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August 22, 2016

Authors
Pierre Dugu,
Kings College London
Simon Fraser,
University of Exeter
Ryan Hulec,
Cleveland State University
Adla Jiikov,
Anglo-American University Prague

ATLANTIC MEMO #52

Enhancing NATO Cohesion:


A Framework for 21st Century Solidarity

Joseph Kelledy,
University of Arizona
Mariita Mattiisen,
Estonian Atlantic Treaty Association
Mathilde Skydt Ganderup,
Aalborg University

INTRODUCTION
The North Atlantic Treaty Organization is currently faced with security concerns on
multiple fronts, which has produced an atmosphere of repeated disagreement within
the Alliance. Member countries have different security priorities which need to be
addressed, but since the Alliance still possesses precisely the same structure as it
did during the Cold War, it is straining to effectively respond to such a wide variety
of problems.

Youmna Sirgi,
George Washington University
Lewis Smart,
Plymouth University
Carter Vance,
Carleton University

Policy Workshop Competition

A lack of interaction with and between the publics of its members has led many to
believe that NATO is not only unconcerned with their problems, but that it has
become obsolete. To strengthen the unity of its members, NATO must actively
increase solidarity both within the Alliance itself, and between the publics of different
member nations. The question of solidarity has both short-term and long-term
solutions, both of which must be actively addressed.
To this end, NATO should (1) develop a shared clean-energy grid across the
Alliance, (2) reorganize its military and political infrastructures to enable a diversity
of responses to its many challenges, and (3) launch education and media campaigns to strengthen links between different national publics, and between those
publics and NATO itself. In short, a diverse set of solutions is needed to unify a
diverse set of peoples against a diverse set of threats.

Shaping our NATO: Young Voices


on the Warsaw Summit
Category D:
Increasing solidarity in the face of
divergent threat perception

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POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS
1. Energy Solidarity
1.1. Recommend best practices for energy use within armed forces.
Develop a set of energy use best practices for member state militaries, such as
energy efficiency, energy type mixture and national fuel sources. NATO should also
provide technical advice and financial incentives to adopting these practices. In
order to develop these practices, it will be necessary to facilitate knowledge sharing
in order to increase energy efficiency and the use of alternative energy sources in
military operations. This will build upon the work already being undertaken by the
Energy Security Centre of Excellence (ENSEC COE) to enhance interoperability, as
well as energy efficiency initiatives within the militaries of member states. Investments to coordinate and share these efforts would be modest and have large
potential dividends over the medium term. In addition, this will enhance perceptions
of NATOs utility amongst national militaries and governments by making its positive
impacts more concrete and long-term, especially for member nations without NATO
deployments on their territory.

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Directors
Dr. Johannes Bohnen
Jan-Friedrich Kallmorgen

1.2. Develop an energy security database, involving stakeholders and spurring


innovation.
Where feasible, create a database on energy security based on knowledge and
methods being utilized by both NATO itself and its various member countries. This
database should be accessible to both public and private bodies working within the
energy security sphere. A communal database will serve to both better utilize existing
knowledge and to enhance perceptions of NATO as an institution within these
communities across its constituent stakeholders, establishing solidarity amongst key
actors across countries. Access to this database, in addition to standard security
screening procedures, will be conditional on commitments to use research and spin off
activities generated to enhance energy security amongst NATO members, with the
results being jointly owned by the Alliance and the researchers, or other individuals
involved. Databases could be developed in concert with existing research initiatives by
NATO, as well as via partnerships with other institutional actors such as postsecondary education facilities.
1.3. Prioritize energy risk management in Europe, addressing concerns of
eastern members.
NATO must work with institutional partners in eastern Europe, such as the EU and
OSCE, to better secure its existing physical energy infrastructure, develop shared
energy grids between NATO member countries, and take other measures to lessen
dependence on Russian-based energy sources, particularly fossil fuel imports. NATO
can facilitate this by expanding the mandate of the ENSEC COE to include cooperation and knowledge transfer between military and civilian authorities for the purposes
of facilitating energy security. Modest investment will be required to establish and
maintain such formal contacts, which should come from enhancing the ENSEC COEs
budget. Energy risk management plans should include agreed-upon response
measures to be taken by NATO members collectively should such a situation arise, as
well as a plan of action for future relations between NATO and the involved states,
both member and nonmember, including Partnership for Peace participants. Such
plans will also work to create greater mutual understanding of energy security issues
faced by member nations and allow citizens to see tangible benefits of the Alliance on
a day-to-day basis.

2. Institutional Changes
2.1 Institute three Warfare Offices to diversify threat response.
NATOs current single force structure is not effective or efficient enough to deal with
the myriad of threats facing the Alliance. NATO must consequently reorganize its
military into specialized offices in order for the Alliance to more effectively diversify its
threat response.
All member countries will automatically be participants in each of these offices. Within
each office, there will be staff dedicated to regional areas of operation, which will
interact directly with the appropriate regional subcommittees described below. Warfare
Offices will be charged with developing military strategy and conducting operations.

