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Kafka's Jackals and Arabs
Kafka's Jackals and Arabs
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Critical Inquiry
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Wrestling with Zion: Progressive Jewish-American Responses to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, ed.
Tony Kushner and Alisa Solomon (New York, 2003).
8. Here I follow Gabriel Piterbergs thorough investigation of Zionism as
settler-colonialism; see Gabriel Piterberg, The Returns of Zionism: Myths, Politics, and
Scholarship in Israel (London, 2008).
9. See Atef Botros, Kafka: Ein judischer Schriftsteller aus arabischer Sicht (Wiesbaden, 2009);
hereafter abbreviated K.
10. See Derek J. Penslar, Zionism and Technocracy: The Engineering of Jewish Settlement in
Palestine, 1870 1918 (Bloomington, Ind., 1991).
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ethnically cleanse Palestinians, the opportunity for which only came in the
194748 war; nor could they consider apartheid laws that the Israeli state
passed in the early 1950s, most notoriously the Law of Return, the Law of
Absentee Property, and the Law of Citizenship. Yet, as Gershon Shafir has
convincingly argued, Israeli colonialism after 1967 has its roots in pre-1948
Zionist settlement projects and practices.11 Colonialism, of course, is not a
label for brutal intentions or behavior of individuals or groups. Rather, it
designates often high-minded discourses and practices of cultural erasure
or material appropriation. The idea of return to ancestral land is common
enough in colonialism. The Zionists may have had greater historical claim
to the biblical land than the French had in Algeria to a Roman past or the
French Levant to the crusaders. But all cases required massive population
transfers in order to change the reality to fit the idea. It matters little to
displaced natives whether settler-colonialism emerged out of a penal colony of metropolitan undesirables as in Australia or French Guiana or out
of mass emigration of refugees from metropolitan Europe, as in Palestine
before and after the Holocaust.12
Over six decades, the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians has rendered the history of both societies so inseparable that a critical mass of
Jewish and Arab thinkers have rediscovered binationalismthat is, the
idea that the land of Palestine be shared through integration not separation
of populations.13 As I will show, this idea was first formulated in 1920s
Palestine by Kafkas circle of friends in the Brith Shalom movement. Regardless of whether binationalism is tied to a one- or two-state solution, at
the heart of their arguments is that the relationship between Palestinians,
Jews, and Arab Jews ought to be based on the recognition of their equality
and affinity.
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Klaus Wagenbachs interpretation of Kafkas musings on writing in a language in which he never felt quite at home.14 They argue that the key to
understanding Kafka is his subversive relationship to the dominant German culture in fin-de-sie`cle Prague. They lament that scholars have insisted on transcendental meanings and parabolic interpretations that have
no relation to the writers positionality. Moreover, they argue that many
scholarsstarting with Brodhave appropriated Kafka in a desperate
attempt at symbolic reterritorialization, based in archetypes, Kabbala, and
alchemy, that accentuates its break from the people and will find its result
only in Zionism and in such things as the dream of Zion.15 The tension
between the universal and the particular endows minority literature like
Kafkas with the status of world literature. The great contribution of Deleuze and Guattari was to challenge both the transcendentalizing and reterritorializing interpretations by linking Kafkas solitude to Pragues
politics of language. Jewish writers experienced a double discrimination by
the German-speaking imperial elite, in whose language they wrote, and by
their Czech milieu because of their literary (paper) language. Deleuze
and Guattari understood Kafkas struggle in this exceptional context as
representative of all people who endure alienating environments.
However, Deleuze and Guattaris celebration of Kafkas universal solitude, and the nomadic condition of humans and texts more generally, does
not fully capture Kafkas own metaphor of the nomad as a figure experiencing dislocation, as in his novel Amerika, or as a force of invasion, as in
his Chinese writings. Moreover, their valorization of Kafkas prophecies of
Europes totalitarian future deters them from working through the intensity16their termof the competing German, Austrian, Czech, and Jewish national questions as well as the emerging question of Palestine, all of
which were competing in late imperial Prague.17
Hannah Arendts World War II essays help us to better contextualize
Kafkas work as a literary prism onto the particular political atmosphere in
early twentieth-century continental Europe.18 In her The Jew as Pariah: A
14. See Klaus Wagenbach, Franz Kafka: Eine Biographie seiner Jugend, 18831912 (Bern,
1958), pp. 74, 7778, 8081, 8388.
15. Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, What Is a Minor Literature? in Reading Kafka:
Prague, Politics and the Fin de Sie`cle, ed. Mark Anderson (New York, 1989), p. 84. See also
Deleuze and Guattari, Kafka: Toward a Minor Literature, trans. Dana Polan (Minneapolis,
1986).
16. Deleuze and Guattari, Kafka, p. 6.
17. See Dimitry Shumsky, Czechs, Germans, Arabs, Jews: Franz Kafkas Jackals and
Arabs between Bohemia and Palestine, Association for Jewish Studies Review 33 (Apr. 2009):
71100.
18. See Hannah Arendt, Franz Kafka: A Reevaluation (On the Occasion of the Twentieth
Anniversary of his Death), Partisan Review 4 (Fall 1944): 41222.
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32. Quoted in Bluma Goldstein, Reinscribing Moses: Heine, Kafka, Freud, and Schoenberg in
a European Wilderness (Cambridge, Mass., 1992), p. 58.
33. See Goldstein, Reinscribing Moses, pp. 9697, and Jan Assmann, Moses the Egyptian: The
Memory of Egypt in Western Monotheism (Cambridge, Mass., 1997).
34. See Gil Anidjar, The Jew, the Arab: A History of the Enemy (Stanford, Calif., 2003), and
Gil Z. Hochberg, In Spite of Partition: Jews, Arabs, and the Limits of Separatist Imagination
(Princeton, N.J., 2007).
35. Amos Funkenstein, Perceptions of Jewish History (Berkeley, 1993), p. 36. To the extent
that contrapuntalism is a mnemonic strategy, the concept of multidirectional memory is more
useful in this context; see Michael Rothberg, Multidirectional Memory: Remembering the
Holocaust in the Age of Decolonization (Stanford, Calif., 2009).
36. Said, Arabs and Jews, Journal of Palestine Studies 3 (Winter 1974): 3.
37. Said, Freud and the Non-European, pp. 24, 27.
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scholarship since Benjamin and Scholems public exchange.40 In the Muslim context, Kafka helped Husayn and Hedeyat build a bridge to European
culture and simultaneously to valorize the pre-Islamic period. Both Middle Eastern authors could identify with the conditions of entrapment in
which Kafkas protagonists found themselves. While Husayn drew lifeaffirming conclusions, Hedeyat committed suicide shortly after the publication of his landmark study, Kafkas Message, in 1951 (see K, pp. 3444).41
Since the 1950s, Kafka, together with Bertolt Brecht, Samuel Beckett,
and Albert Camus, were dominant influences on vanguardist and absurdist Arabic literature.42 For example, Gamal Ghitani, one of todays leading
Arab novelists, attested that in the sixties Kafka was treated as a sacred
figure who fascinated us (K, p. 107). Numerous translations, increasingly
from the German original, granted Kafkas work a broader public in the
Arab world. From the late 1960s, Arab authors like Sunallah Ibrahim began
to draw on Kafkas themes and style to engage in literary critiques of authoritarian, postwelfare states (see K, pp. 99123). Moreover, the Arabic
short story, which was the medium of choice of such political and social
engagement, owed much to Kafkas literary form. Throughout, it was his
character Joseph K. from The Trialnot primarily Kafka himselfwho
became the embodiment in Arabic literature and popular culture of the
Arabs sense of entrapment.43
After the devastating military defeat by Israel in 1967, a more defensive
and biographical Kafka reception emerged. Literary critics in Cairo, Baghdad, Damascus, and Beirut engaged in a war of interpretation over the
question of whether or not Kafka was a Zionist. The Arab engagement with
Kafka became part of the symbolic battle over the root causes of the loss of
Palestine. It came to be located in the intellectual elites failure to realize
that uncritical adoption of Western culture opened the gates to cultural
alienation. The camp that claimed Kafka was a Zionist and that his work
pointed at his desire to emigrate to Palestine also warned that his musings
about the biblical land of Canaan and his Workers without Possession of
1918 were affirmations of the socialist settlements of kibbutzim.44 The opposing camp turned the theological appropriation of Kafka as the last
40. See Robert Alter, Necessary Angels: Tradition and Modernity in Kafka, Benjamin, and
Scholem (Cambridge, Mass., 1991).
41. See also Homa Katouzian, Sadeq Hedayat: The Life and Legend of an Iranian Writer
(London, 1991).
42. See Najaat Essa Hassen, Brecht Rezeption im Irak, in Syrien und gypten seit den
sechziger Jahren bis 2008 (Berlin, 2010).
