MPW2133 MALAYSIAN STUDIES

ASSIGNMENT
HISTORY OF KELANTAN 1890-1940
By Sharil Talib

NAME

MUHAMMAD SYAHMIE BIN CHE SULIMAN

ID

17195

HISTORY OF KELANTAN 1890-1940

By Shahril Talib

CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION
The state of Kelantan sits on the brain of the Kelantan River, from which she derives her name. To the rear
of the state are high mountains which form the boundaries with the States of Perak and Pahang, and along
the flanks run the Sungai Golok and Sungai Semerak which form the boundaries between Thailand and
the State of Terengganu respectively. Kelantan also has a short coast-line facing the South China Sea, on
the eastern sea-board of the Malay Peninsula.
Roughly, the physical features of the state can be said to be of three types. Moving inland from the
seashore the land is flat and low-lying and is intersected by numerous tidal creeks which connect the
different rivers and which penetrate some distance inland. Behind this there is the coastal plain extending
from varying distances of 10 to 25 miles inland, making up 1,000 square miles or more of fertile plains.
Further inland lies undulating country of low hills which run into chains of jungle-clad mountains.
Cutting across her physical terrain is the Kelantan River system. The Kelantan River is formed by the
confluence of the Galas and Nenggiri Rivers, the Galas coming from the south-east and the Nenggiri from
the south-west.
Downstream from this point, at Kuala Sungai as it is known, the other principal tributaries are the Lebir,
the Nal, the Krah, the Bagan, the Sitong, the Pergau and the Kusial. The other two smaller river systems,
namely the Golok and Semerak are at the extreme boundaries of the state. The former has its source in
the Siamese Malay State of Legeh and flows in a winding course for about 15 miles into open land and has
its mouth at Tabar, about 9 miles from the mouth of the Kelantan River. The latter runs almost parallel to
the political boundary of Terengganu and has its mouth at Kuala Semerak.
These rivers were the early highways of the interior which linked Kelantan with the neighboring states of
Legeh, Pahang and Terengganu. By the Pergau River it was possible to go to Legeh. The Lebir River and its
tributaries gave the inhabitants of Kelantan access to the States of Pahang and Terengganu. Her short seafrontage, on the other hand, gave Kelantan access to the South China Sea.
Socio-Economic Pattern
Settlements in Kelantan existed on the coastal area, the broad alluvial plains, and the river-system. They
were essentially fishing, agricultural, mining and trading villages. It is possible, from the accounts left by
travelers into the interior, to provide some information of the traditional socio-economic pattern of the
state, especially in the last decade of the 19th century. The most notable of these travelers were H.
Norman, H. Clifford, W.W. Skeat and FF. Laidlaw as well as John Waterstradt.

Of the Pergau River, H. Clifford merely said that it was inhabited by Malays and by a few Chinese; and it
was of minor importance in terms of a population center. L.O. H. Norman, who also went along this route,
added more information on this district.
In the upper reaches he noted that settlement which were once a small and flourishing community of
which the number of coconut trees furnished a good index, now virtually deserted, the houses empty and
falling to pieces, the cultivated land lapsing into jungle again, and the inhabitants died of smallpox,
murdered, or fled.
However, on the lower reaches of the Pergau River, around Kuala Pergau, W.W. Skeat has left us with an
account of a more stable community where wet and dry rice were cultivated. There was evidence of trade
in this commodity as well as buffaloes, oxen and cloth. Most of the exports of this region seem to have
been to the neighboring state of Legeh.
Except for a short note by H. Clifford, not much is known of the Nenggiri River. The area at its confluence
with the Galas River was fairly thickly populated by Malays but its upper reaches and the surrounding
districts were inhabited almost entirely by aboriginal tribes. They numbered several thousand or so and
they had a bad reputation with the local Malays. The interior of the Nenggiri was about almost entirely
given over to them. Only a few Kelantan inhabitants ventured into this Sakai country.
On the lower reaches of the Galas River, J. Waterstradt noted a number of small villages on its bank.
Further upstream he found a few Chinese washing for gold, earning as much as 75 cents a day if they
worked hard. Where the water was not deep enough the river was dammed to make it possible for
panning. R. W. Duff reported that when he was in the area in the middle of 1900, the Chinese in the lower
reaches of the Calas River had made a recent discovery of tinx The district on the whole was thickly
populated by Malays and a considerable number of Chinese. The majority of the Chinese were natives of
Kelantan and had never visited China.
The principal Chinese town in this district was Pulai. It was well known as a gold mining. town. However,
the best known of the goldmines were 'located at Kundor, on the Galas River, a short distance from Pulai.
These mines had been for long worked by Chinese and Malays and a large quantity of gold had been
exported. However, the methods were primitive, being almost entirely that of sluicing and washing for
alluvial gold but there were also some crude mills for crushing. The Chinese community in this district was
under the control of a Capitan China, appointed by Sultan. The Capitan was directly responsible to the
ruler for the management of the Chinese. The Malays in this area were engaged in planting but a large
portion of that community earned its livelihood by washing for gold, or by poling the boats, and doing
other work for the Chinese miners.
J. Waterstradt noted that there was a decline in the population of PuIai and also a gradual switch of
economic activity from mining to agriculture: When compared to the Galas River, the Lebir River was more
densely peopled. H. Clifford found no Chinese residing in this district but it was thickly populated with
Malays of Pahang origin. He estimated that there were at least 3,000 inhabitants on the Lebir valley. A
large portion of this area in the mid-nineties was abandoned on the orders of the Datuk Lela Diraja, the