Figure 2.1 Structure of Command of Warfare Offices

2.2 Establish regionally focused subcommittees to address multiple problems


simultaneously.
In order to not only promote solidarity between different member countries, but to also
diversify NATOs ability to handle various problems, regional subcommittees should
be created. They will unify the national priorities, work with the Warfare Offices to
develop strategy, and acquire resources necessary for the activities and operations
carried out in their region. North Atlantic Council's (NAC) unanimous approval will still
be required to take military action.
These subcommittees will be organized geographically in order to provide effective
responses to the security concerns, which primarily vary by region. Subcommittees
will coordinate, not only with the Warfare Offices, but with one another within NATO to
preserve the centralized structure.
Membership on a subcommittee is open to all members, but requires a commitment to
provide a fair share of the necessary resources required for military operations. The
structure of the subcommittees is flexible, since different members can join at any time
if they are willing to provide assistance. This allows the states to focus their resources
on issues that are of concern to them. It also encourages them to contribute the
agreed-upon 2% of GDP on defense. To cope with the constant flux of the geopolitical
landscape, each subcommittee will gather at the NATO summit to realign goals and
discuss evolving threats and political priorities.

Figure 2.2 Structure of Command of Regional Subcommittees

2.3 Create a Threat Prioritization Committee to consider all members concerns.


A new Threat Prioritization Committee will take the concerns of every NATO member
and produce an objective biannual report to NAC. Their task will be to provide recommendations for the prioritization of threats facing the Alliance. This committee will
thereby not have the power to force either NAC or any member countries to take
action.
This committee will consist of ten
different members. They will not
represent any nation, but rather
represent the Alliance as a whole.
The committee members will be
elected during the NATO summit,
and be nominated by the individual
countries. The member nations are
not allowed to nominate a committee member from their own region or
country.

Figure 2.3 Process to create biannual,


objective report for NAC.

The three Warfare Offices will be funded by NATOs Military Committee, and the
activities of the Regional Subcommittees will be covered by their own members. All
administrative costs and the independent committee will be funded by the Civil
Budget. Acknowledging that bureaucracy can be expensive, the Alliance should
absolve any committees or existing structures that will be replaced by the Warfare
Offices, Regional Subcommittees, and the Threat Prioritization Committee.
2.4 Reciprocate political and military support in the Pacific.
European NATO states should offer political and diplomatic support to the US in its
Asia-Pacific strategy. After a decade of political and diplomatic assistance, contingents
of European NATO troops will be deployed on a rotational basis to the Asia-Pacific
region. Responsibility for this will fall to the North America Subcommittee.
Though these efforts will possibly require a change in the North Atlantic Treaty,
European members of NATO must be willing to show their support for the United
States actions in Asia if they hope for reciprocal action in Europe. A change to the
North Atlantic Treaty would greatly benefit NATO in order for members to remain
united as Asian nations are quickly gaining power in the geopolitical landscape.

3. Increasing Public Awareness and Perception


3.1 Create a NATO culture to educate publics on the importance of the
Alliance.
An effective, long-term method of creating deep seated solidarity would be to develop
a NATO culture. Comprehensive education programs, social media campaigns, and
historic tours will bring NATO to the citizenry, and share the continued purpose and
importance of the Alliance with them. This can be achieved by increased investment in
Atlantic Treaty Associations (ATAs), especially their educational and information
distribution programs, and other organizations that reach member states citizens.
However, as only a small part of the funding to ATAs comes from the NATO HQ, their
work is not always successful. We suggest having a deeper and more active cooperation and to share ideas between the HQ and member states and make reciprocal
suggestions. This will make the HQ more aware of situations in member states and
allow NATO to better interact with publics.
A significant part of PDD funding and grants currently goes into research projects,
which mainly reaches out to those who are already informed but not those who are or
will be shaping public opinion. More attention should be paid to educating the general
public, particularly the youth. NATO PDD should fund NATO negotiation simulations,
NATO Days, and visits to military bases. These projects already exist in some
member countries, however, with added PDD support, these and other projects could
be offered in all member countries.
In addition, social media should be used by NATO in cooperation with member
countries and ATAs to not only increase awareness of its activities and principles in
the wider public, but also to connect the people of different countries with one another.
By learning about each other's history, culture, and security concerns, the Alliance will
become more united, and the hampering effect of diverging threat perceptions on
decision making will decrease.
NATO-sponsored history and memorial tours would also improve public perception of
the Alliance and grant new perspectives to those who only currently perceive their own
countrys point of view. The Alliance should also offer trips for citizens of similar
occupations or positions to visit one another in different NATO countries. This would
create a meaningful bond between people of different countries, and would connect
members of society that may have a strongest influence. During times of trouble,
NATO uses civil-military co-operation as a force multiplier. By connecting not only
business leaders, local politicians, and academics, but also other occupations NATO
4

will be able to increase support between populations, even in the face of diverging
threat perceptions.
3.2 Change the name of the organization to increase sense of community and
cohesion.
NATO should adopt a new name, because its current name has become obsolete by
both the enlargement of the Alliance and the shift in the nature of the threats it faces,
with the Cold War having ended. A new name would benefit the Alliance, and allow it
to remain relevant in the twenty-first century.
The new name would not only increase cohesion, as it would be agreed upon by all
member countries, but it would increase the sense of community among members. It
would also consider the future orientations of the organization, not only in terms of
crisis management but how NATOs sphere of action might be broadened. It would
take into account the potential integration of new members. Finally, it would need to
be perceived as inherently non-aggressive by external organizations and states. This
name would also contribute to the development of a NATO whose aim is to integrate
each member's national identity in order to maximize cooperation and capabilities
within the Alliance.