43. Conversation with Elias Khoury, Berlin, 6 June 2011.
44. See Iris Bruce, Kafka and Cultural Zionism: Dates in Palestine (Madison, Wisc., 2007),
pp. 17072.
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prophet of Israel on its head and argued that the use of Kafka for Zionist
purposes should not be confused with the work itself. To acquiesce to this
interpretation would be to play into the hands of Israels cultural imperialism. Some of them saw in Kafkas work, particularly in Jackals and
Arabs, evidence that he was an anti-Zionist who exposed the rotten roots
of Zionism.
Lively debates in leading Arabic-language journals like al-Hilal,
al-Aqlam, al-Marifa, and al-Adab focused on Kafkas Jackals and Arabs.
Botros shows that the Arab reception was divided over the question of
whether Kafkas story approved or castigated the colonization of Palestine.
In his meticulous reconstruction of anti-Zionist interpretations, Botros
reveals misquotations following the notorious work of the Holocaust denier Roger Garaudy and mistakes in Arabic translations of the story, which
contained tendentious semantic shifts to religious vocabulary, as well as
its erroneous dating to after the Balfour Declaration of 2 November 1917
(K, p. 199).45 Botros found it graver still that all too often the Arab reception
of Kafka was ignorant of the history of European Jewry. Arab critics have
disregarded the specificity of modern anti-Semitism. Anti-Semitism the
way Kafka experienced it was animated by race theories and, as Hannah
Arendt has argued, differed from medieval Christian hatred of Jews.46 Yet,
Arab reviewers considered Zionism a movement of biblical salvation and
not one of national struggle against violent ethnic nationalisms in Europe
(see K, pp. 172226).
Botros offers important critiques of the shortcomings of dominant
trends in Kafkas reception in the Arab world. However, his book gives the
misleading impression that the obsession with Kafkas Zionism after 1967
diminished his literary appeal. One prominent Syrian novelist who addresses this obsession is Nayrouz Malek. Kafkas Flowers is a daring work of
regime criticism published during the brief Damascus Spring of 2000. The
story takes place in a mental asylum in an Arab country and among an
opposition group of exiles in Paris. The inmate-protagonist, Jamal alHalabi, was sent to France to prevent a marriage his wealthy politician
father deemed below his status. There he keeps a diary, which chronicles
his immersion in Kafkas works, and writes short stories. The more his
family pressures him to return home, the more he felt as though [Kafka]
wrote about my own life (Z, p. 21). One day Kafka starts communicating
with him. Once the Kafka statue disavows Zionism during their first en45. Botross own misdating of the declaration to 9 November 1917 is a minor infelicity in
comparison.
46. See Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York, 1951).
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ries. He distinguishes them from the better-known tragedies The Judgment, The Metamorphosis, The Trial, or The Castle. Yet, he also
determined, less convincingly, that the story is a parable in which the
jackals represented Kafkas unease about his own personality and the relationship with his father.50 The reluctance of most Kafka scholars to acknowledge that Jackals and Arabs is about the question of Palestine is
bewildering. Even the few analyses that acknowledge the centrality of Zionism read it as a deterritorialized parable, misplacing Kafkas Arabs as a
European Wirtsvolk (host-nation).51 More recently, Sander Gilman saw in
the animal story a parody of Jewish stereotypes. He also considered it
indicative of both Kafkas Jewish self-hatred and his projection of European anti-Semitism onto his Arab protagonist.52
Kafka loathed abstractions and fought his publisher tooth and nail over
the title of Jackals and Arabs. Thus, he insisted on calling it an animal
story and notas Buber suggesteda parable (see K, p. 90).53 As Kafka
cautioned in On Parables, all these parables really set out to say merely
that the incomprehensible is incomprehensible, and we know that already.
But the cares we have to struggle with every day: that is a different matter.54 Kafkas rejection of the category of parable for his first two stories
with animal protagonists suggests that he did really care about animals as
animalsnot just as masks of his own character traits, as Sokel has argued.55 On the contrary, Kafka once looked at some fish in a Berlin aquarium shortly after he had become a vegetarian, and if we accept Brods
account, spoke to them: Now I can already look at you calmly, I do not eat
you anymore.56 As Benjamin has pointed out, When one encounters the
name of the creaturesmonkey, dog, moleone looks up in fright and
50. See Walter H. Sokel, Franz KafkaTragik und Ironie: Zur Struktur seiner Kunst
(Munich, 1964).
