Cluny at Fynystere One Use Three Fragmen

Cluny at Fynystere
Cluny at Fynystere:
One Use, Three Fragments
Manuel Pedro Ferreira
During the eleventh century and the first decades of the twelfth, the
Abbey of Cluny was the most influential monastic center of Latin
Europe. It expanded through the foundation or incorporation of hundreds of monasteries, assumed the responsibility for the reform or
supervision of others, and served as a model for many more. This
happened not only in northern and southern French territories, but
also in England, Flanders, Germany, Italy and the Iberian Peninsula.1 Clunys prestige in Western Christendom led the Kings of Len
to establish close ties with it. Using the gold received as tribute from
Muslim Iberian states, they financed Clunys expenses on clothes
and nourishment, and its building of the largest church in Europe. 2
The election of former monks as popes Urban II (10881099) and
Paschal II (10991118) consolidated Clunys influence in Rome.
The Orders peak coincided with the introduction of the Roman rite
in the Christian kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula that had maintained the Visigothic rite up to the late eleventh century; Cluniac
monks had a central role in this process.
If the important role of Cluny in Iberian political and religious
affairs around 1100 was acknowledged by modern historians at an
early stage, its influence on the uses and liturgy of Hispanic monasteries has been taken for granted, but actually little studied. This is
1
Ursmer Berlire, Lordre monastique des origines au XIIe sicle, 3me dition (Maredsous: Abbaye, 1924), pp. 188261; Guy de Valous, Le monachisme clunisien des origines au XVe sicle, 2me dition augmente, 2 vols (Paris: Picard, 1970); Dominique
Iogna-Prat, Ordonner et exclure. Cluny et la socit chrtienne face lhrsie, au judasme et lIslam, 10001150 (Paris: Aubier, 1998), pp. 4199.
John Williams, Cluny and Spain, Gesta, XXVII (1988), pp. 93101; Anne Baud,
Cluny. Un grand chantier mdival au coeur de lEurope (Paris: Picard, 2003), p. 75.
truth both of Castile and Len and of the western end of Europe, the
medieval finisterra, which will be the subject of this paper. To better
understand religious life in this period and region, the kingdom of
Galicia, it is helpful to review the main political and religious events
between the restoration of the Leonese Empire under Alfonso VI (1072)
and the rise of Afonso Henriques as ruler of Portugal (1128).
Alfonso VI, whose sovereignty came to include the kingdoms of
Galicia, Len and Castile in the Autumn of 1072, married Constanza,
a niece of abbot Hugh of Cluny.3 He had personal links with the
Abbey, to whose spiritual intercession through intense prayer he
could attribute his political survival. It is known that his connection
with Cluny intensified from 1073 onwards, with the donation of several monasteries and the doubling of the enormous annual tribute
offered by Lens ruler since his fathers time. 4 From 1077 onwards,
under pressure from Pope Gregory VII and at the advice of Abbot
Hugh, the Leonese Emperor encouraged the adoption of the Roman
rite in his domains, replacing the old Visigothic rite.5 In 1080, the
Church Council of Burgos officially imposed the new liturgy; in the
same year Bernard de la Sauvetat, former monk of the Cluniac priory
of St. Orens at Auch, was given the task of reforming the Leonese
monastery of Sahagn, from where he would be called to occupy the
archiepiscopal seat of Toledo and assume the functions of papal legate
throughout the Iberian Peninsula.6
Meanwhile, the battle of Zalaca (1086) had exposed the military
weakness of the Leonese Empire. To reinforce his military strength,
Alfonso VI attracted numerous French warriors to his court. 7 Among
them was Raymond, son of the Count of Burgundy, to whom the king
3
4
5
6
7
A genealogical tree of abbot Hughs family can be found in Armin Kohnle, Abt Hugo
von Cluny (10491109) (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 1993), pp. 390391.
Charles Julian Bishko, Liturgical Intercession at Cluny for the King-Emperors of
Leon, Studia monastica, 3 (1961), 5376, reprinted in idem, Spanish and Portuguese
Monastic History, 6001300 (London: Variorum Reprints, 1984), VIII.
Pierre David, tudes historiques sur la Galice et le Portugal du VI e au XIIe sicle
(Coimbra, 1947), pp. 341405.
Juan Francisco Rivera Recio, El arzobispo de Toledo Don Bernardo de Cluny (1086
1126) (Rome: Iglesia Nacional Espaola, 1962).
Jos Angel Garcia de Cortzar, La poca medieval, Historia de Espaa Alfaguara II
(Madrid: Alianza, 1983), pp. 163165, 329331.
Cluny at Fynystere
offered the hand of his daughter Urraca. Between 1090 and 1107,
Raymond was given responsibility for Galicia as its Count, for a number of years employing Diego Gelmrez, a young cleric of noble origin
as chancellor and personal secretary. In 1092 Abbot Cresconius of Tui
was designated Bishop of Coimbra, where Mozarabs resisted the imposition of the Roman rite. To ensure the success of the new liturgy in
Compostela, whose bishop had been deposed in 1088 and where a new
basilica was under construction, a Cluniac monk, Dalmatius, occupied
the episcopal seat in 1094; he died, however, after a long absence
from Compostela, in early 1096.8
At this time Raymond was trying, without much success, to stave
off a series of devastating Moorish attacks on the southwestern border of the Empire. The same year a more effective military leader,
Henry, son of the Duke of Burgundy, nephew of Queen Constanza
and a relative of Abbot Hugh of Cluny, married Teresa, another daughter of Alfonso VI, and was entrusted with the south of Galicia, that is
to say the county of Portugal, encompassing the former counties of
Portucale and Coimbra. In 1099 Cluniac monks who had served in
Toledo under Bernard de la Sauvetat occupied the seats of Braga
(Geraldus of Moissac) and Coimbra (Mauritius Burdinus of Limoges).
Geraldus immediately secured papal acknowledgment of the old regional role of Braga: its status as metropolitan see, documented since
the sixth century, was confirmed by Pope Paschal II in 1100. In the
meantime, Count Henry reinforced his personal and political ties
with Cluny, through direct and indirect donations to its priory at LaCharit-sur-Loire.
In 1101, Diego Gelmrez became Bishop of Compostela. Striving to
obtain the status of archbishop and metropolitan, he launched a tough
political war against the See of Braga, his regional rival, resorting to
all possible means to attain his ends. Thus, he himself was the leader
in the theft of the main relics of Braga in 1102. He continuously courted the papal influence of Cluny (where he personally donated a handsome sum in gold in 1104) and the Cluniac Pope who in 1104 conceded him the Pallium and in 1105 ignoring the doubts of the Roman
8
Jos Mattoso, Histria de Portugal, vol. II: A Monarquia Feudal (10961480) (Lisboa:
Crculo de Leitores, 1993), pp. 2431.
Curia acknowledged the presence there of St. Jamess body in the

hope that Rome would transfer some of Bragas metropolitan rights to
Compostela. He plotted the destruction of Bragas new, as yet unfinished Cathedral in 1110, effectively aborting its original architectural
plan. In 1113 he succeeded in having Compostelas Archdeacon Hugh
designated Bishop of Oporto (governed by Braga since 1076), who in
turn managed in 1115 to withdraw the dioceses of Oporto and Lamego from Bragas metropolitan jurisdiction. In 1117 he appropriated for
Compostela the head of St. James, a relic brought by Bragas Archbishop Mauritius from Palestine, an act that could endanger Compostelas claim as the saints sole resting place. He had his personal
army invade and loot northern Portugal in 1120.9
The military pressure of the Almoravids, with its economic strains,
the dynastic crisis, the circumstances of civil war and general disorder that struck the Leonese Empire between 1105 and 1130, encouraged the diverse, conflicting, factions to vie for the favour of influential Cluny. Against this background there were more donations, offered directly to the mother-abbey by Urraca, now widow of Count
Raymond (1007), Teresa, widow of Count Henry (1012) both belonging to the spiritual family of Cluny and other leading members
of the local nobility.10 In 1120, provisionally, and 1124, for good, Gelmrez finally achieved everything he had fought for (an archbishopric
of metropolitan rank in Compostela, with clearly designated suffragan dioceses, this time transferred from the old Lusitanian metropolis of Merida), plus the nomination as papal legate for the whole of
Iberia. This he partly owed to the diplomatic efforts of Abbot Pontius
of Cluny in Rome, and to the willingness of Paschal II and his successor Calixtus II (11191124) the one a Cluniac, the latter, brother of
9
10
Jos Mattoso, Histria de Portugal , pp. 3251; Pierre David, tudes , pp. 458
477; Francisco Singul, Historia cultural do Camio de Santiago (Vigo: Galaxia, 1999),
pp. 105107, 114115; Fernando Lpez Alsina, La posicin de la Iglesia de Santiago
en el siglo XII a travs del Cdice Calixtino, in El cdice calixtino y la msica de su
tiempo, ed. Jos Lpez-Calo & Carlos Villanueva (A Corua: Fundacin Pedro Barri
de la Maza, 2001), pp. 2342 [3031].
Charles Julian Bishko, The Cluniac Priories of Galicia and Portugal: Their Acquisition
and Administration, 1075ca.1230, Studia monastica, vol. 7 (1965), pp. 305356, reprinted with an additional note in idem, Spanish and Portuguese , XI.
Cluny at Fynystere
Count Raymond and therefore uncle of the heir presumptive, prince

Afonso Raimundez, baptized and consistently supported by Gelmrez.11 In Portugal, Countess Teresas new intimacy with Galicias high
nobility from 1121 onwards, and the growing intrusion of Gelmrez in
Bragas affairs, drove the Portuguese upper classes to open rebellion
under the leadership of Prince Afonso Henriques, who defeated his
mother in the battle of So Mamede (1128) and subsequently permitted the Portuguese clergy to disobey the newly granted authority of
Compostela over Portugueses dioceses.12
During this time the foundations were laid for the permanence of
Cluniac uses in northwestern Iberia. As early as the eighteenth century, Antnio Pereira de Figueiredo pointed out the influence of Cluny
in the Braga Cathedral liturgy.13 It is perhaps telling that even in the
printed missals of 1512 and 1538, a rubric concerning the first of the
Rogation Days before Ascension Day speak of fratres and their abbas,
betraying the monastic origin of the exemplar used by the earlier
copyists. Pedro Romano Rocha, followed by other authors, convincingly demonstrated the Cluniac filiation of the Braga breviary, both
in the selection and order of chants and in the choice and distribution
of lessons (readings).14 According to his observations, the dependence
on Cluny was mediated by books linked to the Aquitanian monastery
of Moissac or coming from the same liturgical sphere; the latter type
11
12
13
14
Herbert E. J. Cowdrey, Two Studies in Cluniac History, 10461126, Studi gregoriani,

