o f South Italy an d Sicily: A Handbook. London .
Watson, A . 1967 . "The Divorce o f Carviliu s Ruga " Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeshiedenis.
33: 38-50.
FURTHER READIN G
Gardner, J. F. , an d T . Wiedemann . 1991 . The Roman Household. Oxford .
Hallett, J . P . 1982. Fathers and Daughters i n Roman Society: Wome n and th e Elite Family. Princeton , N.J.
Lewis, N. , an d M . Reinhol d 198 0 Roma n Civilization Volume I Selected Readings: Th e
Roman Republic an d the Augustan Age. New York.
Scafuro, A . 1989 . "Livy's Comi c Narrativ e o f th e Bacchanalia " i n Studies o n Roman
Women ed. , A . Scafuro, Part 2, Helios Vol. 16.2, 119-42 .
Stehle, E . 1989 . "Venus, Cybel e an d th e Sabin e Women : Th e Roma n Constructio n o f
Female Sexuality" in Studie s on Roma n Women ed., A . Scafuro Part 2: 143-64.
Treggiari, S . 1991. Roma n Marriage: lusti Coniuges. Oxford .
Watson, A . 1971 . Roman Private Law around 200 B.C. Edinburgh.
8
EXCURSUS
ETRUSCAN WOME N
LARISSA BONFANT E
244
Etruscan Women 24
246
Figure 8.2 . Bronz e mirro r engrave d wit h a scene of Turan (Aphrodite ) and Atunis (Adonis) as lovers.
The classica l solemn styl e i s typical of Etrusca n ar t i n th e second half of th e fourth century B.C.E .
Etruscan Women
247
Figure 8.3 . Paintin g fro m th e tom b o f th e Monke y a t Chiusi , lat e sixt h centur y B.C.E. , wit h th e
deceased woma n watchin g funeral game s in her honor .
248 WOME
vows, eac h spouse followe d b y attendants. Throughout , th e archaeologi cal recor d seem s t o expres s women' s hig h socia l statu s alon g wit h th e
distinction i n functio n betwee n the m an d thei r men .
Etruscan monument s an d th e evidenc e of language and inscription s
thus confir m man y o f th e claim s of Gree k and Roma n authors, thoug h
obviously thei r account s als o contai n contemporar y cliche s concernin g
barbarians and thei r luxuriou s lusty lives, a s well a s hostility towar d a n
Etruscan wa y o f life tha t differe d s o much from thei r own. Experiencin g
their differenc e a s a conflic t i n civilization , Greek and Roma n author s
expressed i t i n term s o f attitude s t o se x an d relation s betwee n wome n
and men.
The longes t ancien t literar y passag e w e hav e abou t Etrusca n cus toms come s fro m Theopompus , a Gree k historia n o f th e fourt h centur y
B.C.E. H e wa s startle d b y the m an d dre w th e wors t possibl e conclusio n
from wha t h e sa w an d hear d abou t Etrusca n wome n (th e passag e i s
quoted i n a work by Athenaeus, a late r Gree k author) .
Among th e Etruscans , who wer e extraordinaril y pleasure-loving, Timaeus say s
. . . that th e slave girls wait o n the me n naked. Theopompos, i n the forty-third
book of his Histories, als o says tha t i t i s normal for the Etruscan s to shar e thei r
women i n common . Thes e wome n tak e grea t car e o f their bodie s an d exercis e
bare, exposin g thei r bodie s even befor e me n an d amon g themselves: fo r it i s not
shameful fo r them to appear almost naked. He also says they dine not with thei r
husbands, bu t wit h an y man who happen s to be present; and they toas t anyon e
they wan t to .
And th e Etruscan s raise al l th e childre n that ar e born , no t knowin g wh o
the fathe r i s o f eac h one . Th e childre n als o eventuall y liv e lik e thos e wh o
brought them up , and have many drinking parties, and they to o make love wit h
all th e women .
It i s no shame for the Etruscan s to b e seen havin g sexual experience s . . .
for thi s to o i s normal : i t i s th e loca l custo m there . An d s o fa r ar e the y fro m
considering i t shamefu l tha t the y eve n say , when th e maste r o f th e hous e i s
making love, an d someone ask s for him, that h e is "involved i n such an d such/'
shamelessly callin g out th e thin g by name.
When the y com e togethe r i n partie s wit h thei r relations, thi s i s what the y
do: first, when the y sto p drinking and ar e ready to go to bed, the servant s bring
in t o themwit h th e light s left on!eithe r hetairai, party girls, or very beautiful boys , o r even thei r wives.
When the y hav e enjoye d these , the y the n brin g i n youn g boy s i n bloom ,
who i n tur n consor t wit h themselves . An d the y mak e lov e sometime s withi n
sight o f eac h other , bu t mostl y wit h screen s se t u p aroun d th e beds ; thes e
screens ar e mad e o f woven reeds , an d the y thro w blanket s over them . An d indeed the y lik e t o kee p company wit h women : bu t the y enjo y th e compan y of
boys and young men eve n more .
And their own appearanc e is also very good-looking, because they liv e luxuriously an d smoot h thei r bodies ; fo r all th e barbarian s living in th e Wes t shave
their bodies smooth. . . . They have many barber shops.
(Gulick 1927-41 : 12.517-18 )
Etruscan Women 24
250
and therefor e legitimate and a citizen. Etrusca n art, i n fact , muc h more
than Greek art, an d even before the Hellenisti c period, focused on scene s
of children, often with thei r mothers or their families.
Much more easily confirme d is Aristotle's remark that the Etruscan s
eat wit h thei r wives, reclinin g at tabl e with the m unde r the sam e blanket, an d that their hous e servants, who were very beautiful, dressed bet ter tha n wa s th e custo m o f slaves elsewhere i n th e Classica l world . Sarcophagi an d tom b painting s ofte n represen t decease d couple s joine d
together o n thei r funera l bed s a s on thei r banque t couche s durin g their
lives. Best known, perhaps , are the terra-cott a sarcophagi from Cerveter i
(in Rom e an d Paris ) wit h figure s o f husban d an d wife , wit h archai c
smiles, tenderl y embracin g (Fig . 8.5) : th e sarcophag i o f "Brid e an d
Groom/' a s they ar e usually called in Englis h (they actuall y represen t a
married couple , sposi i n Italian) , an d th e man y couple s a t th e happ y
feasts painte d o n th e wall s o f tomb s a t Tarquinia . Th e blanke t men tioned b y Aristotl e was , lik e a brida l veil today , lon g a symbo l o f th e
bride as well as of marriage. On the well-know n sarcophagus of the Brid e
and Groo m fro m Cerveteri , no w i n Rome , th e mantl e o f th e husban d
that covers the leg s of the wif e i s not visibl e in our illustration . A depiction of a wedding on a relief from Chius i (Fig. 8.6) show s the brida l pair
under a fringe d canopy , togethe r wit h th e priest , i n a ritua l remarkably
like a traditiona l Jewish ceremony i n moder n America. And the typica l
gesture o f th e wif e i n Etruscan , as i n Gree k art , show s he r holdin g th e
veil o r mantl e awa y fro m he r face . Tw o othe r Etrusca n couple s ar e
shown in bed together under the same blanket on sarcophagi from a later
period. One show s husband and wife , idealize d a s classically youn g an d
beautiful an d nake d (Fig . 8.7). T o hav e the m bot h nake d woul d hav e
been a mos t unusua l situatio n i n Greece , wher e nudit y wa s customar y
for men , bu t identifie d wome n a s prostitutes; i t i s understandable i n a n
Etruscan context , wher e th e wome n enjoye d grea t privilege , perhap s
even comparable to that of men.
Figure 8.4 . Cop y of a wall paintin g fro m th e Tomb of the Chariot s (Tomb a dell e Bighe ) a t Tarquinia,
fifth centur y B.C.E. , with me n an d wome n seated togethe r on bleachers , watching game s and contests.
Etruscan Women
251
Figure 8.5 . Terra-cott a sarcophagu s o f a husban d an d wif e fro m Cerveter i o f th e sixt h centur y B.C.E.,
showing th e coupl e on thei r couch. Th e Archaic Ioni c style of the figures shows the Etruscans ' skillfu l
use o f thi s internationa l styl e i n thi s influentia l perio d o f thei r history, whe n the y provide d importan t
models fo r Roman art, religion , an d culture.
252 WOME
Figure 8.6. Limestone relief fro m Chiusi , ca. 500 B.C.E. , showin g a wedding, the coupl e with a priest
under a canop y and musician s playin g in celebration . Again, the them e of the marrie d coupl e shows
how importan t this subject wa s i n aristocratic Etrusca n society.
Figure 8.7 . Li d o f a limeston e sarcophagu s o f th e mid-fourt h centur y B.C.E. , fro m Vulci , a coupl e
recline togethe r a s i f on thei r marriag e bed. Thei r nudit y and th e idealizatio n of th e bodie s suggest s
their closeness in the marriag e bond.
253
254
Etruscan Wome n
255
256
Etruscan Women
257
Figure 8.11 . Painte d terra-cott a sarcophagu s (ca . 150 B.C.E. ) o f a woma n name d Seiant i Hanuni a
Tlesnasa, showing th e richly bejeweled figure of the deceased reclinin g on the lid as on her banqueting
couch. Her gesture , pulling the vei l fro m he r face , i s common fo r brides and wives .
258 WOME
her bones , stil l insid e th e caske t afte r al l thes e years . Scientist s hav e
reconstructed he r face , s o we ca n se e what on e o f the las t o f the grea t
Etruscan ladie s looke d like . Soo n afte r her death, th e sophisticated , lux urious, aristocrati c Etrusca n culture, i n which wome n enjoye d th e kin d
of statu s associate d elsewher e onl y wit h men , disappeare d int o tha t of
the victorious Romans.
TRANSLATIONS
Gary, E . 1937 . Dionysiu s o f Ha/icarnassus : Roma n Antiquities . Loeb Classica l Library .
Cambridge, Mass.
Forster, E . S. 1983 . Isaeus. Loe b Classical Library . Cambridge, Mass.
Gulick, C . B . 1927-41 . Athenaeus: Deipnosophistae. Loe b Classical Library . Cambridge ,
Mass, vol 6 (rev . 1955)
Selincourt, A . de . 1960 . Livy: Th e Early History o f Rome. Book s 1-5 . Harmondsworth ,
Middlesex.
WORKS CONSULTE D
Bachofen, J . J. 1967 . Myth , Religion an d Mother Right. Princeton, N.J . (Originall y pub lished 186 1 and 1870 )
Bartoloni, G . 1989 . "Marriage , Sal e an d Gift . A proposit o d i alcun i corred i femminil i
dalle necropoli populoniesi della prima eta del ferro," 35-54 in Le Donne in Etruria
ed. A . Rallo, Rome.
Bianchi Bandinelli , R. 1982 . L'arte etrusca. Rome.
Bonfante, L . "Etruscan Couple s an d thei r Aristocratic Society." i n Reflections o f Women
in Antiquity, edite d b y Helene P. Foley, 323-43 . New York.
Bonfante, L . 1984. "Dedicate d Mothers. " I n Visible Religion, 3: 1-17 . Leiden .
. 1985a . "Amber, Women and Situla Art." Special issue of Journal o f Baltic Studies,
edited b y Joan Todd , 16 : 276-91.
. 1985b . "Votive Terracotta Figure s of Mothers an d Children. " I n Italian Iron Ag e
Artefacts i n th e British Museum, edite d b y J. Swaddling , 195-201 . Paper s of th e
Sixth Britis h Museum Classical Colloquium. London.
Briguet, M-F . 198 8 L e sarcophage de s epoux d e Cerveteri d u Musee d u Louvre. Paris .
(Enlarged version, Florence , 1969 )
Ehrenberg, V . 1943 . Th e People o f Aristophanes: A Sociology o f Ol d Attic Comedy.
Oxford.
Grottanelli, C . 1987 . "Servi o Tullio , Fortun a e 1'Oriente. " Dialoghi d i Archeologia, 3 d
ser., 5 : 71-110.
Haynes, S. 1989. "Mu/iebris certaminis laus." I n Atti II Congresso Internazionale d i Studi
Etruschi 1985 , 1385-1405 . Rome .
Heurgon, J . 1961 . "Valeurs feminine s e t masculine s dans l a civilisatio n etrusque. " Melanges de rEcole fran^aise a Rome: Antiquite 73: 142-43.
. 1964 . The Daily Life o f th e Etruscans. New York .
Kaimio, J. 1975 . "The Oustin g of Etruscan by Latin in Etruria." In Studies in th e Romanization o f Etruria. Acta Instituti Romani Finlandiae, 5 : 85-245. Rome .
Kajanto, I . 1972 . "Women's Praenomin a Reconsidered. " Arctos 7: 13-30.
Nielsen, M . 1989 . "Wome n an d Famil y in a Changing Society: A Quantitative Approac h
to Late Etruscan Burials." Analecta Romana Instituti Danici 17-18 : 53-98.
. 1990 . "Sacerdotess e e associazion i cultual i femminil i i n Etruria : testimonianz e
epigrafiche e d iconografiche." Analecta Romana Instituti Danici 19-20 : 45-67.
Etruscan Women 25
Peruzzi, E . 1970. "II nome femminile," Tabu onomastici," an d "L a donna nella societa."
In Origini di Roma, 1 : 49-86. Florence .
Pfiffig, A . J. 1975 . Religio Etrusca. Graz.
Rallo, A. , ed . 1989 . Le donne i n Etruria. Studia Archeologica 52 . Rome.
Torelli, M . 1975 . Elogia Tarquiniensia. Florence .
Webster, T. B . L. 1972. Potter and Patron i n Classical Athens. London.
FURTHER READING
Bonfante, L . 1986. Etruscan Life an d Afterlife. 232-78 . Detroit .
, an d G . Bonfante. 1983. Th e Etruscan Language: An Introduction. Ne w York.
Brendel, O . J. 1978 . Etruscan Art. Harmondsworth , Middlesex .
Haynes, S., Th e Augur's Daughter (Londo n 1987).
Macnamara, E . 1973 . Everyday Life o f th e Etruscans. London.
. 1990 . Etruscans. British Museum Blue Books. London.
Pallottino, M . 1975 . The Etruscans. Harmondsworth, Middlesex .
Sprenger, M. , an d G . Bartoloni. 1986. Th e Etruscans. New York .
Steingraber, S . 1986 . Etruscan Painting. New York .
9
REPUBLICAN ROM E II: WOMEN IN A
WEALTHY SOCIETYARISTOCRATIC
AND WORKINQ WOMEN FROM
THE SECON D CENTUR Y B.C.E.
Republican Rome I I 26
think tha t the y wil l b e tolerable ? As soon a s the y begi n t o b e our equal s the y
will be our masters . . . you giv e way to them agains t the interes t o f yourselves,
your estate s and your children . A s soon a s the la w n o longer imposes a limi t on
your wife' s extravagance you certainl y wil l no t b e able to impos e it .
(Livy 34.3.1-3; trans . Elain e Fantham)
More interesting is Valerius's counterclaim, which reviews for us the oc casions from th e earl y Republic when women appeared in public to serve
the state :
In th e beginnin g under Romulus , when th e Capito l wa s take n an d ther e wa s a
pitched battl e i n the forum , di d not th e wome n cal m the fighting by their inter vention between the armies ? After th e expulsion of the king s when th e Volscia n
legions unde r Coriolanu s ha d pitche d cam p a t th e fift h milestone , di d not th e
wives tur n bac k th e enem y forc e tha t woul d otherwis e hav e crushe d th e city ?
To leave ou t pas t history , whe n w e neede d mone y i n th e las t war , di d not th e
widows' fun d hel p out th e treasury , an d whe n th e god s were summone d t o ou r
aid in desperate times , di d not th e wive s set out i n a body t o welcome th e Great
Mother fro m Ida ?
(Livy 34.5.8-10; trans. Elain e Fantham)
262 WOME
Republican Rome I I 26
264 WOME
seems that the disciplinin g of women, eve n for public offenses , wa s still
a famil y rathe r tha n a publi c concern . Thu s i n th e widesprea d scanda l
of th e Bacchanalia n conspiracy (18 6 B.C.E.) wome n foun d guilt y o f participating i n th e allege d orgie s wer e hande d ove r b y the magistrate s t o
their kinsme n fo r punishment . Thi s coul d mea n execution , o r simpl y
confinement o n a countr y estate , wher e the y coul d b e kep t ou t o f th e
public eye . But i f anecdota l evidenc e fo r th e father' s protectio n o f hi s
daughter's chastit y ma y well belon g t o thi s period , ther e ar e signs tha t
married wome n wer e passin g ou t o f their husbands ' control . Whil e th e
military commander was away campaigning for years at a time in Macedonia o r Spain his wife would have a household staf f t o help her manag e
his affairs; admittedl y the la w still require d women to conduct an y legal
business through the intermediary of a male tutor, bu t it became increas ingly commo n fo r wome n t o appoin t thei r ow n puppets , freedman , o r
family client s wh o would do what the y wer e told (cf . Evan s 1991).
The most memorable woman of the Republic stands at the beginnin g
of acceleratin g politica l an d intellectua l change . Corneli a (1807-105 ?
B.C.E.), daughte r o f Scipi o Africanu s an d wif e o f Tiberiu s Semproniu s
Gracchus, wa s widowed afte r sh e had born e twelv e children , onl y thre e
of who m survived . He r daughter Semproni a marrie d th e nationa l her o
Scipio Aemilianus, and he r sons Tiberius and Gaius Gracchus attempte d
social reform s tha t brough t immediat e violence an d prolonge d politica l
change. Rom e had n o royalt y yet , but th e widowe d Corneli a ha d th e
status o f a princess; sh e had eve n refused a n offe r o f marriage from Kin g
Ptolemy o f Egypt . Instead , sh e devote d hersel f t o th e educatio n o f he r
two sons. Sh e brought Greek philosophers, Blossiu s from Cuma e and Diophanes fro m Mytilene , t o educat e th e young men , an d surel y als o con versed with th e scholar s herself.
But there is a conflict in the account s o f Cornelia; w e find it natura l
to assum e tha t sh e encouraged he r son s i n thei r politica l idealis m an d
attempts t o transfe r to Rom e the practice s o f Greek democracy. Ye t by
the en d of the Republic , historians could cite verbatim letters writte n b y
Cornelia t o he r younger so n Gaius denouncing hi s revolutionar y activ ities.
I would venture to take a solemn oath tha t excep t for the me n who killed Tiberius Gracchu s n o enem y ha s give n m e s o much troubl e an d toi l a s you hav e
done becaus e o f thes e matters . Yo u should rathe r hav e born e th e car e tha t 1
should hav e th e leas t possibl e anxiet y i n ol d age , tha t whateve r you di d you
thought i t sinfu l t o d o anythin g o f major importanc e agains t m y views , espe cially sinc e so little of my lif e remains . . . . Wil l our famil y eve r desist fro m
madness? . . . Wil l we ever fee l sham e a t throwin g th e stat e int o turmoi l an d
confusion? Bu t if that reall y canno t be , seek the tribunat e afte r I am dead .
(Excerpt preserved by Cornelius Nepos "On th e Lati n Historians;"
Horsfall 1989 : 43 )
It is a pity t o challenge th e authenticit y o f the earlies t lette r surviving from a Roman lady, an d i n th e pas t thes e letter s have bee n doubte d
Republican Rome I I 26
266
Figure 9.1. Statu e (earl y fourth centur y C.E.) of a woma n o f the Constantinia n cour t (Helena , mothe r
of Constantine! ) tha t may replicat e the seate d statu e of Cornelia, mother o f the Qracchi, the firs t publi c
statue of a Roma n woma n wh o wa s no t a priestess .
Republican Rome I I 26
268 WOME
might b e punished o r sold i f she offended he r mistressperhap s by pleas ing he r maste r to o wella s suggeste d b y the lea d curs e table t fro m th e
Republican perio d aime d a t th e destructio n o f a female slave:
Danae, th e ne w maidservant
of Capito. Accep t this offerin g
and destroy Danae . Yo u have curse d
Eutychia, th e wif e o f Soterichus.
(Degrassi Inscriptiones Latinae
Liberae Rei Publicae II . 1145;
trans. Elaine Fantham)
Figure 9.2 . Tombston e o f a coupl e who wer e free d slaves , fro m a tom b i n Rome , firs t centur y B.CE .
Their name s appea r in inscription s on the ston e tha t would hav e bee n inserte d int o the fron t of a tom b
enclosure/ th e ston e was t o be seen b y passersby .
Figure 9.3 . Tombston e of a famil y group , mother , father , and child , fro m the lat e first century B.C.E .
in Rome .
269
270 WOME
Republican Rome I I 27
272 WOME
Caerellia als o corresponded wit h Cicero , who in his turn wrote routinel y
to provincial governors on behalf of her business interests. H e had reaso n
to oblige her, sinc e he was literall y in her debt (Letters to Atticus 12.51 ;
Shackleton Baile y 1965-66).
Republican Rome I I 27
274 WOME
Republican Rome II 27
tavia obtaine d ove r an d beyon d th e agreemen t twent y swift ships fro m he r hus band fo r he r brothe r an d a thousan d soldier s fro m he r brothe r fo r her husband .
. . . Antony too k wit h hi m Octavia an d his children b y her and Fulvia , and set
off fo r Asia .
(Plutarch, Anton y 35 ; trans. Elain e Fantham)
276 WOME
Republican Rome I I 27
278 WOME
WORKS CONSULTE D
Babcock C. L . 1969. "The Earl y Career of Fulvia" American Journal of Philology 86 : 1-32 .
Beard, M . an d M . Crawford , 1985 . Rome i n th e Late Republic; Problems and Interpretations. London.
, 198 9 with J. Nort h an d S . F. Price, Pagan Priests. Cambridge .
Bradley, K . 199 1 Discovering th e Roman Family. Oxford .
Carp, T . 198 3 "Tw o Matron s o f th e Lat e Republic. " Women' s Studie s VII I 189-200 , re printed fro m H . P . Foley , ed. , (1981 ) Reflections o f Women i n Antiquity. Ne w
York, 343-54.
Coarelli F . 1978 . "L a Statue d e Cornelie, Mer e des Gracches et l a cris e politiqu e a Rome
au temp s d e Saturninus " i n L e Dernier Siecle d e l a Republique Romaine e t L'Epoque Augusteenne. Strasburg 1978 : 13-28 .
Corbier, M . 1991 . "Famil y Behavio r o f th e Roma n Aristocracy : Secon d Centur y B.C. Third Centur y A.D. " Women' s History an d Ancient History, ed . S . B . Pomeroy .
Chapel Hill , N.C . 173-95 .
Crawford, M . 1976 . Roma n Republican Coinage. Cambridge .
Crook, J . A . 1967 . La w and Life o f Rome. Ithaca, N.Y.
Delia, D . 1991 . "Fulvi a Reconsidered, " Women's History an d Ancient History, (se e Cor bier) 197-217 .
Degrassi A . 1963-65 . Inscriptiones Latinae Liberae Rei Publicae. Florence.
Dixon, S . 1984. "Famil y Finances : Tulli a an d Terentia," Antichthon 18 , 78-101.
, 1985 a "Th e Marriag e Allianc e i n th e Roma n Elite, " Journal o f Family History
358-78.
, 1985 b "Polybius o n Roma n women an d Property, " American Journal o f Philology
106: 147-70 .
, 1989 . Th e Roman Mother. Norman , Okla.
Evans, J. K . 1991 . Wa r Women and Children i n Ancien t Rome New York.
Gardner, J. F . 1986 . Wome n in Roma n La w and Society Bloomington , Ind .
Hallett, J. 1977 . "Perusinae Glandes and th e changin g Image of Augustus, American Journal of Ancient History 2 : 151-71.
Kleiner, D . E . E. 1977 . Roman Group Portraiture: The Funerary Reliefs o f th e Late Republic and Early Empire. Ne w York.
Marshall, A . J. 1990 . "Roma n Ladie s on Trial: th e Cas e o f Maesia o f Sentinum" Phoenix
44: 46-59.
Phillips, J. E . 1978 . "Roma n Mother s an d th e Live s of Their Adul t Daughters, " Helios 6:
69-80.
Pomeroy, S . B. 1976 . "The relationshi p o f th e marrie d woma n t o he r bloo d relative s a t
Rome," Ancient Society 7: 215-27.
Rawson, B. , ed . 1986 . Th e Family i n Ancient Rome: New Perspectives. Ithaca, N.Y.
, ed . 199 1 Marriage, Divorce an d Children i n Ancient Rome. Oxford .
Republican Rome I I 27
FURTHER READIN G
Corbier, M . 1991 . "Divorc e an d Adoptio n a s Roman Familia l Strategies , i n Marriage Di vorce and Children i n Ancient Rome ed. , B . Rawson. Oxfor d 47-78 .
Dixon, S . 1991. "Th e Sentimenta l Idea l o f the Roma n Family." In Marriage Divorce an d
Children ed. , B . Rawson 99-113 .
Fantham, E . 1991 . lt Stuprum: Publi c Attitude s an d Penaltie s fo r Sexua l Offence s i n Re publican Rome, " Classical Views/Echos d u Monde Classique 10 : 267-91.
Gardner, J. F . and T . Wiedeman n 1991 . Th e Roman Household. Oxford .
Hallett, J. P . 1982. Fathers and Daughters i n Roman Society: Women an d th e elite family
Princeton, N.J .
Treggiari, S . 1981 . "Concubinae," Papers o f th e British School a t Rome 49 : 59-81.
1991. Roman Marriage: lusti Coniuges. Oxford .
Watson, A . 1967 . Th e La w o f Persons in th e Later Roman Republic. Oxford .