Chief o this district. This method was, in his opinion, the only way to prevent effectively the people from
aiding the Pahang rebels.
Kota Bharu had been described as a semicircle of a mile in radius with the mosque standing in the middle
of the arc. Politically, Kota Bharu was the centre of the Malay government. It that the Sultan of Kelantan
resided some hundred yards from the on the Kelantan River. The state hall or the balai, where held
audience was some distance from his residence.
Economically, it was the centre of the import and export trade of Kelantan. FF. Laidlaw, describing Kota
Bharu, stated found the shopping centre of the town fascinating. There one could see beautiful locallymade sarongs, along with imported cotton and silk cloths, generally, unfortunately, markedly inferior in
colour and texture; native sweet-meats; tin and brass-ware from Brunei, Terengganu and Birmingham;
Japanese and Chinese tools and knives; gold ornaments locally made; sireh boxes; fruit and poultry. The
traders were of wide origin, Malays, Chinese, Arabs and Indians.
The location of Kota Bharu on the eastern sea-board of the Malay Peninsula exposed the port to the NorthEast Monsoon. In addition to this disadvantage it also had the problem of a shallow river-mouth. This
precluded the entry of large vessels up the river. Most of the steamers were forced to anchor on the open
sea and the cargo and passengers were taken to Kota Bharu in small river boats. Nonetheless, located on
the South Sea, Kota Bharu maintained trading links with the two important serving this region, namely,
Bangkok and Singapore. Beside these centres, she also traded with the other coastal towns of this region.
The chief exports of Kelantan were copra and coconuts, bullocks and other live-stock, rice, hides, betel
nuts, dried fish, gutta-percha and damar. Coconuts were exported largely to Bangkok, betel nuts to Patani,
and the rest exported to Singapore. Most of the trade was handled by sailing vessels, steamers had only
appeared recently in Kelantan. It was quite common for the importer of the goods to sell them by himself
rather than go through an agency. The main imports of the state were cotton goods, dyed threads, timber,
gambier, tobacco, sugar, salt, kerosene oil and silk.
Historical Background
Kelantan is known to us from earlier times as the probable seat of powerful kingdoms which had
established trading links with the Chinese Empire.
However, it has been suggested that Kelantan was a part of the Kingdom of Palembang by the 13th
century, and in the 14th century it was a subject state of Majapahit.
By the late 15th century, Kelantan regained some of its former glory. The Malay Annals placed it as a state
more powerful than Patani. It was Kelantan's refusal to do homage to the Melaka Sultanate that resulted
in an attack on that state by Sultan Mahmud Shah's forces. In the ensuing fierce battle many men died
and the defenders of Kelantan, who were unskilled in the use of firearms, lost the day. Kelantan was then
tributary state of the Melaka Empire.
For the next two centuries, Kelantan was divided under numerous small chiefs who did not control
supreme power over the whole state and owed their allegiance to either the states of Patani or that of
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Terengganu. This pattern stretched into the 18th century. A. Hamilton, an early 18th century traveler,
noted that the East Coast Malay States of Pahang, Terengganu and Patani were part of the territories of
the Johor Empire. It would seem that Kelantan would have been in some way under the sway of this
Empire through the centres of Patani and Terengganu.
However, towards the end of that century, Hsieh Ching Kao, a Chinese traveler, noted that the state was
ruled by a Sultan who was under the Siamese Empire. The Sultan paid to the King of Siam 30 katies of gold
annually.
It was sometime just prior to this famous visit that Long Yunus5t had established a new dynasty in
Kelantan. The reign of Long Yunus marked the beginnings of the emergence of Kelantan out of the period
of warring chiefs. However, for almost the next half century the new ruling house experienced
considerable internal difficulties in overcoming the various contending chiefs. The most significant
development during this long process of establishment of the ruling house was its reliance on Siam. This
eventually led the state to become a dependency of the Siamese Empire.