vol. 11 (1978), pp. 6298 [200203]; Demetrio Mansilla Reoyo, Geografa eclesistica
de Espaa. Estudio histrico-geogrfico de las dicesis (Rome: Iglesia Nacional Espaola, 1994), vol. II, pp. 131158; Francisco Singul, Historia cultural , pp. 112117.
Jos Mattoso, Histria de Portugal , II, pp. 5160, 83.
Cit. in J. Augusto Ferreira, Estudos histrico-litrgicos. Os ritos particulares das igrejas de Braga e Toledo (Coimbra: Coimbra Editora, 1924), pp. 105109.
Pedro Romano Rocha, L'Office divin au Moyen ge dans l'glise de Braga: Originalit
et dpendances d'une liturgie particulire au Moyen ge (Paris: Gulbenkian, 1980);
idem, Les sources languedociennes du Brviaire de Braga, in Liturgie et musique
(IXeXIVe s.), Cahiers de Fanjeaux, 17 (Toulouse: Privat, 1982), pp. 185207; idem,
Influjo de los antifonarios aquitanos en el Oficio Divino de las iglesias del noroeste de
la Pennsula, in Estudios sobre Alfonso VI y la reconquista de Toledo. Actas del congreso internacional de estudios mozrabes: Toledo, 2025 Mayo 1985 (Toledo: Instituto
de estudios visigtico-mozrabes, 1990), vol. 4, pp. 2745; idem, O Ofcio Divino na
tradio bracarense, IX Centenrio da dedicao da S de Braga. Actas do Congresso
internacional (Braga: Universidade Catlica, 1990), vol. 3, pp. 81102.
is exemplified by the antiphoner Toledo 44.2.15 Geraldus, the archbishop who consolidated the Roman rite in Braga, was educated at
Moissac.16 Before arriving in Braga in 1099, he had been music teacher and armarius there, i. e. the one who oversaw library, liturgy and
chant, and then cantor at Toledo Cathedral; thus he was hardly indifferent to the ordering and overall correctness of liturgical singing,
and uniquely placed to provide the needed books.17
By contrast, Santiago de Compostela never entered the liturgical
orbit of Cluny, even if it briefly had a Cluniac bishop. Gelmrezs links
to the Burgundian Abbey were at the level of high politics and church
diplomacy, not liturgy;18 the connection between Compostela and the
Cluniac Abbey of Vzelay, through the so-called Codex Calixtinus or
its manuscript model, seems to be no earlier than 1140 and of limited
influence.19
This contrast between Braga and Compostela is not difficult to
understand. While the See of Braga, deeply affected by the Moorish
15
16
17
18
19
Michel Huglo, La pntration des manuscrits aquitains en Espagne, Revista de musicologa, vol. 8 (1985), pp. 24956; Ruth Steiner, Introduction, An Aquitanian Antiphoner: Toledo, Biblioteca capitular, 44.2. A CANTUS Index (Ottawa: The Institute of
Mediaeval Music, 1992), pp. viixxi.
Regarding Moissac, see Axel Mssigbrod, Die Abtei Moissac 10501150 zu einem
Zentrum cluniacensischen Mnchtums in Sdwestfrankreich (Munich: W. Fink, 1988);
Jean Dufour, Les manuscrits liturgiques de Moissac, in Liturgie et musique (IXe
XIVe s.), Cahiers de Fanjeaux, vol. 17 (Toulouse: Privat, 1982), pp. 115138; Anscari
Mund, Moissac, Cluny et les mouvements monastiques de lEst des Pyrnes du X e
au XIIe sicle, in Actes du Colloque International de Moissac, Annales du Midi, vol. 75
(Toulouse: Privat, 1963), pp. 551573.
Regarding the functions of armarius at Cluny, see Margot E. Fassler, The Office of the
Cantor in Early Western Monastic Rules and Customaries: A Preliminary Investigation, Early Music History, vol. 5 (1985), pp. 2951.
With regard to Gelmrezs politics, as well as the bibliography already cited, see Antonio Antelo Iglesias, Santiago y Cluny: poder eclesistico, letras latinas y epopeya
(Compostela: Separata de Compostellanum, vol. 39,1994).
Andr Moisan, Le livre de Saint Jacques ou Codex Calixtinus de Compostelle. tude
critique et littraire (Genve: Slatkine, 1992), pp. 7173, 108111; David Hiley, Western Plainchant. A Handbook (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), p. 576; Michel Huglo,
The Origin of the Monodic Chants in the Codex Calixtinus, in Essays on Medieval
Music in Honor of David G. Hughes, ed. Graeme M. Boone (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Department of Music, 1995), pp. 195205; Carlos Villanueva, Msica
y liturgia en Compostela a partir del Calixtino: El Oficio de Maitines y la Misa de la
Vigilia del Apstol, in El cdice Calixtino, pp. 331385 [341].
Cluny at Fynystere
invasions, was only restored in 1070 (a year before Tui and Orense),
the cult of St. James at Compostela, partly entrusted to local monks,
had not been disrupted for more than two centuries. Unparalleled
financial strength, deeply rooted religious tradition, the claim to guard
the remains of an Apostle, gave Compostela strong reasons to resist the
imposition from outside of an entirely new liturgy. There is reason to
suspect that the change of rite was less peaceful, during the 1080s,
than we are later told in writing, and that the liturgical renewal was
not complete before 1109 at the earliest, having been achieved under
Gelmrez with the help of the replacement of the monks from San
Paio de Antealtares by a large group of canons.20 The resistance was
eventually broken, but through the active involvement of local clerics
(contrary to Braga, which for twenty years had Cluniac bishops educated in Aquitaine) and, probably, thanks to some degree of compromise. In spite of the overall Roman nature of the newly introduced rite,
Compostela retained some old Passionary texts about local saints,
sometimes commemorated on traditional, non-Roman dates (or, in
St. Jamess case, on both the Hispanic and Roman dates); the use of
the Hispanic Psalter instead of the Gallican one; and textual variants
in the gradual rooted in the Visigothic Antiphoner.21 The new books
probably came from several places, mainly in south-southwest and
central France, directly through the famous pilgrims route, or indirectly through Iberian monasteries and the Leonese court; the relatively important use of tropes and proses means that Compostela, bent
on creating ceremonies with the utmost splendor, ignored Clunys conservative tendency to limit liturgical additions.22 There is a striking
20
21
22
Jos Mattoso, Histria de Portugal , p. 28; Fernando Lpez, La posicin , p. 33;

Jos Mara Daz Fernndez, Celebraciones descritas y textos litrgicos del Iacobus, in
El cdice Calixtino , pp. 5371 [5455]; Jos Miguel Andrade Cernadas, El monacato
benedictino y la sociedad de la Galicia medieval (siglos X al XIII) (A Corua: Edicis do
Castro, 1997), pp. 3436.
Pedro Romano Rocha, La liturgia de Compostela a fines del siglo XII, in Actas do
Simposio internacional O Prtico da Glria e a Arte do seu tempo (A Corua: Xunta de
Galicia, 1991), pp. 397410.
Pierre-Marie Gy, Gographie des tropes dans la gographie liturgique du Moyen ge
carolingien et postcarolingien, in La tradizione dei tropi liturgici, ed. Claudio Leonardi & Enrico Menesto (Spoleto: Centro italiano di studi sullalto medioevo, 1990),
pp. 1324. David Hiley, Cluny, sequences and tropes, in La tradizione dei tropi ,
affinity between the new usage of Compostela and antiphoner Toledo

44.1, probably compiled according to Lila Collamores enticing hypothesis in the court of Len, on the basis of Catalan sources,
through abbot Pontius of Sant Sadurn de Tavrnoles, who around
1034 organized the diocese of Palencia and reformed the monastery
of San Isidoro de Dueas.23 Compostela strongly marked the liturgical
custom of Ourense, where, among the medieval fragments with music,
n 21 testifies a close proximity to Toledo 44.1.24
There have been a number of substantial studies on the Braga
liturgy, but Clunys influence on Galician-Portuguese monasteries has
not yet been properly researched. The former kingdom of Galicia had
an old, rich, monastic tradition, successively invigorated by St. Martin of Dume (second half of the sixth century), St. Fructuosus (midseventh century), emigr mozarabic monks (ninth century) and St. Rodesindus (907977). Owing to the weight of local tradition, the adoption of Benedictine rule, recommended together with St. Isidores at
the Council of Coyanza in 1055, was very late; with the debatable exception of the Abbey of San Julian de Samos (in the province of Lugo),
it is not documented before 1077.25
The monastic conversion to Benedictine rule coincides with the
Cluniac advance in the Leonese Empire under Alfonso VI. Following
the kings gift of the Leonese Abbey of San Isidoro de Dueas in 1073,
23
24
25
pp. 12538. A synthesis on the musical characteristics of Clunys liturgy can be found
in Liturgie et musique Cluny, Les Dossiers d'Archologie n 269 (dc. 2001jan.
2002), pp. 4047.
Lila Diane Collamore, Aquitanian Collections of Office Chants: A Comparative Survey (Ph.D. dissertation, The Catholic University of America, Washington DC, 2000),
pp. 5356, 293304.
See the description and partial transcription of the document in Manuel Rey Olleros,
La msica medieval en Ourense, I: Pergaminos musicales del archivo catedralicio
(Ourense: Xunta de Galicia, 2002), pp. 138140. The close liturgical connection between Compostela and Orense was demonstrated in Pedro R. Rocha, LOffice Divin ;
idem, La liturgia de Compostela .
Antonio Linage Conde, Los orgenes del monacato benedictino en la Pennsula Ibrica,
vol. II: La difusin de la regula benedicti (Len: Centro de estudios e investigacin
San Isidoro/CSIC, 1973), pp. 718747, 855, 1003; idem, So Bento e os beneditinos,
6 vols (Braga: Irmandade de S. Bento da Porta Aberta, 19891996), I, pp. 193198;
Jos Andrade Cernadas, El monacato benedictino , pp. 3233, attributes the apparent exception of Samos to a late interpolation in the document.
Cluny at Fynystere
a nobleman with ties to the court made in 1075 a similar donatation

to Cluny of its first northwestern monastery.26 However, even if Cluny
took possession of it, which is uncertain, it soon disappeared from the
Burgundian Abbeys list of holdings, which means that an effective
presence of Cluniac monks in Galicia at around this time is unlikely. 27
This would not have prevented Cluniac influence through middlemen. Mention of the office of prior (rather than abbas or prpositus)
at Lorvo (Penacova, Coimbra), Vacaria (Mealhada, Coimbra), Lea,
Pendorada, Pao de Sousa and Pedroso (in the diocese of Oporto),
between 1085 and 1094, may indicate the general adoption of a monastic organization of Cluniac type, and was at one time interpreted
as such by Jos Mattoso; however, the same author later remarked
that the new terminology was adopted at that time in such a way that
its historical meaning remains ambiguous.28
Mattoso also suggested that until the mid-1090s the Cluniac uses
were spread mainly through the Leonese monastery of Sahagn, reformed in 1080 by Bernard of la Sauvetat, after a failed attempt the
year before.29 Sahagns prestige as a model of Cluniac-Benedictine
monasticism is beyond doubt: in San Julian de Samos, a monastery
26
27
28
29
San Salvador de Villafrio (Lugo), donation by nobleman Eneco Vermudo (relative of

Count Vermudo and Count Fernando Vermdez, a vassal of Alfonso VI) on the
occasion of his monastic profession in Cluny: Charles Bishko, The Cluniac Priories ,
p. 310.
Charles Bishko, The Cluniac Priories , p. 311.
Jos Mattoso, Le monachisme ibrique et Cluny. Les monastres du diocse du Porto de
lan mille 1200 (Louvain: Publications universitaires de Louvain, 1968) [trad. port.:
O monaquismo ibrico e Cluny, Obras completas, vol. 12 (Lisboa: Crculo de leitores,
2002)], pp. 123126, 204, 222223; idem, Fragmentos de uma composio medieval
(Lisboa: Estampa, 1987), pp. 167181.
Jos Mattoso, Le monachisme , pp. 126, 274, 375376. Mattoso cites, in support of
his hypothesis, the article by Ludwig Fischer, Sahagun und Toledo. Eine liturgiegeschichtliche Studie auf Grund spanischer Handschriften, Spanische Forschungen der
Grresgesellschaft, Erste Reihe: Gesammelte Aufstze zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens,
Bd. 3 (Mnster: Aschendorffschen Verlagbuchhandlung, 1931), pp. 286306. This
author demonstrates the liturgical connection between Sahagn and the Toledo and
Sevilla Cathedrals, but says nothing about monasticism. There are, nevertheless,
other hints of Sahagns importance, acknowledged also by Antonio Linage Conde,
L'influsso di Cluny nella storia spagnola, in L'Italia nel quadro dell'espansione
europea del monachesimo cluniacense, Italia benedettina, vol. 8 (Cesena: Badia di Sta
M del Monte, 1985), pp. 353388 [382383].
10
which seems to have adopted the Roman rite not long before 1098,
there is a document of 1167 concerning a reconciliation between the
Abbot and the Abbeys forty monks, where the undersigned agree to
live in observance of Benedicts rule in accordance with the consuetudines monasterii vel Cluniacensis vel Sti. Facundi. Samos once even
had a dependency dedicated to Saints Facundi and Primitivi, a fact
which confirms its ties to Sahagn, from where it may have taken not
only the monastic use, but also the Roman liturgical rite.30
In fact, Clunys early influence on northwestern Iberian monasticism was probably accomplished in four ways: 1) through representatives of the mother-abbey or its direct dependencies, such as San
Zoil de Carrin de los Condes, whose prior visited Braga in 1107;31
2) through monasteries which had previously adopted its uses but
remained independent, like Sahagn; 3) through the personal initiative of former monks invested as bishops, like Cresconius, Mauritius
Burdinus and Gerald of Braga;32 4) through secular liturgical books
based on Cluniac models, such as the Breviary of Braga.
Finally, direct presence of the Cluniac Order in the Iberian northwest was a reality from 1100 onwards, and concerned eight monasteries five to the north, three to the south of river Minho: So Pedro de
Rates (Pvoa de Varzim, Oporto, diocese of Braga), donated in 1100 to
La Charit-sur-Loire, an important Cluniac priory in the Duchy of
Burgundy, by the Burgundian Count Henry of Portugal and his wife
Teresa; Santa Justa de Coimbra (Coimbra), donated in 1102, while
Count Henry was in Coimbra, by the Cluniac Bishop Mauritius and
the Coimbra Chapter to La Charit; San Vicente de Pombeiro (diocese
and province of Lugo), given to Cluny in 1109 by Queen Urraca; San
Martin de Jubia (Ferrol, A Corua, diocese of Mondoedo), donated to
Cluny by Count Pedro Froilaz and his brothers in 1113; Santa Maria
de Ferreira (Monforte de Lemos, diocese and province of Lugo), given
30
31
32
Maximino Arias [Cuenllas], Los monasterios de benedictinos de Galicia: status