1971. Roman Private La w around 20 0 B.C. Edinburgh.
10
EXCURSUS
THE "NEW WOMAN":
REPRESENTATION AN D REALIT Y
Chapter 9 has shown how Rom e came under the influenc e of both Etrus can cultur e i n it s first three hundre d years an d wa s introduce d i n th e
second centur y B.C.E . t o th e socia l customs of Greece and th e Hellenize d
lands of Asia minor. Yet, although Rome became increasingly Hellenized
during the las t century of the Republic , it was still predominantly a society suspiciou s of sexual pleasure, and remot e from an y concep t o f lov e
as a passion bringing joy an d sorrow .
The symposium is the onl y contex t i n Gree k society o r literature i n
which me n associate d with women who live d by their charms and thei r
sexuality, bu t thes e women were not equa l partners; instead, the y were
usually hired , eithe r a s musician s fo r collectiv e entertainmen t o r a s
short-term sexua l companion s fo r individua l guests (Fig . 10.1) . Thes e
marginalized wome n had n o other rol e i n society; t o b e an unprotecte d
foreigner wa s at times little better than the position of a slave (see Chapter 3).
As i n Greece , so in Rom e well-born wives were differentiate d fro m
the shadow y foreig n o r freedwome n who live d b y thei r sexua l charm .
But respectable Roman women had alway s been accepted at socia l occasions among their own class; hence there was not the clea r dividing line
between the "respected " domestic wife an d the exploite d outside r famil iar fro m Gree k society. T o judge from ou r sources in the las t years of th e
republic, th e mor e independent women o f good family wer e no w beginning to decide for themselves what kind of social occasion they enjoyed .
Both i n ostensibl y factua l texts an d i n imaginativ e writing a ne w kin d
of women appear s precisely a t th e tim e o f Cicero an d Caesar : a woma n
in hig h position , wh o nevertheles s claim s fo r herself th e indulgenc e i n
sexuality of a woman of pleasure. The them e o f this chapter i s this new
pattern o f femal e behavio r and it s influenc e o n th e celebratio n o f love
and submission to women in Roman poetry between the tim e of Catullus
281
Figure 10.1 . Qree k red-figur e vas e mad e in Athens , lat e sixt h centur y B.C.E. , signe d by Smikros / o n
the bod y are depicte d a flut e playe r and a hetair a amusin g th e mal e guests at a symposium .
282 WOME
284 WOME
mation o f hi s abusiv e accusations i n th e accoun t o f he r wa y o f lif e of fered b y anothe r mal e source , Cicero , wh o ha s caus e t o reinterpre t he r
relationship with Catullus' s successor. Fo r "Lesbia," the nam e chosen for
his Roma n mistress b y Catullus , a s a n admire r o f Sappho , i s generall y
believed t o hav e bee n th e noblewoma n Clodia , perhap s ten years Catul lus's elder. Clodi a wa s first wife, the n widow , o f the stuffed-shir t Metel lus Celer. Afte r sh e lef t Catullus , sh e wen t o n t o a n equall y intens e affair wit h anothe r brillian t youn g ma n fro m ou t o f town , M . Caeliu s
Rufusperhaps th e ver y Caelius addressed in poem 58. Caelius was prosecuted fo r politica l violenc e i n 5 4 B.C.E., an d Cicero , a s defending coun sel, diverte d th e jur y awa y fro m Caelius' s probabl e guil t b y attributin g
the prosecutio n t o Clodia . H e portrayed th e charge s a s th e malic e o f a
jilted lover , an d depicted he r as little mor e than a high-class harlot. Cic ero's versio n show s u s th e daughte r o f on e o f Rome' s nobles t familie s
claiming the sexua l freedo m of a woman wit h n o social standing t o lose,
and makin g no effort t o conceal he r behavior"a woma n no t just nobl e
but notorious " (Fo r Caelius 32) ; Caelius' s accuser s hav e supposedl y re proached hi m wit h th e "passions , lov e making , adulteries , visit s t o
Baiae, beac h picnics , partie s an d revelling , songs , choruse s an d boat trips" of la dolce vita (35) , an d Cicer o i n tur n shame s Clodi a wit h th e
life-style h e claims she has taught Caelius.
Clodia wa s fro m a famil y s o nobl e i t coul d b e indifferen t t o bour geois publi c opinion , an d he r brother , Publius , a maveric k demagogue ,
was Cicero' s mos t dangerou s politica l enemy . I t i s into hi s mout h tha t
the advocat e put s hi s most damnin g insults .
Imagine that your young brother i s talking to you. "Wh y ar e you stormin g an d
raging, sister , wh y ar e you crazy ? [H e breaks into a well-know n comi c verse. ]
Why mak e a small affair see m great by kickin g up a fuss ?
You se t your eye s on the young next-door neighbour ; his health an d heigh t
and goo d look s excite d you ; yo u wante d t o se e mor e o f him ; yo u ofte n go t
togther in your gardens . You want t o kee p this dependent son of a stingy father
tied t o you b y your purs e strings. You can't manag e it; h e kick s and spit s an d
drives you off . He doesn't thin k your present s ar e worth it . S o take yourself of f
some place else! You have your gardens by the Tiber carefully locate d jus t wher e
all th e youn g blade s come t o skinn y dip . Yo u can pic k up a partne r ther e an y
day. Wh y bother thi s fellow wh o reject s you?"
(36; trans . Elain e Fantham)
286 WOME
"I ha d n o ide a sh e woul d b e there . Bu t afte r all , even Aristippu s the Socrati c
did no t blus h when someon e twitte d hi m wit h keepin g Lais as his mistress: Lai s
is m y mistress , h e sai d bu t I' m m y ow n master . A s for me , eve n whe n I wa s
young I was never attracte d b y anything of that sort . . . "
(Letters t o hi s friends 9.26 (197) ; Shackleton Baile y 1978 )
Horace, wh o enjoy s imaginin g a pleasan t privat e dinne r wit h a gir l lik e
Cytheris, feed s hi s mora l indignatio n wit h th e imag e o f a youn g wif e
who slip s fro m th e dinin g tabl e t o oblig e a wealth y guest , apparentl y
condoned b y her husband:
Soon she's pursuin g young philanderers
among her husband' s guests. Careles s of whom
she chooses, hugger-mugge r she confers
the illici t pleasur e in a half-lit room ,
only th e husban d seeming not t o note ,
at an y man' s command sh e leaves her place,
pedlar or captain of some Spanis h boat
whoever pay s th e pric e of her disgrace .
(Horace, Odes 3.6; Michie 1963: 149 )
In Lati n lov e poetr y th e part y i s a share d pleasur e of men an d girls ; Catullus invite s Fabullu s t o brin g hi s lovel y ladyan d al l th e foo d an d
wine becaus e th e poe t i s penniless (13) . Propertiu s boasts o f his success ,
"lording i t a s a gues t amon g th e girls " (2.30.16) , bu t mark s the en d of
his affai r b y imaginin g th e mocker y behin d hi s bac k a t al l th e dinne r
parties: " I wa s th e lates t afte r dinne r joke : everybod y ha d thei r Prop ertius story" (3.25.1-2 ; Warde n 1972: 9). Ovid imagines a new seductio n
at suc h a party .
"So your man' s going to b e present a t th e dinne r party?
I hop e h e drops down dea d befor e the dessert .
Does this mea n n o hands , just eye s (an y chance guest' s privilege)
just t o loo k a t m y darling while he
lies there wit h you besid e hi m in license d embracemen t
and paw s your boso m o r neck as he feels inclined? " . . .
When h e pats the couch , pu t o n your respectable-wif e expression
and tak e your place besid e himbu t nudg e my foot
as you're passin g by. Watch out fo r my nods and eye-talk
pick u p my stealthy messages , sen d replie s . . .
(Amores 1.4.1-4 , 15-18 ; Green 1982 : 89-90 )
One poemthe last i n which Propertius recalls Cynthiaconveys to
the ful l th e rang e o f lif e i n thi s half-worl d o f Rome's Bohemians . It be gins wit h Cynthia' s departur e wit h a n effet e admire r o n a n excursio n
to Lanuvium:
It's ther e tha t Cynthi a went , drivin g a
team o f ponies, elegantl y clipped , on a visit
(so she said) t o Juno, thoug h th e goddes s she was serving
sounded mor e lik e Venus. Yo u saw it , Appia n Way, how wa s it?
288 WOME
290
Figure 10.2 . Mol d for a clay vase (ca . 30 B.C.E. ) showin g Hercule s and Omphale, the Lydia n queen
with whom Hercule s wa s forced to trade clothing a s part of his expiation fo r murder. The vase , called
Arretine becaus e th e origina l cente r o f productio n fo r thes e lat e Republica n an d earl y Imperia l relie f
wares wa s Arezzo , come s fro m th e worksho p o f Perennius / thi s sho p seem s t o hav e specialize d i n
highly Classicizing image s of lovers, mythological an d idealized.
cal" and hi s prescriptive love poetry . H e took car e that hi s tales o f Corinna, includin g he r infidelitie s to himsel f an d t o hi s rivals, coul d no t b e
reconstructed t o sugges t a livin g woman i n a define d socia l milieu ; an d
he took painsbu t no t quit e enought o direct hi s teaching of seductio n
in th e Ar t o f Love ( 2 B.C.E. ) awa y fro m respectabl e women , ostensibl y
encouraging youn g me n onl y i n th e permitte d pursui t o f noncitize n
"easy" women .
Aid m y enterprise, Venus ! Respectable ladies, th e kin d wh o
wear hairband s and ankle-lengt h skirts,
are hereb y warne d off. Safe love , legitimat e liaisons
will b e my theme. Thi s poem break s no taboos .
(Art o f Love 1.31-34 ; Gree n 1982: 89-90)
Had Ovi d gon e to o far ? Hi s scandalous advic e migh t stil l hav e brough t
no troubl e upo n him , i f ther e ha d bee n n o scanda l i n hig h places . Bu t
the real-lif e Clodi a an d Sempronia found their successors, an d it was part
of society' s vengeanc e upo n Augustu s that hi s onl y child , Julia, shoul d
shame him . A s Octavian, h e had divorced he r mother Scriboni a the ver y
day that he r female child Julia was born. Ye t according to the early fifthcentury antiquaria n Macrobius, Julia survived neglect an d grew up wit h
"a lov e of literature an d muc h learning, easily accessibl e i n tha t home, "
and charme d by her mild courtesy an d lac k of cruelty (Saturnalia 2.5.2) .
She woul d dutifull y accep t a n earl y betrotha l b y he r fathe r t o hi s
nephew (wh o then died) , the n marriag e to his closest friend , th e middleaged Agrippa , by who m sh e bor e fiv e livin g children, an d o n Agrippa' s
death, a fina l enforce d marriag e to he r father' s stepson an d Livia' s son ,
Tiberius, wh o lef t he r an d Rom e to liv e at Rhodes . As mother o f the tw o
adopted Caesars , Gaiu s and Lucius , Juli a ha d bee n publicl y honore d b y
her fathe r for her wifely fertility, bu t even durin g her "happy " marriage
to Agrippa , she boasted o f ensuring that sh e conceived onl y hi s children
by limiting he r lover s t o th e month s whe n sh e was alread y pregnant : " I
never tak e o n a passenge r unles s the shi p is full" (Macrobiu s 2.5.9 Richlin 1992 : 72). This an d othe r witty retorts quoted b y Macrobius, and derived fro m th e Augusta n epigrammatis t Domitiu s Marsus , reflec t th e
more sophisticate d attitud e t o women' s sexualit y o f poets lik e Ovid an d
of Julia's ow n circl e i n Rome . They sho w Julia hersel f opposing he r con ception o f wha t wa s righ t fo r "Caesar' s daughter"luxury , elegance ,
292 WOME
Hinds, S . 1988 . "Generalizin g about Ovid. " I n Th e Imperial Muse, edite d b y A. J. Boyle,
4-31. Victoria, Australia.
Mack, S . 1988 . Ovid . New Haven , Conn.
Richlin, A . 1992 . "Julia's Jokes. Gall a Placidi a and th e Roma n Use of Women as Political
Icons. I n Stereotypes o f Wome n in Power: Historical Perspectives an d Revisionist
Views, edite d b y B . Garlick, S. Dixon, an d P . Allen, 65-91. New York.
Snyder, J. 1989 . Th e Woma n and th e Lyre: Women Writers in Classical Greece and Rome.
Carbondale, 111 .
Veyne, P . 1988 . Roman Erotic Elegy. Translate d b y J. Pellauer . Chicago.
Wyke, M . 1987 . "Written Women : Propertius ' Scripta Puella." Journal o f Roman Studies
77: 47-61.
. 1989 . "I n Pursui t of Love : The Poeti c Sel f an d th e Proces s o f Readin g Augustan
Elegy i n th e 80's. " Journal o f Roman Studies 79 : 165-73.
Zanker, P . 1988 . "Riva l Images : Octavian, Anton y an d th e Struggl e for Sole Power. " I n
his Th e Power of Images i n th e Ag e o f Augustus, translated b y A. Shapiro, 33-78.
Ann Arbor , Mich.
FURTHER READIN G
Chisholm, K. , an d J . Ferguson . 1981 . Rome i n th e Augustan Age. Oxford , [sourceboo k
for texts ]
Ferrill, A. 1980 . "Augustu s an d Hi s Daughter: A Modern Myth." In Studies i n Latin Literature an d Roman History , edite d b y C. Deroux, 2 : 332-46. Brussels.
Kleiner, D . E . E . 1992 . "Politics an d Gende r i n th e Pictoria l Propagand a o f Antony an d
Octavian," Echos du Monde Classique 36, n.s. 11 : 357-67.
Luck, G . 1969 . Latin Love Elegy. Edinburgh.
Lyne, R . O. A . M . 1980 . Th e Latin Love Poets. Oxford.
Thibault, J. C . 1964 . Th e Mystery o f Ovid's Exile. Berkele y and Lo s Angeles.
Wilkinson, L . P. 1962 . Ovid Surveyed. Cambridge .
Wiseman, T . P . 1985 . Catullus an d Hi s World. Cambridge.
Woodman, T., and West , D. 1984 . Poetry an d Politics in th e Age o f Augustus. Cambridge.
Wyke, M . 1992 . "Augustan Cleopatras : Femal e Power an d Poeti c Authority. " I n Roma n
Poetry an d Propaganda i n th e Ag e o f Augustus, 98-14 0 edite d b y A . Powell ,
Bristol.
11
WOMEN, FAMILY, AND SEXUALIT Y
IN TH E AQE OF AUQUSTUS
AND TH E JULIO-CLAUDIANS
In thi s chapter , w e concentrat e o n th e wa y ou r source s represen t mar riage, family , an d sexualit y i n th e firs t eight y year s o f th e Imperia l
period. The Principate , the perio d fro m th e accessio n o f Augustus as emperor i n 2 7 B.C.E. t o 6 8 C.E. an d th e deat h o f Nero, th e las t o f th e Julio Claudian lin e descende d fro m Augustu s and hi s wife Livia, is extraordi narily ric h i n wonderfu l ar t an d literature . Ou r source s i n thi s chapte r
include Virgil's Aeneid, th e elegan t an d classicizin g sculpture of the Ar a
Pacis Augusta e (Alta r o f Augusta n Peace), an d th e poem s o f Ovid . I n
addition, historian s suc h a s Suetoniu s hav e muc h t o sa y abou t th e pe riod, lega l text s remai n wit h plentifu l information about th e law s con cerning marriag e an d adulter y (although , o f course , the y leav e ou t
much, includin g informatio n about faile d attempt s a t legislatio n an d a
sense o f the rang e of responses t o individua l laws), an d inscription s provide u s wit h a notio n o f th e idea l standard s o f conduc t fo r upper-clas s
women. A t the sam e time tha t thi s material offers u s a sense of the com plexities o f personal conduc t an d publi c ideology in th e period , w e fac e
the usua l problem s of tryin g t o writ e abou t wome n fro m source s mad e
almost exclusivel y b y men ; onl y Sulpicia' s poems preserv e a woman' s
voice. And , a s ever, th e wome n o f the lowe r classes , slav e women, an d
noncitizen women ten d to receive little attention fro m me n whose word s
and patronag e tende d t o focu s primaril y on th e representatio n o f thei r
own kind . Muc h was invisibl e to the m sinc e i t fel l outsid e th e rang e of
their glances .
Marriage
Moral Revival in the Time of Augustus
Captured i n stone , th e famil y o f th e empero r Augustu s moves i n quie t
procession towar d th e alta r a t whic h the y wil l offe r a sacrifice in hono r
295
Figure 11.1 . Th e Imperia l famil y i n a processio n on th e Ar a Paci s Augustae i n Rom e (13-9 B.C.E.) .
The messag e o f dynasti c continuit y emerges clearl y through the presenc e o f women an d childre n i n
the unusua l contex t of a state monument.
296
The Augustan emphasis on reproduction tha t underlie s th e represen tation o f family on th e Ar a Pacis , seem s t o b e present i n othe r part s of
the altar , too . A panel , it s imager y redolen t o f lus h materna l nurtur ance, show s a woma n wit h tw o infant s surrounde d b y plants , wate r
birds, an d animals . I n the pane l showing Aeneas about t o sacrifice a sow
and he r sucklin g youn g (Fig . 11.2) , th e imager y o f fertilit y combine s
with th e fulfillmen t o f a n oracle' s prediction ; i n Virgil' s Aeneid
(3.390-98 and 8.81-84 ) thi s sig n tells Aenea s that h e ha s foun d hi s ne w
homeland i n Italy , where , a s i n th e ric h plan t lif e tha t decorate s th e
lower panel s o f th e altar , ric h growt h an d ne w lif e flourish . Th e alta r
comes a t a tim e whe n Augustu s was apparentl y engage d i n a multifac eted progra m of political an d mora l revitalizatio n o f the Roma n people ;
a ke y part o f this campaig n was hi s attemp t t o polic e sexua l behavior ,
presumably t o rais e th e rat e o f legitimat e (tha t is , citizen ) births . Hi s
new legislation o n marriage and adulter y (se e below) testifie s to the emperor's desire t o control privat e behavior, especially wha t wa s perceive d
by some a s the sexua l irresponsibilit y o f the Roma n upper classes .
The Ag e o f Augustus 29
298 WOME
300 WOME
Venus rule s i n he r Aeneas ' city . Th e lovel y ladie s ar e a t play ; th e onl y chast e
ones are those no one has courted.
(Ovid, Amores 1.8.35-44 ; trans. Natalie Kampen )
Clearly, sex with a free marrie d woman could cause a man som e terribl e
problems. However, adultery was defined b y law an d custom a s sex with
a marrie d woman othe r tha n one' s wife ; a fre e ma n still ha d sexua l ac cess legall y t o hi s slaves , t o wome n whos e wor k a s prostitute s o r bar maids pu t the m outsid e th e law' s concern , an d t o concubines . Non e of
these cases counted a s adultery for him, althoug h a married woman wa s
an adulteres s i f sh e ha d se x wit h anyon e bu t he r husban d (Digest
48.5.1).
An odd footnote t o the principl e that adulter y was extramarital sex
by a married woman appear s in Seneca' s discussio n o f adultery an d lus t
in a tex t o n lega l controversies; th e autho r present s model s o f disputation tha t ma y or may not b e based on reality. I n one he mentions a cas e
of "th e ma n wh o caugh t his wife an d anothe r woma n i n be d and kille d
them both " (Senec a th e Elder , Controversie s 1.2.23 ; Winterbotto m
1974). Tha t wome n ha d sexua l relationship s with on e anothe r i s rarely
alluded t o b y mal e authors , an d the n usuall y i n s o veiled o r unclea r a
way a s to mak e the whol e question especiall y difficult . Whe n Ovid tells
the tal e o f Iphis , a gir l brough t u p a s a bo y who fall s i n lov e wit h his /
her betrothed, h e has the hero(ine ) complai n bitterly t o th e god s abou t
the cruelt y o f he r fate ; sh e call s he r feeling s an d he r identit y "mon strous" an d rejects the pleasur e of the homoerotic . Th e gods give her one
of the rar e happy endings for a woman in the Metamorphose s when the y
turn he r int o a ma n o n he r weddin g da y (Ovid , Metamorphoses 9 .
666-791). Martial , writing at th e star t o f the secon d century , make s explicit referenc e to th e wome n wh o behav e like men an d hav e sex wit h
girls a s well a s boys (Martial , Epigrams 1.9 0 and 7.67) , an d s o does th e
The Ag e o f Augustus 30
Greek poet Lucian , whose courtesa n won't tel l he r curious friend exactl y
what tw o wome n d o in be d (Dialogues o f th e Courtesans 5) . The veile d
references an d insinuation s ma y ad d u p t o just on e mor e for m o f libertine behavio r a s th e writer s procee d wit h thei r usua l castigatio n o f female frivolity .
In a voic e of deepest seriousness , th e philosophe r Seneca , writin g t o
his mothe r fro m hi s exile i n Corsica , wher e h e seems t o hav e bee n sen t
because o f accusation s o f adulter y wit h Caligula' s siste r Juli a Lucilla ,
lays out a striking yet typica l landscap e of sexual irresponsibility :
Unchastity, th e greates t evi l of our time , ha s neve r classed you wit h th e grea t
majority o f women ; jewel s hav e no t move d you , no r pearls ; t o your eye s th e
glitter o f riches ha s no t seeme d th e greates t boo n o f the huma n race; you, wh o
were soundl y traine d i n a n old-fashione d an d stric t household , hav e no t bee n
perverted b y th e imitatio n o f wors e wome n tha t lead s eve n th e virtuou s int o
pitfalls; you hav e never blushed for the numbe r of your children, as if it taunte d
you wit h you r years , neve r hav e you, i n th e manne r o f other wome n whos e
only recommendatio n lie s in thei r beauty, trie d t o conceal your pregnanc y as if
an unseeml y burden , no r hav e you eve r crushed the hop e of children tha t wer e
being nurture d i n you r body ; yo u hav e no t defile d you r fac e wit h paint s an d
cosmetics; neve r hav e yo u fancie d th e kin d o f dres s tha t expose d n o greate r
nakedness by being removed.
(Seneca, Consolation t o his Mother 16.3-5 ; Basor e 1964/1979 )
302 WOME
the beloved , comes through the writing s of the doctor Soranu s who practiced medicin e in Rom e in th e late r first century, C.E . H e discusses contraception an d abortion , giving preferre d method s for both; h e indicate s
that opinio n wa s divided in the medica l community abou t th e permissibility of abortion :
For one party banishes abortives , citin g the testimon y o f Hippocrates who says:
"1 will give to n o one a n abortive" ; moreover, because it i s the specifi c tas k of
medicine to guard and preserve what ha s been engendered by nature. The other
party prescribes abortives, but with discrimination, that is, they do not prescribe
them when a person wishes to destroy the embry o because of adultery or out of
consideration fo r youthful beauty ; bu t onl y t o preven t subsequen t dange r i n
parturition i f th e uteru s i s small an d no t capabl e of accommodating th e com plete development, or i f the uteru s a t it s orific e ha s knobbl y swellings an d fissures, o r i f som e simila r difficult y i s involved . An d the y sa y th e sam e abou t
contraceptives a s well, an d we too agre e with them .
(Soranus, Gynecology 1.19.60 ; Temkin 1956)
Soranus's position a s a professiona l doctor mean t that h e sa w a s his patients wealth y wome n an d thei r value d slaves rather tha n thos e whos e
poverty migh t hav e motivate d thei r desir e t o limi t th e numbe r o f children the y had ; similarly, h e considere d legitimat e th e medica l rathe r
than socia l o r emotiona l reason s for a woman t o requir e an abortio n o r
to use contraception. I t does not follo w that contraception an d abortio n
were inaccessibl e to poo r wome n throug h midwives , o r that upper-clas s
women avoide d suc h practice s excep t fo r medica l reasons . Essentially ,
both i n th e medica l world an d in th e worl d of the poet , sexuality , mal e
and female , was unde r scrutin y an d th e subjec t o f some disagreement ,
predictable i n a time o f social an d political transformation .
Legal Definitions and Prescriptions on Marriage and Adultery
It i s i n thi s contex t o f changing sexual standard s that Augustus' s ne w
legislation o n marriag e an d adulter y wa s writte n an d th e Ar a Paci s
carved. They came on the heel s of changes in custom tha t had gradually
removed th e vaunte d absolut e power o f th e fathe r o f a famil y ove r al l
his male and femal e dependents ; by the lat e Republic , for example, fe w
marriages followed the ol d pattern i n which a father passed his daughter
and her property into the absolut e control o f her husband and his family.
Paternal powe r over lif e an d death , powe r to forc e a son or daughte r t o
divorce, an d famil y judgmen t and punishmen t of the civi l crime s of it s
dependent member s all became less common tha n th e text s suggest the y
were in th e earl y Republi c (Rawson 1986 : 1-57 and 121-44) .
The Augusta n laws , designe d t o penaliz e thos e citizen s wh o re mained unmarrie d o r childles s (wome n betwee n twent y an d fift y an d
men afte r th e ag e of twenty-five (se e below) an d thos e who committe d
adultery o r married women o r men o f the "wrong " social ran k or statu s
(see below), ha d a s their ostensible goals the mora l revitalization o f th e
upper classes, th e raisin g of the birt h rate amon g citizens, an d the polic -
The Ag e o f Augustus 30
304 WOME
The Ag e o f Augustus 30
What may be indicated in these laws is a relaxation of paternal control ove r marriages among the citizen s of Rome. Such contro l wa s exercised by the empero r in his arrangements for his daughter Julia, although
she clearly managed to circumven t other form s o f control fo r a while .
