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effect) (c Chomsky Lasnik: 의 ‘ (보문소-흔적) 효과' (that-trace
effect) (c Chomsky Lasnik: 의 ‘ (보문소-흔적) 효과' (that-trace
effect) (c Chomsky Lasnik: 의 ‘ (보문소-흔적) 효과' (that-trace
1.
[-]
(that-trace
effect)
1977)
(cf. Chomsky
&
Lasnik
parameters) [-]
(postverbal position)
Rizzi (1982)
. 2 [
] . 3
. 4 [
] . 5
[-]
.
30
.
.
(ISSN 0254-4474)
33
(1997. 3) , 205-226
205
2.
206
[-]
(null subject)
) (1) (2)
[-]
1 2
Qu in
crees
que vendr?
(3)
(preverbal position)
que nadie
venga.
Agr
(3a)
. Rizzi (3a)
guntar to ask'
& Arrieta-Steman 1994: 263)
3 (government)
(Chomsky 1993 ,
19)
[ ]
207
.
Q n
(4)
. [-]
.
3.
3. 1.
Rizzi
.
.
Chomsky (1995)
VP
VP .
VP
/ (A ttract/Move)
IP
Spec VP .
VP
(substitution) (adjunction)
(checking domain)
. Rizzi
VP
(VP
internal sub
ject hypothesis) (5) VP (
VMAX)
[-] Rizzi
.
[IP [VP
. (5)
208
() I
- (Spec-Head) -
.
IP Spec pro VP
(CHAIN)(Chomsky 1986)
.
(existential construction)
(definiteness
eff ect) .
(specific) .
(2)
(9)
Quin no sabes
cunto
pesa?
who not know-2sg how many kilos weigh-3sg
Who don't you know how rriuch weighs?
(10) *Qu diccionario no sabas
a qun haba devuelto Celia?
what dictionary not knew-2sg to whom had-3sg returned Celia
What dictionary did you know to whom Celia had returned?
Torrego IP( C)
(1 0)
(1 2)
que
[-]
209
(11)
(1 2) *Qu diccionario; no sabas [cp a quinj [IP haba devuelto [lP Celia
[vp tv t , t;J?
'!hat dictionary not knew-2sg to whom had-3sg returned Ce!i a
(9) (10)
.
VP
.
IP Spec VP (11)
(1 2)
(9)
.
Jaeggli (1 988)
(superiority effect)
(1 3) a.
Quin dijiste
que compr
qu?
who said-2sg that bought-3sg what
Who don't you know what bought?
b. *Qu
dijiste
bought-3sg
VP
(Q)
(minimal domain)
(equidistant)
(1 3b) 5 6
Torrego IP VP
.
5 Chomsky
(1 993) (target)
Chomsky (1995:356-357)
.
210
VP ( IP Spec)
(VP )
[-]
. Toribio
(1 993)
.
(i)
vP
(ii)
/\
Subj
V, v]):
VP
/\
v'
Subj
/\
V'
/\
Vb VP
V Obj
/\
t , Obj
VP (i) Vb (Obj)
(Subj)
VP
(i) (ii)
(V)
7 (Chomsky 1995:311)
K attracts only if there is no c1 0ser to K than such that K attracts
8 .
VP
.
(i) a.
(ib)
VP
(target)
.
(ib) . que qu n
CP Spec C CP Spec IP
Spec
[c I-C]
[-]
211
(1 4) a. Juan llam.
John called.
b. Juan lleg.
John arrived.'
15)) -
((1 6)).
(1 5) a.
Qu yo les
what 1 to-them go
b.
to send to those
boys
Toribio I
VP
I -
IP
. I I
( non-lexical)
IP
.
[ ]
.
(1 7) Quin
piensas
que lleg?
IP (2)
[-]
Rizzi (1 982)
(1 7) (1 8)
.
212
(1 8)
[-]
( configuration)
(17) . (17)
9 Toribio (1 7)
que that
. .
(19) a.
Qui
penses-tu
est arriv?