qustionis, Studia monastica, vol. 8 (1966), pp. 3569 [42, 62];
Maximino Arias Cuenllas, Historia del Monasterio de San Julin de Samos (Samos:
Monasterio de San Julin, 1992), pp. 140142.
Jos Mattoso, Le monachisme , p. 104n.
Jos Mattoso, Le monachisme , pp. 98112.
Cluny at Fynystere
11
by the Count of Toro, Fernn Fernndiz, and his wife Elvira, daughter of Alfonso VI, in 1117 (a short-lived holding, since the monastery
was no longer in the possession of Cluny in 1125); San Pedro de Valverde (Monforte de Lemos, diocese and province of Lugo), given to
Cluny in 1125 by Munio Romniz, a vassal of Queen Urraca, and his
wife; San Salvador de Budio (Porrio, diocese of Tui, province of Pontevedra), donated to Cluny by the Count of Toroo, Gmez Nuez and
his brother, in 1126; and Santa Maria de Vimieiro (Braga), donation
of Countess Teresa in 1127.33
Against a background of more than three hundred monasteries in
the Galician-Portuguese area between the ninth and the twelfth century, of which at least half were still extant in the thirteenth, 34 these
eight of which the seven surviving ones formed an autonomous Cluniac province (the Cameraria Gallecie) between 1173 and 1218 represent quite a modest number, although the donation charters in each
case provided for above-average, sound economic foundations. Geographically scattered, far from the French route to Santiago, none of
them attained large dimensions (unlike the Cluniac priories of Santa
Mara de Njera, in the province of Logroo, and San Zoil de Carrin
de los Condes, in that of Palencia) and only San Vicente de Pombeiro
and San Martin de Jubia (whose prior was to be a former monk of
33
34
Charles Bishko, The Cluniac Priories , pp. 30733; Geraldo Coelho Dias,
Cluniacenses, in Carlos Moreira Azevedo (dir.), Dicionrio de histria religiosa de
Portugal, I (Lisboa: Crculo de leitores, 2000), pp. 38185.
Maximino Arias, Los monasterios , p. 35, counts 141 monasteries in Galicia before
1200; Jos Mattoso, Histria de Portugal , p. 185, counts 159 monastic foundations
in Portugal between 800 and 1200 in the dioceses of Tui, Braga and Oporto (of which
88 still flourished in the thirteenth century). Adding the monasteries in the dioceses of
Coimbra, Viseu and Lamego, the number reaches more than 300. In territorially more
limited studies, Avelino de Jesus da Costa, A comarca eclesistica de Valena do
Minho (Antecedentes da Diocese de Viana do Castelo), Ponte de Lima [separata do livro
I Colquio Galaico-Minhoto], 1983, pp. 101114, counts, up to the thirteenth century,
14 monasteries founded in the comarca of Valena (diocese of Tui); Jos Marques,
A Arquidiocese de Braga no sc. XV (Lisboa: Imprensa nacional Casa da Moeda,
1988), pp. 610630, lists 78 monasteries documented in the diocese of Braga up to
1200, to which he adds six whose earliest surviving document date to the thirteenth
century; Jos Mattoso, Le monachisme , pp. 154, lists 54 monasteries, documented
up to 1200, in the diocese of Oporto.
12
Cluny) founded or subordinated small dependencies.35 The most important of them, Pombeiro, Jubia and Rates, seem to have had not
more than fifteen monks, and sometimes scarcely five. Putting together the few snippets of evidence that we possess, it seems that
these priories had only moderate local impact, at the level, for example, of So Salvador da Torre (Viana do Castelo) or San Salvador de
Lorenz (province of Lugo) before the wealth of the latter dramatically increased in the later Middle Ages.36 The main Benedictine monasteries in the region those most favoured by high nobility through
donations of land and other patronage, allowing them to support communities of more than twenty monks even if following Cluniac uses,
did not have juridical ties to the Mother House: thus San Martin
Pinario (Compostela), San Julian de Samos (province of Lugo), San
Salvador de Celanova and San Esteban de Ribas de Sil (both in the
province of Orense),37 So Pedro de Pedroso (Gaia), So Joo Baptista
da Pendorada (Marco de Canaveses), So Salvador do Pao de Sousa
and Santo Tirso de Riba de Ave (all of them in the Oporto diocese).38
Direct connection with Cluny (or La Charit) did not automatically guarantee closer adherence to its uses, since shortage of candi35
36
37
38
Charles Bishko, The Cluniac Priories , p. 334.

Fifteen is the number of monks documented in Rates at the beginning of the fourteenth century (Geraldo C. Dias, Cluniacenses, p. 383) and also, at uncertain date, in
Lorenz according to Jos Miguel Andrade Cernadas, Monxes e mosteiros na Galicia
medieval (Compostela: Universidade de Santiago de Compostela, 1995), p. 42. There
must have been important oscillations in the number of monks: the data we have for
S. Vicente de Pombeiro, in 1310 and 1313, oscillate between 4 and 12; in Jubia there
are 6 ou 7 monks at the end of the thirteenth century (Julian Bischko, The Cluniac
Priories , p. 336; Guy de Valous, Le monachisme clunisien , II, pp. 263266; Maximino Arias, Los monasterios , p. 64, Manuel Lucas lvarez & Pedro Lucas Domnguez, El priorato benedictino de San Vicenzo de Pombeiro y su coleccin diplomtica en la Edad Media [A Corua: Edicis do Castro, 1996], p. 20).
Maximino Arias, Los monasterios, p. 44; Jos Garcia Oro et al., Historia da Igrexa
galega, Vigo: Sociedade de Estudos, Publicacins e Traballos, 1994, pp. 6870, 122,
190191. Jos Andrade, Monxes , pp. 4243, attributes to Celanova, in the tenth and
eleventh centuries, between 20 and 30 monks. S. Julin de Samos at a time had as
many as forty, as mentioned above.
Jos Mattoso, Le monachisme , p. 161, attributes to Santo Tirso, in 1171, 23 monks.
On the latter two Abbeys, see Carlos Moreira Azevedo (dir.), Histria religiosa de
Portugal, I: Formao e Limites da Cristandade (Lisboa: Crculo de leitores, 2000),
pp. 440444.
Cluny at Fynystere
13
dates or lack of appropriate books could lead to the adoption, in a

dependent monastery like Vimieiro, of local, secular use, as revealed
by Clunys Visitor in 1292: Apud Vimerios sunt duo monachi cum
priore et officium divinum competenter fit ibidem secundum modum
terr et numerum monachorum.39 If Vimieiro, in spite of its ambitious
origins, was a relatively small house, the ability of even medium-size
monasteries like Rates to produce books for their own use is not clear;
the larger Abbeys of Samos, Celanova and Pao de Sousa did certainly have this capability.40 In the case of liturgical books with musical notation (plenary missals, noted breviaries, mass- and office-antiphoners), the preparation of several hundred folios and the technical
demands of writing and decorating them meant that only a few monastic centres were in a position to produce them. This implies that
Clunys Galician-Portuguese priories could have depended, for their
music-liturgical books, on the scriptoria of either leading Hispanic
priories like Carrin de los Condes (the closest one) and Njera (which
supervised the Cameraria Gallecie), or larger Benedictine monasteries in northern and northwestern Iberia.
In short, Clunys influence over northwestern Benedictine monks
made itself felt through both its dependent houses and independent,
Cluny-modelled monasteries. To understand better how this functioned
in practice, it is necessary to examine the extant Benedictine manuscripts. Three musical fragments originating, or used, at Portuguese
Benedictine monasteries will be studied here. Before I present them,
however, attention should be drawn to the customary of Santa Maria
de Pombeiro, the only surviving medieval Hispanic customary and
direct testimony of the adoption of Cluniac use in northwestern Iberia.
The customary of Santa Maria de Pombeiro

Santa Maria de Pombeiro (Felgueiras, Oporto district) not to be confused with the Cluniac priory of San Vicente de Pombeiro, in Galicia
was one of the most important abbeys in the diocese of Braga; probably founded in the second half of the eleventh century, it was given
39
40
Avelino de Jesus da Costa, A Ordem de Cluny em Portugal (Braga: separata de Cenculo, vol. 3, 1948), p. 36.
Jos Mattoso, Le monachisme , p. 302; Jos Andrade, Monxes , pp. 9698.
14
carta de couto by Countess Teresa in 1112. The protection of the high

nobility, especially the families of Sousa and Barbosa, led to a progressive growth in its property and income. The high number of donations received between 1295 and 1318, allowed it to sustain 27 monks
in that period. In 1320 the Abbeys tax was fixed at 8000 pounds, a
very impressive sum, four to eight times more than any other monastery in the Braga diocese that, until a century before, might seem
to belong, more or less, to the same class: So Miguel de Refojos de
Basto (Cabeceiras de Basto), So Andr de Rendufe (Amares), So
Martinho de Tibes (Braga), So Salvador de Travanca (Amarante)
and So Salvador de Castro de Avels (Bragana).41
A mid-thirteenth century customary from the abbey is still extant;
it was published a few years ago.42 Although Santa Maria de Pombeiro did not belong to the Order of Cluny, the Cluniac character of
the text is unmistakable: the designation of the main daily mass (missa maior),43 the description of the internal organization of the abbey
(monastic offices of prior, of armarius, etc.),44 the additional liturgical
obligations required of its monks (trina oratio of thirty psalms between All-Saints and Easter, or fifteen, during the rest of the year,
before the night vigil; at prime, septem psalmos speciales; psalmi familiares at every canonical hour).45
The customary was described and analysed by Jos Mattoso, who
considered it an adaptation of Bernards version of Clunys Ordo, but
41
42
43
44
45
Joana Lencart, O costumeiro de Pombeiro. Uma comunidade beneditina no sculo XIII

(Lisboa: Editorial estampa, 1997), pp. 5152, 139; Bernardo Vasconcelos e Sousa (dir.),
Ordens religiosas em Portugal: das origens a Trento. Guia histrico (Lisboa: Livros
Horizonte, 2005), pp. 4189.
Biblioteca Pblica municipal do Porto, ms. 578, transcribed in Joana Lencart,
O costumeiro , Parte II: pp. 175383.
Lin Donnat, Les coutumes monastiques autour de lan Mil, in Dominique Iogna-Prat
& Jean-Charles Picard (eds.), Religion et culture autour de lan Mil: Royaume captien
et Lotharingie (Paris: Picard, 1990), pp. 1724 [22].
Joana Lencart, O Costumeiro , pp. 8182, 8889.
Philibert Schmitz, La liturgie de Cluny, in Convegni del Centro di studi sulla spiritualit medievale, II. Spiritualit cluniacense. 1215 ottobre 1958 (Todi: Accademia
tudertina, 1960), pp. 8399; Guy de Valous, Le monachisme clunisien , pp. 334336.
References to these obligations are to be found throughout the Pombeiro customary,
e.g.: trina oratio, pp. 191, 194, 215, 265, 382; psalmos speciales, p. 220; psalmi familiares, pp. 216220.
Cluny at Fynystere
15
having undergone a good deal of change;46 he suggested that it had

been copied in a Portuguese monastery, on the basis of an exemplar
from Sahagn. Mattoso showed that the text depends on the Ordo
cluniacensis, citing several passages which retain almost exactly Bernards own words. The connection to Sahagn is suggested by the
mention of Saints Facundi and Primitivi among the few feasts when
the Credo was supposed to be sung at mass (a sign of utmost solemnity); although lost, the customary of Sahagn also depended on Bernards text, as proved by the excerpts reproduced by Yepes in the
early seventeenth century.47 There can be no doubt that the copy was
made locally, since it includes a long passage in Galician-Portuguese,
interpolated in the Latin text by the same copyist.48
In her edition of the Pombeiro customary, Joana Lencart analyses
the Sanctorale (unfortunately incomplete) and concludes that it juxtaposes typically Cluniac feasts (e. g.: Dedicatio ecclesia [cluniacensis],
Lautennus abbas, Odilo abbas the latter second hand) and the traditional Hispanic calendar (e. g.: Babilas et tres pueri, Tirsus martir,
Zoilus martir). She notes, none the less, the absence of St. Gerald of
Braga (the other patron saints of the Cathedral are commemorated in
March and April, months lacking in the manuscript), which reinforces
the idea that the copyist reproduced a model originating outside the
diocese.49
Even if the point of departure was Bernards text, there are many
signs of revision and adaptation; the statutes of abbot Peter the Venerable (11321146) were partially incorporated into the liturgical prescriptions.50 The high degree of solemnity conceded to St. James is to
46
47
48
49
50
Ordo cluniacensis per Bernardum saeculi XI, in Vetus disciplina monastica seu collectio autorum Ordinis S. Benedicti maximam partem ineditorum, qui ante sexcentos fere
annos per Italiam, Galliam atque Germaniam de monastica disciplina tractarunt,
ed. D. Marquard Herrgott (Paris: Charles Osmont, 1726), pp. 133364.
Jos Mattoso, Le monachisme , pp. 274275. Joana Lencart, O Costumeiro , p. 376.
Joana Lencart, O Costumeiro , pp. 265267.
Joana Lencart, O Costumeiro , pp. 142167.
The Credo is sung at the feast of the twelve Apostles, just as in Statute 57, and the
antiphons for Thursdays in the 1st, 3rd and 4th weeks of Lent mostly coincide with those
stipulated in Statute 59: cf. G. Charvin (ed.), Statuts, chapitres gnraux et visites de
l'Ordre de Cluny, I (Paris: Boccard, 1965), pp. 3435. The antiphons which do not
16
be noted; his celebration includes octave and translation (which happened in all northwestern Iberia, including Braga).51 It may be that
relevant information is to be found in the liturgical proper, which
would merit a separate study.
For his work on the Braga breviary Pedro Rocha used, among
other sources, the Pombeiro manuscript. The Pombeiro order of responsories on Sundays and Ember Days in Advent and on Maundy
Thursday basically reproduces the Cluny list, with small variants
also found in other Cluniac sources (not in Moissac, but sometimes in
its dependency of Arles-sur-Tech).52 The responsory lists for Christmas and the day of Easter also follow Cluny, although in the former
case the choice of the tenth responsory is identical with that of
Moissac,53 and in the latter, the eighth and twelfth exchange positions, just as in Lewes, one of the main Cluniac priories.54 With regard to the mass, the list of post-Pentecost Alleluia-verses is once
more that of Cluny, but the presence of additional, secondary, verses,
taken from Psalms whose number does not fit the numerical sequence
of the main series, reveals an earlier usage; this is a precious clue
about the liturgical evolution of the monastery.55 Comparison with
other verse-lists allows one to identify the older layer with the tradition of Braga Cathedral, which is unique in having the verses Celi
51
52
53
54
55
correspond to those prescribed in Statute 59 are found, in the same place, in the Braga
Breviary.
Joana Lencart, O Costumeiro , pp. 203, 310313, 378380.
Pedro R. Rocha, LOffice Divin , pp. 390425.
Raymond Le Roux, Les rpons de Nel et de son octave selon le cursus romain et
monastique (4), tudes grgoriennes, vol. 28 (2000), pp. 67111.
Michel Huglo, LOffice du dimanche de Pques dans les monastres bndictins,
Revue grgorienne, vol. 30 (1951), pp. 191203; idem, LOffice du dimanche de Pques
Cluny au Moyen Age, in From Dead of Night to End of Day: The Medieval Customs
of Cluny, ed. Susan Boynton & Isabelle Cochelin (Turnhout: Brepols, 2005), pp. 153
162. On the Lewes MS, see Stephen Holder, The noted Cluniac breviary-missal of
Lewes: Fitzwilliam Museum manuscript 369, Journal of the Plainsong and Mediaeval
Music Society, 8 (1985), 2532. See also, for information about the monastery, Helen
Poole, Lewes Priory. The Site and its History (Lewes: Lewes Priory Trust, 2000).
Michel Huglo, Les listes allluiatiques dans les tmoins du Graduel grgorien, in Speculum musicae artis Festgabe fr Heinrich Husmann zum 60. Geburtstag (Munich:
W. Fink, 1970), pp. 219227; David Hiley, The Liturgical Music of Norman Sicily:
A Study Centred on MSS 288, 289, 19421 and Vitrina 204 of the Biblioteca nacional,
Madrid (Doctoral thesis, University of London, King's College, 1981).
Cluny at Fynystere
17
enarrant and Dixit Dominus on Sundays IV and XVI.56 This uniqueness comes from the confluence in the Braga list, of a French-Midi list
(adopted in the 1080s) and the Moissac list (probably brought by
St. Gerald), each of them with its own numerical logic, distinct from
that of Cluny:57
Dominica
I
BRAGA
CLUNY
POMBEIRO
Deus iudex iustus+