CHAPTER II: INDIGENOUS GOVERNMENT

The ruler of Kelantan was a potentate who commanded respect from of the state to the other. Round him
were his relatives and a staff and influential chiefs and officials who carried out their duties. This unit,
comprising the ruler and the State Council, formed the apex of the political pyramid of the Malay
Government. In Kelantan the rulers have been termed either as Raja or Sultan. The former was a lesser
designation as compared to the latter. In terms of succession to the throne it had been hereditary, the
heir being either appointed by his predecessor to the throne or elected by the State Council. The same
applied to the Raja Muda.
The chiefs, on whom royal authority was conferred, were in charge of certain territorial districts. These
districts were usually in one of the tributaries of the Kelantan River system. Two of the important chiefs
of Sultan Mansor's reign (1891-1899), the Datuk Bentara and the Datuk Lela Diraja, were in charge of the
Galas district and the Lebir district respectively. Some of the more important districts were in the charge
of the members of the royalty or those who had rendered exceptional service to the throne. The district
of Menara in the area of Tabar on the Golok River was in the charge of the Raja Muda during Tuan Long
Senik's reign (1900-1920), while the Pasir Puteh district on the Semerak River was handed to the
descendants of the Sri Mah [Raja Selisah]. Most of these territorial chiefs for reasons of inclination or
policy resided at the capital. A few of these chiefs were not men of any particular birth... During the
reign of Tuan Long Mansor, he was strongly backed by two such individuals, the Datuk Maha Mentri and
the Datuk Sri Paduka Nek Soh (Nik Yusoft), who possessed immense influence in the state and feared by
all.
These chiefs who for the most part formed the more influential official class of society depended for their
positions on the dynamics of the internal political situation. The reigns of Tuan Long Mansor (1891-1899)
and Tuan Long Senik (1900-1920) offer striking models of contrast of the positions of the chiefs and other
officials of the state.
During the reign of Tuan Long Mansor, dictated by political necessity, all power was centred around him
and the powerful chiefs who supported him. The revenue of the state was not partitioned and all of the
collections found their way into the royal coffers. Only a few chiefs shared the profits of the administration
with the Raja. The chiefs of the Galas and the Lebir had no right to the revenue of their districts except
such sums as were granted to them from time to time by the Raja. They, together with the other princes
and chiefs, had to trust to trade and to the occasional goodwill of the Raja for their supplies. The largest
sum of allowances, which R. W. Duff heard of during his service in pursuit of the Pahang Rebels, was
$200 per annum. This was paid quarterly to the Raja's brothers, and they were further allowed 1,500
gantang of rice per annum to feed their followers who were numbered in thousands.
The other extreme of the power scale was witnessed during the reign of Tuan Long Mansor's nephew,
Tuan Long Senik. The circle of the ruling elite was considerably widened and was composed partly of his
seven uncles, who held high positions in the state. Among the most prominent of them was Sri Maha Raja,
the eldest of his uncles, who was in charge of the police force; another was in charge of the public works
office, and another collected land revenue. These chiefs were reputed to have acquired much power from
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the Raja, including the right to be consulted on all matters of the State and to veto the orders of the ruler
if they thought fit, the power of acquiring and disposing certain revenue farms, and the promise of an
income of $3,000 a year for each from the general revenue of the state.
These men of influence who enjoyed the favour of the Raja and the blessing of circumstances were the
ones who sat on the State Council. The officials that composed this body exercised considerable power
individually and also collectively members of the State Council. They formed the highest decision-making
body in the Malay Government. The importance of this body made it a 'cock-pit' for struggles of individuals
to become members of the State Council and, even as members of this they often contested among
themselves to perpetuate their individual needs, Hence, in most cases, when deciding matters of vital
important there was considerable lobbying for support even before the actual State meeting. When such
meetings reached, on occasions, a deadlock, the process of gathering support was further repeated. There
was one recorded instance which illustrates the characteristics of the inner workings of this Council. This
centred around the circumstances which preceded the signing of the Duff-Raja of Kelantan agreement.
In the Kelantan negotiations between R.W. Duff and the Raja of Kelantan, the chiefs, Tengku Sri Maharaja
and Tengku Sri Perkarma Raja, frequently came to consult Duff as to the best method to ensure a profit
and a means of livelihood for themselves. After agreement had been reached on the matter with Duff,
they went to present themselves to the Raja of Kelantan who then called the Raja Muda and all the
Tengkus and officials of the State Council including Duff and his companion Syed Hu sin. At the conference
which lasted twenty days nothing could be decided as it was desirable to allow the Raja and his uncles
time to make up their minds.
The suspension of the conference left the parties to work out the points of the agreement. The basis of
this agreement was one of a partnership between Duff and the Raja of Kelantan. This was agreed to by
the Raja of Kelantan and the Raja Muda and all the other chiefs; but, when the agreement was ready, the
Raja, together with the Raja Muda and the Other chiefs, demanded to consider how the general state
revenue should profit in the matter.
This matter was discussed for a very long time between the Raja, the Raja Muda, the chiefs and Duff and,
finally, a written agreement made. At this stage the Raja tried to introduce into it many stipulations to
ensure a large profit to the State and himself. Duff checked this danger by informing them that he was
only too pleased to pay any sum which was reasonable, but that, if an unreasonable profit was sought for,
he could not afford to pay it. This line of reasoning convinced the Raja.

CHAPTER III: CRISIS AND SETTLEMENT IN GOVERNMENT, 1890-1902

At 4.30 a.m. on 27 February 1890, Sultan Ahmad bin Sultan Muhammad II died. This aggravated the
tension which had been building up in the Kelantan government during the reigns of Sultan Muhammad
II (18371885) and Sultan Ahmad. The latter, the eldest son of Muhammad II, had ruled between the years
1886-1890, though prior to his father' s death, he had held the title of Raja of Kelantan. This was when his
father had resigned the cares of government... and named him as the successor when the former
abdicated. Sultan Ahmad was by then a man well past his middle age and he continued to keep united the
state which his father had left him.
The origins of the internal problems that beset Kelantan during the last decade of the 19th-century can
be traced to the long and bountiful life of Tuan Long Ahmad. He had, according to one source, a total of 9
wives, and was blessed with 22 children 16 were males. The more important of the male members of his
family were:
1.