Julia wa s betrothe d firs t t o Mar k Antony's son an d the n t o Cotiso , Kin g of th e
Getans, whos e daughte r Augustu s himself proposed t o marr y in exchange ; o r so
Antony writes . Bu t Julia's first husband was Marcellus , his sister Octavia' s son ,
then hardl y mor e than a child; and , when h e died, Augustu s persuaded Octavi a
to le t he r becom e Marcu s Agrippa's wifethough Agripp a was no w marrie d t o
one o f Marcellus's tw o sisters , an d ha d fathere d childre n o n her. 2 A t Agrippa's
death, Augustu s cast abou t fo r a ne w son-in-law , even i f he were only a knight,
eventually choosin g Tiberius , hi s step-son; thi s meant , however , tha t Tiberiu s
must divorce hi s wife, who ha d alread y given him a n heir .
(Suetonius, Augustus 63-65; Graves 1957)
306 WOME
The law permitted wome n t o bring third-party accusations agains t adulterous husbands but grante d only t o me n th e righ t to accus e a spouse of
adultery an d t o divorce or to kil l a n adulterou s wife (o r to kil l an adulterous daughter ) foun d i n flagrante (unde r certai n circumstances) .
Thus, th e ne w law s wer e no t intende d t o brin g equalit y t o me n an d
women but rather (ostensibly ) to regulate sexuality, to bring it into lin e
with th e standard s of an idealize d righteou s past . Thes e law s als o mus t
have made clear to th e senatoria l aristocracy that a new ag e was beginning, on e i n whic h th e stat e woul d increasingl y intervene i n famil y af fairs i n a n attemp t t o enforc e what i t characterize d a s a retur n t o ol d
social values.
It i s unclear how the Augusta n laws actually affected women' s lives
since th e lov e poetr y an d satir e o f the perio d d o not explicitl y mentio n
these law s an d th e firs t reference s to the m b y historian s com e onl y i n
the lat e first century C.E. Suetonius, writing in his life of Augustus at th e
end o f th e firs t centur y C.E. , tell s u s tha t th e empero r "wa s unabl e t o
carry i t (th e Lex Julia) ou t becaus e of an ope n revol t agains t its provisions, unti l h e ha d abolishe d or mitigated a part of the penalties , beside s
increasing th e reward s [fo r mor e children ] an d allowin g a thre e years *
exemption fro m th e obligatio n to marr y afte r th e deat h o f a husband or
wife" (Suetonius , Augustus 34.1; Rolfe 1970) .
Other source s indicat e tha t th e Le x Papia Poppaea, t o whic h thi s
passage of Suetonius refers, stipulate d tha t tw o years was the maximu m
allowable delay for remarriage:
The Le x Julia allow s wome n a respit e fro m it s requirement s for one yea r afte r
the deat h o f a husband , an d fo r six month s afte r a divorce: bu t th e Le x Papia
allows a respit e fo r tw o year s afte r th e deat h o f a husban d an d fo r a year an d
six months afte r a divorce."
(Ulpianus, Epitome 14 ; Abdy and Walke r 1876)
The Ag e o f Augustus 30
308 WOME
Figure 11.3. Portrai t bust o f the em press Livi a from Egypt , ca . 4-14 C.E.
The simpl e hairstyle and crispl y ideal ized feature s are typica l of the portrait s
made while Augustus wa s stil l alive .
Figure 11.4. Portrai t bus t of Livia fro m Rome , after 1 4 C.E. , the year Augustus died . The mor e elabo rate hairstyl e and th e diade m signa l her statu s as luli a Augusta , adopte d int o Augustus's ow n hous e
and sharin g i n hi s status, - th e diade m ma y als o connec t Livi a wit h Ceres , th e fertilit y goddess , a
connection mad e usefu l politicall y by th e fac t tha t in th e year 14 he r so n Tiberius inherited the throne .
309
310
comes throug h i n th e storie s abou t he r rol e i n advancin g favore d mem bers of the cour t (Suetonius , Augustus 84.2 and Claudius 4.1) .
With Agrippina the Younger , we have an imperial woman wh o use d
her mother' s imagery t o foste r he r ow n politica l interests (Woo d 1988) .
Before sh e fel l fro m favo r wit h he r so n Ner o who sen t he r int o exile ,
Agrippina th e Younge r is said t o hav e wante d th e powe r t o rul e a s his
regent; sh e used th e imager y of her mothe r t o support he r claims . Agrippina th e Elder , wife o f Germanicus and mothe r o f Caligula an d hi s siste r
Agrippina, wa s a centra l figur e i n th e dynasti c sequence , a s w e hav e
already seen , bot h becaus e o f he r connectio n wit h Augustu s an d be -
cause, persecute d b y Tiberius , sh e distance d Caligul a fro m hi s much loathed predecesso r an d functione d a s an imag e of the nobl e martyr .
The Gemm a Claudi a (Fig . 11.6) , wit h it s paire d bust s o f Claudiu s
with hi s bride Agrippin a th e Younge r facing her deceased parent s Agrippina th e Elde r and Germanicus , wa s probabl y mad e a t th e expens e o f a
rich citize n a s a gif t fo r th e marriag e that too k plac e i n 4 9 C.E . (Woo d
1988, 422) . Th e paralle l image s o f mothe r an d daughte r clearl y serve d
the me n of the dynasty i n connecting the m t o Augustus and legitimating
their ow n claim s t o power ; jus t beneat h tha t surface , however , res t th e
claims o f Agrippin a th e Younge r hersel f (Wood , 1988) . Tha t sh e wa s
conscious o f these claim s seems possibl e fro m th e report s b y Tacitus tha t
he consulted "memoir s of the younger Agrippina , the mothe r o f the em peror Nero , wh o commemorate d fo r posterit y th e stor y o f he r lif e an d
of th e misfortune s of he r family " (Tacitus , Annals 4.53 ; trans . Natali e
Kampen). There , h e tell s us , h e rea d th e stor y o f Tiberius' s refusa l t o
allow Agrippin a the Elde r to remarr y after Germanicus' s death, a s a sign
of his fear of her potential strength ; ther e too was the stor y o f her protes t
to Tiberiu s for intimidating her allies , including her cousi n Pulchra . She
Figure 11.6 . Th e Qemm a Claudia , a carve d gemston e fro m Rome , mad e abou t 48-4 9 C.E. , and
probably representing Claudius, with hi s wife (als o hi s niece) Agrippina the Younger , facin g Qerman icus an d th e elde r Agrippina, hi s wife, - Qermanicu s and Agrippin a are th e parent s of Agrippina th e
Younger, an d Qermanicu s is the brothe r o f Claudius.
312 WOME
The Ag e o f Augustus 31
First, th e Imperia l famil y wa s a family and it s continuity unde r a dignified and protectiv e father an d a nobl e and fertil e mothe r guaranteed th e
health an d happines s of the Roma n people, it s children. Second, thi s notion o f th e mode l famil y wa s disseminate d throughou t th e empir e o n
works o f art , coins , an d domesti c shrines , i n th e patronag e o f buildings
and th e inscription s tha t marke d them , an d i n th e ceremonie s an d cho reographed publi c appearance s o f members o f the court . Representatio n
and politica l progra m wer e consciousl y an d effectivel y joined , an d
women playe d a major role in both .
Although mora l reviva l seem s les s a n issu e tha n dynasti c propa ganda t o th e emperor s of the Julio-Claudia n line , al l continu e t o represent th e Imperia l women an d childre n as symbols of legitimacy an d th e
security o f a peacefu l future . Th e grea t cour t cameo s o f the period , th e
Grand Came e d e Franc e (Fig . 11.7) , o n whic h Livi a sit s besid e Tiberiu s
and th e divin e Augustu s floats overhead, lik e the Gemm a Claudia (Fig .
11.6), al l us e family relations symbolize d throug h women a s well a s sons
to documen t th e ruler' s righ t t o rul e an d hi s provision o f a saf e future .
As w e hav e just seen , thes e image s can als o functio n t o documen t th e
power o f women , whethe r a s conduit s fo r dynasti c claim s o r fo r thei r
own ends . Coins do so as well, althoug h the min t in Rome was for a long
time mor e reticen t abou t showin g the wome n an d childre n of the cour t
than wer e th e mint s o f th e easter n provinces . I n th e east , wher e th e
Imperial cult include d worshi p of Livia durin g her lifetime , even thoug h
such woul d hav e bee n unacceptabl e i n Rome , coin s fro m Asi a Mino r
show he r a s Demete r th e mother-goddes s wit h Gaiu s an d Lucius , Au gustus's heir s a t th e time , o r wit h Augustu s an d Tiberiu s (Fig . 11.8) .
(See Chapte r 6 , "Hellenisti c Rule r Cult." ) Later , however , th e wome n
and childre n of the cour t begi n to appea r on th e coin s of Rome and th e
west a s when Caligul a represented Agrippin a th e Elde r i n orde r to demonstrate hi s relationship to Augustu s and th e Julian house (Fig . 11.9). A
coin o f th e tim e o f Claudius from Caesare a show s hi s thir d wif e Messa lina (Agrippin a the Younge r was his fourth wife) o n th e obvers e an d hi s
mother Antoni a an d son Britannicus on the revers e (Fig . 11.10); the coi n
stresses th e emperor' s legitimac y throug h hi s mother' s relationshi p t o
Augustus (sh e was hi s niece) , an d use s Messalin a as mother o f the ne w
era t o underlin e th e securit y o f succession . Wome n thu s reinforc e th e
emperor's claims to rule.
What w e hav e bee n considerin g i s no t th e sexualit y o f real Roman
women, i f suc h coul d eve r b e recuperated , nor th e "real " personalitie s
of Livi a an d he r kinswomen , bu t rathe r th e ideologica l construction o f
that sexualit y b y elit e me n i n thei r capacitie s a s ruler s an d a s writers .
They pain t a pictur e o f a society debatin g the politica l an d mora l character o f sexuality, a sexualit y tha t threaten s th e ne w socia l orde r an d
must b e contained withi n th e framewor k o f marriage and reproduction ,
a sexualit y particula r to th e elit e of Rome.
314
Figure 11.7, Th e Qran d Camee de France , a larg e carved gemston e mad e i n Rome, perhap s abou t 2 0
C.E. A t th e cente r Livi a sit s besid e he r so n Tiberiu s a s othe r famil y member s loo k o n unde r th e
benevolent gaz e of the no w divin e Augustus, th e barbaria n familie s i n the lowes t registe r pla y agains t
the Imperia l famil y t o expres s th e triumphan t nature of Roman peace .
The Ag e o f Augustus 31
From th e "best " o f wome n t o th e "worst, " th e term s wer e se t an d debated withi n th e fram e o f family an d reproductio n eve n whe n women' s
lives a t ever y socia l leve l frequentl y move d ou t o f th e frame . Wha t
shduld a woman be , then, an d i n whose opinion ?
At on e pole stand s Julia, th e daughte r of the emperor . T o the publi c
she mus t hav e seeme d L i via's opposite , th e "Other " t o Augusta n ma tronly morality . Sinc e w e ca n kno w Juli a onl y throug h th e scabrou s
jokes Roman s tol d abou t he r an d throug h th e cour t gossi p tha t con structed he r as the farthes t pol e of promiscuity, wha t w e see is a dreadfu l
warning t o al l thos e fast-livin g wome n whos e conduc t Augusta n polic y
aimed t o transform . I t shoul d b e noted tha t n o such warnin g applied t o
the empero r himself ; Suetoniu s recount s Augustus' s taste for extramari tal affair s an d tell s ho w i n hi s ol d ag e Livi a eve n procure d wome n fo r
him (Augustus 71.1) . An d Seneca writes :
The deified Augustu s banished his daughter, who wa s shameless beyond th e in dictment o f shamelessness , an d mad e publi c th e scandal s o f th e imperia l
housethat sh e ha d bee n accessibl e t o score s o f paramours, that i n nocturna l
revels she had roamed about the city, that th e very forum an d the rostrum, fro m
which he r father had propose d a la w agains t adultery , ha d bee n chose n by th e
daughter for her debaucheries, that sh e had dail y resorted t o th e statu e o f Marsyas [a famous spot fo r prostitutes], and , laying aside the rol e of adultress, ther e
sold he r favors , an d sough t th e righ t o f ever y indulgenc e wit h eve n a n un known paramour.
(De Beneficiis 6.32.1 ; Basore 1964/1979)
At th e opposit e pol e ar e suc h matron s a s Scribonia , th e mothe r o f
Julia wh o joine d he r daughte r i n exil e eve n thoug h Augustu s had lef t
her t o marr y Livi a and , a s a Roma n father , ha d exercise d th e righ t t o
Figure 11.9 . (A ) Qol d coi n (aureus ) of Caligula (37-3 8 C.E. ) from Lyo n o n th e revers e o f which (B )
is a portrai t o f Agrippina th e Elder , hi s mother , daughte r of Julia and granddaughte r o f Augustus/ th e
purpose o f the portrai t honorin g empero r an d mothe r i s as much t o connect Caligul a wit h Augustu s
as i t i s to hono r Agrippina .
316
Figure 11.10. Coi n o f Claudius, date d abou t 4 6 c.E . and minte d i n Caesarea . O n th e obvers e (A ) is
Messalina, hi s wif e at th e time / o n th e revers e (B ) are hi s mothe r Antonia an d hi s so n Britannicus ,
along with Octavia . The Imperia l family romanc e thus continues to frame th e dual messages of connection t o Augustus an d t o a secur e futur e fo r the dynast y an d s o for Rome.
317
318 WOME
control hi s daughter's marriage s and he r fate . Scribonia , lik e th e coura geous, self-sacrificin g matron s wh o se t example s t o th e communit y
through thei r willingnes s t o urg e thei r husband s an d son s t o dignifie d
suicide, demonstrate s bot h th e idea l of family loyalt y an d th e spiritua l
authority o f mature wives and mothers .
The funeral eulogie s for two upper-clas s matrons, Murdi a and Turia,
who live d i n th e tim e o f Augustu s indicate th e virtue s thei r mal e ki n
found worth y o f commemoration . Murdi a (Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum 6.10230 ) ha d bee n marrie d twice an d ha d childre n b y both mar riages; n o blam e attache s t o th e tw o marriage s even thoug h man y fu neral inscription s praise men an d wome n alik e for being married t o on e
partner for a lifetime. The rarit y of a single marriage received not e in a n
age when elit e wome n marrie d ver y young (probabl y i n thei r midteen s
rather tha n thei r lat e teen s a s seems to hav e been th e cas e with wome n
outside th e aristocracy ) t o me n who were ofte n considerabl y olde r tha n
they; henc e these women sometime s outlived thei r husband s rather tha n
divorcing them . Ho w common divorc e actuall y was , as oppose d t o th e
frequency wit h whic h i t wa s mentione d a s a castigatio n o f th e mora l
standards o f the age , we d o no t know , bu t remarriag e appears t o hav e
been no rarity. Murdia' s son by her first marriage, having commented o n
the fairnes s of her will, goe s on to say that she was motivated to dispos e
of he r good s a s she did becaus e
Consistent in her nature, she preserved by her obedience and good sense th e tw o
marriages t o worth y me n tha t he r parent s ha d mad e fo r her ; as a marrie d
woman sh e becam e yet mor e agreeabl e because o f her merits , an d he r loyalt y
made he r deare r just a s her judgement [concerning her will] left he r mor e hon ored. Afte r he r death , th e citizen s agree d in praisin g her. The wa y sh e divided
her estat e i n he r wil l display s a gratefu l an d loya l spiri t towar d he r husbands ,
fairness t o her children, an d justice i n her rectitude .
The funeral tribut e of all good women should be simple and similar becaus e
their natura l goodness , ove r which they kee p guard, does not requir e variation s
in language . Further, it i s enough tha t al l o f them hav e done th e sam e thing s
that gai n them a good reputation; i n live s tossed b y smaller storms ther e i s less
room fo r original ways t o prais e a woman . Fo r all thes e reasons , i t seem s right
to focu s o n conventiona l virtue s i n orde r no t t o los e anythin g o f the bes t an d
thereby debase what remains.
In thi s sense , then , m y deares t mothe r wo n th e greates t prais e o f all, because sh e was like other good women i n her modesty, decency , chastity , obedi ence, wool-work , zeal an d loyalty; a t th e sam e time, sh e was at leas t th e equa l
to any in her virtue, labor , wisdom and the danger s she faced.
(trans. Natalie Kampen, adapte d from Horsfal l 29-31
and Lefkowit z an d Fan t 1982 : 139)
For Turia (thi s conventional nam e masks the fact tha t her real identity is still uncertain), he r husban d delivere d a eulogy abou t 10-9 B.C.E.,
which, althoug h namin g th e sam e virtue s celebrate d i n th e Eulogy fo r
Murdia, add s public dimension s tha t resulted fro m th e chao s o f the civi l
war years . Turi a an d he r siste r avenge d th e murder s o f thei r parents ;
The Ag e o f Augustus 31
Turia hersel f raise d an d foun d dowrie s fo r female kin , protecte d he r husband's interests whe n h e was in exile an d helpe d to bring him back , and
secured th e punishmen t o f thos e responsibl e fo r hi s misfortunes . Thes e
splendid an d courageou s action s ar e recalled , alon g with he r virtues , b y
the prou d an d affectionat e husband .
"Why . . . recall your inestimabl e qualities, your modesty , deference , affability ,
your amiabl e disposition, your faithfu l attendanc e to the household duties , your
enlightened religion , you r unassumin g elegance, th e modes t simplicit y an d refinement o f your manners ? Need I spea k o f your attachmen t t o you r kindred ,
your affectio n fo r your familywhe n you respecte d m y mother a s you di d your
own parent s an d care d fo r her tom b as you di d for that o f your ow n mothe r an d
fatheryou wh o shar e countles s othe r virtue s with Roma n ladie s most jealou s
of their fai r name ? These qualities which I claim for you ar e your own, equalle d
or excelled b y but few ; for the experienc e o f men teache s u s how rar e they are .
. . . I n ou r day , marriage s of such lon g duration, no t dissolve d b y divorce
but terminate d b y death alone , ar e indeed rare. For our unio n was prolonged i n
unclouded happines s for forty-one years."
(Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum 6.1527; trans. Lefkowit z an d Fan t #207 )
320
Figure 11.11 . Tombston e fro m earl y first-centur y C.E . Rome, mad e fo r Luciu s Aureliu s Hermi a an d
his wif e Aureli a Philematium . He wear s th e citizen' s tog a an d she , he r hea d modestl y covered , lovingly an d humbl y kisses his hand.
321
322
The Ag e o f Augustus 32
324 WOME
The Ag e o f Augustus 32
The pictur e o f a prou d youn g woma n i n lov e an d vacillatin g between arroganc e an d vulnerability , self-protectio n an d desire , ma y b e
unrepresentative of anything but Sulpici a herself; no other poem s of th e
period b y women remai n t o be compared with hers . He r poems convey a
definite personalit y eve n a s they follo w some of the convention s o f love
poetry. Th e wish to shout one's love from th e heights , th e ange r at bein g
taken fo r granted, th e adorin g apologie s an d th e admission s o f passio n
are al l standar d a s i s th e silenc e o f th e voic e o f th e beloved . Wha t i s
missing i s th e characterizatio n o f th e belove d a s venal , duplicitou s o r
trivial; neithe r i s the poe t a suppliant figure starving for a kind word o r
gesture. Sulpicia' s gende r an d he r clas s see m t o pla y a rol e i n shapin g
these few fragments an d thei r projection of her personality; further , the y
give u s ou r onl y hint s abou t ho w a woma n migh t articulat e he r ow n
desire an d poin t o f view about love .
No informatio n remains either abou t th e likelihoo d o f a young gir l
from th e uppe r classes carrying on a love affai r i n whic h los s of virginity
was involved ; suc h girl s seem t o hav e married so early tha t ther e ma y
not hav e bee n muc h tim e o r opportunit y fo r premarita l experiments .
Further, w e kno w nothin g abou t th e languag e o f affectio n use d b y
women no r about whether same-sex eroticism ever occurred amon g girls
(as opposed t o adul t lesbia n sexua l activit y hinte d a t i n som e texts either a s castigation of wealthy women or as entertainment fo r male voyeurs b y prostitute s o r femal e slaves) . Eve n suc h informatio n a s whe n
women had thei r first children or when the y went throug h menopause is
minimal an d alway s contested b y scholars; the y us e data compile d fro m
the thousand s o f inscriptions o n funerar y monument s fro m al l ove r th e
Roman empir e t o asses s number s of children , mortalit y rates , an d dif fering valuation s of family member s according to geographical location,
social class , an d tim e perio d (Sha w 1987). Despit e th e difficultie s o f using such material , scattered, inconsistent , an d never scientifically quantifiable, an d i n spit e o f th e problem s of interpretatio n tha t com e fro m
inscriptions' formulai c an d selective quality , i t i s possibl e t o sugges t a
few thing s abou t women' s reproductiv e an d famil y lives . Lower-clas s
people marrie d later tha n thos e fro m th e uppe r classes, deat h i n child-
326 WOME
The Ag e o f Augustus 32
And Musoniu s Rufus call s on young couples (frag . 14 ) to mak e love "to
build a wall for the city," through their marital harmony and their progeny. Sexualit y thu s become s a discourse on socia l value s and functions .
To Paul , celibac y an d concentratio n o n th e en d o f the ol d orde r ("Bu t
this I say, brethren , th e tim e is short: i t remaineth , tha t bot h the y tha t
have wive s b e a s thoug h the y ha d none " [7.29] ) ar e supremel y im portant. Marita l harmony as a positive value expressed through women' s
submission an d throug h equa l affectio n i s both secondary an d a kin d of
stopgap necessary t o maintain socia l order within the communit y befor e
the en d of time. T o Seneca, equa l chastity i n marriage signals an invest ment i n th e Stoi c orde r an d concer n fo r self-control, an d fo r Musonius
Rufus, mos t explicitly , marita l sexuality i s a part of the maintenanc e of
the communit y bot h i n harmon y an d i n posterity . A t no level ar e thes e
points o f vie w abou t equalit y fo r wome n an d me n o n a broade r socia l
level (Pau l 11. 3 and 8-9 ) o r abou t a n autonomou s an d asocia l real m of
sexual desire ; sexualit y fo r me n an d wome n i s part o f th e socia l fabri c
here just a s in th e Augusta n law s and work s of art.
What w e have seen i n thi s chapter is the exten t t o whic h women' s
roles especially i n relatio n t o voice, desire, an d sexuality were conteste d
and unde r debat e i n th e Augusta n an d Julio-Claudia n period . Th e debates wer e no t alway s i n fac t about wome n o r sexuality , bu t the y frequently focuse d o n wome n a s th e locu s fo r th e expressio n o f concern s
about a broa d rang e o f socia l tension s fro m clas s relationship s t o th e
political structure and so on. W e began with the constructio n o f socially
responsible sexualit y i n th e Augusta n law s an d publi c ar t an d move d
from ther e t o notion s o f marita l affectio n expresse d i n privat e ar t an d
epitaphs. Philosophica l text s a s well a s th e literatur e o f resistance, th e
satires of Horace and elegia c poems of Ovid and Propertius , and eve n th e
exhortations o f St . Pau l fram e th e socia l an d psychi c struggle s o f th e
period i n term s o f sex , marriage , an d reproduction ; wome n wer e th e
signsalthough no t th e voicestha t remai n t o tel l u s abou t thos e
struggles.
NOTES
1. Thi s i s the onl y tim e the women' s citizenshi p is acknowledged .
2. Plutarc h suggest s tha t thi s wa s al l Octavia' s idea (Life o f Antony 87.2)
3. Thi s was the class whose wealth an d status were slightly below tha t o f the senato rial families.
4. Typicall y thes e rapist s wer e heroe s an d futur e divinities , Casto r an d Pollu x th e
sons o f Zeus . Ovid' s nex t rol e mode l fo r rap e i s th e her o Achilles , whos e mothe r wa s
divine.
TRANSLATIONS
Abdy, J. T. , an d B . Walker. 1876 . Th e Commentaries o f Gains an d th e Rules ofUlpian.
Cambridge.
328 WOME
WORKS CONSULTE D
Brendel, Ott o J. 1970 . "The Scope an d Temperamen t o f Erotic Ar t i n th e Greco-Roma n
World." I n Studie s i n Erotic Art, edited b y Theodore Bowi e an d Corneli a Chris tenson, 3-69. New York.
Flory, Marleen B . 1984. "Sic Exempla Parantur: Livia's Shrine of Concordia an d th e Porti cus Liviae." Historia 33, no. 3 : 309-30.
Gardner, Jane. 1986 . Women i n Roman La w and Society. London .
Hofter, M . 1988. "Portrat," in Kaiser Augustus und di e verlorene Republik, Mainz : 291343.
Horsfall, Nicholas . 1982 . "Alli a Potesta s and Murdia : Two Roman Women." Ancient Society 12 , no. 2 : 27-33.
Kleiner, Diana . 1978 . "Th e Great Frieze s of the Ar a Paci s Augustae. Gree k Sources , Ro man Derivatives , an d Augusta n Socia l Policy, " Melanges d e 1'Ecole frangaise a
Rome, Antiquite 90.2: 753-85.
Lefkowitz, M. , an d Mauree n B . Fant. 1982 . Women's Life i n Greece and Rome: A Source
Book i n Translation. Baltimore , Md .
Rawson, Beryl, ed. 1986 . The Family i n Ancient Rome. Ithaca, N.Y.
Richlin, Amy , ed. 1992 . Pornography and Representation i n Greece and Rome. New York.
Sailer, Richard , an d Bren t Shaw. 1984 . "Tombstone s and Roma n Family Relation s in th e
Principate: Civilians, Soldier s an d Slaves. " Journal o f Roman Studies . 74: 124-56.
Santirocco, Matthew . 1979 . "Sulpici a Reconsidered. " Classical Journal 74 , no. 3 : 229-39.