Verba mea auribus
Deus iudex
(lacuna)
17
Diligam te Domine
Conserva me Domine
Diligam te Dne
17
20
Domine in virtute
Dne in virtute
20
In te Dne speravi
30 + 18
Omnes gentes
46
Te decet hymnus
64
Ps.
II
15
III
IV
18
Celi enarrant
46
Omnes gentes plaudite
64
Te decet hymnus
Beati quorum
Benedicam Dominum
70
In te Domine speravi
V
31
33
VI
VII
77
Attendite popule
Magnus Dominus
Deus in nomine tuo
Attendite popule
77
80
Exultate deo
Eripe me
Exultate deo
80
IX
87
Domine deus salutis
Dne deus salutis
87
89
Domine refugium
Dne refugium
89
XI
94.1
Venite exultemus
Ad te Domine clamavi
Venite exultemus
94.1
47
53
VIII
58
87.14
56
57
Sources: 1) Arquivo da Catedral de Braga, Livro de coro n 34 (manuscript gradual,

c. 1513); 2) Missale Bracarense, Lisboa, 1498; Salamanca, 1512; Lisboa, 1538.
Manuel Pedro Ferreira, Braga, Toledo and Sahagn: The Testimony of a SixteenthCentury Liturgical Manuscript in Fuentes musicales en la pennsula ibrica. Actas del
Coloquio internacional, Lleida, 13 abril 1996, ed. Maricarmen Gmez & Mrius Bernad (Lleida: Universitat, 2002), pp. 1133.
18

BRAGA
CLUNY
POMBEIRO
94.3
Quoniam deus magnus
Quoniam deus
94.3
97.1
Cantate Domino
Misericordias Domini
Confitemini Dno.
104
XIV
104
Confitemini Domino
Paratum cor
107
XV
107
Paratum cor
Redemptionem
110
Qui timent
113 +
109
Dominica
Ps.
XII
XIII
88
XVI
109
113
Dixit Dominus
Qui timent Dominum
Timebunt gentes*
110
Redemptionem
Notum fecit
101
XVII
(97.2)
Laudate Dominum 116

XVIII
113.1
In exitu Israel
XIX
116.1
Laudate Dominum
Confitebor tibi
XX
116.2
Quoniam confirmata
XXI
124
113.19
XXII
129
145
XXIII
146
De profundis
129
Confitebor tibi
137
Lauda anima mea
145
Qui sanat contritos
146
Qui confidunt
Qui timent
De profundis clamavi
Lauda Hierusalem
Lauda anima mea
Lauda Hierusalem 147.12
Qui sanat contritos

Qui posuit fines
Occupies the 1 place in the missal

Only in the missal (1498, 1512, 1538)
*
Only in the gradual (Cat. Lc 34)
+
st
147.14
Cluny at Fynystere
19
The identity and position of the alternative verses in the Pombeiro codex confirm that it was copied in Bragas sphere of influence,
probably in Pombeiro itself. They also indicate that, prior to the adoption of Cluniac prescriptions, there was an established Roman liturgy
for the mass, originating at Braga Cathedral after c. 1100. Local tradition probably also interfered in the office, since someone erased the
verse-text for the responsory Alieni non transibunt, for the first Sunday of Advent, revealing the conflict between the usage of Cluny
(verse: Ego veniam) and that of Braga and other Iberian churches and
monasteries (verse: Tunc exsultabunt).58
The influence of Braga extended to other aspects of the liturgical
life of Pombeiro. In the ritual for Ash Wednesday, the customarys redactor was partially inspired by Benedictine customs, but seems to
have sought to reconcile them with the use of Braga, as can be seen
in the following comparative table:59
58
59
Pedro R. Rocha, LOffice Divin , p. 418.

Cluniac sources: Peter Dinter (ed.), Liber tramitis vi Odilonis abbatis, Corpus consuetudinum monasticarum, vol. X, gen. ed. Kassius Hallinger (Siegburg, 1980); Ordo
cluniacensis per Bernardum Braga source: missal of 1512 (reproduces the text of the
1498 missal).
Cluny
Pombeiro
Braga
Liber tramitis:
Ipsa die namque post Sextam secretarius
faciat parvum intervallum et tum sonet
signum et omnes se sine mora discaltient
atque manus suas lavent. Infantes in
aecclesia eant sine sonitu heramenti, orationem [i.e. Pater noster] agant ante
altare et fratres in formula quae constituta est ante gradus.
20
Post sextam autem quando fuerit hora

sonet sacrista signum feriale et discalciant omnes se et dimittant diurnales in
claustro et eant ad lavatorium et non
pectent capita quia numquam debent
pectere nisi quando tenuerint meridianam. Et cum infantes ceperint venire ad
ecclesiam sonetur signum feriale;
Post sextam pulsentur duo signa, et conveniant omnes ad ecclesiam nudis pedibus;
terminataque oratione incipiat infans

prior antiphona Exaudi nos interim
sonentur duo signa,
orationem autem facta, preceptor incipiat

antiphonam Exaudi nos domine quoniam
benigna est misericordia tua [] Ps. Salvum me fac [].
Tunc dicat sacerdos versum Ostende

nobis domine,
et finita oratione
dicat sacerdos ebbdomadarius V. Ostende
nobis.
Kyrie eleison, Christe, Kirie, Pater, Et ne

nos.
Kirie. Christo. Kirie. Pater noster.

Et ne nos.
Kyrieleyson. Christe eleyson. Kyrieleison.

Pater noster. Et ne nos.
Cluny
Pombeiro
Braga
Bernardus:
21
incipit Psalmum, Deus misereatur, quo

finito cum Gloria Patri addit hunc Versum, Et veniat,
& Collecta,
Concede nobis quaesumus, praesidia
militiae Christiane:
Ps. Deus misereatur.
quibus dictis, statim D. Abbas vel Sacerdos, si ipse non adest, cum stola tantum
benedicit cineres cum hac benedictione:
Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, qui primo
homini,
Postea domnus abbas vel ebdomadarius,

si abbas deest, mutat stolam ad collum
super flocum et benedicat cineres cum his
orationibus Omnipotens sempiterne deus.
Alia. Deus qui non mortem, et aqua de
super benedicta post hoc in singulis
capite fratrum mittant cum stola dicencium hoc versum
Tunc benedicatur a domno episcopo, vel

sacerdote cum stola, dicendo istam orationem: Deus qui non mortem, sed penitentiam [] Qua expleta, aspergat super
eum aquam benedictam. Deinde veniant
omnes per ordinem, et inclinato capite,
sive genuflectione, archiepiscopus, vel
sacerdos ponat cineres in eorum capita
idem dicendo:
Accipe cinis cinerem et memento quia

cinis es et in cinerem reverteris.
Accipe cinis cinerem, et memento quia

cinis es, et in cinerem reverteris.
Dominus vobiscum.
Oratio. Concede nobis.
quos cum orsus fuerit omnibus imponere, Interea dum accipiunt cantentur he
Armarius incipit Ant. Immutemur.
antiphone Inmutemur. Iuxta vestibulum.
Deus misereatur nostri. Totum cum. Gloria patri. Et veniat super nos. Salutare
tuum. Dominus vobiscum. Et cum spiritu
tuo. Oratio. Concede nobis domine, quaesumus, presidia militie christiane sanctis
inchoare jejuniis []
Incipiatque cantor antiphonam Immutemur habitum in cinere et cilicio []

Quam repetere debent donec omnes
accipiant cinerem. Cinere autem accepto,
unus ex sacerdotibus accipiat stolam, et
ponat de eodem cinere super caput
Cluny
Pombeiro
Braga
benedicentis. Quo peracto, pergant duo et
duo ad processionem cantando
antiphonam Iuxta vestibulum et altare
[]
22
Postquam autem omnibus cineres dati

sunt, etiam infantibus, & ad extremum
infirmis, Domno Abbati vel Sacerdoti
Prior dare debet, vel unus de Prioribus, si
ipse non est Sacerdos; finita vero praedicta antiphona, siletur ab omnibus,
donec cineres dati sunt;
Postquam autem omnibus cineres dati

sunt eciam infantibus et ad extremum
infirmis, prior accipiat stolam vel unus ex
aliis qui det cinerem illi qui dedit
omnibus.
quo facto, incipit Armarius Ant. Exaudi

nos, Domine, & Processio versus coemeterium egreditur; deinde incipitur Inter
vestibulum [sic].
Postea eant ad Sanctam Mariam cum

antiphona, cruce et aqua benedicta precedente. Finita antiphona dicat sacerdos
ebdomadarius versiculum Post partum
virgo, oratio Famulorum tuorum qua
finita fiat ab omnibus communis. Oratio.
Super formas vel ante se in terra. Domno
abbate sive priore si abbas defuerit
dicente psalmi. Lauda anima mea.
A porta inferi. Dominus vobiscum. Oratio. Deus cuius misericordia pro illis
requiescunt in cimiterio.
Cluny at Fynystere
23
Customaries, missals and sacramentaries often ignore the formula for the imposition of the ashes; the options seems to have been
quite open until the Renaissance, both outside and inside the Cluniac
network. The missals of Anchin and Cluny have Memento, homo,
quia cinis es, et in cinerem reverteris, which can also be found in an
old collectary-ritual kept in Rheims;60 at Lewes Priory the priest said
Memento, homo, quia pulvis et cinis es, et in pulverem cineremque reverteris. Many other variants of this formula were in use. The one
which was given the preference of the Roman Curia (Memento, homo,
quia pulvis es, et in pulverem reverteris) became fixed only in the fifteenth century,61 there being only a few earlier documents which contain it in that exact form (one of them, possibly originating in Sahagn).62 The formula used in Pombeiro, Accipe cinis cinerem, has only
been found so far in sources from Braga (Missal of Mateus, twelfthcentury pontifical, 1498 and 1512 missals).63 Since at this time Braga
typically does not create liturgical formularies, but rather adopts
them, and taking into account the scarcity of information we possess
about many medieval ecclesiastical centers, one may suppose that the
formula would have been known elsewhere; none the less, the most
plausible way to explain its presence at Pombeiro is the influence of
the Braga liturgy.
Thus, Cluniac custom could override a local tradition, nevertheless remaining partially permeable to its liturgical influence. A fragment kept at the Arquivo Distrital de Braga (ADB), analysed below,
enables us to evaluate both the variability of this influence and the
musical dimension.
60
61
62
63
Reims, Bibl. mun. 305 [St-Bertin], cit. in Joaquim O. Bragana, O cerimonial das
cinzas na tradio de Braga, O distrito de Braga, 3 (1965), pp. 381400 [395].
Idem, ibidem: formulrio secundum usum Curiae Romanae no Missal de Bordeaux,
Paris BN lat. 871. See also the Roman Ritual of pope Leo X, Rituum ecclesiasticorum
sive sacrarum cerimoniarum S. S. Romanae Ecclesiae (Veneza, 1516), Liber II, fol. 91.
Joaquim Bragana, O cerimonial , p. 396, refers to MSS Paris, lat. 9437 [Foicy] and
Madrid, BN 730 [Sahagn?]. The Missal of Verdun presents an almost identical
formula: Memento, o homo: cf. Verdun Bibliothque Municipale 759 Missale (Padova:
La Linea Editrice, 1994).
Joaquim Bragana, O cerimonial , p. 394.
24
Fragment of a Cluniac Gradual

Fragment number 169 in the Arquivo Distrital de Braga was originally part of a gradual, written in the second half of the thirteenth century or thereabouts.64 It contains chant for the Dominica in Quinquagesima and Ash Wednesday (identified as Caput jejunii, i.e. the head
or beginning of the Lenten Fast). The melodies are written around
a single red line in Aquitanian notation of the Portuguese variety (use
of lozenge-shaped punctum to indicate the degree below the semitone), with occasional use of a custos.65 The folios recto (external side,
badly deteriorated) includes the gradual Tu es deus qui facis mirabilia (from virtutem tuam, V. Liberasti in brachio tuo), the tract
Iubilate domino omnis terra, and the beginning of the offertory Benedictus es Domine in labiis. The verso (internal side) contains the
final part of the offertory Benedictus (from tuas in labiis meis), the communion Manducaverunt, and the ritual for the blessing and imposition of ashes (prescriptions, first antiphon, start of the second). A full
transcription of the verso text follows, retaining the original orthography:66
64
65
66
ADB, Pastas de fragmentos, n 169, formerly used as a cover in the Livro Misto n 1 da
Freguesia de Bente, S. Salvador (Vila Nova de Famalico). Parchment folio, c. 260
400 mm, one column c. 180 335 mm. Gothic script; red or blue initials, decoration in
the opposite colour; 22 lines, of which 6 correspond to sung text. Partial reproduction
(the communion antiphon Manducaverunt) in Monodia Sacra Medieval. [Programa do]
Colquio internacional, 25/6/2005 (Lisboa: CML, 2005), p. 34.
On the Portuguese variant of Aquitanian notation, see Solange Corbin, Essai sur la
musique religieuse portugaise au Moyen Age (11001385) (Paris: Les belles lettres,
1952); Marie-Nol Colette, La notation du demi-ton dans le manuscrit Paris, B. N. lat.
1139 et dans quelques manuscrits du Sud de la France, in La tradizione dei tropi ,
pp. 297311.
One of the orthographical oddities, capud (for caput), is also found in MS Paris, B.N.
lat. 909, from St. Martial de Limoges (fol. 160v). In the transcription the text in red is
underlined, the rubrics underlined in red presented in smaller font, the abbreviations
expanded in italics, and the end of the doxology completed inside square brackets;
erasures are signaled with < > and interlinear corrections with ().
tuas in labiis meis pronunciaui omnia iu- |2 -ditia oris tui Communio Manducauerunt |3 et
saturati sunt nimis et desiderium eorum attulit eis |4 domi< > non sunt fraudati a desiderio suo
[Seculorum] A[m]en
Feria .iiij. capud