Tuan Kunda became Sultan Mohamed (Sultan Muhammad III)

2.

Tunku Saleh became Temenggong

3.

Tunku Mamat

4.

Tunku Mahmud

5.

Tunku Putra

6.

Tunku Suleiman

7.

Tunku Mansor who is now [1896] Raja of Kelantan

8.

Tunku Yusupe [sic Tengku Yusofl

9.

Tunku Abdullah

10.

Tunku Ibrahim

11.

Tunku Yacob

12.

Tunku Abdul Rahman

The symptoms of an internal dispute only came to the surface during the short reign of Sultan Muhammad
III (1890-1891). This middle-aged Sultan's reign was marred by instability in the state and there was
evidence of the heavy hand of the ruler's authority.
The hard line domestic policy adopted by III probably be explained by the existence of a delicate internal
dispute, though the policy might well have been the cause of the dispute rather than the consequence of
it. An additional crisis was the renewed interest of Siam in Kelantan which was marked by the visit of the
King of Siam in 1890.
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The geographical locality of Kelantan meant that she was exposed to influences from Bangkok and its
other centres of power further south. (In the case of the East Coast Malay States, the State of Singgora
was the centre of communication with Bangkok. Siamese influence in the region of the Isthmus of Kra and
the Malay States just south of it varied from full domination to apparent disinterest. From an active
involvement in the early nineteenth century history of Kelantan, the Siamese reassertion in this state
began with the King of Siam's visit in 1890, followed closely with the establishment of postal services at
Kota Bharu) and general consolidation during the reign of Sultan Mansor. This general consolidation was
intensified after the Pahang Rebellion in the mid-1890s.
Internal disputes over the more important Offices Within the government allowed the Siamese to make
inroads into the traditional government. Evidence of the extent of Siamese encroachments can be found
in the important memoranda by Phya Sri Sahadheb, H. Clifford and F. Swettenham. However, the
overcoming of dynastic quarrels saw instead the reverse process occurring. This was characterised by the
resistance of a fairly consolidated government against the extension of Siamese influence. The domestic
politics and Siamese involvement in Kelantan are two inter-related themes which are the concern of this
Chapter.
Less than three weeks after the death of Sultan Ahmad, his sons were sending letters of appeals to British
officials. Two letters dated 6th March and 18th March were addressed to Skinner, the Acting Colonial
Secretary at Singapore and the British Resident of Pahang respectively, through a Malay Raja of Pahang.
The main individuals of this group who were not given recognition in the State Government were Tengku
Long Mahmud, Tengku Long Salleh, Tengku Long Sulaiman, Tengku Long Yusoff and Tengku Long Abdullah.
The authors of these letters, besides enquiring from the Pahang Raja of the prospects of British
intervention, also indicated that the present little trouble was over the distribution of the property of
the late Sultan Ahmad, which his successor, Muhammad III, was unwilling to divide in a way which was
thought equitable. The main grounds of their complaint were that of irregular allowances, the absence of
assigned duties of state, and the non-admittance to State Council meetings. These privileges, they claimed
were their birth right.