Shaw, Brent . 1987 . "Th e Age of Roman Girls at Marriage : Som e Reconsiderations. "Journal o f Roman Studies 77 : 30-46.
Snyder, Jane . 1989 . The Woman an d th e Lyre: Women Writer s i n Classical Greece and
Rome. Carbondale, 111 .
Wistrand, Erik . 1976 . "The So-called Laudati o Turiae. " Act a l/niversitati s Gothobur gensis Goteborg.
Wood, Susan . 1988 . "Memoriae Agrippinae : Agrippin a th e Elde r i n Julio-Claudia n Ar t
and Propaganda. " America n Journal of Archaeology 92, no. 3 : 409-26.
The Ag e o f Augustus 32
Zanker, Paul . 1979 . "Grabreliefs romischer Freigelassener/'Jezhrbuch des deutschen Archaeologischen Instituts 90 : 267-315.
. 1988 . The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus, trans . A. Shapir o Ann
Arbor, Mich .
FURTHER READIN G
Dixon, Suzanne . 1988 . Th e Roman Mother. London .
Gardner, Jane F. , and Thoma s Wiedemann . 1990 . Th e Roman Household: A Sourcebook.
London.
Garnsey, Peter , an d Richar d Sailer. 1987 . Th e Roman Empire. Berkele y and Lo s Angeles.
Phillips, Jane. 1978 . "Roma n Mother s an d th e Live s of Their Adul t Daughters." Helios 6:
69-80.
Pomeroy, Sara h B . 1975. Goddesses, Whores, Wives, an d Slaves: Women i n Classical An tiquity. Ne w York.
Purcell, Nicholas . 1986 . "Livi a an d th e Womanhoo d o f Rome." Proceedings of th e Cambridge Philological Society 32 : 78-105.
Richlin, Amy . 1981 . "Approaches t o th e Source s on Adulter y at Rome. " I n Reflections o f
Women i n Antiquity, edite d b y Helene P . Foley, 379-404 . New York.
Stehle, Eva . 1989 . "Venus , Cybele , an d th e Sabin e Women: The Roma n Construction o f
Female Sexuality." Helios 16 , no. 2 : 143-64.
Treggiari, Susan . 1973 . "Domesti c Staf f a t Rom e in th e Julio-Claudia n Period , 2 7 B.C. t o
A.D. 68." Histoire Sociale: Revue Canadienne 6 : 41-55.
. 1991 . Roman Marriage. Oxford .
Wallace-Hadrill, Andrew . 1981 . "Famil y an d Inheritanc e i n th e Augusta n Marriag e
Laws." Proceedings of th e Cambridge Philological Society 27 : 58-80.
Wiedemann, Thomas . 1989 . Adults an d Children i n th e Roman Empire. London .
12
TRlTfPITT&QITQ
JDA.vjUJKvjUvj>
Rich, vulgar , yet practical , Fortunata comes into focus both throug h
Petronius's words , writte n abou t th e tim e o f Ner o (ca . 6 5 C.E. ) and
through th e preserve d marvels of Pompeii, Herculaneum, and th e othe r
towns o f the Ba y of Naples that wer e suffocated b y as h an d lav a i n th e
great eruption o f Mount Vesuvius in 7 9 C.E. (Fig . 12.1).
The excavation of these towns since the eighteent h century has permitted a clearer view of the live s of Roman wome n of every social stra tum. Rathe r tha n dealin g primaril y with th e text s o f great authors , a
discussion o f wome n a t Pompei i draw s o n inscriptions , architecture ,
painting, an d th e bit s an d piece s of daily life . A t Pompei i and Herculaneum, no t onl y can one see the foo d i n bowls still on the table , fin d th e
331
332
Figure 12.2 . Vie w o f the vill a (possibl y belonging t o Poppaea , wif e o f Nero ) a t Oplontis , outsid e of
Pompeii. Datin g t o th e middl e of th e firs t centur y C.E. , th e luxuriou s vill a ha d lon g colonnade s tha t
gave onto gardens , as well a s larg e numbers of richly painted interior spaces.
Figure 12.3 . Vie w throug h th e mai n entranc e int o the building underwritten b y the Pompeia n priest ess, Eumachia , i n th e middl e of the first century C.E., in the Foru m of the city . The entranc e i s marked
by a delicately carve d acanthu s scrol l i n marbl e against the bric k of the facade.
333
334 WOME
335
336
Figure 12.5 . A waitres s serve s customer s i n a taver n at Pompei i i n th e mid-firs t centur y C.E. This i s
part o f a set of wall painting s that include men playin g dice and, perhaps as a consequence of the wine
and th e dice , gettin g int o a fight.
Figure 12.6 . Vie w o f th e interio r o f th e taver n o f Asellina , a Pompeia n woma n know n t o hav e
employed severa l othe r women a s waitresses.
338 WOME
The graffit i o n Pompeia n walls (the y date mostl y fro m th e mid-firs t cen tury C.E. ) spea k o f waitresses an d othe r workin g people a s well. I n on e
(Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum IV.8259 ; trans. Natalie Kampen), Severus th e weave r write s tha t hi s coworke r Successu s "love s th e taver n
maid whose nam e is Iris, bu t sh e really doesn't care abou t him ; even so,
he begs and trie s t o get her to pity him . Hi s rival writes this . Farewell/ '
The badl y damage d frescoes fro m th e worksho p of the dye r Verecundu s
showing a woman sellin g articles a t a table an d the dyer s at wor k le t us
know tha t me n an d wome n slave s and perhap s free worker s might ofte n
have labored togethe r an d developed thei r friendship s a t work .
Words of love and admiratio n slid easily int o obscenity wit h th e ai d
of wine a s some o f the taver n walls tell us : "I fucke d th e ba r girl " (Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum IV.8442 ; trans . Natali e Kampen) or "Her e
Euplia lai d stron g me n an d lai d 'e m out " (Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum IV.2310b ; trans. Natalie Kampen). A similar story appear s on th e
walls o f brothels i n Pompeii , althoug h th e picture s us e a romanticize d
language unlik e thes e ra w words . Abov e th e cubicle s (Fig . 12.7) i n
which undernourishe d an d unglamorou s slav e prostitute s worke d fo r
equally unglamorou s men , beautiful boy s an d girl s frolicke d i n wal l
paintings. Th e pictures sho w clea n an d lovel y young peopl e i n comfort able settings wit h be d linen an d pictures on the walls; their varie d pose s
as wel l a s th e idealizatio n o f th e imager y tell s th e customer s th e lie s
they wan t t o hea r a s the y contemplat e a fe w minute s escap e (Brende l
1970:61-66).
Occupying Publi c Space : Aliv e or Dead
Whether prostitutes or saleswomen, shoppers in the marketplac e or highranking priestesses, Pompeia n women moved freely throug h th e town . I n
its publi c space s the y sa w building s constructed wit h women' s money ,
statues t o women, wome n a t work , an d women commemorate d eve n i n
death. Th e publicl y displaye d tomb s an d tombstone s s o typica l o f th e
outskirts o f Roma n town s an d citie s al l ove r th e empir e brin g u s stil l
more evidenc e o f women . Her e wer e funerar y monument s se t u p b y
women fo r their husband s (Fig . 12.8): on the grav e monument (firs t cen tury C.E.) , o f C . Munatiu s Faustu s erecte d i n hi s memor y b y hi s wif e
Naevoleia Tyche, wer e a portrait o f Tyche an d a relief of a funeral cere mony (Corpu s Inscriptionu m Latinarum X.1030 ; trans . Natali e Kam pen) . On the facade th e inscriptio n reads ,
Naevoleia Tyche , freedwoma n o f Lucius , fo r hersel f an d Caiu s Munatiu s Faustus, membe r o f the Augusta l priesthood an d country-man to whom th e decuri ons, wit h th e consen t o f the people , grante d a bisellium (a n honorifi c seat ) fo r
his merits. Whe n she was alive, Naevoleia Tyche ha d this monument buil t als o
for he r freedme n an d thos e of Caius Munatius Faustus.
339
Figure 12.7. Interio r of one o f the severa l brothel s i n Pompeii / date d t o the las t years o f the city , th e
brothel ha d smal l frescoe s o f heterosexua l love-makin g painte d abov e th e entrance s t o th e cubicle s
where the prostitute s worked . Whethe r these picture s tell u s anything abou t actua l sexual practices or
are instead a s "optimistic" as any advertisin g i s unclear.
340
Figure 12.8. Th e first-century C.E., tom b monument of C. Munatiu s Faustus and Naevolei a Tych e i n
the cemeter y o f Port o Ercolan o a t Pompeii . Th e for m recall s a n altar , an d man y o f th e tomb s a t
Pompeii incorporat e reliefs with portrait s or scenes of the occupation s of the deceased .
kitchen wa s not th e feminin e preserv e it becam e in moder n times . Neither is there evidence for women's use of separate sitting room s or dining
rooms. Onl y whe n a n are a wa s give n ove r t o productio n wor k i s
women's presenc e atteste d to ; thu s th e hous e o f M. Terentius Eudoxu s
had a peristyl e tha t wa s use d a s a weavin g workshop. Graffit i i n th e
porticus nam e men and women a s textores (weavers ) and netrices (net makers) (Corpu s Inscriptionum Latinarum IV . 1507). Suc h us e o f spac e
in a privat e hous e fo r productio n probabl y involve d househol d slaves ,
and th e finds of loom-weights in garden s and peristyle s i n othe r house s
in Pompei i sugges t tha t me n an d wome n slave s worked generatin g in come for families all over town.
Houses fo r familie s o f modes t mean s wer e mor e th e rul e i n som e
districts i n Pompei i than th e grea t mansions ; wit h thei r smalle r room s
342
Figure 12.9. Wal l paintin g o f a couple from a hous e i n first-century c.E. Pompeii / sh e holds a writing
implement an d tablet s an d h e a scroll to testify t o their learning an d thu s their status .
priestess of Ceres, indicate th e importanc e of wealthy wome n a s benefactors. Painting s in temples an d houses documen t th e presenc e o f religiou s
groups, suc h a s that o f Isis, tha t wer e especiall y popula r amon g wome n
(Fig. 12.10) . A number of images of the Egyptia n goddess and he r ritual s
appear (se e ch . 6 above), fo r example, a t th e estat e o f Julia Felix , bu t
343
Figure 12.10. Wal l paintin g from first-century c.E. Pompeii, - i t depicts a ritua l at th e templ e of Isis an d
includes th e white-cla d priests , priestesses , an d follower s o f thi s Egyptia n goddes s whos e cul t ha d
attracted wome n sinc e the Hellenisti c period .
344 WOME
WORKS CONSULTE D
Andreau, Jean. 1974 . Les Affaires d e Monsieur Jucundus. Rome .
Bernstein, Frances . 1988 . "Pompeian Wome n an d th e Programmata.'' I n Studia Pompei ana e t Classica in honor ofWilhelmina F.Jashemski, edite d b y R. I. Curtis, 1 : 1 18. New Rochelle , N.Y.
Brendel, Ott o J . 1970 . "Scope an d Temperamen t o f Eroti c Ar t i n th e Greco-Roma n
World." I n Studies in Erotic Art, edited b y Theodore Bowi e and C . V. Christenson ,
3-69. Ne w York.
Castren, Paavo . 1975 . Ordo Populusque Pompeianus: Polity an d Society i n Roman Pompeii. Rome.
D'Avino, Michele . 1967 . Wome n of Pompeii. N aples.
De Franciscis , A . 1975 . The Pompeian Wall Paintings i n th e Roman Villa o f Oplontis.
Recklinghausen.
Digest of Justinian 1985. Translated by Alan Watson. Philadelphia.
Etienne, Robert . 1977 . La Vie Quotidienne a Pompei. 2d ed. Paris .
Franklin, James, Jr . 1980 . Pompeii: The Electoral Programmata Campaigns an d Pol itics,
A.D. 71-79. Paper s and Monograph s of the America n Academy in Rom e 28. Rome.
La Rocca, E., M. de Vos, and E. de Vos. 1976. Guida Archeologica di Pompei. Milan.
Moeller, Walter . 1972 . "The Building of Eumachia: A Reconsideration." American Journal o f Archaeology 76 , no. 3 : 323-27 .
FURTHER READIN G
D'Arms, John. 1970 . Roman s on th e Ba y of Naples. Cambridge, Mass.
Grant, Michael , e t al . 1975. Eroti c Art i n Pompeii. Lon don.
Heyob, Sharo n K . 1975 . The Cult o f Isis among Wome n i n th e Graeco-Roman World.
Leiden.
Jashemsky, Wilhelmina . 1979 . Th e Gardens of Pompeii, Herculaneum an d the Vi llas destroyed b y Vesuvius. Ne w York.
Packer, James . 1975 . "Middl e an d Lowe r Clas s Housin g i n Pompei i an d Herculan eum."
In Neue Forschungen i n Pompeii, edite d b y Bernar d Andrea e an d Helmu t Ky rieleis, 133-47 . Recklinghausen .
Richardson, Lawrence , Jr. 1988 . Pompeii: An Architectural History. Baltimore , Md .
Ward Perkins , John B. , and Amand a Claridge. 1978 . Pompeii A.D. 79. New York.
Will, Elizabeth Lyding. 1979. "Women in Pompeii." Archaeology 32, no. 5: 34-43.
13
WOMEN OF THE HIQH
AND LATE R EMPIRE:
CONFORMITY AND DIVERSIT Y
346 WOME
347
348 WOME
The wif e o f Agricola, Domitia Decidiana, was a woman of Roman traditional virtue : th e marriage , says her son-in-law Tacitus, writin g towar d
the en d of the first century C.E., was characterized by concord an d praiseworthy kindnes s between th e partners : "they lived in rare accord, main tained b y mutual affectio n an d unselfishness ; but i n suc h a partnershi p
the goo d wif e deserve s more than hal f the praise , just a s a ba d on e de serves mor e tha n hal f th e blame " (Agricola 6.1 ; Mattingl y 1948) . Th e
Panegyric, whic h Plin y the Younger , governor of Bithynia under Trajan,
wrote i n 10 0 C.E. to prais e th e emperor , compliment s Traja n o n hi s
choice o f partne r an d let s th e worl d kno w tha t th e empres s Plotina' s
traditional goodnes s (Fig . 13.1: Coin o f Plotina associated wit h goddes s
Vesta), lik e Domitia's , reflecte d credit o n he r husban d an d hi s publi c
life:
your ow n wif e contributes t o your honou r an d glory, as a supreme mode l o f th e
ancient virtues ; th e chie f pontif f himself , ha s h e t o tak e a wife , woul d choos e
her o r on e lik e heri f on e exists . Fro m your positio n sh e claim s nothin g fo r
herself bu t th e pleasur e i t give s her , unswervin g i n he r devotio n no t t o you r
power bu t t o yourself. . . . How modest sh e is in he r attire , ho w moderate th e
number of her attendants , ho w unassuming when sh e walks abroad ! Thi s i s th e
work o f a husban d wh o ha s fashione d an d forme d he r habits : ther e i s glor y
enough fo r a wif e i n obedience . Whe n she sees he r husban d unaccompanie d b y
pomp an d intimidation , sh e goe s abou t i n silenc e herself , an d s o far a s her se x
permits, sh e follows his example of walking on foot .
(Panegyric 83; Radice 1975)
350 WOME
woman, wit h al l a woman's idl e hour s t o fill, she was in th e habi t o f amusing
herself playin g draught s or watching he r mimes , bu t befor e she did she alway s
told Quadratu s t o g o away an d work : whic h I thought showe d respec t fo r hi s
youth a s much a s her affection .
(Pliny the Younger , Letters 7.24.1-5, abridged ; Radice 1975)
[She mourne d him] during a long widowhood i n th e flowe r o f her life , a woman
of th e greates t beaut y an d chastity , [ver y obedjien t t o he r mother , hersel f a
mother mos t indulgen t an d a mos t devote d kinswoman , helping all . A burden
to no man no r disagreeable to any man, and in her relations with me of extraordinary [goodness] , wit h suc h modest y tha t sh e neve r aske d anythin g fro m m e
[for hersel f an d often ] did no t as k what I would rathe r hav e been aske d b y th e
women of my family. She in her good will prayed with many extended vow s for
such [goo d fortune ] t o befal l me , an d preferre d t o rejoic e i n m y goo d fortun e
rather tha n benefi t fro m it .
(Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum 14.3579 ; Smallwood 1966 : 56 n. 114 )
352
Figure 13.2. Qol d coi n o f Hadrian, minte d afte r 12 2 i n Rome . On th e obvers e (A ) i s the divinize d
Trajan/ o n the reverse (B) Diva Plotina. Hadrian used these images to construct his new divin e family .
dren fro m th e Italia n countrysid e (puellae Faustinianae [Historia Augusta, Antoninus 8]), an d ha d name d he r diva o n coins . Th e emperor s
who follo w become eve r more encrusted wit h honors , eve r more clearl y
godlike, and * their wive s participate in th e process . A s these honor s escalate in number an d hyperbole, th e tensio n increase s betwee n traditiona l
womanly reticenc e an d self-effacemen t on th e on e hand , an d honors ,
funeral orations , coins , portraits , benefactions , an d title s o n th e othe r
(Faustina th e Younger' s honors : Di o 72.5 , Histori a Augusta, Marcus
26.8, Corpu s Inscriptionum Latinarum 14.40 , and BMC IV, nos. 700-705).
By th e tim e o f Septimiu s Severus' s reig n (197-211) , th e empres s Juli a
Domna wil l b e addresse d as Mater Senatus (mothe r of the Senate : BMC
V, clxxv i an d cxc v ff. ) an d Mate r Castroru m (mothe r o f th e militar y
camps: Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum 8.26598 , a title first used apparently for Faustina the Younge r when she accompanied her husband Marcus Aureliu s to hi s campaigns in th e easter n par t o f the Empir e in 175,
as i n Di o 72.5 , Historia Augusta, Marcus 26.8) . Automaticall y grante d
the title of Augusta, she represents th e trend awa y from th e earlier tradi tion o f emperor and empress as first among equals; yet a t th e sam e time ,
her man y title s an d honor s retai n thei r connectio n t o motherhoo d an d
the primac y of family.
Only rarel y doe s ou r evidenc e provid e informatio n abou t th e occu pations an d interest s o f individual empresses, abou t thei r socia l an d political influence , o r abou t thei r dail y lives . Whethe r the y ha d publi c
prominence o r wer e see n a s essentiall y modes t an d retiring , th e em presses d o see m t o hav e exercise d privat e influence ; th e evidenc e is ,
however, ver y spotty. Julia Titi, the daughter of the emperor Titus, nom inated th e consu l fo r 8 4 C.E. , according t o th e late r historia n Di o
(67.4.2), an d Vitellius' s wife , Galeria , abou t who m w e als o kno w rela tively little , save d th e consu l Galeriu s Trachalus fro m executio n i n 6 8
(Tacitus, Histories 2.60.2).
Plotina, self-effacin g a s sh e ma y hav e been , i s sai d t o hav e give n
advice i n domesti c matter s just a s Livi a an d th e othe r empresse s had .
Thus we hea r tha t Traja n betrothed hi s grandniece Vibia Sabin a to Hadrian, "Plotin a bein g i n favo r o f th e match , whil e (h e himself) , ac cording to Marius Maximus, was not greatly enthusiastic." (Historia Augusta Hadrian 2.10) . Anothe r abridge d collectio n o f Imperia l live s
(Epitome d e Caesaribus 42.21; trans. Elaine Fantham) reports that whe n
Trajan le t hi s official s extor t fro m th e provincials , Plotin a "reproache d
him fo r neglecting his own good name . . . and as a result she made him
detest unjus t exactions." This commen t i s interesting bot h fo r Plotina's
role a s moral arbite r an d fo r her concer n wit h th e worl d outsid e o f th e
city o f Rome.
The empress' clear awarenes s of public matters in th e province s can
be seen i n a lette r sh e wrot e t o Hadria n afte r Trajan' s deat h (11 7 C.E).
Inscriptions in colloquial Greek record he r formal reques t to the empero r
on behal f of Popillius (hea d of the Epicurea n school a t Athens ) a s wel l
as he r lette r t o Popillius . I n th e damage d Greek inscription w e ca n se e
her adherenc e t o Epicurea n doctrine a s sh e speak s of th e principle s of
"our school." The letter to the emperor reads,
How much I am intereste d i n th e sec t of Epicurus you kno w ver y well, Master .
Your help i s needed i n th e matte r o f its succession; fo r in vie w of the ineligibil ity o f all bu t Roma n citizens a s successors, th e rang e of choice is very narrow . I
ask therefore i n th e nam e o f Popillius Theotimus , th e presen t successo r a t Ath ens, t o allow hi m to write in Greek that par t of his disposition whic h deal s with
regulating th e successio n an d gran t hi m th e powe r o f filling his place b y a suc cessor o f peregrin e status, 1 shoul d persona l consideration s mak e i t advisable ;
and le t th e futur e successor s o f the sec t o f Epicurus henceforth enjo y th e sam e
right a s you gran t t o Theotimus ; al l th e mor e sinc e th e practic e i s that eac h
time th e testato r has mad e a mistak e i n th e choic e of successor the disciple s of
the abov e sect after a general deliberatio n pu t in his place th e best man , a resul t
that wil l b e more easil y attaine d i f he is selected fro m a large r group .
(Inscriptiones Latinae Liberae Rei Pablicae II. 7784.4-17 ; Alexande r 1938 : 161)
The interest o f empresses i n philosophica l matter s reappears in informa tion abou t Julia Domna' s patronag e o f Philostratu s an d th e suggestio n
that sh e wa s eve n calle d Juli a th e philosophe r (Bowersoc k 1969 : 103) .
Julia Domna , Di o says, als o too k car e o f petitions an d letters fo r Caracalla whe n h e wa s emperor , fro m 21 1 t o 217 , (Di o 78.18.2- 3 an d
79.4.2-3) an d held public receptions for the mos t prominent men, just as
did th e empero r (Di o 79.4.2-3).
The empresse s travele d extensivel y wit h thei r husbands , a s w e
gather fro m report s (som e much later an d o f questionable reliability) o f
Plotina's being with Trajan at hi s death o n campaign (Historia Augusta,
Hadrian 5.9-10 ) an d o f Faustina's having accompanied Marcu s Aurelius
(Dio 72.5) . Sabin a traveled wit h Hadria n to Egyp t (ca . 13 0 C.E.) wher e
her friend Julia Balbill a commemorated the visit and her own poetic skill
in Gree k epigrams on th e thig h of the Colossu s o f Memnon. Despite he r
Roman name, Balbill a wa s a Greek noblewoman an d he r epigrams adopt
the dialec t an d languag e of Sappho (wh o lived almos t a thousan d year s
354 WOME
Like man y wive s of Imperia l governors, an d lik e som e o f the Julio Claudian wome n a s well, 2 th e wome n o f the late r court s travele d int o
worlds fa r beyon d th e imagining s o f th e writer s o f th e Twelv e Table s
whose laws placed suc h clear constraints o n the mobility an d autonom y
of Roman women.
Pliny's evocation o f Plotina a s a retiring and rathe r dul l matro n be comes mor e colorfu l whe n w e se e the evidenc e of the travel , th e culti vated interests , an d th e intervention s behind the thron e o f the empress ;
if she, th e leas t flamboyan t o f her century, had such a cosmopolitan life ,
we mus t se e Sabina , Faustina , an d th e other s a s a t leas t comparable .
This hardly means, however , tha t thes e wer e women who exercised th e
influence o f Augustus's empress Livia. Their live s were apparentl y mor e
private, mor e involve d wit h othe r Imperia l women , wit h famil y an d
property, an d wit h literar y interest s (Boatwrigh t 1991a) . Th e orato r
Pronto, teache r o f the Imperia l heir Marcu s Aurelius, thought i t appro priate to write th e following cloyingly conventiona l birthda y greetin g t o
Marcus's mother Domiti a Lucilla using the Greek language. However, he
was sufficientl y i n aw e o f her standard s (o r he r standing ) tha t h e first
asked his pupil Marcus to check the correctness of the letter (mid-secon d
century, an d se e the earlie r lette r abou t women' s birthday celebration s
in the introduction).
To the Mothe r of Marcus
Willingly b y heaven , yes , wit h th e greates t pleasur e possibl e hav e I sen t m y
Gratia (hi s wife) t o kee p your birthday with you, an d would have come mysel f
had i t bee n lawful . Bu t fo r mysel f . . . thi s consulshi p i s a clo g aroun d m y
feet . . .
The right thing, it seems, would have bee n that all women from al l quarters
should have gathered for this day an d celebrated your birth-feast , firs t o f all th e
women tha t lov e thei r husband s an d lov e thei r childre n an d ar e virtuous, an d
secondly al l tha t ar e genuine an d truthful , an d the thir d compan y t o kee p th e
feast shoul d hav e bee n th e kind-hearte d an d the affabl e an d th e accessibl e an d
the humble-minded ; an d man y othe r rank s o f women woul d b e ther e t o shar e
in som e part o f your prais e an d virtue , seein g tha t you posses s an d ar e mothe r
of al l virtue s and accomplishment s befitting a woman , jus t a s Athena possesse s
and i s mistress of every art .
(Pronto, Correspondence 2.7; Haines 1962)
The politica l goa l o f this kin d o f gossip i s obvious: th e write r damages the reputation o f the emperor in an environment where hi s inability
to contro l hi s wif e speak s world s o f hi s othe r inadequacies . A passage
about Marcu s Aurelius giving Imperia l posts t o hi s wife' s lovers i s just
such a piece of scandal (Historia Augusta. Antoninus 29) exploiting th e
356
spicy combinatio n o f sexual transgressio n an d political interference. Un questionably late , unreliable , an d ofte n profoundl y silly , Historia Au gusta (lat e third an d fourth century ) reveal s the persistence o f this stan dardized gossip abou t femal e transgression .