Iemjunij.
|5 Ipsa die ante missam discalciatur et facta oratione que so- |6 -let fieri ante
processionem inchoet cantor antiphona. Exurge |7 domine. cum psalmum. Deus auribus
nostris. Et gloria patri. Et repe- |8 -tatur antiphona. Exurge domine.
|9 Exurge domine adiuua nos et libera nos propter nomen |10 tuum. Psalmus Deus auribus
Gloria [Seculorum] A[m]en Exurge domine
25
|11 Et dicant omnes. kyrieleison. Christeleison. kyrieleison. Pater noster. Et sacerdos ebdomedarius dicto. Et |12 ne
nos. Incipiat psalmus. Deus misereatur nostri. totum cum gloria patri. et addidit hunc uersu. Et ueniat |13 super
nos. Quo finito dicitur oratio. Concede nobis domine. Quibus dictis statim. Domnus Abbas uel sacer- |14 -dos si ipse
non adest cum stola tantum benedicat cineres cunctis audientibus sine. Dominus uobiscum. Oremus |15
Omnipotens sempiterne deus qui primo. Et aspersa aquam de super cinerem ponatur et cinis super capita
singulorum |16 dicendo. Recognosce homo. Dum apponitur cinis. cantetur antiphona. Inmutemur. Finita uero |17
predicta antiphona siletur ab omnibus donec cineres dati sunt etiam infantes(tibus) et ad extremum infirmis. Domno
|18 abbati uel sacerdoti prior debet dare uel unus de prioribus si ipse non est sacerdos. Quo finito incipit Ar-
|19 -marius antiphona. Exaudi nos. Et processiones uero |20 egreditur.

Deinde incipit armarius. Iuxta |21 uestibulum. Que due idest. Exaudi nos.
Antiphona
et Iuxta |22 uestibulum. ad omnes preces quadragesima eodem ordine
cantatur.
Immutemur habitu
Let us first examine the long rubric for the blessing and imposition of the ashes. The reference to abbot,
prior and armarius puts it immediately in the Cluniac orbit. The text is substantially different from that found
at Santa Maria de Pombeiro. Comparing it with the extant versions of Cluniac customaries written between c.
1030 and 1090, we may readily conclude that it depends basically on Bernards redaction (the only one stemming from Cluny itself):67
ADB 169
Bernardus
Ipsa die ante missam discalciatur et
Ipsa die
Ipsa die namque post Sextam

secretarius faciat parvum intervallum et tum sonet signum et
omnes se sine mora discaltient
atque manus suas lavent. Infantes in aecclesia eant sine sonitu
heramenti, orationem [i.e. Pater
noster] agant ante altare et fratres in formula quae constituta
est ante gradus.
facta oratione que solet fieri

ante processionem,
facta oratione quae solet fieri

ante Processionem,
Facto signo a priore, ut surgant

ab oratione,
26
67
Udalricus
Liber tramitis
Bernards text has been variously dated from 1070 to 10851090; specialists nowadays date it around 1085. Cf. Dominique Iogna-Prat,
Ordonner, pp. 6769; Isabelle Cochelin, Evolution des coutumiers monastiques dessine partir de ltude de Bernard, in From Dead of
Night , pp. 2966. Besides the customaries quoted earlier, Ulrichs is here also used: Antiquiores consuetudines cluniacensis monasterii
collectore Udalrico monacho benedictino, in Patrologiae cursus completus, series latina, ed. J.-P. Migne, vol. 149 (Paris, 1882), cols 636778.
ADB 169
Bernardus
Udalricus
inchoet cantor antiphona

Exurge domine, cum psalmum
Deus auribus nostris. Et gloria
patri. Et repetatur antiphona
Exurge domine.
Liber tramitis
ilico scola incipiat antiphonam
Exurge domine. Duoque signa
sonentur simul versu sequente
et psalmum Deus auribus atque
Gloria patri cum repetitione
ipsius antiphone dicant.
finitaque Ant. Exurge Domine,

cum Versu & Gloria patri,
dictoque Sacerdote Versu,
Ostende nobis, Domine,
27
Et dicant omnes
dicitur ab omnibus,
kyrie [e]leison. Christe [e]leison.

kyrie [e]leison. Pater noster. Et
sacerdos ebdomedarius dicto Et
ne nos,
Kyrie eleison: Christe eleison:

Kyrie, & Sacerdos hebdomadarius, dicto Et ne nos,
Tunc dicat sacerdos versum

Ostende nobis domine,
Kyrie eleison, Christe, Kirie,
Pater, Et ne nos.
ad processionem
28
ADB 169
Bernardus
Udalricus
Liber tramitis
incipiat psalmus Deus misereatur nostri; totum cum gloria

patri, et addidit hunc versu Et
veniat super nos. Quo finito,
dicitur oratio Concede nobis
domine.
incipit Psalmum, Deus misereatur, quo finito cum Gloria Patri

addit hunc Versum, Et veniat, &
Collecta, Concede nobis quaesumus, praesidia militiae Christiane:
psalmum, Deus misereatur, sequitur collecta,

Concede nobis, quaesumus, Domine, praesidia.
Psalmus Deus misereatur nobis.

Capitulum sive versum Et
veniat super nos,
Dominus vobiscum,
collecta Concede quaesumus
domine praesidia militiae christianae.
Quibus dictis, statim Domnus

abbas uel sacerdos, si ipse non
adest, cum stola tantum benedicat cineres cunctis audientibus
sine Dominus vobiscum, Oremus: Omnipotens sempiterne
deus, qui primo. Et aspersa
aquam de super cinerem ponatur et cinis super capita singulorum, dicendo: Recognosce homo.
quibus dictis, statim D. Abbas

vel Sacerdos, si ipse non adest,
cum stola tantum benedicit
cineres cum hac benedictione:
Omnipotens sempiterne Deus,
qui primo homini,
Sacerdos tantum stola

amictus cineres ita benedicit: Deus, qui non mortem:
Deinde veniat sacerdos ad gradus, benedicat cineres, tantummodo stola in umero habeat et
aspargat aquam benedictam
super cinerem atque <in>
omnium fratrum capita mittat
Dum apponitur cinis, cantetur

antiphona Inmutemur.
quos cum orsus fuerit omnibus

quos cum orsus fuerit
imponere, Armarius incipit Ant. singulis imponere, impoImmutemur.
nit quoque cantor antip.
Immutemur habitu.
et cantor inchoet antiphonam

Immutemus habitum [sic] et
aliae, quod sequitur [i.e. Exaudi
nos domine et Inter vestibulum].
29
ADB 169
Bernardus
Finita vero predicta antiphona,

siletur ab omnibus, donec cineres dati sunt etiam infantibus et
ad extremum infirmis. Domno
abbati vel sacerdoti prior debet
dare, vel unus de prioribus, si
ipse non est sacerdos. Quo
finito, incipit Armarius antiphona Exaudi nos. Et processiones vero egreditur. Deinde incipit armarius Iuxta vestibulum.
Postquam autem omnibus cineres dati sunt, etiam infantibus,

& ad extremum infirmis, Domno
Abbati vel Sacerdoti Prior dare
debet, vel unus de Prioribus, si
ipse non est Sacerdos; finita
vero praedicta antiphona, siletur ab omnibus, donec cineres
dati sunt; quo facto, incipit
Armarius Ant. Exaudi nos,
Domine, & Processio versus coemeterium egreditur; deinde incipitur Inter vestibulum [sic].
Udalricus
Liber tramitis
30
The dependence of the Braga fragment upon Bernards customary

is revealed not only by the reappearance of complete phrases, but by
the choice of wording for the blessing of the ashes: Omnipotens sempiterne deus, qui primo homini This is also found in two Cluniac codices with music (from Anchin and Lewes) and in Clunys Missal of
1523; before it made its appearance in the later thirteenth century in
Guillaume Durands pontifical,68 this formula is found in only a few
manuscripts, mainly from the northeast of France.69 Udalricus chooses
instead Deus, qui non mortem sed penitentiam , which appears in
second place in the Roman pontifical starting in the tenth century,
and which won universal acceptance in the Latin Church.70 Braga
also has Deus, qui non mortem; Pombeiro retains both the Cluniac
and the most common text. The Sahagn sacramentary (Madrid, BN
Vit. 208), has the prayer which first appears in the Roman pontifical, Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, parce metuentibus , and cannot
therefore be the antecedent either of the fragment text or of the
Pombeiro double formulary. The formulaic incipit for the imposition
of the ashes, Recognosce homo, may correspond to the text Recognosce, homo, quia cinis es, et in cinerem reverteris, found by Joaquim
Bragana only north of Cluny (Remiremont et Langres) and, secondhand, in a Sacramentary from Tortosa; or it may relate to the variant
Recognosce, homo, quia pulvis es, et in pulverem reverteris, documented in a Carthusian missal now kept in Lisbon.71 In any case, the
tradition is not that of Braga, as followed by Pombeiro.
68
69
70
71
Cf. Michel Andrieu, Le pontifical romain au Moyen ge, Tome III: Le pontifical de
Guillaume Durand (Vaticano: Biblioteca apostolica vaticana, 1940), p. 553.
Joaquim O. Bragana, Pontifical de Braga do sculo XII. Porto, Bibl. mun. ms. 1134,
fol. 142 (Lisboa: separata de Didaskalia, VII, 1978), p. 347: Colmar, Bibl. mun. 443
[Murbach], Paris, Bibl. mazarine 431 [Maroilles], Reims, Bibl. mun. 231 [St-Thierry]
and 305 [St-Bertin], Madrid, BN 9719 [Aragn].
Cyrille Vogel, Le pontifical romano-germanique du dixime sicle. Le texte, II (Vaticano: Biblioteca apostolica vaticana, 1963), pp. 2122. Michel Andrieu, Le pontifical
romain au Moyen ge, I: Le pontifical romain du XIIe sicle (Vaticano: Biblioteca apostolica vaticana, 1938), p. 209. Joaquim Bragana, O cerimonial, pp. 390393, demonstrates the exceptional popularity of this prayer, listing seventy of its early sources.
Joaquim Bragana, O cerimonial , pp. 398399. Both versions are close, at the
start, to that of St. Ruf of Avignon, adopted at Santa Cruz de Coimbra and Tortosa
Cathedral: O homo, recognosce quia cinis es, et in cinerem ibis: pulvis es, et in pulverem reverteris: ideo, age penitentiam et habebis vitam aeternam.
Cluny at Fynystere
31
From the musical point of view, the situation is markedly different. The monks of Solesmes rightly remarked that monastic reforms
led by Cluny, up to the early twelfth century, laissent en gnral aux
monastres quelles atteignent leur forme particulire de Graduel;
quand le texte musical du monastre qui rforme passe dans le monastre rform, cest pour des raisons occasionnelles et personelles, et
non en vertu dun systme.72 David Hiley confirmed the absence in
Cluny of any unifying effort concerning melodic details, even when
a new selection and order of chants in the reformed Abbeys follow
Cluniac liturgical use.73 One can provisionally assume that the same
happened in Iberian monasteries that were dependent on (or inspired
by, Cluny) such as the institution the fragment comes from.
To test this hypothesis, I compared the melody of communion
Manducaverunt with that sung at Cluny (neumatic profile in the
Cluny gradual of the late eleventh century; melodic contents based on
the agreement of the twelfth-century Sauxillanges gradual with the
thirteenth-century breviary-missal of Lewes).74 The Burgundian melody, on nimis and fraudatia, has a pes (FG); this contour differs
from the most common one, adopted in the Vatican edition of the
Roman Gradual, here firmly supported by the medieval manuscript
72
73
74
Le Graduel romain. Edition critique, IV: Le texte neumatique, vol. 1 (Solesmes: Abbaye
St. Pierre, 1960), p. 267. The monks of Solesmes excepted from this rule Central
Europe, on account of the apparent control exercised by Hirsau over the Germanic
Abbeys it reformed; but, even if Hirsau was inspired by Cluny, it did not in fact belong
to its Order.
David Hiley, Western Plainchant , pp. 576578, 600602.
Mss Paris BN lat. 1087 [Cluny]; Bruxelles Bibl. Royale II 3823 [Sauxillanges]; Cambridge Fitzwilliam Museum 369 [Lewes]. Some of the manuscripts used in this paper
have been published in facsimile in the series Palographie musicale: Les principaux
manuscrits de chant grgorien, ambrosian, mozarabe, gallican (Solesmes, 1889):
vols 4 (Einsiedeln 121), 8 (Montpellier H 159), 10 (Laon 239), 11 (Chartres 47), 13
(Paris B.N. lat. 903), 15 (Benevento VI.34), 16 (Mont-Renaud) 18 (Angelica 123), 19
(Graz 807), 20 (Benevento VI.33), II/2 (St. Gall 359). Other facsimiles consulted: Verdun Bibliothque; Missale carnotense (Chartres Codex 520). Faksimile. Herausgegeben von David Hiley, 2 vols Monumenta monodica medii aevi, Band IV (Kassel: Brenreiter, 1992); Il cod. Paris Bibliothque nationale de France lat. 776, sec. XI, Graduale
di Gaillac (Padova: La Linea Editrice, 2001). The tonary of St. Bnigne was transcribed in Finn Egeland Hansen (ed), H 159 Montpellier Tonary of St. Bnigne de Dijon
(Copenhagen: Dan Fog, 1974).
32
tradition.75 By contrast, the northern-French versions of Noyon, Paris

and Anchin (Cluniac MS) coincide with Cluny. 76 The coincidence is
limited to nimis in the Toulouse gradual, and to fraudatia in the
graduals of Laon and Meulan and the Verdun and Chartres missals. 77
The fragment at these points follows the usual contour rather than
that of Cluny. However, in the middle of the word eorum it has
a porrectus FEF instead of GFG in the Vatican edition and all the
diastematic sources I have been able to see except the gradual of
Braga, whose melodic line is exactly that of the fragment. 78 The conclusion follows that it adopts the melodic tradition of the local See.
In this context, the erasure of the text at domi < >, has probably to
do with the hesitation between the usual form dominus and the
Braga domine. Did all monasteries in the Braga diocese depend on
the local melodic tradition? Another fragment in the Arquivo Distrital
helps us to sketch an answer.
Fragment of a Cluniac plenary Missal