51. See also William C. Rubinstein, Kafkas Jackals and Arabs, Monatshefte 59 (Spring
1967): 1318, and Jens Tismar, Kafkas Schakale und Araber im Zionistischen Kontext
Betrachtet, Jahrbuch der Deutschen Schillergesellschaft 19 (1975): 30623.
52. See Sander Gilman, Franz Kafka: The Jewish Patient (New York, 1995), pp. 15053. See
also Hadea Nell Kriesberg, Czechs, Jews, and Dogs Not Allowed: Identity, Boundary, and
Moral Stance in Kafkas A Crossbreed and Jackals and Arabs, in Kafkas Creatures: Animals,
Hybrids, and Other Fantastic Beings, ed. Marc Lucht and Donna Yarri (New York, 2010), pp.
3352.
53. Martin Buber, Franz Kafka an Martin Buber, Briefwechsel aus sieben Jahrzehnten, ed.
Grete Schaeder, 3 vols. (Heidelberg, 197275), 1:494. It is important to note that Kafka chose not
to use the technical term Fabel. The literal term animal story appears to avoid the moralist
baggage of fables.
54. Kafka, The Complete Stories, ed. Nahum N. Glatzer (New York, 1995), p. 457.
Conversely, see Heinz Politzer, Franz Kafka: Parable and Paradox (Ithaca, N.Y., 1966).
55. See Sokel, Kafka, p. 21.
ber Franz Kafka (Frankfurt, 1974), p. 70.
56. Brod, U
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realizes that one is already far away from the continent of man (F, p.
122). And in a formulation reminiscent of Freuds late style, he adds that
animals are the receptacles of the forgotten . . . [who have] the greatest
opportunity for reflection in Kafkas work (F, p. 132). As creatures
prone to reflect on a recessive past, Kafkas animals command reader identification, and they ordinarily speak for circumscribed constituencies.57
Attributing remarkable timing and uncanny prescience to Jackals and
Arabs is not an excuse to burden Kafka with a clairvoyance of subsequent
events. Rather it invites a recuperation of the original context, as well as a
place-sensitive and race-conscious constructive destructionaufbauende
Zerstrung is Kafkas original methodological termthat makes productive
use of the violent geohistorical, Abrahamic space in which Kafka decided to set
this particular story.58
Such analytical recuperations from within the Western literary canon
have been the hallmark of postcolonial critique ever since Octave Mannoni
and Aime Cesaire reinterpreted Shakespeares The Tempest as a complex
and gripping tale of colonial conquest and Caribbean resilience.59 Avengers of the Western canon, like Harold Bloom, may have felt threatened by
postcolonial approaches and disqualified them as bespoilers of great literature.60 But contrapuntal reinterpretations have recently arrived in Kafka
scholarship, too, and have come to conceive of the down-home Kafka as an
avid literary traveler.61
For example, In the Penal Colony, written at the outbreak of World
War I and published in 1919, evokes a morally empty and self-destructive
colonialism. In it a colonial officer extols the virtues of his justice and
57. On Kafka as an animal-liberation writer, see Kafkas Creatures.
58. In a Kierkegaard-inflected aphorism about religion and historical evolution, Kafka
mocks Abrahams flight into eternity for mistaking his own spiritual poverty for earthly
monotony. In this context, Kafkas constructive destruction promises to reconstitute the
notoriously and uncommonly manifold world we inhabit, and, as such, the method assumes
neither total religious submission to the biblical ur-father nor total interpretative control over
his historical legacy (Kafka, entry for 26 Feb. 1918, The Blue Octavo Notebooks, ed. Brod, trans.
Ernst Kaiser and Eithne Wilkins [Cambridge, 1991], p. 55). Benjamin and Adorno realized early
on that Kafkas approach offered a dialectic renewal of venerable traditions through negation,
and there are traces of aufbauende Zerstrung in Benjamins Theses on the Philosophy of History
and Adorno and Horkheimers Dialectic of Enlightenment. The concept is also not dissimilar to
the deconstructionism associated with Martin Heidegger and Jacques Derrida.
59. See, for example, Octave Mannoni, Psychologie de la colonisation (Paris, 1950), and Aime
Cesaire, Une Tempete: DApres La Tempete de Shakespeare: Adaption pour une theatre ne`gre
(Paris, 1969). Early Zionist appropriations of the Caliban figure were inconsistent. See Sebastian
Wogenstein, Jewish Tragedy and Caliban: Arnold Zweig, Zionism, and Antisemitism,
Germanic Review 83, no. 4 (2008): 36589.