In contras t with suc h scandalou s rumors , th e representation s of th e
wives of Hadrian, Antoninu s Pius , an d Marcu s Aurelius in state ar t an d
inscriptions provid e u s wit h a vie w o f court wome n tha t mor e closel y
resembles th e prais e literatur e o f speeches . Stressin g marita l loyalt y
(even a kin d o f affection ) an d dynasti c duty , thes e monument s eras e
both th e scandalou s an d th e cosmopolita n element s o f th e live s o f th e
empresses. Th e Colum n Bas e of Antoninu s Pius , date d t o 16 1 in Rome ,
shows th e empero r an d Faustin a I ascending togethe r t o th e heaven s o n
the bac k of a strang e youthful figure , a psychopom p o r being wh o bear s
the sou l awa y (Fig . 13.3) . Just a s the decease d Sabin a i s borne alof t o n
the bac k o f a n eagl e o n a relie f (afte r 136-37 ) i n whic h Hadria n sit s
watching, th e apotheosi s o f Antoninus and Faustina suggests the marita l
harmony s o importan t t o th e publi c self-representatio n o f th e Imperia l
Figure 13.3 . Bas e of the Colum n o f Antoninus Piu s from Rome , erected around th e tim e of his death ,
ca. 16 1 C.E . On th e fron t i s th e apotheosi s o f Antoninu s an d Faustina , hi s wife , watche d b y th e
goddess Rom a an d th e personificatio n of th e Campu s Martius , th e plac e wher e th e funera l pyre s o f
the emperor s and thei r families burned .
358
Figure 13.4. Coi n o f Faustina the Younger fro m Rome , ca . 161-176 C.E. The revers e (shown ) carrie s
the label Feli x temporum, the happy futur e guarantee d by the woman an d he r six children, presumably
the same numbe r the empres s had a t th e tim e the coin was minted.
359
Figure 13.5 . Relie f wit h Septimiu s Severu s claspin g th e han d o f his so n Caracall a a s hi s secon d so n
Qeta an d hi s wife Julia Domn a (secon d fro m th e left ) loo k on . Th e relie f date s t o about 20 6 c.E . and
comes fro m th e Severa n famil y arch at Lepti s Magna i n modem Libya .
handshake scene o f the Lepti s Arch, like the empt y place on the arc h in
Rome, reveal s th e importanc e of the famil y mythan d it s fragility Of ficial representation use d Julia Domn a a s a linchpi n t o creat e a famil y
360 WOME
362 WOME
364
Plotina an d Hadrian , and als o Plancia's father and other member s of her
family an d th e communit y of Perge. Paying homage to the Imperia l family a s well a s to he r ow n bloo d an d communit y family , Planci a use d a
traditional iconograph y o f cult an d kinshi p to foster th e continuin g success of her famil y (Boatwrigh t 1991b) .
Women lik e Planci a Magn a or Cassi a Corneli a Prisc a (bot h secon d
century C.E. ) clearl y controlle d a substantial privat e fortune an d share d
in the ideolog y o f public service for public glory that seems to have moti vated generation s o f Roman men. Eve n in th e Republica n period befor e
women ha d lega l powe r t o giv e awa y money , th e provincial s o f Greece
and Asi a ha d honore d governors ' wive s wit h statue s mos t probabl y i n
thanks fo r intercession wit h th e governo r i n loca l issues . No w the prac -
Priestly office s may , then , hav e been a way t o honor an d rewar d a benefactress, o r the y ma y hav e provide d incom e fo r need y wome n o r pas t
priestesses i n a community (Gordo n 1990) .
The pictur e o f women's politica l participation throug h honors , pat -
366 WOME
368 WOME
370 WOME
371
Figure 13.7 . Tombston e fro m Dorylaio n i n Phrygia , a n inlan d sectio n o f Asia Minor . Date d t o th e
late secon d o r earl y thir d centur y C.E. , i t place s th e object s associate d wit h men' s and women' s live s
into twi n doors , perhap s doors t o th e nex t world o r to the hous e o f the deceased .
able portrait head s with contemporar y hairstyles and bodie s copied fro m
famous Gree k statues o f th e gods . Thes e funerar y portraits , mimickin g
the us e b y th e Imperia l family of portraits i n th e guis e of deities, wer e
popular i n th e tomb s of the late r first, second, an d earl y thir d centurie s
of our era; th e evidenc e suggests that thei r patrons were mostl y wealth y
freed slave s an d tha t th e practic e tende d t o b e localize d i n Rome . T o
have a large-scal e portrait statu e tha t use s th e forma l typolog y o f th e
grand Gree k tradition wa s certainl y t o hav e pretensions t o wealt h an d
culture! (Wred e 1981).
Pretensions t o cultur e ca n als o b e see n i n th e sarcophag i tha t be come popula r i n Ital y an d th e Eas t afte r abou t 13 0 C.E. Sometime s th e
deceased o r he r famil y chos e a desig n an d ha d i t mad e t o order , o r
bought a partiall y complete d piec e an d ha d inscription s an d portrait s
added; in either case women's an d men's virtues are represented (thoug h
differently) throug h the us e of divine and mythologica l imagery . A good
example is the sarcophagu s of Metilia Acte from th e lat e second centur y
C.E. i n Osti a (Fig . 13.9) . Sh e wa s a priestes s o f Magn a Mater, he r hus band a priest; the sarcophagu s shows them as Alcestis and Admetus , sh e
who volunteere d t o di e instea d o f he r husban d an d whos e virtu e wa s
rewarded b y he r retur n t o th e living . Her e bot h lovin g devotio n an d
hopes fo r victor y ove r deat h appear , an d Metili a receive s a heroizin g
Figure 13.8 . Tom b statu e o f a woma n followin g th e mode l o f an earlie r Qree k statu e o f Aphrodite,
perhaps on e suc h a s th e "Venu s d e Milo. " This portrai t fro m Rom e o f the late r first or earl y secon d
century C.E . uses th e artisti c connection s t o asser t nobl e virtue s o f th e deceased , wh o i s presente d
as Venus.
372
373
Figure 13.9 . Sarcophagu s of Metili a Act e an d he r husban d Junius Euhodus, from Rom e i n th e thir d
quarter o f th e secon d centur y C.E. The centralize d composition focuse s the viewer' s ey e o n th e dea d
woman, reclinin g on he r couch / th e narrativ e elements on eithe r side explai n the deat h o f Alcestis i n
her husband' s plac e (on the left ) an d he r virtu e rewarded b y he r retur n from th e dea d (o n the right) .
commemoration throug h th e appropriatio n o f myth (Woo d 1978) . Similarly ostentatiou s monument s t o th e dead , lik e th e sarcophag i o f Asia
Minor, i n th e thir d centur y C.E. , sho w me n a s philosophers , wome n a s
muses, an d bot h a s readersculture d people . W e thu s se e th e virtue s
that wer e considered mos t appropriat e for women an d me n an d th e wa y
these reinforce d and expresse d socia l expectation s tha t wer e roote d i n a
gendered divisio n o f labor.
Most funerary images for nonaristocratic wome n wer e muc h simple r
and les s expensive , resemblin g the majorit y o f commemorative inscrip tions i n that the y choos e t o display family rather than god s or myths. I n
almost ever y par t o f the norther n an d wester n province s an d Italy , an d
some part s o f the eas t a s well, w e find reliefs, as h urns, an d altar s wit h
husbands and wives , children and parents , facin g th e viewe r as if caught
by a nineteenth-centur y photographe r in al l thei r stif f dignity . A family
group o n a stel e mad e fo r resident s o f Daci a (moder n Romania ) (Fig .
13.10) resemble s thos e of soldiers fro m Britain , although style an d fram e
differ; i n Aquilei a in norther n Ital y anothe r famil y looks ou t a s silentl y
as one fro m a painte d stel e i n Thessalonik i in norther n Greece . Th e traditions for such famil y images go back to th e funerar y stela i o f Classical
Athens a s wel l a s t o Republica n Rome, an d remai n aliv e a s a favored
setting fo r women o f the "lowe r classes" in th e Imperia l period.
Some tombstone s i n th e province s tha t sho w wome n wit h familie s
374
Figure 13.10 . Stel e o f a famil y fro m Roma n Sarmizegetus a i n Dacia , a provinc e alon g th e Danube ,
dated t o th e secon d o r thir d centur y C.E.
stones tha t remai n wit h bot h inscription s an d image s ar e fe w an d limited t o thos e peopl e wh o wer e prosperou s enoug h t o hav e tombstone s
and Romanize d enoug h t o wan t the m wit h Roma n word s an d decora tion. Umma , a first-centur y woma n fro m Noricu m (moder n Austria),
wears a splendi d local-style fel t ha t (Fig . 13.11) tha t goe s with he r nonRoman name , an d othe r wome n i n th e norther n an d wester n province s
sometimes wea r loca l brooche s o r carr y loca l basket s o r purses . Loca l
taste i s als o eviden t i n th e larg e funerar y monument s o f wealthy mer chants nea r Trie r i n Germany ; man y sho w famil y portrait s an d me n
hunting, bu t the y includ e panel s with th e decease d i n hi s place o f business while hi s wife, seate d i n a local wicke r chair on anothe r par t of th e
monument, i s prepared fo r th e da y b y he r hairdresse r an d othe r atten dants (Fig . 13.12) . Thes e lat e second- an d third-centur y tombstones o f a
richer and more assimilated group nonetheless sho w their sexual division
of labor (her inactivity brings him status ) i n localize d forms .
The littl e w e kno w abou t wome n i n th e province s come s mainl y
from thes e many kind s of tombstones, fro m thei r rar e petitions reporte d
in th e code s o f Imperial law, fro m th e od d references to a loca l issu e i n
need o f a governor's attention, an d fro m th e broa d context of changes in
the empire . Thes e change s cam e no t onl y fro m conques t bu t fro m th e
entrance o f soldiers an d merchant s int o ne w area s (especiall y th e non Hellenized norther n provinces) . Intermarriag e i s har d t o trac k an d
harder stil l t o quantify , bu t tw o law s will certainl y hav e accounte d for
a growt h i n th e marriage s of Roma n citizens fro m al l ove r th e Empir e
with loca l women . On e wa s Septimiu s Severus's permission fo r soldier s
who serve d twenty-fiv e years t o marr y (Herodia n 3.8.4 [firs t hal f o f th e
third century]) ; thi s regularize d som e relationship s betwee n loca l
women an d th e troop s stationed o n th e frontier s of Empire. The second ,
and b y fa r th e mor e importan t law , wa s Caracalla' s edic t o f 21 2 that
made al l fre e resident s o f the Empir e full citizen s wit h th e righ t t o con tract lega l marriages. How much these ne w law s changed women's lives
in th e province s remain s uncertain becaus e th e evidenc e ha s t o b e extrapolated fro m name s and biographica l data on tombstone s suc h a s w e
have described, but th e impac t on their sons, no w eligible to serve in th e
army, an d thei r daughters , no w abl e t o marr y soldiers , woul d hav e
meant som e change s i n pattern s o f mobility an d Romanization . Nevertheless, inscriptions , reliefs , literature , an d othe r testimoni a fo r provincial women bot h befor e and afte r 21 2 remain firmly rooted i n a gendered
ideology and division of labor, and th e tombstone s continu e t o represent
women wit h familie s an d th e sign s o f traditiona l domesti c labo r an d
virtue.
Only a minorit y o f nonelit e Roma n wome n wer e represente d i n
other form s b y inscriptions and visua l images, and thes e diffe r fro m on e
another accordin g to regio n a s well a s class: thoug h smal l i n numbers ,
they rais e fascinating questions about th e socia l constraints and possibilities of gender and class in this period. There are a number of inscriptions
and a far smaller number of reliefs or paintings that characteriz e wome n
Figure 13.11. Tombston e o f a woman name d Umma , who live d i n first-century C.E. Noricum (mod ern Austria) . He r magnificen t fu r hat , lik e he r name , testifie s t o th e continuin g presenc e o f loca l
customs, even afte r th e proces s of Romanization ha d begun .
376
377
Figure 13.12. Funerar y monument from third-century C.E. Neumagen, nea r Trier/ lik e so many of th e
tomb markers in thi s area o f Qallia Belgica , th e "Eltempaarpfeiler " made fo r a merchan t and hi s wife
took th e for m o f a tal l structure decorated wit h portrait s and scene s o f everyday life . This detai l shows
the matron attended b y her servants .
by work outside the hous e (Kampe n 1981) . Datin g most of this material
presents enormou s problems to scholars , since so few of the inscription s
vary from formul a an d so many have no archaeological provenanc e that
could ad d t o th e informatio n deducible fro m spellin g an d lette r forms ;
for thi s reason , w e giv e almos t n o date s fo r the inscription s w e discus s
here.
Among th e inscription s w e find references to net-makers , includin g
one who made gold nets, perhap s for women's hair: "Viccentia, sweetes t
daughter, make r of gold nets, wh o lived for nine years and nin e months"
(Corpus Inscription urn Latinarum 6.921 3 [undated]; trans. Natali e K ampen) . We also see fabric an d clothin g workers (suc h as Lysis the mende r
or sarcinatrix fro m Rom e who was described a s being eighteen years old ,
thrifty an d modest : Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum 6.9882) , dye makers an d perfumers , an d vendor s o f frui t an d vegetables . Man y o f
these inscription s nam e th e women' s kin , age , status , an d sometime s
even the location s of their shops:
378
To the Spirit s of the Dead . Fo r Abudia Megist e the freedwoma n who wa s mos t
pious, M . Abudiu s Luminaris he r patro n an d husban d made [thi s monument] .
She was most worthy [bene merenti]. Sh e dealt in grain and beans at th e Middle
Stairs [wherever they were] . He r husband made this monument for himself and
his freedmen an d freedwome n and heir s and fo r M. Abudius Saturninus his son
who belonge d to the senio r Esquiline tribe [a sign of social status] and who lived
eight years.
(Corpus Inscriptio n urn Latinarum 6.9683 [from Rome, undated];
trans. Natali e Kampen)
Figure 13.13 . Smal l marbl e sho p relie f o f a saleswoma n from Ostia , dated to th e mid-secon d century
C.E. Cage s o f chicken s an d rabbit s for m th e counte r o n whic h ar e a baske t fo r liv e snail s an d tw o
monkeys fo r the entertainmen t o f customers and passersby .
scription of the idea l wet nurse , tha t she be in he r prime and hav e given
birth two or three times, insist s on the nee d for experience with children
as wel l a s specifi c physica l qualification s (Bradle y 1986) . H e lists emo tional characteristic s such a s self-control an d sympathy:
Not ill-tempered : since b y nature the nurslin g becomes similar to the nurs e and
accordingly grow s sullen i f th e nurs e i s ill-tempered , bu t o f mil d dispositio n i f
she i s even-tempered . Besides , angr y wome n ar e lik e maniac s an d sometime s
when th e newbor n crie s fro m fea r an d they ar e unable t o restrain it , the y le t i t
drop from thei r hand s or overturn it dangerously . For the sam e reaso n the wet nurse shoul d no t b e superstitious an d pron e t o ecstati c state s s o that sh e may
not expos e th e infan t t o dange r when le d astray b y fallacious reasoning, sometimes even trembling like mad. . . . And she should be a Greek so that th e infan t
nursed b y her may become accustome d t o the bes t speech .
(Soranus 2.12.19; Temkin 1956) .
The second category of material abou t the qualification s of workers,
papyrus document s fro m Roma n Egypt , provid e u s wit h apprenticeshi p
contracts, a s in thi s example from secon d centur y C.E. Oxyrrhynchus, i n
which a woma n (wit h he r brothe r a s guardian) contract s a slav e t o a
weaver to lear n th e trad e over the cours e of four years
during whic h tim e th e woma n i s to fee d an d cloth e th e slav e an d brin g her t o
her instructo r ever y day fro m sunris e t o sunse t s o that th e gir l ca n perfor m al l
the dutie s assigne d t o he r b y him tha t ar e relevan t t o th e aforesai d trade ; he r
pay fo r th e firs t yea r t o b e eigh t drachma s a month , fo r th e secon d similarl y
twelve, fo r the third sixteen, for the fourth twenty . Th e girl is to have each yea r
eighteen day s of f for festivals, bu t i f she doe s n o wor k or i s sick fo r some days ,
she is to remai n wit h he r instructo r fo r an equa l numbe r of days a t th e en d of
her tim e of service. Th e instructor i s to pa y for trade taxes an d expenses .
(Papyri Oxyrrhynchi 1647; Lefkowitz and Fant 1982: no. 222)
The occupation s of rural slav e women ma y hav e differed fro m thos e
of workin g women , fre e an d enslaved , i n urba n areas ; Columella , wh o
wrote a boo k o n agricultura l lif e aroun d th e en d o f th e Julio-Claudia n
period (ca . 60) , describe s lif e o n a prosperous estate both fo r the wif e o f
the estat e manage r (th e coupl e ar e ofte n slave s or freed ) an d fo r femal e
slaves:
[A]t one moment she will have to visit the loo m and impart any superior knowledge which sh e possesses, or , failin g this , lear n fro m on e wh o understand s th e
matter bette r tha n sh e does ; a t anothe r momen t sh e wil l hav e t o loo k afte r
those who ar e preparing the foo d fo r the family . Then to o she will hav e t o see
that th e kitche n an d th e cowshed s an d als o th e manger s are cleaned , an d sh e
will hav e t o ope n th e sic k ward s [fo r the slav e population] fro m tim e t o time ,
even i f they contai n n o patients , an d kee p the m fre e fro m dirt , s o that, whe n
necessary, th e sic k may find them i n a n orderly an d healthy condition .
(Columella, De Re Rustica 12.3.8 ; Forster an d Heffne r 1968 )
The femal e slav e i s said t o "hav e recours e t o wool-wor k o n rain y day s
or when , owin g t o col d o r frost , a woma n canno t b e bus y wit h fiel d
work" (Columella , D e Re Rustica 12.1.6) . Th e extent t o which regional
380 WOME
Being of "mean statu s i n life " t o Roma n law mean t mor e than sim ply being poor o r close to origin s in slavery ; it als o meant tha t on e wa s
subject to different treatmen t by the law. The text here claims that thes e
lowly wome n ar e not subjec t to th e severit y o f the law , bu t th e reaso n
is that the y ar e beneath contempt , outsid e th e requirement s of consideration give n an d responsibilit y expecte d o f "decent " women . Wherea s
people o f hig h statu s coul d expec t t o b e take n seriousl y i n th e courts ,
the lowl y (i n th e late r empire they wer e even referred t o a s humi/iores,
humble people , i n contras t wit h honestiores, "gentleme n an d ladies" )
could b e subjecte d t o tortur e t o extrac t informatio n from them , coul d
expect capita l punishmen t rathe r tha n exil e fo r certain seriou s crimes ,
and coul d routinel y expec t les s protection fro m th e la w tha n others . So
being unworthy of consideration of the la w pu t wome n wh o worke d i n
certain public contexts automaticall y into the sam e legal realm as prostitutes.
Certainly there were prostitutes and madams everywhere in the Empire, althoug h se x workers seldom name their jobs on tombstones. A rare
example i s Vibi a Calyben i "th e freedwoma n madam . Sh e mad e he r
money withou t defraudin g others " (Corpu s Inscriptionum Latinarum
9.2029 [undated] ; trans . Natali e Kampen) . Mor e commo n ar e th e ob scene scribbles on barroom walls that bra g about sex with th e innkeepe r
or th e waitres s (thes e com e fro m man y period s an d place s i n th e
Empire).
The othe r occupation s w e hav e been discussin g apparently grante d
women a t a certai n leve l o f society a bi t o f prestige a s well a s income ,
just a s they di d routinel y fo r lower-class working men; bot h sexe s ma y
name their jobs on tombstones (i n addition t o age and kinship), but thi s
is recorded fa r mor e often fo r men tha n fo r women an d i s more common
in Ital y an d th e wester n province s tha n i n th e east . Nevertheless , bot h
slaves and free wome n wer e commemorated with occupation name s that
suggest les s distance betwee n the m tha n th e lega l texts might indicate .
This lac k of a clea r differentiatio n between slav e an d fre e workin g
women i s consistent i n man y inscriptions and als o in th e fe w visual images tha t remain . Thes e presen t vendors , servin g women , nurses , an d
midwives in suc h a way tha t on e cannot tel l whethe r th e subject s wer e
slaves, freedwomen , o r freeborn workers. Th e midwif e show n deliverin g
a bab y i n a smal l an d inexpensiv e second-centur y C.E . terra-cott a relie f
that decorate d a tomb from Ostia' s cemetery ha s no attributes that indicate he r lega l status ; th e focu s o f th e scen e i s th e activit y itself . Th e
image i s interestin g no t onl y fo r it s representatio n o f a birthin g chair
and th e informatio n i t provide s abou t contemporar y practice s bu t als o
because i t wa s accompanied b y another terra-cott a showin g a male doctor and male patient an d because an inscription on the fron t o f the tom b
specified tha t th e patro n wa s a woma n (Fig . 13.14). 11 Thes e relief s an d
paintings, lik e th e inscription s tha t mentio n th e occupation s wome n
practiced outsid e th e household , com e fro m ver y scattered site s i n Italy ,
Figure 13.14 . Terra-cott a painte d relie f o f a midwif e deliverin g a baby fro m a tom b i n th e Isol a Sacr a
Necropolis of Ostia, mid-second centur y C.E ,
382 WOME
Gaul, Nort h Africa, an d the eastern provinces . Whethe r we should inter pret th e small numbers and scattered location s a s evidence fo r the rarit y
of women's nondomesti c wor k o r a s an indicatio n tha t i t seldo m added
enough t o a woman' s statu s t o meri t inclusio n on a tombston e (o r perhaps even lowere d statu s i n compariso n with traditiona l domestic occu pations) i s unclear. Th e existenc e o f these bit s of information does suggest tha t economi c force s a s wel l a s persona l inclinatio n ma y hav e
drawn some wome n int o nondomesti c work settings. Bu t the preponderance o f occupations associate d wit h clothin g and fabrics , food, an d th e
care an d healt h o f infants an d wome n indicates that man y of these jobs
were onl y on e ste p outsid e th e hom e an d s o did little t o rearrang e th e
gendered divisio n of labor among working women, bot h fre e an d slave .
Far mor e clearl y honorifi c fo r wome n w e migh t conside r middl e
class (free d slave s as well as members of the business , tradesman, o r artisan strata) wer e th e position s the y hel d in cults all over the Roma n Empire. Th e popula r cul t o f Isis was muc h favore d by women o f all classe s
in Ital y an d th e wester n provinces , a s we lear n fro m th e descriptio n i n
Apuleius's novel, Metamorphoses, (thir d quarter of the secon d century )
of a procession:
At th e hea d [o f th e procession ] walke d wome n crowne d wit h flowers , wh o
pulled mor e flowers out o f the fold s of their beautifu l white dresses and scattered
them alon g th e road ; thei r joy in the Saviouress appeare d i n every gesture . Nex t
came wome n with polished mirror s tie d t o the back s of their heads, which gav e
all wh o followe d th e illusio n o f comin g t o mee t th e Goddess , rathe r tha n
marching befor e her . Next, a part y o f women wit h ivor y comb s i n thei r hand s
who mad e a pantomim e o f combing th e Goddess ' royal hair , an d anothe r party
with bottle s of perfume who sprinkled th e roa d wit h balsa m an d other precious
perfumes; an d behind thes e a mixed compan y o f women an d men who addresse d
the Goddes s a s "Daughte r o f th e Stars " an d propitiate d he r b y carryin g ever y
sort o f lightlamps , torches , wa x candle s an d s o forth. . . . The n followe d a
great crow d o f th e Goddess ' initiates , me n an d women o f al l classes and every
age, their pur e white line n clothe s shinin g brightly. The women wor e thei r hai r
tied u p i n gloss y coil s unde r gauz e head-dresses ; th e men' s head s wer e completely shaven , representin g th e Goddess ' brigh t earthly stars , an d the y carrie d
rattles o f brass , silve r an d eve n gold , whic h kep t u p a shril l an d ceaseles s tinkling.
(Apuleius 18 ; Graves 1951; emphasis added b y Natalie Kampen)
held offices , althoug h not priesthoods , in synagogues throughout th e Empire. Lik e man y o f thei r non-Jewis h sisters, the y gaine d i n prestig e an d
social standin g i n thei r communitie s throug h thi s honorifi c service an d
through thei r activ e patronage of buildings and institutions .
Christian women in Rome and the provinces were the only ones who
differed fro m th e mode l w e hav e articulate d fo r paga n an d Jewis h
women; i n th e perio d befor e Constantin e made Christianity a fully lega l
religion i n hi s Edict of Toleration (311-1 2 C.E.), thes e women sometime s
lost positio n an d even families and live s through their involvemen t with
their church . Whethe r becaus e o f over t persecutio n o r simpl y throug h
the loathin g o f Christianit y tha t cam e fro m storie s abou t cannibalis m
and incest , onl y th e lowlies t o r th e mos t privilege d i n Roma n societ y
could openl y an d wit h impunit y admit t o bein g a Christian . O f martyrdoms and persecution s we have many reports, includin g the famou s narrative supposedly b y St. Perpetua who tell s her own story o f captivity in
third-century Carthage . No t onl y doe s sh e recoun t th e attempt s o f he r
father t o persuad e her t o recant , th e vision s she has, an d th e braver y of
those around her , sh e als o gives a picture of days spent i n prison :
I wa s terrified , a s I had neve r before bee n i n suc h a dar k hole. Wha t a difficul t
time it was ! With th e crow d th e hea t was stifling; the n ther e was the extortio n
of the soldiers ; an d t o crown all , I was tortured wit h worry for my baby there.