Fragment number 24 in the Arquivo Distrital de Braga comes from a
plenary missal whose Cluniac origin is denounced by the presence of
Saints Vincentii, Victor et Orontii, typical of the Cluniac calendar and
75
76
77
78
Graduale triplex (Solesmes: Abbaye Saint-Pierre, 1979), p. 278. Manuscript sources in

accordance with the contour in the Vatican edition: Einsiedeln 121, Montpellier H 159
[St.Bnigne, Dijon], Roma Angelica 123 [Bologna], Benevento VI.33, Benevento VI.34,
Graz 807 [Klosterneuburg], Paris BN lat. 903 [St.-Yrieix, Limoges], Paris BN lat. 776
[Gaillac, Albi], Paris BN lat. 1132 [St. Martial, Limoges], Modena Bibl. cap. O.I.7
[Ravenna], London B.L. Add. 18031 [Stavelot], Porrentruy Bibl. cant. 18 [Bellelay].
The MS from Bellelay may be consulted online at http:// bellelay.enc.sorbonne.fr.
Mont-Renaud [Noyon], Paris BN lat. 15616, Douai B. mun. 90 [Anchin].
Sources consulted: London BL Harley 4951 [Toulouse], Laon 239, Verdun 759,
Chartres 520. The reference to Leningrad O v 16, gradual from St. Nicaise de Meulan
(family of Le Bec), is taken from Luigi Agustoni () et al., Vorschlge zur Restitution
von Melodien des Graduale romanum, Teil 18, Beitrge zur Gregorianik, Bd. 39
(2005), pp. 936 [2223], where the manuscripts origin is assigned to Rouen.
Arquivo da S de Braga, livro de coro n 34, fol. 39. On this MS, written c. 1513 for the
Archbishops chapel, see , As origens do Gradual de Braga, Didaskalia, Vol. XXV
(1995), pp. 5796. I would like to thank Joo Pedro dAlvarenga for a complete
photographic reproduction of the gradual, as well for putting some of his microfilms at
my disposal.
Cluny at Fynystere
33
normally absent from the Iberian sanctorale.79 It is a bifolium, written perhaps in the first third of the thirteenth century. The contents
of the fragment are given below; the two sides, once separately numbered folios, are identified by letters [A] and [B].
[A] = fol. clxxvj:
(r) end of Co. Quinque prudentes (from exite), Postcommunio
Refecti cibo potuque ; Vincentii martir (22 Jan.) [Intr.] Letabitur iustus, Oratio Adesto quesumus domine supplicationibus,
[Epistola] Ad Timotheum Karissime: Memor esto persecutionem paciuntur. In christo ihesu domine noster (II Tim. 2,810,
3,1012), Resp. Posuisti Domine, All. Beatus vir qui timet, [Evangelium] secundum iohannem In illo tempore Nisi granum
perdet eam (Io 12,2425)
(v) Off. Gloria et honore*, Sacreta Muneribus nostris quesumus
domine, Co. Qui vult venire, Postcommunio Quesumus omnipotens deus ut qui celestia alimenta percepimus ; Vincentii, Victor
et Orontii (22 Jan.) [Intr.] Salus autem, oratio Deus qui nos
concedis sanctorum martirum tuorum, Lectio libri Sapientie
[I]ustorum anime (Sap. 3,18), Resp. Iustorum anime*, All. Exultabunt sancti in gloria, [Evangelium secundum] Matheum In illo
tempore: Sedente domino ihesu (Mt. 24,35)
[B] = fol. clxxix:
(r) conclusion of Alleluia Amavit eum dominus (words induit
eum), for the Feast of St. John Chrysostome (27 Jan.), followed
by sequentia sancti evangelii secundum lucham: In illo tempore
homo quidam nobilis precedebat ascendens iherosolimam
79
ADB, Pastas de fragmentos, n 24 (olim Caixa 246, n7). A bifolium, c. 520 390 mm;
each folio with two 32-line columns of c. 85 300 mm. Gothic script and Aquitanian
notation around a single red line, with custos. The initials are black, or combine red
and green. Served as a cover of the Tombo de S. Mateus de Ribeira de Ome (Terra de
Bouro, north of Braga), year 1539. Bibliography: Avelino de Jesus da Costa, A Biblioteca e o Tesouro da S de Braga nos sculos XV a XVIII (Braga: separata de Theologica,
vol. 18, 1984), p. 281, estampa 52; Jorge Alves Barbosa, A Msica na Liturgia Bracarense nos sculos XII e XIII: O repertrio musical da missa nos fragmentos de cdices
do Arquivo Distrital de Braga, in Modus n 3 (19891992), pp. 81271 [129, 149150,
220, 223225], including transcriptions of some pieces, unfortunately marred by errors; As origens , p. 64.
34
(Lc. 19,1228), Off. Veritas*, Co. Domine quinque*; Agnetis secundo (28 Jan.) [Intr.] Vultum tuum*, [Oratio] Deus qui nos
annua beate Agne martyris , [Lectio Libri] Sapientie Domine deus
meus exaltasti super terram et benedicam nomen tuum domini
deus noster (Ecclesiasticus/ Liber Sapientiae Iechosuae filii
Sirach, 51,1317).
(v) Resp. Specie tua*, All. Diffusa est gracia, Evangelium Simile
est regnum celorum thesauro* (Mt. 13,44), Off. Offerentur*,
Sacreta Super has quesumus domine hostias, Co. Simile est
regnum*, Postcommunio Sumpsimus Domine celebritatis. Eodem
die iohannis abbatis Intr. Os iusti meditabitur*, [Lectio Libri]
Sapientie Iustum deduxit dominus claritatem eternam domini
deus noster (Sap. 10,1014), Resp. Justus ut palma*, All. Iustum
deduxit gloriam suam, Tr. Beatus vir
*Incipit only, without music
The melodic lines in the fragment were compared with other

manuscripts, including where possible the Braga Gradual (which limits itself to Sundays and Feasts, and has a different sanctorale).
Given that to do this for all eleven pieces would be a mamoth task
considering the little time available, I started by distinguishing the
least common and thus potentially more telling from the more
widespread ones; among the latter, I chose five, analysing two of
these in detail, and in addition, one of the less common items.
Of the eleven melodies included in the manuscript, nine belong to
the basic, widespread layer of Gregorian chant.80 Among them, the
introit Ltabitur coincides with the Braga and the Vatican edition,
apart from repeated or liquescent notes; in the tract Beatus vir, the
syllabic recitation is written on B, an option typical of southern
sources, instead of the more common C. The ancient, cross-regional
Alleluia Exsultabunt sancti is accessible with its music in a limited
number of documents;81 the melody circulated with very few variants,
80
81
Cf. Ren-Jean Hesbert, Antiphonale missarum sextuplex (Rome: Herder, 1935).

Ren-Jean Hesbert, Antiphonale Missarum , p. 240; Karlheinz Schlager, AlleluiaMelodien , pp. 179180, 665.
Cluny at Fynystere
35
and the version contained in the fragment is not particularly telling,

being almost identical to other sources.82 The versions of the alleluia,
Diffusa est and the introit Salus autem are of greater interest. The
alleluia, whose melody is also found with other texts, does not present
particular melodic characteristics, apart from the occasional recitation on B instead of C.83 However, the text-setting of labiis tuis differs from the usual syllabic articulation, and implies the loss of two
notes; it coincides with the graduals of St. Yrieix and (to some extent)
Sauxillanges, both in Aquitanian notation (Ex. 1a). The introit Salus
autem has a passage, et protector eorum est in tempore, where the
melody in the fragment diverges, slightly but distinctly, from all the
sources consulted, including Braga (Ex. 1b).84
There is a lowering by a second, perhaps due to a copying error, in
protector possibly also in Paris, B.N. lat. 1132 [St.-Martial de
Limoges] and simplification in tempore (loss of initial note, lowering of note over the central syllable, loss of first note in the clivis
starting the final melisma). Although the melodic line remains substantially the same; differences in detail point to an independent
transmission of the melody.
82
83
84
E.g. Montpellier H 159 [St. Bnigne, Dijon], Chartres 47 [Bretanha], Paris BN lat. 776
[Gaillac, Albi], 903 [St.-Yrieix, Limoges], 909 [St. Martial, Limoges], Roma Angelica
123 [Bologna], Braga Cat. Lc 34.
Willi Apel, Gregorian Chant (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1958), pp. 381
382; Luigi Agustoni et al., Vorschlge zur Restitution von Melodien des Graduale
Romanum, Teil 16, Beitrge zur Gregorianik, Bd. 37 (2004), pp. 1130 [2223]. MSS
consulted: Chartres 47 [Britanny], Laon 239, St. Gall 359, Roma Angelica 123
[Bologna], Paris lat. 776 [Gaillac, Albi], 903 [St.-Yrieix, Limoges], 909 [St. Martial,
Limoges], 1087 [Cluny], 1132 [St. Martial, Limoges], London BL Harley 4951 [Toulouse], Bruxelles II 3823 [Sauxillanges], Benevento VI.34.
Sources: Chartres 47 [Britanny], Laon 239, Einsiedeln 121, Paris lat. 776 [Gaillac,
Albi], 903 [St.-Yrieix, Limoges], 1087 [Cluny], 1132 [St. Martial, Limoges]. London BL
Harley 4951 [Toulouse], Benevento VI.34, Graz 807, Chartres 520, Verdun 759, Braga
Cat. Lc 34. See also Le graduel romain IV1, pp. 190, 337 (lieu variant nr. 137). In
the examples included in the present paper, notes put between curved brackets do not
figure in one of the sources transcribed; oblique brackets are used to indicate insertion
or lacuna.
36
Ex. 1.
a) All. Diffusa est; b) Intr. Salus autem (details)
The most uncommon pieces are two alleluias, Amavit and Justum
deduxit. The alleluia Amavit is rarely found and potentially revealing, but what remains of it in the fragment does not allow a significant comparison with other sources.85 Finally, the alleluia, Justum
deduxit gloriam suam (not to be confused with Justum deduxit
regnum dei) appears almost exclusively in manuscripts with Aquitanian notation, the exception being the Cluny gradual.86 Cluny and
its priory of Sauxillanges share the same neumatic profile almost
exactly, even if at Cluny the melisma on the final syllable is completely written out (Sauxillanges omits it, other manuscripts include
only the beginning). The sources from St.-Martial de Limoges follow a
similar contour. The gradual of Gaillac adheres partially to this contour, but in other respects is closer to the Toulouse version. The manuscripts of St. Yrieix, Moissac and Toulouse form a sub-group, marked
85
86
Editions: Karlheinz Schlager, Alleluia-Melodien I: bis 1100, Monumenta monodica

medii aevi, Band VII (Kassel: Brenreiter, 1968), pp. 1112, 607608. Graduale
triplex, pp. 495496.
Karlheinz Schlager, Alleluia-Melodien , pp. 272273, 654. MSS consulted: Paris lat.
776 [Gaillac, Albi], 903 [St.-Yrieix, Limoges], 909 [St. Martial, Limoges], 1087 [Cluny],
1132 [St. Martial, Limoges], n.a. lat. 1177 [Moissac], London BL Harley 4951 [Toulouse], Bruxelles II 3823 [Sauxillanges]. The presence of this alleluia at Cluny is
possibly an indication, among others, of Aquitanian influence: other cases are referred
to in , Music at Cluny: The Tradition of Gregorian Chant for the Proper of the Mass.
Melodic Variants and Microtonal Nuances, Ph. D. diss., Princeton University, 1997
(ProQuest [UMI] 9809172, 1998), pp. 3133, 9899. The Braga gradual includes an
alleluia on page 166 with the verse Justum deduxit gloriam suam, for the proper of
the mass of St. Martinho de Dume, but the melody is different.
Cluny at Fynystere
37
by the repetition of the GaEFG motive at the middle of the alleluiatic