CONCLUSION
NATOs original purpose of providing a secure military alliance for its members is still
crucial in todays geopolitical climate. However, in order to successfully realize this
goal, the means of accomplishing NATOs mission must change with the world around
it. NATO should consistently seek to improve both itself and its operations with both
short- and long-term solutions. Implementing strategies such as a clean energy plan, a
reorganization of its military and political structure, and a campaign to improve public
perception will ensure that both NATO and its members will not only be able to adapt
and survive, but to thrive in peace.
Pierre Dugu is a BA candidate in War Studies at Kings College London. He has
previously studied History at the Paris Sorbonne University.
Simon Fraser studied Politics and International Relations at Kingston University.
Currently, he is studying for a master's degree in International Relations at the
University of Exeter.
Ryan Hulec has a degree in Global Interactions from Cleveland State University. He
has also welcomed many international visitors to the Northeast Ohio area.
Adla Jiikov is a BA candidate in International Relations at the Anglo-American
University in Prague. She is also an associate in Association for International Affairs.
Joseph Kelledy is a BS candidate in Astronomy and Physics at the University of
Arizona. He is currently involved with research at Steward Observatory on the
relationship between dark matter / baryon interaction and the structure of the universe.
Mariita Mattiisen has a Masters degree from the University of Tartu and works in
Estonian Atlantic Treaty Association. She has previously worked as a director of the
European Movement Estonia and as an analyst in the Estonian Parliament.
Mathilde Skydt Ganderup is a MA candidate in International Development and
Relations at Aalborg University and International Officer at Aarhus University. She is
also Partner and CCO in a recruitment company in Aarhus.
Youmna Sirgi is a BA candidate in International Affairs at The George Washington
University.
5

Lewis Smart graduated in International Relations from Plymouth University. He has


worked on a general election campaign and currently works in London for a public
affairs company with a strong interest in aerospace and defense
Carter Vance is an MA candidate in Political Economy at Carleton University and a
Junior Research Fellow at the NATO Association of Canada
The authors wish to thank all online commenters for their valuable input.
http://www.atlantic-community.org/nato-solidarity

The authors have written this Memo after qualifying with individual submissions, which
provide more detailed information on the aforementioned policy recommendations for
those interested:
Pierre Dugu: To Enhance Cohesion, NATO Should Change Its Name
http://www.atlantic-community.org/-/to-enhance-cohesion-nato-should-change-its-name

Simon Fraser: How Europe and the US can Usher in a New Age of Solidarity
http://www.atlantic-community.org/-/how-europe-and-the-us-can-usher-in-a-new-age-of-solidarity

Ryan Hulec: NATO Needs to Make itself Heard


http://www.atlantic-community.org/-/nato-needs-to-make-itself-heard

Adla Jiikov: Making NATO More Popular for Everyone


http://www.atlantic-community.org/-/making-nato-more-popular-for-everyone

Joseph Kelledy: How to Fairly Prioritize the Alliances Security Threats


http://www.atlantic-community.org/-/increasing-solidarity-how-to-fairly-prioritize-the-alliance-s-security-threats

Mariita Mattiisen: Social Media Is the Answer to Increasing Solidarity


http://www.atlantic-community.org/-/social-media-is-the-answer-to-increasing-solidarity

Mathilde Skydt Ganderup: Making NATO more institutionalized


http://www.atlantic-community.org/-/making-nato-more-institutionalized

Youmna Sirgi: A Time Capsule to the Present: Restructure. Recruit. Rebalance.


http://www.atlantic-community.org/-/a-time-capsule-to-the-present-restructure-recruit-rebalance

Lewis Smart: Solidary through Diversity


http://www.atlantic-community.org/-/nato-solidarity-through-diversity

Carter Vance: Energy Security Strategy Crucial to Checking Russian Aggression


http://www.atlantic-community.org/-/nato-energy-security-strategy-crucial-to-checking-russian-aggression

The articles have been written for category D Increasing Solidarity in the Face of
Divergent Threat Perception of the Shaping our NATO competition and respond to
the questions: How can NATO improve cohesion, and strengthen consensus on how
to deal with the many different threats? What practical steps can be taken to increase
empathy and solidarity between the publics in the NATO Members countries?

The competition has been made possible by generous contributions from the NATO
Public Diplomacy Division, the Konrad Adenauer Foundation and the Foundation for
Polish-German Cooperation.

Atlantic-community.org maintains editorial independence and this Memo reflects the


opinions of the authors, not those of the sponsors.

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