CHAPTER IV: THE BEGINNINGS OF THE ADVISORY SYSTEM, 1903-1909

On the morning of 25 July 1903, W.A. Graham, the Siamese Adviser to the Government of Kelantan, H.W.
Thomson, the Assistant Adviser, and Mom Chao Charoon, the Deputy Commissioner of Monthon Nakorn
Sri Tammarat, arrived in a Siamese gun-boat at the mouth of the Kelantan River. They were met by the
Raja of Kelantan, the Raja Muda and other dignitaries and were conducted to the palace where the Krai
Yai, the Letter of Command from the King of Siam, was read with much ceremony by Datuk Sri Paduka
Wan Yusuf. After the initial introduction and speeches the event was concluded with a brief but satisfying
banquet. Amidst pomp and pageantry, the formal inauguration of the New Order in Kelantan was
announced.
For the next few weeks, Graham explored the town and its neighborhood, in making acquaintances and
discussing various matters, more or less trivial with His Highness and the Council with a view to discover
how things [were] managed, who were persons of influence, and what would be the best line along which
to make a first advance. After these preliminary probes, a scheme for the future administration of the
state was put forward.
By this scheme, Graham showed extreme caution in his early approaches at interfering in the affairs of
the government of the state. He was not prepared to upset, for fear of averse reaction, the positions of
the various individuals who composed the existing State Council. Instead, in the instituting of the various
state departments, he gave them a definite position in the administration of the state where they would
be able to render services in return for the income and privileges they enjoyed. Those individuals who
were already in charge as heads of the existing rudimentary departments, such as Public Works and the
Police Force were to maintain their positions but the scope of these departments was to be extended. For
the rest of the members of the State Council, they would fill in the new posts which were to be established.
These co-opted members of the royalty were to be paid a fixed salary, much less than they enjoyed before,
and were also promised a pension according to the Civil List which was to be drawn up.
The proposals to define the actions of the various heads of departments were discussed at great length
with the members of the State Council before being actually implemented. These new departments were
established one at a time providing them with only the basic essentials to make them functional. Based
on this master-plan, Graham set himself the task of re-organising and over-hauling the traditional
administrative system into that of a modern unit, for the purpose of foreign rule.
The old police force which composed about 75 Malays and an equal number of Punjabis and Indian
Muslims badly needed instructions on the essentials of a good force. A set of regulations was drawn up
concerning their duties and much time was spent explaining the functions of a policeman. It was only after
considerable effort, even to the extent of imprisonment of a sergeant for harbouring a criminal, that the
seriousness of the reforms was impressed upon those concerned. At the end of the first year, the force
could boast of 150 Malays and 50 Punjabis, the latter being commanded by a retired sergeant of the Malay
States Guides. This small force manned the Central Police Station at Kota Bharu and five smaller stations
in the outlying villages. Graham could well write that it may, therefore, fairly be said that a good start
has been made towards obtaining an efficient police force for the state.
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Under the leadership of Tengku Sri Maharaja whose services as the Officer in Charge was continued and
a handful of untrained police officers, the force increased numerically. At the close of the period of
Siamese Administration it maintained a total of eight stations and three Outposts. The latter were
established in districts where cattle theft was especially prevalent and was supported partly by funds from
surrounding villages. The most remarkable achievement was not so much in the expansion of services but
more so in the improvement of these services. The result of constant criticism and looking over the
shoulders of the rank and file eventually made the difference. By 1907 the force stood in contrast to the
earlier traditional police force. This was evident by the lack of friction between the force and the people
and the increase in the number made to the police. The force had begun to lose its former reputation of
being a mere instrument of the official class to be used against the general public.
In April 1907 P.S. Nairn was appointed as Superintendent of police This enabled a closer supervision on
the force which resulted in the introduction of numerous other reforms and alterations. The Tengku Sri
Maharaja who formerly ran the department was now contented to have only a general control over the
department.
As regards the judicial system, the weakest link was the High Court. The officials of this court were the
most difficult to reform. However, the work of the courts was so arranged that only a few original cases
came to the High Court for trial. Even in matters of appeal from the lower courts the natural instinct of
the judges to go wrong was checked by a provision in the regulations to the effect that reference to the
Adviser must be made before the passing of judgement. In practice this procedure was not strictly
followed. The Adviser being committed to other duties could not give his opinion on all the appeal cases.
Hence, only a few cases selected at random were sent to him for revision.
In addition to the courts mentioned above, it was also contemplated to establish a Special Court for the
hearing of long outstanding cases. However, this was abandoned as it was found that the regular courts
could handle most of these cases. In the areas outside Kota Bharu, Small Courts were established at the
various district centres, where the District Officers of the respective area sat as judges. At the request of
the representatives of the Duff Development Company, judicial powers were also conferred on the
general manager of the company. His powers practically amounted to those exercised by the Central
Court, while the managers of the Songka Mine and the Serrasa river-dredging station, were vested with
Small Court powers.
The whole judicial structure was kept under close supervision by the Adviser who sat as a Court of Revision
and examined a selection from the cases of each court, making the necessary alterations where necessary.
He also sought by means of regular weekly meetings with all the Judges to explain procedural matters
regarding the new laws which had been passed. His task was made easier with the arrival of Nairn whose
constant presence in court brought to light certain irregularities and eventually led to the removal of a
Judge of the Central Court to another department.
As for the State Jail, Tengku Chik Penambang was appointed as the head of that Department. A new site
was earmarked outside the capital. This was partly for reasons of overcrowding due to the increased
efficiency of the police and the courts and because there was an increase in the property value of the
10

existing locality. There was some delay in the selection of a site for the new jail. In the meantime,
temporary measures were taken to improve the conditions of the existing jail. New cells were built inside
the old jail enclosure. On the administrative side, an experiment was made to engage Indian warders in
place of Malay warders but this proved unsuccessful. A pensioned F.M.S. police sergeant was employed
as Head Warder who was responsible for improving the discipline of the Malay warders. The prisoners
were also organised into work groups. A start was also made to use jail labour for more than mere coolie
work. They were made to work on attap thatch, cane screens, articles of basketry and laundry. Besides
this, two groups of 30 men were employed in the cleaning of the town while another group was engaged
on the new jail construction. The new jail was only completed in 1907. In size it was twice that of the old
jail and in facilities it was a great improvement on the previous structure. Besides this, another branch jail
was also established Batu Mengkebang.
The formalisation of the administration into various administrative departments was even felt at the State
Council level. The results of this policy saw an improvement over the early years where the attendance of
council members at meetings were irregular and the process of decision making was reduced to that of
informal weekly interviews between the Ruler and the Adviser where matters were dealt with verbally.
Arrangements were made whereby, on the first Monday of each month, a formal meeting was to be held
at which all members were expected to be present. At these meetings minutes of the proceedings were
recorded and all new laws and notifications could only be passed at such meetings. On all other Mondays,
informal meetings were held between the Raja and the Adviser during which matters of momentary
importance were discussed.
Similarly in the case of the Land Office, it was found, on closer examination, that the excellent theories of
the traditional government were far from what was being put in practice. It was found especially in the
area in or near the capital that there was much abuse in the issuing of title deeds. The extent of these
malpractices made it necessary to suspend temporarily the issue of such deeds until the Land Office could
be effectively re-organised. One of the main weaknesses of this office was the staff who were recruited
mainly from the religious order. The policy for the future was to replace these individuals, who were
found to be too hopelessly imbued with the spirit of the past by a staff of laymen. Besides this, a set of
experimental rules were drawn up providing for more effective control for the issuing of preliminary titles
on taking up waste land. It was also felt that, should these rules prove successful, they would be rendered
more elaborate and made into permanent laws.
Another problem faced by this department was the registration of changes of land tenure, the
consequence of which often resulted in a certain amount of confusion as to the actual ownership of land.
But as the question of land matters very nearly [affected] the interests of the most influential classes of
the State it required delicate handling. Hence, it was opined that a considerable time must still elapse
before the Land Office gets into good working order.
When compared to the period of British Administration, Graham's period of service differed more in the
direction of policies than in the actual form of the governmental system. However, attention must be
drawn to the fact that there were some structural modifications in the government system. The major
ones were, firstly, in the exercise of greater control over the government machinery as was evident by the
11