jubilus, and also, to some extent, by the melodic contour on the syllable per (Ex. 2a, c); but they differ none the less among themselves at
several junctures. The melodic version of the fragment does not coincide exactly with any of the sources consulted; the cut in the jubilus,
for instance, is larger than that in the Gaillac gradual in the same
position. In spite of these differences, one can easily see that it it
belongs to the St.-Yrieix-Moissac-Toulouse sub-group, and is especially close to the Toulouse version (Ex. 2b: deduxit dominus). Thus,
notwithstanding the fragments independence from the local tradition
of Braga, it has its roots in the same geographical area.87
Ex. 2.
The Alleluia, Justum deduxit in context (details)
The documents musical testimony is of interest in another respect, too. From vias rectas onwards, it presents the melody a third
below the pitch-level found in most sources (see the illustration). Note
that Gaillac transposes vias up a second, that St. Yrieix has et
ostende illi and deus at pitch levels which diverge from the remaining Aquitanian sources, and that the latter tend to put et ostende illi
deus a fourth above, or even a fifth above the preceding and following
87
The genetic origins of Bragas melodic versions in southwestern France was established in Manuel P. Ferreira, As origens , pp. 9091.
38
portions of the melody, apparently implying a range of a tenth or an

eleventh. This diversity probably has to do with the need to accommodate one or more irregular chromatic tones in the diatonic scale. The
quilismata on per and rectas, in Gaillac and Toulouse, lead to tones
a second apart, implying the mobility of the semitone, but this does
not explain all. The Alleluia certainly requires a study of its own.
Illustration.
The Alleluia Justum deduxit gloriam suam in fragment
ADB 24
Turning to the main point of this paper, we may ask ourselves

whether monasteries in northwestern dioceses other than Braga
would be open to local traditions. To answer this question, we would
need to portray each bishopric liturgically and musically. This work,
Cluny at Fynystere
39
however, has still to be done. At Lamego Cathedral, which in practice

was long dependent upon Coimbra, an analysis of two fragments suggests identity with Braga in the office-antiphoner, but an independent tradition regarding the gradual.88 Of the few medieval sources
which certainly originated at Coimbra Cathedral where the Roman
rite was definitively established under Cluniac Bishop Mauritius Burdinus, a contemporary of St. Gerald in Toledo I hitherto have only
been able to examine a single fragment containing invitatory tones
for the nocturnal vigil. Its melodic tradition is very close to that of
Braga, but not strictly identical.89 It is nevertheless known that Coimbra Cathedral followed the use of Braga between 1210, at the latest,
and the mid-sixteeenth century, the corresponding choirbooks having
been used there until 1591. There are a number of fragments that
may attest to this liturgical dependence as regards the office.90 As for
88
89
90
Manuel Pedro Ferreira, Three Fragments from Lamego, Revista de musicologa, XVI
(1993), pp. 457476.
Lisboa, Torre do Tombo, Casa Forte, Fragmentos, Caixa 20, n 14. It is the central
bifolium of a gathering from an antiphoner; each folio measures c. 280 x 390 mm,
written in a single column of 190 300 mm. It contains invitatory tones equivalent to
those of Braga numbers 7, 11, 5, 2, 8 e 9 (in this order), with minor variants, except the
final melisma of the seventh and the greater part of the eigth tone (whose incipit is the
same as Bragas, but has a different overall identity). The presence of the Braga tones
2 and 11 (corresponding to tones M3 and M5 in Toledo 44.2), and particularly of tone 2
only found in Tol. 44.2, Silos 9 and Huesca 2 and 7 is a sign of close liturgical and
musical proximity: cf. Manuel Pedro Ferreira, Bragas Invitatory Tones, in Cantus
Planus. Papers Read at the 9th Meeting, Esztergom & Visegrd, 1998 (Budapest: Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 2001), pp. 127150; Lila Collamore, Aquitanian Collections , pp. 213, 218220. Partial reproduction of the fragment (final doxology of tone
2, beginning of tone 8) in Inventrio dos cdices iluminados at 1500, vol. 2 (Lisboa:
Biblioteca nacional, 2001), p. 232 (n 440). At page 222 of this Inventrio (ns 413,
415) one can find a partial reproduction of two other musical fragments coming from
the Cathedral Chapter. In the Seco de Msica of the Biblioteca Geral da Universidade de Coimbra, fragments 42 and 43, the remains of a breviary written in the first
half of the thirteenth century, are pure Braga liturgy.
On the adoption in Coimbra of the Braga use in 1210, see Carlos M. Azevedo (dir.),
Histria religiosa , p. 355. On its partial abandonment with the publication in 1555
of a new breviary, see Miguel de Oliveira, Lenda e histria. Estudos hagiogrficos
(Lisboa: Unio grfica, 1964), p. 189. In the Constituies sinodais do Bispado de
Coimbra of 1591, Title 15, it is stated that, since in the Cathedral choir old books of
Braga use are still being used, for lack of an alternative, these should be replaced by
graduals, antiphoners and other chant books in accordance with the post-Tridentine
Roman breviary and missal.
40
Oporto Cathedral no musicological study has been carried out as yet;

there are some hints that its liturgy was modelled on Bragas, in spite
of the long tenure of Bishop Hugh, former Archdeacon of Compostela
(11131136).91 Future research should take into account the evidence
of the monastic fragment described below.
Fragment of a Cluniac breviary from Pedroso
Lisbons Torre do Tombo counts among its holdings a parchment
bifolium taken from a breviary written in the first half of the thirteenth century, originating at the monastery of So Pedro de Pedroso,
in Gaia (Oporto diocese). This bifolium, which still serves as a cover
to mid-sixteenth century documents from Pedroso, is reinforced on
the inside by a parchment strip taken from the same codex.92
The monastery of Pedroso, founded perhaps in the early eleventh
century, may have been one of the last to adopt Benedictine rule.93
It received carta de couto from Prince Afonso Henriques in 1128, who
also gave it immunity. In the twelfth century it was one of Portugals
wealthiest Benedictine houses; in 1202, it bought numerous properties; its economic situation was good enough a few years later to welcome most of the monks expelled from the monastery of Lorvo to
allow the establishment there of royally-supported Cistercian nuns.94
In 1320, its tax was put at 2000 pounds, a sum that was exceeded at
91
92
93
94
Pedro R. Rocha, Um Brevirio bracarense na Biblioteca do Escorial (Lisboa, 1972;

Separata de Lusitania Sacra, Tomo IX, 1970/1971).
ANTT, OSB, So Pedro de Pedroso, mao 43 (olim m. 34), doc. n 5: Prazos de Pedroso
do anno de 1548 athe 1552, capa. Each complete folio measures c. 250 380 mm, with
pricking to the left and right at 8 mm intervals, two columns c. 80 mm wide, separated
by a 15 mm space, 34 lines per column (or 18 lines, there being music). Small gothic
script, small Aquitanian notation with square puncta, around a single red line. Blue
capitals (the faded colour in the outside now greenish) with decoration in red, or vice
versa; middle initials in red; the page with music has black initials decorated in red.
Bibl.: Jos Mattoso, Le monachisme , pp. 275276; idem, Religio e Cultura na Idade
Mdia Portuguesa, (Lisboa: Imprensa Nacional Casa da Moeda, 1982), p. 691.
Jos Mattoso, Le monachisme , pp. 126129. However, Antonio Linage Conde, Los
orgenes , II, p. 745, undermines the reasons that led Mattoso to arrive at a date not
much before 1117 for Pedrosos adoption of Cluniac customs.
Jos Mattoso, Portugal Medieval Novas interpretaes, 2 ed. (Lisboa: Imprensa
nacional Casa da Moeda, 1992), p. 401.
Cluny at Fynystere
41
that time by only three Portuguese Benedictine Abbeys (Santo Tirso,

Pao de Sousa and Pombeiro).95
The bifolium was first described and analysed by Jos Mattoso,
who, because of its contents (but not taking into account the related
strip of parchment), called the book which it was once part of, a lectionary-antiphoner. The document contains Magnificat antiphons on
texts from the Vulgate Books of Kings, the matins lessons for the second and third Sundays after the octave of Pentecost, and the collect
for the third Sunday. Mattoso noted the agreement between the prescriptions of the Pombeiro customary and the readings and collect of
this fragment; he also remarked that Pombeiro prescribes for the second and third Sundays post Sanctam Trinitatem (the only ones where
the Magnificat antiphon is referred to) two of the antiphons transcribed in the fragment, Montes gelboe and Doleo super te.96 Recently,
Ruth Steiner studied some of the de Regum antiphon series, revealing
the ties between the group Montes Gelboe/ Saul et Ionathas/ Planxit
95
96
Bernardo Vasconcelos e Sousa, Ordens religiosas , p. 59.

Jos Mattoso, Le monachisme , pp. 275276. Mattoso in his writings refers to four
fragments more of Benedictine origin and musical content, of which I have only been
able to examine to date the two later ones:
1) Mosteiro de Singeverga, Arquivo da Provncia Portuguesa da Ordem Beneditina:
fragment without call number (not consulted), from a lectionary of So Miguel de
Bustelo (an Abbey in Penafiel), containing readings and responsories for the second
nocturn in the Feast of St. Stephen. Bibl.: Jos Mattoso, Le monachisme , p. 276.
2) Porto, Arquivo Distrital: Vairo, mao 74, livro 3 (not consulted): fragment of an
antiphoner from the female Convent of Salvador de Vairo (Vila do Conde), corresponding to Sanctorale feasts in February (S. Agatha, Chair of St. Peter) and the
beginning of May (Saints Phillip and James, Invention of the Holy Cross), according to
the secular cursus. Bibl. : Jos Mattoso, Le monachisme, pp. 276277.
3) Lisboa, Torre do Tombo: OSB, So Salvador de Ganfei, Lv. 42 (olim Conventos de
Viana do Castelo, sala 1, 393: Livros das vedorias, Lv. B, E, 15891615), capa: fragment of an antiphoner, in very poor condition, from the early sixteenth century, using
square notation of Iberian type on a five-line red stave; contains the antiphon Dum
essex rex and the Gloria patri. Ref.: Jos Mattoso, Religio , p. 674.
4) Lisboa, Torre do Tombo: OSB, So Bento de Viana do Castelo, Documentos vrios,
mao 26 (olim Encorporao de 1912, sala 2, vol. 303: Cartrio, 16441725), capa: fragment of an antiphoner, sixteenth century, using square notation of Iberian type on a
five-line red stave; it contains the antiphon Sub tuum praesidium. Ref.: Jos Mattoso,
Religio , p. 743.
42
autem/ Doleo super te, all of them based on Davids lament (II Samuel 1), and the sources in Aquitanian notation or connected to the
Order of Cluny.97 The fragments contents are given in detail below: 98
(1) Strip: illegible left side; right side with fragmentary readings
and two mutilated responsories, Exaudisti domine orationem, V.
Domine qui custodis [CAO 6688] in the recto, and in the verso, an
acephalous Ego te tuli de domo, V. Fecique tibi nomen [CAO
6636].
(2) Bifolium: [A] recto, end of antiphon Montes gelboe (sua in
morte separati) [CAO 3807]; antiphons Saul et Ionathas
[CAO 4820], Planxit autem [CAO 4298], Doleo super te frater
[CAO 2321], Rex autem David [CAO 4650], Et ait Dominus
, Dixit autem David [CAO 2313], Obsecro Domine aufe
[CAO 4099], Unxerunt Salomonem [CAO 5280], Salomon fili
mi scito [CAO 4681] and Vade ad iordanem, followed by an
extremely faded, illegible rubric, probably referring to the lesson
in the verso: Cognovit autem erat minister in conspectu domini
(I Sam. 1,19 2,11).
[B], recto: end of lesson Ve nobis bellate (I Sam. 4,89). dominica .iii., oratio Deprecacionem nostram, Incipit Samuel liber
secundus. Factum est autem (II Sam. 1, 116); verso: dicens. Ego
interfeci ceciderunt fortes in prelio (II Sam. 1,1619). secundum lucam. In illo tempore: Adcesserunt ad ihesum publicani que
peccatores: ut audirent illum (Luc. 15,12) et rel. homelia lectionis eiusdem beati Gregorii pape, habita ad populum in basilica
beati clementis [sic]: Estivum tempus quod corpori meo (S. Gregorii Magni, XL Homiliarum in Evangelia, Homilia 34).99
97
98
99
Ruth Steiner, Davids Lament for Saul and Jonathan, in Commemoration, Ritual and
Performance: Essays in Medieval and Early Modern Music, ed. Jane M. Hardie, Musicological Studies, vol. 84 (Ottawa: The Institute of Medival Music, 2006), pp. 515.
The CAO numbers refer to the inventory of Ren-Jean Hesbert, Corpus antiphonalium
officii, vol. III: Invitatoria et antiphon, Rerum ecclesiasticarum documenta, Series
maior, Fontes, 712 (Rome: Herder, 1968).
Sancti Gregorii Pap I, Opera omnia, t. II, in Patrologia latina, ed. J.-P. Migne, vol. 76
(Paris, 1849), col. 1246.
Cluny at Fynystere
43
In order to make a more thorough assessment of the liturgical filiation of the fragment, I compared the contents of notated folio [A]
with the breviary of Cluny (St.-Victor-sur-Rhins, ms. 1),100 the breviaries of Moissac (Toulouse, Bibl. mun. ms. 69) and Braga,101 the antiphoners Toledo 44.1 and 44.2, and two antiphoner fragments preserved in Braga (ADB)102 and Viseu (ADV).103 The Cluniac antiphoner
of St. Maur-des-Fosss and the vora breviary 104 were initially also
taken into account.
100 Anselme Davril, A propos d'un brviaire manuscrit de Cluny conserv a Saint-Victorsur-Rhins, Revue bndictine, 93 (1983), pp. 108122; Michel Huglo, Remarques sur la
notation musicale du brviaire de Saint-Victor-sur-Rhins, Revue bndictine, 93
(1983), pp. 132136.
101 Brevirio Bracarense de 1494 (Lisboa: IN-CM, 1987).
102 Arquivo Distrital de Braga, Pastas de fragmentos, n 13 (olim caixa 250, nmero 24),
formerly cover of the Tombo da Comenda do Salvador de Vila Pouca de Aguiar
(of 1560); it is formed of two manuscripts of different origin, stitched to each other.
One of them is a fragment of an antiphoner written in the early thirteenth century;
it is severely mutilated and mended with parchment. It measures c. 205 290 mm,
written in two columns of c. 97 245 mm and 16 lines of text with Aquitanian
notation; black or red initials. It was first referred to by Avelino de Jesus da Costa,
Pergaminhos medievais. Inventrio bibliogrfico e ideogrfico, 9 vols (Braga, 1944
1952) [polycopied script].
103 Arquivo Distrital de Viseu, Cabido da S de Viseu, capa do Livro 303/732 (olim 778),
made up of two folios, c. 270 x 295 mm each, written in one column of c. 170 275 mm.
A former cover of the Book of Bread (pam) for 1567, now protects the original manuscript of the Estatutos da S de Viseu promulgated in 1561. Referred to and partially
reproduced in Manuel Joaquim, Ntulas sbre a msica na S de Viseu (Viseu: Junta
de Provncia da Beira Alta, 1944), p. 69, and Plate. It received the unprofessional
attention of Wesley D. Jordan, A Collection of Early Antiphoner Fragments from Portugal (Lisboa, Viseu, Ponte de Lima, and Guimares): A Miscellany of Historical and
Technical Observations, in Gordon Athol Anderson In Memoriam, von seinen Studenten, Freunden und Kollegen, Teil II. (Basel: Institute of Medieval Music, 1984),
pp. 403473 [415425]; idem, O fragmento musical, documento 732 no Arquivo Distrital de Viseu (o antifonrio do sculo 13; notas sobre a histria e estilo musical), Beira
Alta, vol. 43/3 (1984), pp. 395420, with photographic reproduction of all four pages,
at a reduced scale.
104 Paris, B.N. lat. 12584 (Saint-Maur-les-Fosss, sc. XI) in Ren-Jean Hesbert, Corpus
antiphonalium officii, vol. II: Manuscripti cursus monasticus (Rome: Herder, 1965).
Breviarium secundum consuetudinem sancte Elborensis ecclesie, Jacob Cromberger,
1528 (Lisboa, BN, Res. 253 P.).
44
Clu. F
Braga (+ Tol. 44.2)
1. Loquere Domine
2
1
1: Cognoverunt omnes
3
2
2: Nonne iste est David
4
3
3: Prevaluit David
5
4
4: Iratus rex Saul dixit
6
5
5: Quis enim in omnibus
7
6
6: Montes Gelboe
8
7
7: Saul et Ionathas
9
8
8: Planxit autem
10
9
9: Doleo super te frater
11
10
10: Rex autem David
11: Incedens rex *
12: Et ait Dominus *
13: Dixit autem David
11
14: Obsecro Domine aufer
15: Unxerunt Salomonem
16: Salomon fili mi scito
17: Vade ad Iordanem *
(18: Appropinquaverunt)*
13
(19: Clamabat Eliseus)
(20: Audi Domine hymnum)*
12: Dum tolleret
* Non-CAO antiphons
v.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
Pedr.
ADB 13
+
+
+
ADV 732
[+]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
[+]
[+]
+
+
[+]
+
+
+
+
[+]
[+]
+
Mois.
1
4
3
5
6
8
7
9
10
Tol. 44.1
1
2
5
4
6
7
9
11
8
10
12
13
3
14
15
16
19
21
18
20
17
22: David
sedens *
Cluny at Fynystere
45
It is clear from the above table that the Cluny list, with or without the first antiphon (which may appear in the manuscripts assigned
to a specific, earlier occasion), is the point of departure for lists of its
kind (i. e. with the same choice and order of texts) but with additional
antiphons: the lists of St.-Maur, vora, Toledo 44.2 and Braga (the
latter two being the same except in the inclusion, or not, of the last
three antiphons). Between Moissac and Toledo 44.1 there is a similar
relationship (identical order, but with additional antiphons in Tol. 44.1,
or possibly, suppression of antiphons at Moissac, since the breviary
used is three centuries later than the Toledo antiphoner). The Braga
and Viseu fragments, in spite of their incomplete state, evidently adhere to the Braga Cathedral list. The Pedroso fragment has a similar
list, but it lacks the antiphon Incedens rex. The most significant textual variants are presented below:
Ant.
Montes Gelboe
46
<Quomodo ceciderunt interfectus est>