(Acts of th e Christian Martyrs 8 ; trans. H . Musurillo in Lefkowit z an d Fan t
1982: no. 266)
384 WOME
386 WOME
The issu e her e i s not Roma n racial prejudice but rathe r th e wa y status ,
gender, an d ethnicit y coincide . Th e woma n o f lo w status , lik e th e
woman o f Thessal y o r Syria , i s ope n t o charge s o f hypersexuality , o f
witchcraft, o f criminality; sh e becomes Other .
The ultimate Othe r i s the "barbarian, " th e man or woman fro m out side th e frontier , subjec t t o conques t an d enslavemen t a s well a s to Romanization. Thes e ar e th e figuration s o f the separatio n betwee n insid e
and outside , betwee n civilizatio n and it s opposite ; the y wer e use d no t
for ethnograph y o r th e folklorist' s interests bu t a s a way t o describ e Roman victor y and , b y opposition, Roma n civilization. Wherea s the funer ary portrait s o f prosperou s wome n fro m Palmyr a or Roma n Egyp t ( Fig.
13.15) preserv e local material s and styl e element s suc h a s the figure s i n
traditional Pharaoni c style, an d ma y wel l hav e looke d fairl y exoti c t o
Italian o r Gree k viewers, the y d o speak for the loca l populatio n an d it s
values an d concerns . B y comparison, th e representatio n o f "barbarian "
women i n Roma n historical text s and image s tells us less abou t "barbar ians" than abou t th e Roman s themselves. Th e most familia r visual typ e
is the mournin g "barbarian" woma n on coins an d reliefs . She may stan d
with a chained "barbarian " ma n besid e a military trophy, o r sit hea d i n
hands, desolat e a t it s foot , o r dra g alon g i n a triumpha l proces s a s she
does i n th e Severa n arc h a t Lepti s Magna (ca . 206). Sh e recurs a s th e
emblem o f defea t i n narrativ e setting s a s well , take n prisoner , o r i n
flight, o r eve n bein g killed , a s o n th e Colum n o f Marcu s Aureliu s i n
Rome (ca . 180) (Fig. 13.16).
Until the empero r reaches out t o raise her up and transform her into
the personificatio n of a happ y provinc e (Fig . 13.17 ) as is the cas e wit h
Hadrian an d Africa , th e '"barbarian " woman remain s the Roma n sign of
conquest an d th e marke r of that whic h i s not Roman , outside o f civilization.
Stories of "barbarian" wome n diffe r fro m visua l images in tellin g u s
different thing s an d wit h differen t motivation . Tale s o f "barbarian "
queens leadin g troops agains t Rome , from Boudicc a in Britai n (firs t cen tury C.E. ) (Tacitus , Agricola 16.1 ; Mattingly 1948 ) to Zenobia i n the Eas t
(third centur y C.E.) , gran t a certai n misguide d heroism t o th e Amazon like wome n eve n a s the y g o down i n defeat . Writin g abou t th e quee n
of Palmyr a wh o invade d Rome' s easter n territorie s an d perhap s Egypt ,
Trebellius Pollio constructs fo r Zenobia a personality vivi d in it s gende r
mixing:
[A]rrayed i n th e robe s o f Did o an d eve n assumin g the diadem , sh e hel d th e
imperial powe r i n th e nam e o f he r son s Herennianu s and Timolaus , rulin g
longer than coul d b e endured from on e of the femal e sex. . . . She lived i n regal
pomp. I t was rather in the manner of the Persian s that sh e received worshi p an d
in the manner of the Persian kings that sh e banqueted; but it was in the manne r
of a Roman emperor that sh e came forth t o public assemblies, wearin g a helme t
and gir t wit h a purpl e fillet , whic h ha d gem s hangin g fro m th e lowe r edge ,
while it s center wa s fastened with th e jewe l calle d cochlis , use d instea d of th e
brooch wor n b y women, an d he r arm s were frequently bare . He r face was dar k
387
Figure 13.16 . Detai l fro m th e Colum n o f Marcu s Aureliu s i n Rome , late r secon d centur y C.E . The
Romans hav e take n a sectio n o f Qerma n enem y territor y an d ar e threatenin g an d killin g som e o f
the women.
388
and o f a swarthy hue , he r eyes wer e blac k and powerful beyond th e usua l wont ,
her spirit divinel y great , an d her beauty incredibl e . . . her voice wa s clear an d
like tha t o f a man . He r sternness, whe n necessit y demanded , wa s tha t o f a ty.rant, he r clemency, whe n he r sense o f right called fo r it, tha t of a good emperor .
(Scriptores Historiae Augustae: Thirty Pretenders 30.2-3, 13-18 ;
Magie 1967-68 )
The underlyin g program of the Germania help s to explai n th e posi tive element s here , sinc e the y clearl y impl y bot h contras t wit h th e
vaunted decadenc e an d self-indulgenc e of women an d me n i n Rom e and
a desir e t o unif y th e latte r aroun d thei r differenc e fro m th e barbarou s
Germans. Nonetheless , towar d th e en d o f th e Germania, Tacitu s note s
with contemp t a grou p s o degenerat e tha t the y ar e rule d b y women :
390 WOME
Conclusion
Referring t o the Greek authors of the past and to the normative Athenian
tradition o f keepin g women seclude d an d thei r name s unmentione d i n
public a s a sig n o f thei r respectability , Plutarc h place s himsel f i n th e
camp o f moder n Roma n life ; stil l Greek , h e claim s tha t respectabl e
women shoul d remai n unseen , bu t thei r fam e an d goo d deed s shoul d b e
commemorated publicly. In this passage, the relation between Greek and
Roman, betwee n elit e an d workin g women , betwee n pas t an d Roma n
present crystallize s as the autho r prepares to recount the brave and wondrous deeds of the wome n of the past .
Some o f th e wome n Plutarc h discussesSemiramis, Tanaquil , Por ciahave featured i n earlier chapters in our book , bu t thei r worl d i s far
from eithe r th e pom p of the Imperia l court o r the dail y occupations an d
domestic concern s of the freebor n and freedwomen of Italy and the prov inces. W e have chose n an d considere d her e materia l fro m a n enormou s
and disparat e numbe r o f possibilitie s i n orde r t o sho w th e tensio n be tween Roma n upper-class gender traditions and ideals, the dominant ideologies, an d th e socia l an d economi c force s tha t permitte d wome n som e
degree of autonomy o r even authority . Jus t a s these elements ar e alway s
in comple x an d unstabl e relation s wit h on e anothe r bot h historicall y
and geographically , s o als o i s ther e a tensio n betwee n apparentl y op -
posed notion s o f public and private , Roman and outsiders , "upper " an d
"lower" class, that demonstrate s how these categorie s blur and shift , often merging into continua throug h thei r ow n complexity o r through th e
social an d politica l needs of empire or period.
By th e en d o f this period , ne w force s are shapin g gender relations. Th e
discussion o f famil y an d sexualit y i n Chapte r 1 1 alread y articulate d
some o f th e position s tha t appea r in th e argument s over th e natur e of
sexuality an d o f gende r i n lat e antiquity . Th e changin g shap e o f th e
Empire and it s shifts i n populatio n a s new group s entered o r took powe r
had a n impac t o n wome n an d o n gende r ideolog y jus t a s did ne w reli gious doctrines and ne w socia l attitudes . Th e writing and ar t o f late an tiquity, beginnin g with th e ag e of Constantine, ar e beyon d th e scop e of
this book , bu t i t i s important t o stres s tha t muc h ne w researc h o n th e
family, o n idea s abou t th e bod y an d sexualit y an d o n attitude s towar d
masculinity and femininity within a spiritualized religious framework is
adding to our fund o f knowledge about the positions of women and ideologies of gender in th e beginnin g of the Middl e Ages (see Further Reading
for mor e information) . Theologica l shift s o f emphasi s t o th e celibat e
body an d t o chastit y equall y fo r wome n an d me n o r t o th e famil y i n
Christ rather tha n th e secula r famil y may have had only a minimal impact on the dail y lives of the larg e number of women in th e lat e Empire;
nevertheless, suc h evidenc e a s tha t fro m tombstone s showin g a n in creased valuatio n o n burial s of children an d wome n i n Christia n communities (Sha w 1984 ) sugges t tha t ther e ma y hav e bee n change s no t
only in social ideolog y but i n social practice a s wellenough eventually
to chang e som e part s o f women's live s an d expectation s a s th e ma p of
the great Empir e itself changed its shape.
NOTES
1. "Peregrin e status " is used t o indicat e tha t th e candidat e migh t lac k Roma n citizenship.
2. Fo r example, Tacitus , Annals 3.34, where Drusus defends husbands who take their
wives with the m t o Imperia l posts [21 C.E.].
3. Th e autho r tell s u s a t 4. 2 and a t 12.3- 4 wit h equa l convictio n tha t Elagabalus' s
mother an d his grandmother wer e eac h first to atten d th e Senat e "lik e a man" an d wit ness th e draftin g of legislation. Confirmatio n from othe r source s i s lacking.
4. Th e us e o f "mos t distinguished " o r clarissimus fo r a ma n an d clarissima fo r a
woman i s typica l o f late r Roma n inscriptions , especiall y fro m th e mid-thir d centur y
onward.
5. Thes e di d no t i n fac t functio n a s priestesse s bu t wer e loca l wome n chose n a s
mouthpieces fo r divine inspiration .
6. Lik e a tunic-wearin g Diogenescareless male intellectual?
7. Fo r this text th e ol d Loe b edition wit h translatio n b y Babbitt is quite misleading ,
because i t mention s readin g i n books , wher e Plutarc h speak s onl y o f his wif e "hearin g
about" geometry, ethics , and astronomy from he r husbandand tha t i n a carefully predi gested form .
392 WOME
TRANSLATIONS
Alexander, Paul . 1938 . "Speeche s an d Letter s of the Empero r Hadrian." Harvard Stu dies
in Classical Philology 49 : 141-78 .
Babbitt, F . C. 1968 . Plutarch. Loe b Classical Library . Cambridge , Mass.
Birley, A . 1976 . Lives o f th e Later Caesars. Harmondsworth, Middlesex .
Bowie, E . L . 1990. "Greek Poetr y i n th e Antonin e Age. " I n Antonine Literature, edited
by D . A . Russell , 53-90. Oxford.
Church, A . J., an d W . J. Brodribb . 1942. Complete Works o f Tacitus. Ne w York .
Drew-Bear, H. , an d W . D . Lebek. 1973 . "An Oracl e o f Apollo at Miletus. " Greek, Roman
and Byzantine Studies 14 : 65-75.
Forster, E . S. , an d E . Heffner . 1968 . Columella: D e R e Rustica. Loe b Classica l Library .
Cambridge, Mass .
Gardner, J . F. , an d T . Wiedemann . 1991 . Th e Roman Household: A Sourcebook. New
York.
Graves, R . 1951 . Apuleius: Transformations o f Lucius. Ne w York.
Green, P . \967.Juvenal: Th e Sixteen Satires. Harmondsworth , Middlesex .
Haines, C . R . 1962 . Marcus Cornelius Pronto. Loeb Classical Library . Cambridge, Mass .
Ker, W . C . A . 1968 . Martial. Loe b Classical Library . Cambridge, Mass .
Lefkowitz, M. , an d Fant , M . 1982 . Women's Life i n Greece and Rome. Baltimore, Md .
Lewis, N. , an d M . Reinhold . 1966 . Roman Civilization: Sourcebook II : Th e Empire. Ne w
York.
Magie, D . 1967-68 . Scriptores Historiae Augustae. Loe b Classica l Library . Cambridge ,
Mass.
WORKS CONSULTE D
Boatwright, Mar y Taliaferro . 1991a . "Imperia l Wome n o f th e Earl y Secon d Century. "
American Journal o f Philology 112 : 513-40.
. 1999b . "Planci a Magn a o f Perge : Women' s Role s an d Statu s i n Roma n Asi a Mi -
394 WOME
CHRONOLOQY
Major event s from th e Gree k an d Roma n world 776 B.C.E.-313 C.E., wit h
events an d person s fro m thi s text.
Greece and the Greek world
776
First Olympiad
753
716
675
673
ca. 660-57 0 Ag
e of tyrant s
Ancus Martius king
642
625
616
594
582-573
579
566
Reorganization o f Panathenai c
festival
546
534
509
Expulsion o f Tarquins ;
establishment o f Roma n
Republic
396
508
490
484
483
480
470
468
455
451
Periclean citizenshi p la w
447
Parthenon begu n
Decemvirate a t Rom e
Lex Canuleia permit s
patrician-plebian
intermarriage
443
ca. 440
438
Euripides' Alcestis
431
425
Aristophanes' Acharnians
421
415
411
Aristophanes' Lysistrata
406
404
Defeat o f Athen s
399
Trial o f Socrate s
392
Aristophanes' Ecclesiazusae
390
Xenophon writin g
387
386
Piebians admitted t o
consulship
366
361
359
338
Chronology
336
335
331
Founding of Alexandria
323
Death o f Alexande r
300
397
280
276
273
Birth of Berenic e I I
272
264
247
240
239
Birth o f Ennius
234
Birth o f Cat o
218
Rome declares wa r o n
Carthage. Hanniba l crosses
Alps and occupie s souther n
Italy.
216
215
214-206
Lex Oppi a
First war betwee n Phili p of
Macedonia an d Rom e
212
207
204
202
200-197
197
196
195
398 CHRONOLOQ
an d th e Roman world
188 Rom
186 Bacchanalia
n conspirac y
suppressed b y Senat e
167 Rom
d o f Macedonian
y
e defeats Perseus of En
Macedonia a t Pydn a monarch
Polybius brought to Rome
166-160 Play
s of Terence
149 Thir
148 Rom
146 Rom
e destroys Corint h an d
Carthage
s Gracchus's popular
reforms. Rom e inherits
Pergamum.
123-121 Tribunate
s of Gaius Gracchus;
attempt t o enfranchise Italians
112-106 Rom
104-101 Mariu
100 Mariu
91 Italia
88 Sull
86 Sull
a captures Athens
82 Sull
70 Cicer
63 Cicer
59 Juliu
49 Civi
48 Caesa
44 Caesa
43 Octavia
42 Octavia
41 Anton
40 Anton
Chronology
399
Roman Empire
including Greek world
39 Octavia
31 Anton
30 Octavia
29 Liv
27 Octavia
25 Ovi
23 Horace'
19 Death
18 Augusta
17 Secula
9 Dedicatio
2 Augustu
c.e,
8 Younge
9 Le
14 Deat
37 Deat
41 Assassinatio
49 Agrippin
54 Deat
65 Ner
68 Yea
79 Titu
81 Domitia
90-95 Quintilian'
96 Domitia
n become s empero r
s Education o f th e Orator
n assassinated . Plin y the Younge r begins t o publis h Letters.
Plutarch writin g Moral Essays and Lives.
98 Traja
n declare d empero r
100 Traja
n comes t o Rom e
101-6 Traja
n conquer s Daci a
110-11 Plin
114-17 Trajan'
400 CHRONOLOQ
Roman Empire
including Greek world
117 Hadria
ca. 12 5 Deat
h of Plutarch
130 Hadria
138 Deat
155 Apuleius'
161 Deat
193 Deat
212 Caracall
218-22 Elagabalu
222-35 Deat
s emperor
h of Elagabalus. Rule of Alexander Severus.
235-84 Successio
284 Diocletia
306 Diocletia
312 Constantin
313 Edic
ART CREDIT S
Maps
Page 2-3 : Th e Gree k Worl d Aroun d 30 0 B.C.E . Afte r Ma p 9 i n
J. Boardman , e t al. , Oxfor d History o f th e Classical World, 1986 . Oxford Universit y Pres s 1986 . Reprinte d b y permission o f Oxford Universit y
Press.
Page 208-209 : Th e Roma n Empir e Around 20 0 C.E. Afte r Ma p 1 0 in
J. Boardma n e t al. , Oxford History o f th e Classical World, 1986 . Oxford Universit y Pres s 1986 . Reprinte d by permission o f Oxford University
Press.
Figures
Part I
1 Marbl
1.1 Archai
c vas e (ca . 550-54 0 B.C.E. ) fro m Clazomenai . London ,
British Museu m B121 . Photo: Museum , courtes y of Trustees.
1.2 Red-figur
e Athenia n vas e (ca . 46 0 B.C.E.). Rome , Muse o Nazio nale Etrusc o d i Vill a Giulia . Photo : Soprintendenz a Archeolo gica d i Etruria Meridionale .
1.3 Kor
1.4 Kor
e of Phrasiclei a (ca . 53 0 B.C.E.). Athens , Nationa l Archaeo logical Museum . Fro m Athens Annals o f Archaeology, V , 1972,
p. 312 , fig. 14.
1.5 Funerar
y relie f (540-53 0 B.C.E. ) fro m Attica . Ne w York , Metropolitan Museu m o f Ar t 11.185 . Hewit t Fund , 1911 ; Munse y
Fund, 1936 , 1938 , an d Anonymou s Gift , 1951 . Photo : Museum .
1.6 Pla
402 WOME
1.7 Black-figur
e Atti c vase (ca . 520 B.C.E.). Wuerzburg , Martin vo n
Wagner Museu m L308. Photo : Museum.
1.8 Fragmen
t of a fifth-centur y B.C.E . relief . Naples , Muse o Nazionale Archeologico . Photo : Soprintendenz a Archeologic a dell e
Province di Napoli e Caserta Napoli.
1.9 Seventh-centur
y B.C.E . ivor y statuette . Izmir , Archaeologica l
Museum. Fro m E. Akurgal, Griechische und Romische Kunst i n
der Turkei, pi . 69a.
1.10Monumenta
l Gree k ston e statu e (ca . 650 B.C.E.) . Athens , Na tional Archaeologica l Museum 1 . Photo: TA P Service.
1.11 Mirro
r (ca . 48 0 B.C.E.) . Brauron , Archaeologica l Museum .
Photo: Secon d Ephori a of Classical Antiquities .
1.12 Earl
y Atti c funerar y vas e (76 0 B.C.E.). Athens , Nationa l Ar chaeological Museu m 804. Photo: TA P Service.
1.13 Funera
l plaqu e (ca . 50 0 B.C.E.) . Paris , Muse e d u Louvre .
Photo: Museum .
1.14 Funera
l plaque (ca . 540-530 B.C.E.) . Berlin , Antikensammlung,
Staatliche Musee n F1813 . Photo : Museum .
1.15 Vas
e from th e en d o f th e sixt h centur y B.C.E . Athens , Ceram icus Museu m 691 . Photo : Germa n Archaeologica l Institute ,
Athens.
1.16Loutrophoro
s (ca . 490-480 B.C.E.) . Paris , Muse e d u Louvre .
Photo: Museum.
2.1 Statuett
e o f femal e athlet e (sixt h century , B.C.E.) . London ,
British Museu m 208. Photo: Museum , courtesy o f Trustees.
3.1 Tombston
e o f Aristyll a (ca . 430-425 B.C.E.) . Athens , Nationa l
Archaeological Museu m 766. Photo: TA P Service.
3.2 Tombston
e o f Pausimach e (ca . 390-380 B.C.E.) . Athens , Na tional Archaeologica l Museum 3964. Photo : TAP Service.
3.3 Detai
l o f th e eas t friez e o f th e Partheno n (ca . 440-432 B.C.E.) .
London, Britis h Museum. Photo : Museum, courtesy o f Trustees.
3.4 Vas
3.5 Eas
3.6 Dionysia
c vas e (ca . 450 B.C.E.) . Sa n Antoni o Museu m o f Ar t
86.134.64. Gif t o f Gilbert M . Denman , Jr. Photo : Museum .
3.7 Vas
e (ca . 440 B.C.E.) . Tarquinia , Muse o Nazional e Archeolo gico. Photo : Soprintendenz a Archeologic a d i Etruri a Meridi onale.
Art Credits 40
3.8 Interio
r o f an Atti c white-groun d cu p (ca . 480 B.C.E.). Munich,
Staatliche Antikensammlunge n un d Glyptothe k 2645 . Photo :
Museum.
3.9 Perfum
e vas e (ca . 38 0 B.C.E.). Karlsruhe , Badisches Landesmu seum B39 . Photo: Museum .
e vas e (ca . 550-54 0 B.C.E.) . Berlin , Antikensamm 3.10Black-figur
lung, Staatlich e Musee n F1686 . Photo : Bildarchi v Preussische r
Kulturbesitz.
3.11 White-groun
d lekytho s (ca . 44 0 B.C.E.) . Athens , Nationa l Ar chaeological Museu m 1935 . Photo: TA P Service.
3.12White-groun
d lekytho s (ca . 43 0 B.C.E.) . Munich , Staatlich e
Antikensammlungen un d Glyptothe k 6254 . Photo: Museum .
3.13Pyxi
3.14seu
s fo r cosmetic s (ca . 440-43 0 B.C.E.) . London , Britis h Mu m 1920.12-21.1 . Photo : Museum, courtes y o f Trustees.
3.15Epinetro
n (ca . 42 0 B.C.E.) . Athens , Nationa l Archaeologica l
Museum 1629 . Photo: TA P Service.
3.16 Loutrophoro
s (ca . 43 0 B.C.E.) . Boston , Museu m o f Fin e Art s
03.802. Franci s Bartlett Collection. Photo : Museum .
3.17Pla
3.18 Interio
r o f a cu p (ca . 47 0 B.C.E.) . Berlin , Antikensammlung ,
Staatliche Musee n F2289 . Photo : Museum .
3.19Vas
e (ca . 450 B.C.E.). London , British Museum E219. Photo: Mu seum, courtes y of Trustees.
3.20Grav
e stel e o f Plango n (325-32 0 B.C.E.) . Munich , Staatlich e
Antikensammlungen un d Glyptothe k G1.199 . Photo : Museum .
3.21Vas
e (ca . 45 0 B.C.E.). London , Britis h Museum E190. Photo: Mu seum, courtes y o f Trustees .
3.22Water-ja
r (ca . 52 0 B.C.E.) fro m Athens . Toled o Museu m o f Ar t
1961.23. Gif t of Edward Drummon d Libbey . Photo: Museum .
3.23Vas
3.24Vas
3.25Symposiu
m vase (490-48 0 B.C.E.) . Ne w York , Metropolitan Mu seum o f Art 20.246 . Rogers Fund, 1920 . Photo: Museum .
3.26Drinkin
g cu p (520-51 0 B.C.E.) . Madrid , Muse o Arqueologic o
Nacional 11.267 . Photo : Museum .
404 AR
T CREDIT S
3.27Detai
l of a symposium vas e (ca . 500 B.C.E.). Malibu, California,
J. Pau l Gett y Museu m 80.AE.31 . (Artist : Phintias ; Title : Atti c
Red-figure Kylix ; Medium: Terracotta; Size : H . 12.6cm, W. 39.1
cm, Diamete r 30. 8 cm). Photo : Museum .
4.1 Black-figur
e vas e (ca . 520-50 0 B.C.E.) . Munich , Staatlich e
Antikensammlungen un d Glyptothe k 1711 . Photo: Museum .
4.2 Outsid
e o f a cu p (ca . 51 0 B.C.E.). Oxford , Ashmolea n Museu m
1927.4065. Photo : Museum .
4.3 Atti
4.4 Shiel
r tetradrach m o f Cleopatr a (3 7 B.C.E.). Ne w York , Ameri can Numismati c Society. Photo : ANS.
5.4 Th
e Ptolemies . Fro m R . Bianch i e t al. , Cleopatra's Egypt: Ag e
of th e Ptolemies, p. 10 . Brookly n Museum 1988 . Courtes y o f
the Brookly n Museum.
5.5 Terra-cott
a figurin e fro m Benghaz i (330-30 0 B.C.E.) . London ,
British Museum C718. Photo: Museum , courtesy o f Trustees.
5.6 Terra-cott
a figurin e fro m Tanagr a (ca . firs t hal f o f thir d cen tury B.C.E.) . Paris , Musee du Louvre . Photo: Museum .
5.7 Silve
r tetradrach m (246-22 1 B.C.E. ) o f Queen Berenic e II . Ne w
York, America n Numismatic Society. Photo : ANS.
5.8 Portrai
t bus t (secon d hal f of the thir d centur y B.C.E. ) o f Quee n
Berenice II . Munich, Staatliche Antikensammlungen un d Glyptothek 543. Photo: Museum .
5.9 Faienc
e jug fro m Alexandri a (ca . 24 0 B.C.E.). Antalya , Archae ological Distric t Museum . Photo: Museum.
5.10Portrai
t (ca . 270-24 6 B.C.E. ) o f Ptolemai c quee n Arsino e II .
New York , Metropolita n Museu m o f Ar t 20.2.21 . Roger s Fund,
1920. Photo : Museum .
5.11Marbl
e votiv e relie f (lat e secon d centur y B.C.E.) . Munich ,
Staatliche Antikensammlunge n un d Glyptothe k 206 . Photo :
Museum.
5.12 Statu
Art Credits 40
5.14
5.15
5.16
5.17 Statu
e o f th e crouchin g Aphrodite . Rome , Muse o Nazional e
delle Terme. Photo : Soprintendenz a Archeologic a di Roma.
5.18 Terra-cott
a statuett e from Naucrati s (firs t centur y B.C.E . t o first
century C.E.) . London , Britis h Museum C574. Photo: Museum,
courtesy o f Trustees .
5.19
Terra-cotta statuett e fro m Tanagr a (ca . 350-325 B.C.E.) . London, Britis h Museu m C243 . Photo : Museum , courtes y o f
Trustees.
5.20
Statue (thir d centur y B.C.E.) . Munich , Staatlich e Antiken sammlungen un d Glyptothe k 437. Photo: Museum.