relegation of the various Malay aristocratic heads of departments to a more subsidiary position. It was
only after the Tok Janggut Uprising of 1915 that the centralisation at the state level was deepened by the
establishment of two other minor but important consultative bodies. These were the Majlis Ugama dan
Isti'adat Melayu and the Majlis Penggawa. However, in the 1930s, visible signs of decentralisation of
power to the Malay secretariat was seen. And, secondly, there was also a noticeable greater extension of
services of the various departments established by the Siamese Adviser.
However, by far the most important difference between the two Administrations lay in the direction of
policies. Whereas Graham seemed extremely concerned with reconciling the powerful State Councilors
through compensation and compromises, the British Advisers were more concerned with trying to mould
the policies of the various departments along lines similar to the larger administration of the Federated
Malay States.

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CHAPTER V: THE CONSOLIDATION AND EXTENSION OF BRITISH ADMINISTRATION 1909-1939

On the 10th of March 1909, the Anglo-Siamese Treaty was signed by representatives of the two
governments in Bangkok and a Colonial Officer minute a sigh of relief that the first stage of this long and
troublesome negotiations is now really completed. The following day, the Siamese Government wrote
to W.A. Graham informing him of the conclusion of the treaty, making it understood that the transfer of
Kelantan was included in the treaty. This was followed by a letter from the High Commissioner, Sir John
Anderson informing Raja Senik that:
His Majesty the King of Siam has agreed to transfer to His Majesty the King of England all rights over
Kelantan, and the King of England will pay to the King of Siam the amount of debt due by my friend the
Sultan of Kelantan and the King of England will in future appoint an adviser to assist my friend instead of
the adviser appointed by the King of Siam, and the King of Siam will no longer have anything to do with
the affairs of my friend's state, and my friend will have to look only to the King of England.
The event marked the conclusion of what Eunice Thio termed the second stage of the British forward
movement into the Malay States north of the Federated Malay States. There arose, in the process of
negotiations as well as later, the question of the political status of these states. Generally, three views
were expressed. The Foreign Office, for its own reasons, took the view that the transfer would lead to a
control of the Federated Malay States Government [F.M.S]. Slightly later it advocated direct annexation
which implied that these states would be administered as a Colony. The Colonial Office, anticipating the
constitutional problem had much earlier preferred the proposal of the High Commissioner that the
transfer be one of suzerainty, protection and administrative control rather than one of full sovereignty.
Hence, even after the signing of the 10 March 1909 Treaty, the British were insistent that As at present
arranged the new states will not as yet form part of the F.M.S., whatever may happen in the future. No
such arrangements have been made and also these states were not British territory as the Foreign Office
said and that they have not been and will not be for the present included in the F.M.S..
This view was given greater clarity in the Colonial Office's reply to a query from the General Post Office
that the new territories will not form part, for the present at least, of the F.M.S. nor is there any intention
of annexing them to the Colony. They are on the same footing as other Protected States in the Malay
Peninsula and they differ from the component states in the F.M.S. only in the fact that they do not form
part of the Federation. It was this view that eventually triumphed but the stage was to be set for a date
in the future, when occasion presented, for incorporating these states into the Federated Malay States.
Of the states involved in the transfer, the State of Kelantan posed the least problem to British officials.
When the decision was taken for the appointment of the Adviser to the State of Kelantan, it was felt that
it would Military, Civil and Special police were amalgamated into one force which was modelled on
the F.M.S. Police Force. This meant that the civilian clerks in the police stations had to relinquish their
posts. They were given the option of joining the force in a rank corresponding to their previous positions.
Their places were taken by qualified non-commissioned officers. A police school was established to teach
Malay to all members of the force and to enforce this, the ruling was made that promotion would not be
granted to illiterates. Thus, by May 1st, 1910, the Adviser could record with satisfaction that the
13