9e
est arrv?
(1 9)
(1 7)
Raposo (1988)
.
(factive) (inflected
infinitival complement)
. (terem have )
(cf.
(cf.
(i) a.
(iib))
(ib)).
213
[-]
qU! ( )
. Toribio
que que
CP Spec
(index)
.
que
que
(20b)
tional Case
Rizzi (1990:58)
wh (excep
marking) .
10
(20) a.
b.
who
is intelligent
[ C [t tre intelligentJJ
be
intelligent
this man
be intelligent
1990)11 . Rizzi 10
Kayne (1 98 1) fOf
de . believe Cf01re CP
C abstract
prepositional
11
Ci) .
Cii) .
complementizer)
214
.
(epistemic) (declarative)
C
Agr .
(23) Agr
. Agr -
(properly
head govern)
.
believe creer
} .
(24) a. *Creo
to have won
(25) a.
que [t es inteligente]]
Agr
(20b)
. crOlre creer
C
Agr
creeo}
croire (20b)
Agr (20b)
. (25b) t (20b)
C
Agr
. (25b)
. C
Agr
[-]
215
. C
que
that
Toribio .
I que
I that
.
Chomsky
Constraint)
(1 986)
(Nominative
Island
. .
(27)
[-]
I
VP
I
(28) .
.
[-]
. .
4.
216
[-]
CP IP
. CP IP
(1 996) .
. -
.
(29) a.
Qu compr Mara?
what bought-3sg Mary
What did Mary buy?
(cf.
(30)) -
(cf. (32)) -
12
(1 996) (32)
CP
( CP 1 ) IP
13
12 .
(1 996) .
13
CP IP
(Branigan
CP IP .
AgrP VP
vP .
[-]
217
(33) Me pregunto [CPI qu libro; C [CP2 t ,' compr [IP Mara t l t.]JJ ((32))
[ +whJ
CP 2
(34) Quin; crees [CPI t(' que [CP2 t ,' vendr l [IP t i tIJJJ? ((2))
[-LJ
(35) Quin ,
[-LJ
[-LJ
[ +LJ
piensas [C I'I t," que [CP2 t,' C2 [IP t i lleg]J]? ((1 7))
[-L]
[-LJ
[-LJ
[+LJ
IP CPz
(34) (35) CP 2
C 2 ( )
(verbal features)
. Cz 1
. [] IP Spec
(34) ,
C2
t/ .
( crash)
formity) .
(36) P- p-
P . (The chain C
is uniform with respect to P(UN[PJ) if each has property P
or each
has non-P.)
218
. t/
.
(legitimate object)
- (operator-variable chain)
(2) , (1 7) 15
5.
(37) nadie
que nadie
venga (=(3a))
. LF
A'-
15
(38) [Negp nadiei [Ke g' no [IP quiero [CPI t/' que [cP' t/ [IP t , vengaJ]JJ]J
[-L]
[-LJ
[-L] [+L]
CP t/
14 (34) ([
V I]) C C L
(cf. Chomsky 1993 ,
33) C L-
.
15 (1) (1) CP
.
CP
IP .
(negative inversion)
( PolP( c f. Culicover 1991)) .
(i) Leslie is the person who 1 said [cp that [PoIP under no circumstances would [lP
run for president]]].
16 Chomsky (1995) LF .
LF .
[-]
219
nadie L-
17
- nadie
.
(40)
( topicalization) .
(39)
do 't
& Uriagereka s-
(scope-type)
18
17 (
) A' .
.
18 Saito
(1 989) . (i) .
(i) *Mary thinks that [the man that bought whatJ ,John knows who , t , likes
Saito (i)
t}
1 . what
Comp (Proper Binding Condi
tion) .
.
(cyclic)
Brangan 1996)
220
([ +topicJ)
(cf.
(Spell-out)
.
.
. (c f.
C 2
.
19 (37) adie
20
6.
-
. CP
(1 996)
IP
IP
Spec CP
(cf.