Part II
1 Tombston
e (possibl y secon d o r thir d centur y C.E.) . London ,
British Museum . Photo: Museum , courtesy o f Trustees .
7.1 Revers
e of a denarius of L. Titurius Sabinus (89-88 B.C.E. ) . Lon
don, Britis h Museu m BM C 2322. Photo : Museum , courtes y o f
Trustees.
7.2 Revers
e of a denarius of L. Titurius Sabinus (89-88 B.C.E.). Lon
don, Britis h Museu m BM C 2328 . Photo : Museum , courtesy o f
Trustees.
7.3 Terra-cott
a statu e o f a youn g woma n (thir d centur y B.C.E.) .
New York , Metropolita n Museu m o f Ar t 16.141 . Roger s Fund,
1916. Photo : Museum.
7.4 Ficoron
i cist a (fourt h centur y B.C.E.) . Rome , Museo Nazionale
Etrusco d i Vill a Giulia . Photo : Germa n Archaeologica l Institute, Rome .
406 AR
T CREDIT S
7.5 Revers
e of a denariu s o f L . Roscius Fabatu s (6 4 B.C.E.) . Photo :
Hirmer Verlag.
7.6 Statu
e o f a matro n fro m Rom e (ca . 2 7 B.C.E. t o 1 4 C.E.). Parma,
Museo Nazionale . Photo : Germa n Archaeologica l Institute ,
Rome.
7.7 Revers
e of denarius of Clodius Vestalis (4 1 B.C.E.). London, Brit ish Museu m BMC 4196. Photo: Museum , courtesy o f Trustees.
7.8 Fragmen
t of a marble relief (ca . 14-3 7 C.E.) . Rome, Museo Conservatori. Photo : Germa n Archaeological Institute , Rome .
7.9 Mold-mad
e terra-cott a figurin e (fift h centur y B.C.E.) . Reggi o
Calabria, Muse o Nazionale. Photo : Soprintendenz a Archeolog ica dell a Calabria.
a plaqu e fro m fift h centur y B.C.E . Reggi o Calabria ,
7.10Terra-cott
Museo Nazionale . Photo : Soprintendenz a Archeologic a dell a
Calabria.
7.11 Lebe
s gamikos from Campani a (fourt h centur y B.C.E.) . London ,
British Museu m F207. Photo : Museum , courtesy o f Trustees.
7.12Terra-cott
a figurin e fro m sout h Ital y (thir d centur y B.C.E.) .
New York , Metropolita n Museu m o f Ar t 11.212.20 . Photo :
Museum.
8.1 Drawin
g of a wall paintin g from th e Tom b of the Painte d Vases
in Tarquinia (ca . 500 B.C.E.). Photo: German Archaeological In stitute, Rome .
8.2 Engrave
d bronz e mirro r (secon d hal f o f th e fourt h centur y
B.C.E.). From Gerhard, Etruskische Spiegel, p . 112 .
8.3 Paintin
g fro m th e tom b o f th e Monke y a t Chius i (lat e sixt h
century B.C.E.) . Photo : German Archaeological Institute , Rome .
8.4 Cop
8.5 Terra-cott
a sarcophagu s (sixt h century B.C.E.) . Paris , Musee d u
Louvre. Photo : Museum.
8.6 Limeston
e relie f fro m Chius i (ca . 50 0 B.C.E.) . Chiusi , Muse o
Civico. Photo : Soprintendenz a Archeologic a di Firenze .
8.7 Li
d of a limestone sarcophagus (mid-fourt h century B.C.E.) . Boston, Museu m of Fin e Arts 86.145. Gif t o f Mrs . Gardner Brewer.
Photo: Museum .
8.8 Cannicell
a Venu s (ca . 53 0 B.C.E.) . Orvieto , Muse o Civico .
Photo: German Archaeological Institute, Rome.
Art Credits 40
8.9 Votiv
e terra-cott a figurine s (fourt h centur y B.C.E.) . Florence ,
Museo Archeologico . Photo : Soprintendenz a Archeologic a d i
Etruria Meridionale .
8.10 Seventh-centur
y B.C.E . bronz e pendant . Bologna , Muse o Civic o
Archeologica. Photo : Museum.
8.11 Painte
d terra-cott a sarcophagu s (ca . 15 0 B.C.E.). London , Brit ish Museu m D786. Photo : Museum , courtesy o f Trustees .
9.1 Statu
e of a woman (earl y fourth century C.E.) . Volterra, Museo
Guarnacci. Photo : Germa n Archaeological Institute , Rome .
9.2 Tombston
e of a couple (firs t centur y B.C.E.) . Rome , Muse o Nu ovo. Photo : Germa n Archaeological Institute , Rome .
9.3 Tombston
e o f a family group (lat e first century B.C.E.) . Vatican
Museum 10490 . Photo: Museum .
10.1 Gree
k red-figur e vas e (lat e sixt h centur y B.C.E.) . Brussels , Mu sees Royaux d'Art et d'Histoir e A717 . Photo : ACL.
10.2Mol
11.1 Th
11.2 Ar
11.3Portrai
t bus t o f th e Empres s Livi a fro m Egyp t (ca . 4-1 4 C.E.) .
Copenhagen, N y Carlsberg Glyptotek 615 . Photo : Museum .
11.4 Portrai
t bus t o f Livia fro m Rom e (afte r 1 4 C.E.). Bochum , RuhrUniversitat. Photo : I . Berndt.
11.5 Portrai
t statu e o f Livia . Copenhagen , N y Carlsber g Glyptote k
531. Photo : Museum .
11.6Th
e Gemm a Claudi a (ca . 48-4 9 C.E.) . Vienna , Kunsthistor isches Museum . Photo : Germa n Archaeologica l Institute ,
Rome.
11.7 Th
11.8 Bronz
e coi n fro m Asi a Minor . London , Britis h Museu m BMC
44. Photo : Museum , courtesy of Trustees.
11.9 Aureu
s fro m Lyo n (37-3 8 C.E.) . London , Britis h Museu m BMC
7. Photo : Museum , courtesy o f Trustees .
11.10 Coi
408 AR
T CREDIT S
11.11 Tombston
e fro m earl y first-centur y C.E . Rome . London , Britis
Museum 2274 . Photo : Museum , courtesy o f Trustees .
y alta r (40-5 0 C.E.) . Vatica n Museu m XXXI.14.70 .
11.12Funerar
Photo: Museum .
11.13 Arretin
e bowl , mad e in th e lat e first century B.C.E . or early firs t
century C.E . Boston , Museu m o f Fin e Art s 13.109 . Gif t o f E . P .
Warren. Photo : Museum .
12.1 Genera
12.2 Vie
12.3Vie
w throug h th e mai n entranc e int o th e buildin g underwrit ten b y th e Pompeia n priestess , Eumachia . Photo : Germa n Ar chaeological Institute , Rome .
12.4 Statu
12.5Wal
12.6Vie
12.7 Interio
r o f brothe l i n Pompeii , date d t o th e las t year s o f th e
city. Photo : Alinari/Ar t Resource.
12.8Tom
12.9 Wal
l paintin g fro m a hous e i n first-centur y C.E . Pompeii. Na ples, Muse o Nazional e Archeologico . Photo : Alinari/Ar t Re source.
12.10Wal
13.1 Gol
d coi n o f Plotin a (ca . 112-11 5 C.E.) . London , Britis h Mu seum BM C 525. Photo: Museum , courtes y o f Trustees.
13.2 Gol
d coi n o f Hadrian , minte d afte r 12 2 C.E . Vienna , Kunsthis torisches Museum. Photo : H. Tscherni .
13.3 Bas
13.4Coi
n o f Faustin a th e Younge r (ca . 161-17 6 C.E.) . London , Brit ish Museu m BM C 953. Photo : Museum, courtes y o f Trustees.
13.5Relie
Art Credits 40
b statue fro m th e lat e first or early second centur y C.E . Vatican Museum . Photo: Germa n Archaeological Institute , Rome .
13.11 Tombston
e o f Umm a (firs t centur y C.E.) . Altenburg , Archaologischer Par k Carnuntu m 10809 . Photo : Archaologische r Park .
13.12Funerar
y monument fro m th e thir d centur y C.E . Trier , Rhein isches Landesmuseum . Photo : Museum.
13.13Smal
l marbl e relie f (mid-secon d centur y C.E.) . Ostia , Muse o
Ostiense. Photo : German Archaeological Institute, Rome .
13.14Terra-cott
a painte d relie f (mid-secon d centur y C.E.) . Ostia ,
Museo Ostiense . Photo : Germa n Archaeologica l Institute ,
Rome.
13.15Painte
d linen mumm y covering (ca . 22 5 C.E.). Boston , Museum
of Fin e Art s 54.993 . Gif t o f Mrs . Arthu r Deven' s Class . Photo :
Museum.
13.16 Detai
l fro m th e Colum n of Marcus Aurelius in Rom e (lat e second centur y C.E.) . Photo : Germa n Archaeologica l Institute ,
Rome.
13.17Gol
INDEX
412
INDEX
Index
313, 314f , 322-323; a s source on women , 294;
and depictio n o f "barbarian women," 386,
388f; i n earl y Roman Republic, 219-220 ;
influence o f South Italian , 240 , 241f; and
portrayal o f femal e body , 173-174 , I75f , 176177, 178f ; and reig n of Trajan, 351 ; as sourc e
on women , 141 , 142f, 336f, 338 , 339f ; an d
tombstones o f women o f Roman Empire, 370,
372f ; and wome n artists , 168 . See also Ara
Pacis Augustae
ARTEMIS (goddess) , 19 , 32, 36 , 37f , 85;
dedications b y aristocratic wome n to , 36 , 37f ;
worship by Amazon s of, 13 4
Artifacts, i n tomb s of Etruscan women, 245-246 .
See also Archaeological finding s
Ascanius (so n o f Aeneas an d Creusa) , 297 , 299
ASELLINA (Pompeia n tavern keeper) , 336 , 337 f
Asia Mino r (Roma n province) : evidence fro m
islands near coas t of , see Archaic period
women; impac t of life-styles on Rome , 211 ;
imperial famil y o n coin s of , 313 , 315f;
inscription i n synagogue in, 362 ; Miletus,
365, 373 ; Perge, 365
ASPASIA, Pericle s and , 73
ASTAPHIS (i n Alcman' s Partheneia), 58 , 59
ASTYMELOISA (i n Archai c poem), 14-15
ATHENA PARTHENOS , reconstructio n o f
shield hel d by , 131 , 133f
Athena Polias , cult of , 84 , 93
ATHENA (goddess ) : cult statu e o n Acropolis ,
94f ; dedication o f gifts b y Trojan wome n to ,
34-36; korai dedicate d to , 19 ; Panathenaic
procession i n hono r of , 84f , 85, 86f ; religious
dedications b y aristocratic women to , 38;
Trojan imag e of, i n shrin e of Vesta, 235
Athenian women , 68-124 ; an d adultery , 113 115; ancien t critica l reaction s t o role s of , 118 124; compared wit h Etrusca n women, socia l
lives of, 247 ; compared wit h Hellenisti c
women, 140 ; compared wit h Spartan women,
63; confinement in women' s quarters , 79-80;
difficulty o f studying history of , 80 ; an d
divorce, 70 ; drama as source fo r live s of, 6974; economic role of, 65; fetching water a t
public fountain house, 106-107 , 108f, 109;
foreigners, an d Pericles ' citizenship law, 73;
gravestones of, compared with Hellenistic
funerary monuments , 169; influence o n
Roman wome n o f early Republic , 237-241;
informal influenc e of, 78-79 , 102 , 112-113;
inscriptional evidenc e on , 81-83 ; and law , 70,
111-113; legislatio n controlling family life of ,
9; an d lon g absences o f husbands, 71; an d
marriage, 70-73 ; Mnesarete, 5, 6f, 7-8; nature
and limitatio n of sources on , 68-74 ; and out of-wedlock births , 183-184 ; prostitutes, se e
Hetairai, Prostitutes ; an d regulatio n of
mourning, 76-79 ; relationships wit h othe r
women, 109-111 ; relation t o polis , 74-83;
religious activities of, compared wit h
Hellenistic perio d women , 151 ; rol e of
413
414
INDEX
Index
Childrearing: b y Amazo n men , 134 ; and
Etruscan women , 249-250 , 256; in Sparta , 56;
in women' s quarter s i n classica l Athens , 104,
105f. Se e also Motherhoo d
Children: o f absent fathers , mother' s authority
and, 365 ; attitude s o f Etruscan s toward, 255256; attitude s o f Greeks an d Egyptian s
toward, 161-162 ; i n classica l Athens , an d
dolls an d pets , 104 , 106 ; of concubines an d
slaves, i n Homer' s epi c poems, 50 , 52; and
divorce an d remarriag e of parents i n lat e
Roman Republic , 275; in earl y Roma n
Republic, powe r of father over , 227-228 ; of
freed slaves , i n lat e Roma n Republic , 268; on
grave monument s o f women, 8 ; hairstyles i n
classical Athens , 82 ; inheritance right s i n
late Roma n Republic , 271-272 ; legitimac y of ,
in classica l Athens , 113-115 ; marriage s of,
arranged b y women i n lat e Roma n Republic,
272; o f non-citizen s i n classica l Athens , 73;
poisoning of , 228 ; and reinforcemen t of
dynastic ideolog y i n Augusta n Rome , 307-308 ;
Roman, custod y afte r divorce , 229 ; in Sparta,
56; valuation o f sons an d daughter s i n Rome,
326. Se e also Childrearing
Chiton (garment) : 104 , 106f ; worn b y Spartan
women i n footraces , 59 , 60f
Chitoniskos (garment) , 85
Chiusi, limeston e relie f of wedding scene from ,
252f
Christianity: legalizatio n of, 346 ; an d
persecution o f Christian women i n Roman
Empire, 383 ; an d statu s o f women, 391
Cicero, 280 , 281 , 304; as attorne y fo r Caelius,
273, 284 ; on Caerellia' s interes t i n
philosophy, 272 ; daughter of , se e TULLIA ,
CLODIA; D e Oratore, 271 ; Fo r Caelius, 284;
on Fulvia , 274; Letters t o Atticus, 271, 272;
Letters t o hi s Friends, 276 , 287; on meetin g
Cytheris a t dinne r party , 286-287 ; and mora l
puritanism o f early Rome , 239 ; relationshi p
with wif e Terentia , 271-27 2
Citizenship: an d Athenia n women, 73-76 ; and
patrician an d plebeia n wome n o f earl y
Roman Republic , 230-231; universa l for
freeborn b y edic t o f Caracalla, 345 , 375 . Se e
also Freedwomen ; Fre e women; "Ne w
Woman"; Slave s
Civil Wa r (Roman) : and Augusta n mora l
revival, 295-296 ; and changin g mores o f
Roman upper-clas s life , 299 ; and emergenc e
of "Ne w Woman " i n las t centur y o f Roman
Republic, 289-290 ; impac t o n women , 271272, 273-275 , 28 5
Classical Athenia n women. Se e Athenian
women
CLAUDIA (patro n o f guild), 366
CLAUDIA QUINTA , 220, 223; coin portrai t of ,
234, 235 f
Claudius (husban d o f Agrippina th e Younger) :
31 If; coi n of , 317f
415
416
INDEX
DECIMILLA, ALLEIA , 33 9
DEJANEIRA (i n Sophocles ' Women ofTrachis),
71
DELIA (i n lov e poetr y of Tibullus), 282
Delos, islan d of, kor e t o Artemi s on, 36 , 37f
Delphis (Simaetha' s lover i n poe m o f
Theocritus), 169-17 1
DEMARETA (i n Alcman' s Partheneia), 58 , 59
DEMETER, 50 , 52, 146 ; dedications by
aristocratic women to, 36 , 38; Haloa festiva l
at Eleusi s for, 92-93; linked t o Berenic e II ,
151; mysterie s of , 3 If, 95 ; an d Persephone ,
cults of , 32 , 238-239; Priestes s at Eleusi s of ,
93; Thesmophoria festiva l for , 86-87 . Se e also
Demeter and Kor e or Persephone, cults of;
Hymn to Demeter
DEMETRIA, marriag e contract with Heraclides ,
158-159
Demosthenes (orator) , 70 , 74 , 109-110 , 111 , 112;
on wome n working , 109
DIANA (goddess) , 370 ; cult of , 230
DIDO (quee n o f Carthage i n Virgil' s Aeneid),
298
Di Magn i of Troy, statue s of in shrin e o f Vesta ,
235
Dinner parties , feasting : Etrusca n wome n at ,
248-249; Roma n women and , 281 , 286-28 8
Diodorus Siculus : on Amazons , 134 ; on
childrearing by Egyptians , 16 1
Diogenes Laertius, 167-16 8
Dionysius, T . Claudius , funerar y alta r of, 320 ,
321f
Dionysus (god) , 32 ; festivals o f in classica l
Athens, 87 , 88f, 89f , 90 , 91; Haloa festiva l a t
Eleusis for, 92-93; mask of, 87 , 88; worship b y
Amazons of , 13 4
Divorce: i n classica l Athens , 68 , 70 , 73, 114 ;
Roman, 211 , 228-229 , 262 , 263, 271-272 , 275,
300-306, 318 , 31 9
Dolls, a s playthings in classica l Athens , 104
Domestic chores , hetaira i performing , 11 7
Dacia (Roman ; modern Romania) , 373-374
Dancers (female ) : in Athenian religiou s rituals , Domestic education , Xenopho n on , 102-10 3
DOMITIA LUCILL A (mothe r o f Marcu s
83; in Italia n Greek culture , 240 , 241 f ; an d
Aurelius), 213 , 354
nudity i n Archai c period , 23f
Donkey women , i n Semonides ' poem, 43
Daphnis i n "Oaristus, " 171
Dowry: an d Amazons , 133 ; and Archai c perio d
Deaconesses, i n earl y Christia n church, 383
women, 11 ; i n classica l Athens , 69 , 70, 73; in
Death: an d disease , wome n a s source o f in
Hellenistic period , 140 ; in Rome , 228-229 , 262Hesiod's creatio n myth , 40 ; symbolic ,
264, 271-272 , 27 5
marriage of daughter as , 2 8
Drama: on Amazons , 131 ; a s source on lif e i n
Deathmasks, male , i n earl y Roma n Republic,
classical Athens , 69-77 , 95-96 ; o n women' s
219, 22 0
extravagance i n second centur y Roma n
Death sentence : for adultery o r drinking by
Republic, 261 . See also Theatrical festival s
women i n earl y Roma n Republic , 228; and
Dress: o f Etruscans, 252 ; Roman, Augusta n la w
disciplining of women i n secon d centur y
and, 301 ; Roman , caste system and , 232 , 233f;
Roman Republic , 264; as punishment for
Roman, an d matron' s stola, 232, 233f, 261 ,
adultery i n Le x Julia, 306 ; fo r Vestal Virgins,
291. Se e also Clothing ; Costume s
236-237; fo r workin g women convicte d o f
Drinking: b y women, 263 ; in earl y Roma n
crimes, 380
Republic, 228 ; in Hellenisti c art , 178 , 179f
de Beauvoir , Simone, idealizatio n o f Spartan
Drinking cups, wit h painting s o f Athenia n
women by , 56 , 66
hetairai, 116 , 117, 118 f
DECIDIANA, DOMITI A (wif e o f Agricola) , 34 8
Index
Earthquakes i n Pompeii , 332 , 336-337, 343
Edict o f Toleration, 346 , 383
Education o f women: i n classica l Athens , an d
Lycurgus' laws , 74 ; and th e Gracchi , 264 ; in
Plato's Republic, 120-121 ; i n Republican
Rome, 215 , 272-273; i n Roma n Empire, 350,
366-368
Egypt: preservation o f papyri in , 215 , 353;
Roman, apprenticeshi p contract s fo r wome n
in, 379 ; Roma n conquest of , 136 . See also
Hellenistic Egypt
EILEITHYIA (goddess) , 3 6
ELECTRA (i n Euripides ' Electra), 10 9
Eleusinian Mysteries , 8 ; and Hymn t o Demeter,
30, 31f ; proceeding s of , 3 1
Eleusis, 28-29 , 30 ; discoveries a t sit e of , 30 , 31f ;
Haloa festiva l at, 92-93 ; plan o f sanctuary at ,
31f
ELPINICE (Cimon' s sister), 78
Emotion, publi c expressio n of , an d Athenian
women, 76-7 8
Empresses an d wome n of the imperia l family ,
307-313; autonomy of, 308 , 310-313 ;
discrepancy between texts and visua l image s
of, 215 , 275, 291-292 , 304 , 307-313 , 350-357 ;
honors bestowed upon , 351-352 ; interest in
philosophy, 353 ; politica l influenc e of , 355 356; portrait s o n coins , 313 , 315f , 316f, 317f ,
351; public displa y of portraits and statue s of,
307, 309 , 309f , 310f , 313; and reinforcemen t o f
dynastic ideology, 307-308 , 312-313 , 365-370 ;
sources on persona l lives of, 352-353 ; an d
traditional ideal s o f womanhood, 350-360 ;
travels wit h husbands , 353-354 . See also
AGRIPPINA (elder , younger), FAUSTIN A I
AND II , JULIA, LIVIA , MARCIANA ,
MATIDIA, MESSALINA , PLOTINA , SABIN A
Ennius, Sabine Women, 216-21 7
Entertainers, female : in Greece , 280 , 281f;
prohibitions agains t marryin g in Augustan
law, 305 ; i n Republica n Rome, 240-241 , 270;
in Roma n Empire, 349-350
Ephesus, statuett e of priestess from , 34 , 35f
Epigrams, tombstone : for Aristylla , 81 f ; for
Balbilla, 353-354 ; for child actres s Euchari s in
late Roma n Republic, 270; in classica l
Athens, 82-83 ; fo r Pausimache , 82-83 ; fo r
Phrasicleia, 21 ; Roman , 226-227; on stel e of
Mnesarete, 5 . See also Inscription s
Eratosthenes, 113-11 4
ERICHTHO (witc h i n Lucan' s Civil War), 38 4
ERINNA O F TEOS, poetry of , 164-16 5
Erinyes. Se e Furies
Eros, 92f
Erotes: i n ar t o f early Roma n Republic, 240; on
vase painting s of Athenian weddings, 101
Eroticism, female : in Alcman' s Partheneia, 58,
59; and literatur e of Hellenistic period, 169171; i n Sappho' s poems , 16-17
Eteocles: i n Aeschylus ' Seven Against Thebes,
77; i n Sophocles ' Antigone, 76
417
418
INDEX
Index
Goddesses: o n funerar y monuments , of
cosmopolitan Roma n Empire, 370-371, 372f ,
373f ; korai a s dedications to , 22 ; religious
dedications b y aristocratic wome n i n Archaic
period to , 34-39 ; subordinate role i n religion
of early Roma n Republic , 230-234. See also
under specific names of
GORGO (i n Theocritus' s Odes), 14 4
Gossip: abou t imperia l women, 315 , 355-356;
about wome n o f Pompeii , 330
Gracchi, the , 220 ; Cornelia honore d a s mothe r
of, 165 . See also CORNELI A
Graffiti: a s source o n wome n o f Pompeii , 334,
336, 337 , 338 , 340 ; a s source on workin g
women o f Roma n Empire, 380
Grand Came e de France , 313 , 3 Hf
GRATIA, 21 3
Gravestones. Se e Funerary monuments;
Inscriptions; Stele s
Great Panathenai a festival , 83 , 86
Greece: Archai c perio d in , se e Archaic perio d
women; ma p o f Greek world aroun d 300
B.C.E., 2-3 ; in Roma n Empire, Delphi, 365,
368-369; i n Roma n Empire , Thessaly, 383-385 .