Federated Malay States police system was in working order. The brunt of police duties was undertaken
by the Malay section of the Police Force. The Indian and Sikh sections of the force performed duties as
watchmen and in other services. The initial problem of the Police Force was not so much the recruitment
of Malays but more so one of retaining them for more than a year. The consequence of this large annual
turnover of employment led to a lack of discipline. In an effort to make the force a satisfactory career
rather than mere employment and varied experience for a year or two it was decided to raise the salary
of the Malay policemen throughout the ranks. The overcoming of these problems and, more significantly,
the operation of the force on the F.M.S. lines were the chief features of the Police Force.
Exception must be taken to the view that the sum total result of the Advisory system of government in
Kelantan saw the emergence of a modern state. An overview of the period of British Administration,
especially in terms of policies which affected numerically the greatest majority of local inhabitants, leaves
us with the gloomy picture that the system allowed for nothing but the growth of a society which was
tailored to the needs of the colonial regime. The society was one where members of the royalty and men
of good breeding manned the administrative institutions while men with capital exploited the natural
resources of the state, but the farmer and his counterpart, the fisherman, ploughed and fished as
generations before them had been wont to do. The society, as a whole, could, in no way, be deemed to
be modern. And, of course, in the mind of each successive Adviser, it was not meant that it should be so.

14

CHAPTER VI: THE IMPACT OF COLONIAL RULE ON KELANTAN SOCIETY 1909-1939

The British Advisers, in the extension and strengthening of the government apparatus, adopted various
policies generally from the F.M.S. However, two of these policies, namely that of land and education could
be singled out as those which had the greatest impact on the Kelantan society. A close examination of
these could provide an idea of the direction towards which the society was moving.
The department that affected nearly the total resident population of Kelantan, at one time or another,
was that of the Land Office. This institution had seen important developments even prior to and during
the period of Siamese Administration. In the traditional system, the ownership of land was based on
grants (chop) issued by the Sultan or Raja on effective occupation. In 1898, a system of binding and filing
of Grant Lama and Jualan was introduced. The latter was a grant issued only when the land was
transferred or changed by the original owner. These titles were in manuscript form issued in the name of
the Raja's authority and contained a rough sketch without bearings of the land and the boundaries were
roughly described. The system persisted until very late in the period of Siamese Administration when
printed forms of land grants were issued on a rough pen and ink sketch.
The first British Adviser, J.S. Mason, continued the system introduced by W.A. Graham in 1908. These new
grants, which consisted of a large document printed in Malay and contained an abstract of the rules for
the registration of subsequent dealings, were issued in exchange for old titles or for land continuously
occupied without title since 1904. The latter was declared as a valid title by a decision of the State Council
in 1907. The same procedure was maintained by Mason regarding the alienation of state land. It involved
the issuing of Miliki or Surat Kebenaran Miliki Tahan Kerajaan for all newly alienated state land.
Although Graham laid down the guidelines for the system of administration, it was the early British
Advisers who subsequently began the practical implementation of it. Two policies seem to hint of the
development that was yet to come. Mason emphasised that the government bent on the strict
enforcement of the clause that promoted cultivation This meant that the Land Office maintained the right
to refuse transfer of holdings until one-third of the total area applied for had been occupied This was
strengthened by the clause that land abandoned for three years would ipsofacto revert to the state. In
addition, the policy of totally dis. couraging the sale of land to a foreigner without the permission of the
government was laid down. This was designed chiefly to keep the chetty and others of the non-cultivating
class out of the Malay kampongs.
The significance of these measures was that the fundamental agricultural unit of the state, that is padi
land, was strengthened in that it ensured, in principle, the permanency of occupation by a title deed
holder and enforced cultivation while, at the same time, protecting the cultivator from the inroads of the
non-cultivating class.
The beginnings of the vernacular school system were seen in 1903. In that year, a school was established
at Kota Bharu. In the first and second standards, the students were taught basic reading, writing, dictation
arithmetic, while in the third standard, there were the additional subject of elementary geography,
Romanised Malay, composition and essays in Malay and English as well as grammar. This system grew
alongside the older and more established religious schools at the rural level. The mosque school at Kota
15