Saul et Ionathas decori
decori valde
Planxit autem
super Saul et super Ionathan
super Saul et Ionathan
fortes.
fortes in bello.
Rex autem
filii mi Absalon Absalon filii mi
David
filii mi Absalon Absalon fili mi
Absalon fili mi Absalon

filium Absalon Absalon fili mi
Absalon fili mi fili mi Absalon
fili mi Absalon Absalon fili mi

fili mi Absolon Absolon fili mi
Absolon fili mi
Absalon fili mi fili mi Absalon
fili mi Absalon
Dixit
Unxerunt
Salomonem
Dixitque David
Dixit autem David
dicentes/dixerunt: vivat rex in
aeternum
dicebant: vivat rex Salomon
Tol. 44.2
+
+
Braga
+
ADB 13
+
ADV 732
+
+
Tol. 44.1
Mois.
+
Pedr.
?
Clu.
+
+
+
+
+
(+)
+
+
+
+
+
+
?
+
+
+
+
+
CAO
+
+
+
+
Cluny at Fynystere
47
Among the variants observed, some can be attributed to fluctuating text editing: the cut of a middle passage [antiphon Montes ]
in Cluny and Tol. 44.1; the inclusion of valde [a. Saul ] in Pedroso;
the cut of the second super [a. Planxit ] in Tol. 44.2 (followed by the
Portuguese fragments); the variant operto, for cooperto [a. Rex ], in
Cluny (absent from the table).105 Other variants, not included above,
are probably owing to phonological or orthographical confusion (quo
operto for cooperto [a. Rex ] in Tol. 44.1) or to erroneous expansions
of abbreviations (frater for super [a. Planxit ] in Cluny, muros for
montes [a. Planxit ] in ADB 13, declamavit for declinavit [a. Doleo ]
in Pedroso). There are still some variants which clearly separate the
Hispano-Aquitanian tradition from the most widespread version, found
in Cluny or in the CAO: the incipit of the antiphon Dixit and the
end of antiphons Planxit and Unxerunt. In every case, Pedroso
aligns itself with the southwestern version.
Among the Hispano-Aquitanian manuscripts compared here, the
most eccentric is Tol. 44.1. Bragas printed breviary differs twice from
Tol. 44.2, maybe because of late contamination or revision, since
the medieval fragments from Braga and Viseu retain the text of the
Toledan manuscript. Pedroso diverges in two places (antiphons Saul
and Rex ) from Tol. 44.2 and the two other Portuguese fragments; it
may therefore be stated that the absence, in the antiphon list, of Incedens rex, was no lapse, but rather corresponds, together with the text
variants, to the repertorys different channel of transmission.
Analysis of melodic variants reinforces this conclusion. In antiphons where text differences are minimal or fortuitous, as in Saul et
Ionathas and Doleo super te, the melodic versions of Cluny differ in
subtle but clear ways from the Iberian manuscripts in places like
leonibus fortiores in the first antiphon (Ex. 3a), or non est aversa at
the end of the second (Ex. 3b).
105 The editorial fluctuation in the antiphon Montes Gelboe is documented in R.-J.
Hesbert, Corpus , vol. III, p. 340. The first syllable of cooperto in the antiphon Rex
autem was erased in the breviary of Cluny, the music counting only on the three
remaining syllables; both alternatives appear in R.-J. Hesbert, Corpus , vol. III,
p. 445.
48
Ex. 3.
Antiphons (a) Saul ; (b) Doleo (details)
But if Pedroso generally adheres to the Aquitanian melodic tradition, it diverges at several points from the melodic details shared by
the antiphoners Tol. 44.1 and Tol. 44.2 and by the Braga and Viseu
fragments, Tol. 44.1 being the most far removed of them (Ex. 4).
Ex. 4.
Antiphons (a) Doleo (b) Dixit (c) Unxerunt (details)
Cluny at Fynystere
49
It may therefore be concluded 1) that the liturgical substrate of

the Pedroso breviary, though its usages are not not identical with
those of Braga, belongs to the greater Braga family, and 2) that the
melodic tradition of Pedrosa is relatively close to that of the Braga
family, i.e., with common Aquitanian roots, but somewhat different in
detail. We cannot establish at this moment whether these characteristics arise from a strictly monastic tradition, or from the local tradition of the Oporto diocese.
Conclusion
I sought to make clear at the outset of this paper that until the midtwelfth century, the distinction between Cluny-dependent or independent monasteries in northwestern Iberia, did not automatically imply
more or less Cluniac purity in the uses of the former. Their degree of
proximity to Cluny was not so much tied to their belonging or not
belonging to the Order as to their capacity to sustain a regular Benedictine life on the basis of a stable and relatively numerous community of monks. This implies that Cluniac manuscripts of unknown
origin cannot be attributed, solely on the basis of their contents, to
a local Cluniac priory rather than to another, well-endowed Benedictine monastery in the area.
I then examined four testimonies of direct or indirect Cluniac
presence at Europes westernmost extremity. The hitherto unnoticed
local influence of Braga on the customary of Santa Maria de Pombeiro
(derived from Bernards) was demonstrated; a gradual fragment was
shown to record a purer Cluniac liturgy and yet transmit the melodic
tradition of Braga; another fragment, used in the diocese of Braga,
shows instead liturgical and musical independence from local tradition, while having common roots in the French Midi. The monastery
of Pedroso, in the diocese of Oporto, was shown to follow an officeliturgy in the Cluniac mould which is very close but somewhat different from that of Braga; the same may have happened at Coimbra
Cathedral, although not in Viseu, to judge from the pure-Braga reading of the fragment.
50
What can this tell us about the liturgical influence of Cluny on

Galician-Portuguese monasticism? Certainly, the everchanging Cluniac uses knew different degrees of adaptation and contamination by
local tradition; the choice of texts for the lessons tended to correspond
to Clunys; the liturgical propers of Benedictine monasteries hovered,
in the selection of chants, between Burgundian and Aquitanian precedents; and in every case the version of the texts sung and the melodic
tradition, whether or not mediated by the local Cathedral, were invariably Aquitanian, which accords well with the origin of most Cluniacs who arrived in the Iberian Peninsula around 1100, and with the
variety of melodic tradition admitted in the Order of Cluny.

Cluny at Fynystere One Use Three Fragmen

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Cluny at Fynystere One Use Three Fragmen

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Cluny at Fynystere

Manuel Pedro Ferreira

Manuel Pedro Ferreira

Curia acknowledged the presence there of St. Jamess body in the

Count Raymond and therefore uncle of the heir presumptive, prince

Herbert E. J. Cowdrey, Two Studies in Cluniac History, 10461126, Studi gregoriani,

Manuel Pedro Ferreira

Jos Mattoso, Histria de Portugal , p. 28; Fernando Lpez, La posicin , p. 33;

Manuel Pedro Ferreira

affinity between the new usage of Compostela and antiphoner Toledo

a nobleman with ties to the court made in 1075 a similar donatation

San Salvador de Villafrio (Lugo), donation by nobleman Eneco Vermudo (relative of

Manuel Pedro Ferreira

Maximino Arias [Cuenllas], Los monasterios de benedictinos de Galicia: status

Manuel Pedro Ferreira

Charles Bishko, The Cluniac Priories , p. 334.

dates or lack of appropriate books could lead to the adoption, in a

The customary of Santa Maria de Pombeiro

Manuel Pedro Ferreira

carta de couto by Countess Teresa in 1112. The protection of the high

Joana Lencart, O costumeiro de Pombeiro. Uma comunidade beneditina no sculo XIII

having undergone a good deal of change;46 he suggested that it had

Manuel Pedro Ferreira

Deus iudex iustus+

Omnes gentes plaudite

Domine deus salutis

Dne deus salutis

Sources: 1) Arquivo da Catedral de Braga, Livro de coro n 34 (manuscript gradual,

Manuel Pedro Ferreira

Quoniam deus magnus

Laudate Dominum 116

Lauda anima mea

Qui sanat contritos

Lauda Hierusalem 147.12

Qui sanat contritos

Occupies the 1 place in the missal

Pedro R. Rocha, LOffice Divin , p. 418.

Post sextam autem quando fuerit hora

terminataque oratione incipiat infans

orationem autem facta, preceptor incipiat

Tunc dicat sacerdos versum Ostende

Kyrie eleison, Christe, Kirie, Pater, Et ne

Kirie. Christo. Kirie. Pater noster.

Kyrieleyson. Christe eleyson. Kyrieleison.

incipit Psalmum, Deus misereatur, quo

Ps. Deus misereatur.

Postea domnus abbas vel ebdomadarius,

Tunc benedicatur a domno episcopo, vel

Accipe cinis cinerem et memento quia

Accipe cinis cinerem, et memento quia

Incipiatque cantor antiphonam Immutemur habitum in cinere et cilicio []

Postquam autem omnibus cineres dati

Postquam autem omnibus cineres dati

quo facto, incipit Armarius Ant. Exaudi

Postea eant ad Sanctam Mariam cum

Manuel Pedro Ferreira

Fragment of a Cluniac Gradual

Feria .iiij. capud

|19 -marius antiphona. Exaudi nos. Et processiones uero |20 egreditur.

Ipsa die ante missam discalciatur et

Ipsa die namque post Sextam

facta oratione que solet fieri

facta oratione quae solet fieri

Facto signo a priore, ut surgant