See also Athenia n women; Hellenisti c period;
Hellenistic perio d wome n
Guardianship of women i n Rom e (tutor ,
tutela), 236, 264, 303; in Plato's Republic,
118-121
Gynecological writings , Greco-Roman , 183-204 ;
of Aretaeus , 199-200 ; of Aristotle , 190-194 ; by
women, 203-nl ; changing views of female
anatomy in , vii ; of Galen, 200-203; of
Herophilus, 9 , 194-196 ; in Hippocrati c
Corpus, 184 ; on "hysterica l suffocation, " 199,
202; of Soranus, 196-199 , 323; and women' s
self-perceptions, 183 . See also Femal e body
Hades, 32 ; marriage t o Persephon e i n Hymn t o
Demeter, 27-33 ; pinake s showing abduction
of Persephon e by , 32 , 33 f
Hadrian, 351-352 , 353 , 355 , 356 , 364 , 367; coins
of, 351 , 352f, 388 ; funera l oration s fo r Plotina
and Matidia , 350-35 1
HAGESICHORA (i n Alcman' s Partheneia), 13 15, 58 , 5 9
HAGNODICE (Hellenisti c woman physician) ,
168
419
420
INDEX
HIPPARCHIA, 167-16 8
Hippocrates, Diseases of Women, 185 , 189 . Se e
also Hippocrati c Corpus; Hippocrati c
physicians
Hippocratic Corpus , 184-190 ; authorship of, 184 ;
on menstruation , 186-188 , 195 ; on rol e of
womb in hysteria , 188-190 ; on women' s
mental inferiorit y to men , 188 ; on women' s
predisposition t o irrationality , 186-18 7
Hippocratic physicians : Aristotl e compare d
with, 190-194 ; and femal e reproductive
system an d women' s behavior , 169
HIPPYLLA, mirro r dedicated t o Artemis , 36, 38f
HISPULLA, CORELLIA , 36 0
Historical texts : on Athenia n women, 74 ; on
"barbarian" women, 386-387 ; on Etruscan
women, 248 ; on Hellenisti c perio d women ,
140-141, 144 ; Historia Augusta, 346, 351-352,
353, 355 , 356, 357 ; on Roma n women, 29 4
Homer, 11 , 272 ; attitudes towar d wome n i n
poems of , compare d wit h Hesiod' s poems , 44 ;
on effect s o f war o n wome n an d children , 50 ;
reconstruction o f social lif e o f Archaic period
women fro m epic s of , 11 , 12 ; on transitio n
from maidenhoo d t o marriage , 22, 24-25, 2627. Se e also Homeri c poems ; Iliad] Odyssey
Homeric poems: an d informa l power o f women ,
75; an d woman' s rol e a s wife an d mother , 3 9
Homosexuality: i n Augusta n law, 300-301 , 305306; i n Sparta , 58 . See also Love, female
homoerotic
Horace: Odes, 265, 287, 307; Satire, 30 0
Horseback ridin g by women, i n early Roman
Republic, 220 , 222
HORTENSIA, 176 ; oratory of , 273-27 4
Household economy . Se e Oikoi
Household functions : o f Archaic period women ,
11, 34 ; of Athenia n women, 101-106 , 123-12 4
Household goods: in grave s of Etruscan women ,
245; an d rol e o f Archaic period wives , 33 . See
also Furniture
Housekeepers, i n Archai c period, 29 , 52
Houses: Etruscan , 247 ; in Pompeii , 339-341. See
also Women' s quarter s
Hydria, 106-107 ; inspired b y Hymn t o Demeter,
31, 32 f
HYGEIA (goddess) , 37 0
Hyginus, Fabula, 168
Hymn t o Demeter, 22, 50; and cults , 32 ; as
source of information o n nonaristocrati c
women o f Archaic period, 52 ; on transitio n
from maidenhoo d t o marriage , 27-33 ; vas e
paintings inspire d by , 31 , 32f
IAMBE (in Hymn to Demeter), 30
IDONE, 337
Iliad (Homer) , 44, 50 , 95; on Amazons , 129;
mourning in, 44-46 ; women in , 33-34;
working women in , 52
ILIA (mothe r o f Romulus), 216
Index
imperial ideolog y o n virtuou s women, 315 ;
marriages of , 30 5
JULIA DOMN A (wif e of Septimus Severus) ,
352-353, 362 , 366; image s of, 357-358 , 359 f ;
myth o f happy famil y lif e of , 358-359 ;
patronage of , 366
JULIA MAES A (siste r o f Julia Domna) , 355
JULIA TIT I (daughte r of Titus), 352
Julio-Claudian Rome , 294 ; influence of
Augustus' reig n on , 313 , 314f; and tension s
over prope r rol e o f women, 326-32 7
JUNO (goddess) , 230 , 231f, 299; cult of , 230 ,
232-234; statue of, an d women' s offerings
during Hannibali c invasion , 232-23 3
Justin, 144 , 145
Justinian, Institutes, 306
Juvenal, Satires, 366-36 7
Kalathos, 10 9
Kanephoroi, a t Panathenai c procession i n
honor o f Athena, 86
Korai: of Archai c period , 19 , 20f , 21f , 22, 173 ;
clothing of , compared wit h costume s of
Spartan women , 59 , 60f ; functions of, 22;
funerary relie f from Attica , 23f ; original
contexts of, 1 2
KORE (PERSEPHONE , LIBERA ) cul t of , 36 , 37f,
237, 238 f
Kottabos (Athenia n party game) , 11 6
LAI A OF CYZICUS (Hellenistic artist) , 168
LALA. Se e LAI A O F CYZICUS
Land ownership , b y Spartan women , Aristotle' s
criticisms of , 65-6 6
Lares, 228
LASTHENIA O F MANTINEIA (studen t a t
Plato's Academy) , 167
Latium, statu e of young woma n from , 220 , 2 2 If
LAVINIA, 234 ; in Virgil' s Aeneid, 297 , 298-299
Law-court cases : and Athenia n women , 75-76 ,
80, 111-115 ; o f Caelius , 284 ; initiated b y
Roman women , 272 , 360; an d marriag e
contracts i n Hellenisti c period , 159 ; as sourc e
of information o n women , 74 , 360-361; of
women accuse d o f poisoning husband s in
early Roma n Republic , 228; women o f lat e
Roman Republi c speaking during , 273 . See
also Lega l petitions
Laws: an d Athenia n women , 70 , 74-76, 111-113 ,
114; funerary , 76; i n Plato' s Republic, 118 119; regulatin g women mourner s i n Archaic
period, 46-48 ; Theodosian Code, o n
tavern workers o r servants accuse d of
adultery, 380 . Se e also Augusta n laws; Lawcourt case s
Lebes gamikos (vase s from Greek Italy) , 258,
259f
Legal petitions , a s source o n lowe r strat a
women i n Roma n provinces, 375-37 6
Legal texts : on distinction s betwee n free , freed ,
and slave , 384 ; a s source o f information on
421
422
INDEX
Oration, 12 8
LYS1MACHE (priestes s o f Athena) , 93
LYSISTRATA. Se e Lysimache
LYSISTRATE (priestes s o f Demeter an d
Persephone in Archai c period), 38-3 9
Index
Medicine: Hellenisti c period wome n and , 168 ;
Roman wome n practitioners , 215 , 370, 378379
MEGALOSTRATA (Sparta n poet), 60
MEGISTE, ABUDI A (vendor) , 378
MELANIPPE (i n Euripides ' The Captive
Melanippe) , 95-96
MELANTHO (in Homer's Odyssey), 52
MELISSA, 2 6
MELOSA, 8 1
MEMMIA VICTORI A (mater o f artisans '
group), 366
Men: militar y absence s of, an d legend s o f earl y
Roman Republic , 225 ; as mourners i n Archai c
period, 46-48 ; rol e i n Homer' s Iliad, 34 . See
also Father s
Menelaus: i n Euripides ' Andromache, 72 ; in
Homer's Odyssey, 5 0
Menstruation: Aristotl e on , 191-192 ; Gale n on ,
202; Herophilu s on , 195 ; in Hippocrati c
Corpus, 186-188 ; Pliny on, 198 ; Soranus on,
197-198
Mentors, fo r maidens i n Archai c societies, 12-13
MESSALINA, VALERIA , 271 , 313; portrait o n
coin, 317 f
METILIA ACT E (priestes s o f Magna MaterCybele), 351 , 353 ; tombston e of, 371 , 373f
METILIA, MARCIA , 331
METILIA, RUFINA , 331
Midwives: Athenia n wome n i n rol e of, 109 ; in
Roman Empire , 378, 381 f ; Soranus on , 19 6
Mirrors: Etruscan , 245-247 , 246f , 257 ; as
religious dedication s b y aristocratic wome n
during Archai c perio d in , 36 ; on tombstone s
of unmarrie d women i n classica l Athens , 83;
in vas e painting s i n classica l Athens , 98 , 109
Miscarriages, i n Roma n Republic, 229
Misogyny: i n Archai c period, 39-44 ; an d Ne w
Comedy, 16 2
MNESARETE, 97 ; stel e of , 5 , 6f, 7- 8
Modesty: o f Archaic period women , 22 ; and
confinement t o women' s quarters , 79-80 ; an d
virtuous wome n of Augustan Rome , 318 , 319;
and wome n o f Roman Empire, 351 , 369
MOERO, 16 3
Money lending , b y women o f Pompeii , 336
Monuments. Se e Funerary monuments ; Stele s
Morality: and Augusta n marriage laws, 302-306 ;
in Augusta n Rome, 294-296 ; an d Hellenisti c
writers, 169-173 ; i n imperia l Rome, an d idea l
of virtuou s women, 314-315 , 318-32 1
Motherhood: authorit y of , an d absenc e of
fathers, 265 ; and daughters ' transition fro m
maidenhood t o marriage , 27-33 ; i n Etruscan
art, 255-256 ; in Virgil' s Aeneid, 299 ; an d
women o f Roma n Republic, 220, 223, 225,
261, 264-265 , 291-292, 299 , 313. See also
Childrearing
Mourners. Se e Men, a s mourners in Archaic
period; Wome n mourner s
MURDIA, eulog y of , 31 8
423
Musicians. Se e Entertainers
MYRRHINA (Amazo n queen): tom b of , 129
MYRRHINE, o n vas e paintin g of funerary scene
in Archai c period, 49 , 50f
Mysteries of Thesmophoria, 87 . See also
Demeter, mysterie s of ; Eleusinia n mysterie s
Mythological imagery , on tombstone s o f
women o f Roma n Empire , 371 , 373 f
Naevius, Tarentilla, 240
Naming of women, 151-154 ; avoidanc e of , 79,
183, 184 ; in classica l Athens , 81-83 ; an d
Etruscans, 257f , 258 ; an d mythologica l name s
for wome n a t Athenia n weddings , 98 ; in
Partheneia o f Alcman, 60
NAUSICA, 29 7
NAUSICAA (i n Homer' s Odyssey), 22 , 24-25,
26-27
NEAERA, 112 , 114-115
NEMESIS (goddess) , 36
NEOBOULE (i n Archai c period poem) , 25-2 6
Nepos, Cornelius , Lives o f th e Foreign Generals,
281
Nero, 275 , 294, 330, 34 6
Nerva, 363
New Comedy : o n females , 169 ; as source o n
Hellenistic perio d women , 162-163 ; standard
plot of, 162-163
"New Woman " o f late Roman Republic , vii ;
Augustus's daughter Juli a as , 291-292 ;
compared wit h Hellenisti c perio d women ,
140; at dinne r parties , 286-287 ; lov e poetr y as
source on, 281-284 , 285-286; number of , 290 ;
and Octavian' s legislation, 290 ; and Ovid' s
writings, 290-291 ; sexual behavio r of , 284-285;
and sexualit y an d love , 280-281 ; social force s
influencing, 288-292 ; sources on , 281-28 2
Nicaea, 15 9
NICANDRE: kor e dedicate d t o Artemis , 19 , 36,
37f
Nonaristocratic women : o f Archaic period, 50,
52-53; of Augustan Rome, an d idea l o f virtue ,
319-320; Etruscan, 252 , 254-255; in Pompeii ,
homes of , 340-341 ; Spartan, 61 . See also
Concubines; Freedwomen ; Lower strata
women o f Roman Empire ; Slave s
North Africa , Roman , 215 ; women of, 361 , 363
NOSSIS OF LOCR I (Hellenisti c poetess) , 165 166, 17 3
Nudity: an d Archai c perio d korai , 23 f ; in
Athenian vas e paintings , 106 , 116 , 117f, 118f;
in Etrusca n art , 250 , 251-252 , 253f , 254f ; i n
Greek art , change s i n Hellenisti c period, 173 174, 175f , 176-177, 178f ; and Italia n Greek
votive statues, 237 ; of racing girls at rite s of
Artemis at Brauron , 85 f ; and representation s
of Etrusca n married couples , 253 f ; of Spartan
women participatin g in athletics , 59 , 60f, 62
Numa, 22 5
Nurses: in Archai c period , 29 , 52; in Classica l
Athens, 109
424
INDEX
Index
PHRYNE (Praxiteles ' mistress), 174
Pietas, 351
Pig women, i n Semonides ' poem , 42
Pinakes: depicting Persephon e and Demeter , 32,
33f ; funerary iconography and , 4 8
PLANCIA MAGN A (priestess , benefactress) ,
363, 364f
PLANGON, 104 , 106f
Plato: on intellectua l cultur e of Spartan
women, 60 ; Laws, on Scythian wome n
warriors, 134 ; Republic, 59 , 63, 66 , 118-121 ;
women student s a t Academ y of, 167
Plautus: Menaechmi, 385 ; Pot of Gold, The,
261; Truculentus, 385
Plays. Se e Comedies; Dram a
Plebeians, an d patricians , i n early Roman
Republic, 230-23 2
Pliny the Elder , 93; Natural History, 168 ; on
power of menstrual blood, 198 ; on Roman
statues of women, 220 ; on shrin e of Vesta,
235; on statu e of Cloelia, 220 , 222
Pliny th e Younger , 304, 354; Letters, 349-350,
360-361, 367 , 383 ; Panegyric, 348 , 350; on
Plotina, 354 ; quoted, 348 , 349 , 360, 367 , 383 ;
on wome n writers , 324 , 349
PLOTINA (wif e of Trajan), 349 , 350 , 352-353,
354, 364 , 367; letters t o Hadrian , 353 ; portrai t
on coins , 346 , 347f , 348 , 351 , 352f ; an d titl e of
Augusta, 351 ; travels with Trajan , 353
Plutarch: Advice t o Bride an d Groom, 367;
Antony, 136 , 274-275; on Clea , 365 ;
Cleomenes, 150 ; description o f Cleopatra,
136; on educatio n of women, 367 ; interest i n
status of women, 74 ; Lycurgus, 58 , 62-63; on
Lycurgan constitution, 64 ; Numa, 236-237 ; on
Octavia, 274-275 ; On th e Bravery of Women,
365, 390-391 ; On Isis an d Osiris, 365; On th e
Virtues o f Women, 271 ; Pericles, 78; Pompey,
272; quotations purporte d t o b e words of
Spartan women , 63-64 ; on religiou s role of
women, 95; Roman Questions, 220; Romulus,
28; Sayings o f Spartan Women, 63-64 ; as
source on Hellenisti c period women , 144 ; as
source on Spartan women, 57 ; on Sparta' s
decline i n fourt h century, 64-65 ; Theseus,
129; on Vesta l Virgins, 236-237; on wome n
mourning for Adonis, 77-78
Poetry: a s source on Archai c period women , 10,
11, 12 ; as source o n Classica l period women ,
69-74; as source o n Sparta n women, 56-57 ; as
source o n Hellenisti c period women , 140 ; as
source o n "Ne w Woman, " 280-281. See also
Love poetry; Poet s
Poets: Hellenistic, a s source o f information on
Hellenistic women , 141-144 ; Hellenisti c
women, 163-167 ; Spartan women , 6 0
Poisoning: Roma n women accuse d of , 228;
teachers o f ar t of , 384
Political role: of empresses, 352-353 ; of Roman
women, 230-232 , 272-273 ; of wealthy women,
363, 368 ; o f women o f Pompeii , 337
425
426
INDEX
Index
212-215, 216 ; suspected o f poisoning , 228 ;
Valerius on, 261 ; wealth of , 223
Roman wome n o f lat e Republic , 260-277; an d
absent husbands , 264 ; and Bacchanalian
conspiracy, 264 ; critiques of extravagance of,
260-262; an d disciplinin g o f women a s family
concern, 264 ; and dowry , 263-264 ; educatio n
of, 272-273 ; an d Fulvi a a s militar y leader ,
274; growin g economic powe r of , 262-263 ;
impact o f Civil War on , 271-275 ; an d impac t
of Hannibal' s invasion , 260-261 ; a s indexe s of
affluence o f husbands, 262-263 ; and
inheritances, 262 ; and movemen t t o repea l
wartime taxes , 260-261 ; pattern s o f domesti c
life an d death , 275-277 ; publi c speaking by,
273-274; an d Rome' s victorie s i n Macedo n
and Syria , 260 , 262-264 ; working women , 265 272
Rome: Etrusca n dynasty at , se e Etruscan
women; foundin g of, 216-218 ; populatio n by
50 B.C . E., 21 2
Romulus, 261 ; an d foundin g of Rome , 216 , 217;
laws of, 228
Roscius Fabatus , 271 ; coin of , 2 3 If
Rural women , i n Classica l Athens , 109-110 . See
also Agriculture
SABINA, 351 , 354 ; Hadrian on, 355 ; travel s
with Hadria n to Egypt , 353-354
Sabine women, rap e an d mediatio n of , 216,
217f, 218 , 323
Sailust, 239 , 271, 281, 284-285; Catiline, 285
SALUS, 37 0
SAPPHO, poetr y of , 15-16 , 163-164 , 284 ;
aristocratic environmen t writte n in , 11 ;
audiences for , 15-17 ; influenc e of he r rol e on ,
11-12; exile , 10 ; as source o n Archai c
initiation rites , 12-13 , 15-1 7
Sarcophagi, Etruscan , 251f , 253f, 257f , 25 8
SATORNEILA, 36 5
Scaurus, Umbricius , 334 , 336
SCRIBONIA (wif e o f Augustus, mother o f
Julia), 277 , 291, 315, 318
Scriptores Historiae Augustae: Thirty
Pretenders, 386 , 389
Scythians, Herodotus' s accoun t o f encounte r
between Amazon s and, 133 , 134
Seduction: i n Augusta n law , 305-306 ; i n
Hellenistic literature , 169-171 ; o f maidens in
Archaic perio d poetry , 25-2 6
SEMIRAMIS, 39 0
Semonides, 12 , 42-43
SEMPRONIA (daughte r o f Cornelia), 26 4
Seneca, 304 ; Consolation t o his Mother, 301 ;
Controversies, 300-301 ; De Beneficiis, 315 ;
Epistle, 326 ; on equalit y of chastity i n
marriage, 326 ; on sexua l behavior , 301
Serpent, sacred , i n women' s cult s of early
Roman Republic , 230, 2 3 If
SERVILIA (mothe r o f Brutus) , 272
427
SEVERA, CLAUDIA , 21 3
Severus, Septimius , 352 , 357-358, 375
Sex roles: i n classica l Athens , 7-8 , 72 ; and
influence o f mythical Amazon s on define d
role o f Athenian women , 9 ; in Sparta , 61. See
also Sexual divisio n o f labo r
Sexual behavior : i n Augusta n law , 296 , 305-306 ;
Seneca on , 301 ; sex strik e fo r peace i n
Aristophanes' Lysistrata, 121 ; of women i n
Augustan Rome , 284 , 291-292, 322-327 , 355 356; o f women i n lat e Roma n Republic , 284285. Se e also Sexualit y
Sexual divisio n o f labor : i n Archai c period, 3334, 49 ; and occupation s o f workin g women o f
Roman Empire , 369, 382
Sexual intercourse . Se e Sexual relation s
Sexuality: attitude s toward , i n las t centur y o f
Roman Republic , 280; blanket s associate d
with, 250 , 252 , 286; commercialized, 322 ; and
Hellenistic writers , 169-173 ; an d "Ne w
Woman" of Rome , 280-281 , (Ch . 1 0 passim);
and Ovid' s writings , 290-291 ; and portraya l o f
slave wome n i n Roma n Empire, 385-386; St .
Paul's attitud e toward , 326 ; and socia l
ideology o f Augusta n Rome, 294-296 , 314-315 ;
symbolic functio n i n Augusta n Rome, 307-313
Sexual morality . Se e Morality
Sexual relations : depicte d o n cla y object s fro m
Rome, 322f , 323 ; and Etrusca n women , 248 ,
256; an d idea l wome n i n earl y Roma n Republic, 232; lack of, as cause of medical problems
of widows, 361 ; in Sparta , 62-63
Shopkeepers, wome n as : in classical Athens ,
109, 1 1 If; i n Roma n Empire , 377, 378f; i n
Pompeii, 336-337 . See also Vendors , women a s
Sicily an d souther n Italia n Greeks : and cult s of
Demeter an d Persephone , 32 ; influence on
Roman cultur e of early Republic , 237-241;
and ris e o f Rome , 2 1 1
SIMAETHA, i n Theocritus' s poetry , 169-17 1
Single women. Se e Unmarried women
Sixteen Women , a t Sparta , 59, 60
Slave women: i n Archai c Greece, 11 , 33 , 50, 52;
captives o f war as , 50 ; in classica l Athens ,
103, 104 , 109 , 113-114 ; i n lat e Roman
Republic, 267-270 ; an d Pericles ' citizenship
law, 74 ; in Pompeii , 339-340. See also Slave
women i n Roma n Empire
Slave women i n Roma n Empire : an d Augusta n
laws, 300 , 321 ; an d concep t of family, 370 ;
denied marriag e and children , 321 ; freed,
compared wit h freebor n women , 384-385 ;
gender issue s and , 385-386 ; i n household , 339 ;
impact o n marriag e an d divorce , 211 ; rural
and urba n occupations of , 379-380 ; a s sex
objects, 211 , 227 , 300
SMYCITHE, 5 2
Snakes, replica s of at Thesmophori a festival ,
87. See also Serpent, sacre d
Social life : o f Archai c period women , 11-12 , 34;
of Athenia n women, 70 , 107-11 1
428
INDEX
Index
Trajan, 348 , 350 , 363 ; influenc e o f Plotin a on,
352-353, 36 7
Trials. Se e Law-cour t cases
Trojan women , 34 ; dedication o f gifts t o
Athena, 34-36 ; Euripides on, 112-11 3
TULLIA (daughte r o f Cicero), 275-276
TULLIA (daughte r of kin g Servius Tullius), 225,
243
Tullius, Servius , 225 , 243
TURAN (Aphrodite) , 245 , 246f
"TURIA," i n eulogy , 273 , 318-319, 320
TYCHE, NAEVOLEIA , 338 ; tom b of , 340 f
Tyndareus (in Odyssey), 39
Ulpianus: Epitome, 305 , 306 ; Rules, 303
UMMA, tombston e of, 375 , 376f
UMMIDIA QUADRATILL A (Roma n
benefactress) , 349-350, 366
Univira, 276 , as sexual idea l i n earl y Roma n
Republic, 23 2
Unmarried women : i n Hellenisti c period , 140 ;
penalties agains t i n Augusta n Rome, 302-305;
seclusion i n Classica l Athens , 184
Uterus. Se e Reproductive organs; Wom b
Varro, O n Agriculture, 267
Vase paintings: o f Amazons , 129 , 130f , 134n ; of
children, 104 , 105f , 106f; of cult o f Athena,
93, 94f; of dancing maidens , 17 , 18f ; of
festivals o f Dionysus , 89f , 90 f ; of funerary
scenes, 49 , 50f; an d Hymn t o Demeter, 31,
32f ; of olde r hetaira , 1 19f ; of racin g girls, 85;
of prostitutes, 115 , 116, 117f, 118f; o f rap e o f
Cassandra, 173 , 174 f ; of ritual s in hono r o f
Dionysus, 88f ; o f weddings , 99f , lOOf , lOlf ,
102f, 238-239 , 240f; o f women , 103 , 106 , 107f;
of women carin g fo r family tomb , 96 , 97f,
98f; o f wome n dancing , 17 , 18f; of wome n
out-of-doors, 79 ; of wome n pickin g fruit , 109 ,
11 Of; o f wome n shopkeepers , 109 , 1 1 If; o f
women i n women' s quarters , 105f ; of wome n
working outside th e home , 106-107 , 108f , 109
Vendors, wome n as : in Classica l Athens , 109 ;
in Roma n Empir e as, 377 , 378f
VETURIA, 26 5
VENUS (goddess) : ritual washing of , 232 ; as
model fo r tomb statues in Rome , 370 , 372 f
VERECUNDA, VALERI A (physician) , 370
VERGINIA (daughte r o f Aulus) , 225 , 227, 231
232, 23 7
VESTA (goddess) , 228 , 235, 348, 351 ; cult of ,
and Augustus , 237; portrait o n coi n of
Plotina, 347f
Vestalis, Clodius , coin of , 234 , 235f
Vestal Virgins , 218 , 223, 225, 234, 235f, 236f ,
237, 365 ; los t statu e of , 220 ; Plutarch on
privileges an d penaltie s for , 236-237 ; i n relief
from publi c monument, 235 , 236f; sculptures
on Ar a Paci s Augustae of, 295
VETTIA, 33 6
VETURIA (Coriolanus' s mother) , 222 , 223, 265
429
430
INDEX
Widows (continued)
Hannibal's invasion o f Rome, 260 , 261 ; and
ideal o f Univira i n earl y Roma n Republic,
232; an d remarriag e in lat e Roma n Republic,
275. Se e also Corneli a
Wine drinking: at Halo a festival , 92; on
obscene graffiti , 33 8
Witchcraft: an d lowe r strat a wome n o f Roman
Empire, 383-384 ; an d slav e wome n o f Roman
Empire, 385 . Se e also Witche s
Witches: identificatio n of, an d effect s o f
menstrual blood , 198 ; Thessalian, 384 . See
also Witchcraft
Wives: adulter y law s and , 300 ; of Archaic
period, se e Archaic period women ; Athenian ,
household dutie s of , 101-106 ; Athenian,
separate religiou s cults for , 83; in Hellenisti c
period, 158-159 ; as "New Women " i n las t
century o f Roma n Republic , 282-284. Se e also
Marriage; Matrona
Womb: Aretaeu s on, 200 ; Aristotle on, 192-193 ;
Galen on , 202 ; in Hippocrati c Corpus , 188 190; Soranu s on, 198 , 199
Women i n Archai c Greece. Se e Archaic period
women
Women i n Augusta n Rome: attitudes towar d
abortion, 301-302 ; and castes , 232 ; and
community tension s ove r rol e o f women, 326327; impac t o f Augustan laws on, 306 ; lac k of
women's voice s on , 294 , 323-326; an d
marriage, se e Marriage, in Augusta n Rome;
and mora l revival , 294-296 ; and se x outsid e
the ideal , 322-323 ; an d socia l ideolog y an d
sexuality, 314-315 , 318-327 . See also
Empresses an d wome n o f the imperia l family
Women o f Roman Empire, 345-391 ; an d
geographical expans e of Roman Empire, 345346, 360 ; mal e author s o n autonom y of , 366 368; Plutarc h on , 390-391 ; sources on , 346 ,
349, 360 ; uppe r class , se e Wealthy wome n
of Roma n Empire; and wome n o f lowe r
strata, se e Lower strata wome n o f Roman
Empire
Women o f early Roma n Republic. See Roman
Republic, earl y
Women i n Gree k world. Se e Amazons; Archaic