Bharu was one of high reputation where the teacher gave instruction to students from Patani,
Terengganu, Kedah, Pahang, Perak and Pontianak. It was during the period of British Administration that
the vernacular schools were extended numerically. By 1917, there were 14 government schools: 11 in
Kota Bharu and Pasir Puteh district, and 3 in Ulu Kelantan. The Majlis Agama too played an important role
in the development of educational institutions. By 1919, it maintained 4 schools at Kota Bharu, Pasir Mas,
Pasir Puteh and Kutan. These schools provided ordinary as well as religious instructions. With little
government support, even in matters of finance the conditions of these schools, which numbered 41 by
1928, were far from satisfactory. There was a shortage of books and benches, which were meant for three
boys, invariably seated five or six. There was also no proper equipment and the quality of the teachers
was rather poor. Moreover, there was also a general atmosphere of distrust for secular education, and of
apathy towards education in general. It was only in the late 1920s that there was a serious attempt to
reorganise the educational facilities in Kelantan and to redirect its objectives. At this stage, the
government had already instituted the policy of sending the better students outside the state for further
education. By 1927, it supported seven such state scholars and even one Stu. dent to read for the Bar in
England. There were also four students in training as school teachers in Perak and one in the School of
Agriculture. The Majlis Agama too supported candidates outside the state. Those students, not specially
trained to be teachers, were to be groomed for the staffing of the government's administrative
departments.
For a large part of the 1920s, the work normally undertaken by the Agriculture and Irrigation Departments
was borne by the Land Office. It was only in the 1930s that there was a serious attempt to improve the
existing conditions with the establishment of an Irrigation and an Agriculture Department. This
department was expected to surmount the problem of getting flood water off the land during the
monsoon season, and to hold it on the land during the planting season. There was, besides, the human
problem of making the hard-working, hard-headed, conservative and thrifty padi-planters of Kelantan
look at the department as one which existed mainly for their benefit and not to associate it with the
payment of additional taxes or prosecution for minor breaches of the law. The organisation of this
department included a nucleus of skilled labour and trained overseers (Irrigation Inspectors) who were
supervised by the Irrigation Engineer who provided technical advice. The agriculturists, on the other hand,
provided the general labour themselves. This system proved weak as the Irrigation Inspectors could not
keep sufficient continuous contact with all the padi cultivated areas. In 1938, it was decided to experiment
with the idea of Patrol Watchmen to replace the men of uniform and brass button who [made] out indents
when they [found] a leak in a bund. This system was further improved with the establishment of a school
for the training of Patrol Watchmen in 1939. The result of this effort saw the employment of 10 suitable
candidates, which Swelled the number of Patrol Watchmen employed by the Irrigation Department to
22. On the eve of the Japanese Occupation, all the Penggawa and Penghulu concerned, the 22 Patrol
Watchmen, the Irrigation Inspectors, and the Irrigation Officers, were expected to perform the important
role of transforming the state into a rice Granary of Malaya.

16

Conclusion
This study has attempted to establish the most essential features of the transition of the government of
Kelantan from 1890-1939. One such feature was the rise of a group of State Councilors within the
traditional government against the background of increasing Siamese activity in the last decade of the
nineteenth century. These individuals who were successful in securing seats in a traditional government
structure which offered them considerable advantages stubbornly defended their positions when
confronted by an external threat. However, the advent of the Siamese Administration, by treaty
engagement, witnessed, in its relationship with traditional authority a gradual reduction of the powers
and privileges of these Councilors especially in the area of jurisdiction and matters of state finances. They
were, however, retained as heads of various government departments. The final stage of the process of
erosion of their powers and privileges occurred during the period of the British Administration with the
introduction of a land policy that literally cut off the royalty from their traditional role in the state. This
was done only after having deprived them of their positions as heads of government departments.
However, the subsequent generation was compensated by the state educational policy which was to
ensure that men of good breeding would manage the Malay secretariat that was built up in the 1930s.
The lower levels of the traditional government were also incorporated into the state administration. More
attention was paid to the institution of the Toh Kweng (later known as penggawa) and the Penghulu,
especially after the Toh Janggut Uprising (1915); and they were transformed so as to play important roles
as officials of the lower rank of the State Government. It would appear that the various grades of
traditional officials were not displaced from their role as the governing class. However, there was a
notable loss of their traditional powers in the state. The various administrative units that were established
during the period of Siamese Administration which housed these traditional officials were, under British
Administration, developed along the models of the F.M.S. This feature is significant since Kelantan was
not a part of the F.M.S. but it was very much a part of the extension of British political control over the
Malay Peninsula.
While the British Advisers managed, with some difficulty, to exercise authority in the government, at the
expense of the traditional officials, there was another body which gave the British officials considerable
difficulty, not to mention much embarrassment. This body was the Duff Development Company which
rivalled the authority of the Adviser, during periods of the Siamese and later British Administrations.
However, the final settlement, in 1930, underlined the completeness of British control over the state.
In the economic sector, the main feature of the Advisory system of government was the encouragement
of the inflow of large-scale industries which were mainly in the hands of the European capitalists who
exploited the resources of the state at costs made reasonable by the British Adviser. The Europeans were
joined in their economic activities by the traditional ruling class whose political powers were reduced: but
their traditional economic interests in the state were not restricted. These large-scale industries
concentrated in the Ulu Kelantan area and presented a sharp contrast to the subsistence economy of the
densely populated coastal plain. These companies indirectly fostered the beginnings and extension of
rubber small-holdings, but the various British Advisers frowned on this activity and provided little help to
the local Kelantanese in this direction. The Advisers could not visualise the Malay as anything but either a
farmer or a fisherman. It is this vision which governed most of the policies that affected the people at
17

large. The last and perhaps the most significant feature of the period under study was the formulation of
policies which affected the non-ruling class who formed the majority of the population in the state. The
land policy and the educational policy have been singled for specific mention. The former kept the Malay
peasant on the land the latter, developed in the 1930s, was to ensure that he remained an agriculturalist,
and producing young Ismails who were to be fishermen and farmers than he had been. There was little
escape from this vicious circle, producing endless generations of country folk.

18