1984)
Chomsky
& Lasnik
19Laka
(1 990) Nadie IP 2: P
20 C 2
. . C
+wh]
C 2
Chomsky .
[ ]
221
1995)
Chomsky (1 994 ,
Kayne
(1 993)
SVO
IP Spec
[-]
. IP Spec
.
(42) a.
Ll ega Juan.
arrive-3sg John
John arrives'
b. *Arrives John
arnve
.
-
.
(42a)
VP
IP Spec
IP Spec
(42a) .
(43)
IP
/'\
l'
Spec
/\
VP
Juani
/\
llega V
NP
t,
.
1986)
(44) a.
(cf. Jaeggli
222
-ed
IP Spec
. -ed
IP Spec
VP IP Spec
(44a)
(45)
IP
/\\
l'
Spec
~\
VP
Juan
/"\
fue matado V
NP
t,
IP Spec .
(c f. Zubizarreta 1994)
(46) La foto
Zubizarreta
(1 994)
pectual
VP Spec
IP Spec
(as
adverb) (cf.
(temporal adverb) .
(47) a.
b.
le rJ
Gianni.
(cf. (48))
(47))
[ ]
223
domani Gianni
b. ??Ti contaUer
to you contact-3sg-Fut tomorrow John
(cf. (50)).
Juan.
called-3sg yesterday John
b. Te
contactar
maana Juan
VP
TP
VP
IP Spec I
C P 2 [-]
. [-]
Oinearly)
(51) [-]
(2) 21
(51) Quin , crees [t que [, p[r [vp vendr tJ t ,' J?
21CP 1 .
.
,,1
224
1: quiry
27 , 237-255.
Chomsky , N. (1986) Knowledge of Language, Praeger , New York.
(1 993) A Minimalist Program for Linguistic Theory , in K. Hale &
S. Keyser ed. ,
te
Essays
Linguistics in
504.
& H. Lasnik (199 1) Principles and Parameter Theory , in J.
Jacobs , A. von Stechow , W. Sternfeld , and T. Vennemann, de Gruyter
ed. , Sytax
1:quiry
I:
quiry 23 , 235-259.
Romance Lin-
guistics , Foris.
Move-
[]
225
Ormazabal, J. (1 994) PRO , Null , Case & the Interpretation of Complements , NELS 24 , 475-489.
Picallo, C. (1 984) The Infl Node and Null Subject Parameter , Linguistic
Inquiry 15.
Co ceptios
of Phrase
Strc
UAM , Madrid.
Toribio , A. (1 993) Parametric Variation in the Licensing of Nominals , Ph.D.
dissertation, Cornell University.
Torrego , E. (1 984) On Inversion in Spanish and Some of Its Effects , Lin
stic
Inquiry 15 , 103-129.
pany.
Zubizarreta (1 982) Theoretical Implications of Subject Extraction in Portuguese,
Li.guistic
Review 2, 79-96.
226
ABSTRACT
tions (c f. Chomsky 1993 , 1994 , 1995). Every movement is for the checking
of some features; feature checking always takes place in functional categories and therefore movement to a lexical categories like VP cannot be
allowed. In addition to this , I argue that the wh-extraction of the embedded
subject is not from postverbal position but from preverbal one, Spec of IP.
Adopting the hypothesis that there exists another projection (CP 2 ) be
tween CP and IP , I propose an alternative account. The embedded subject
firstly moves from the Spec of IP to the Spec of CP 2 and from this position
moves again toward matrix CP; in this derivation the offending trace is the
trace in the Spec of CP 2, not the one in the Spec of IP; in terms of
Chomsky & Lasnik (1991) s suggestion that intermediate traces can be deleted as a last resort in case of non-uniform chains , the offending trace is
deleted , making the derivation a legitimate object at LF, operator-variable
chain.
Finally, I present another possibility to account for the suspension of the
that-t effec t: the Spec of IP in Spanish is generated to the right and the
postverbal subject occupies this position; the wh-extraction is from this position and the suspension of the that-t effect is due to this.
29
330-714