60. See Caliban, ed. Harold Bloom (New York, 1992).
61. See John Zilcosky, Kafkas Travels: Exoticism, Colonialism, and the Traffic of Writing
(New York, 2003).
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tion is not to negate the Jewish referentiality of the story or deny the significance that it originally appeared in Der Jude. Rather, the point is that colonial
mimicry can illuminate the Jewish condition in Europe and vice versa.
Kafkas The Great Wall of China (1918) has undergone a similar contrapuntal reassessment from the perspective of Chinese history. The short
story has been viewed as the first in which Kafka dealt with the history of
the Jewish people.67 But, as Benjamin reminded us, the Chinese are also
among Kafkas ancestors, and Kafka avoided the European stereotype of
the characterless, that is standardized Chinese (K, pp. 117, 120). In this
story, which Kafka wrote in the weeks after completing Jackals and Arabs, a Chinese scholarKafkas only non-European human narrator
reflects on a crumbling empire and dispels the Chinese imperial myth of
eternal, nomadic enemies to the north. Instead, the narrator avers that the
construction of the Great Wall was a mere ruse to cement social cohesion
where all emperors had failed.68 The story is also interlaced with critiques
of Orientalism and European appropriation of China at the time. In a 1925
essay entitled The Lessons of China, a contemporary of Benjamins and
literary critic of the Frankfurt school linked colonial China and Palestine.
Leo Lwenthal compared Zionist policies in Palestine to the conditions
that led to the outbreak of the Chinese Revolution in 1925 and warned that
Arab youths today are studying at European universities and working to
prepare for the hour that has now struck in China. Here, too, a national
majority is screaming for justice.69
Whatever their other disagreements, generally Arab commentators
have concurred that Jackals and Arabs is set in Palestine and that the
Arabs are really Arabs (fig. 1). Some have lamented that they are cast in the
stereotypical role of a camel driver and that the story is set in the desert,
when, in fact, Palestine was remarkably urbanized in the late Ottoman
period.70 The Orientalist imagination was, indeed, key to the Zionist mantra to make the desert bloom out of which later the slogan a land without a people for a people without a land emerged. But those Arab
commentators who have claimed that Kafka was a Zionist author who
openly despised Arabs in Jackals and Arabs and see in it a British-Zionist
conspiracy have misread the text.71 For one, the depictions of Arabs in the
67. See Robertson, Kafka, pp. 13637, 17376.
68. See Rolf Goebel, Constructing China: Kafkas Orientalist Discourse (Columbia, S.C.,
1997), p. 77.
69. Quoted in Leo Lwenthal, Critical Theory and Frankfurt Theorists (New Brunswick,
N.J., 1989), p. 222.
70. On late Ottoman Palestine, see Beshara Doumani, Rediscovering Palestine, Merchants
and Peasants in Jabal Nablus, 1700 1900 (Berkeley, 1995).
71. See, for example, Subhi Said in the Damascene journal al-Maarifa, quoted in K, p. 134.
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FIGURE
1.
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settler and native populations, effectively buildingin Geshon Shafirs typologya Zionist variant of a pure settlement colony in Palestine.87
What makes Kafkas story so extraordinary is that the Arab who faces
the jackals is in a narrative position to pass final judgment on their project
and its leaders. Indeed, the Arab treats the disoriented European traveler to
a smug comparison: They are our dogs; finer than any of yours. The
jackals refusal to submit to the Arabs may come at their expense, but it
distinguishes the jackals from their more docile, canine counterparts in
Europe. The Arabs explanation of the jackals behavior also hints at the
ironic paradox that the struggle for freedom should occur outside of Europe. In the end, the European traveler-narrator intervenes by raising his
hand, in a gesture reminiscent of the Europeans in In the Penal Colony,
in order to protect the jackal from the Arabs whip.
The animal figure of the jackal invokes the objectionable dog metaphor
in European anti-Semitism.88 But in Kafka the allusion contained neither
the common German, Austrian, and Czech anti-Semitism nor that of dogmatic Zionists who felt that the Eastern Jews were parasitesLuftmenschen, airy, rootless people, in Max Nordaus taxonomywho needed to
be civilized.89 On the contrary, in a speech on the Yiddish language that
Kafka delivered in Prague in 1912 in honor of a group of actors from Poland
he admired, he urged the paying audience of assimilated and Zionist Jews
to overcome their stereotypes against Yiddish culture. He even had the
chutzpa to argue that Western Jews needed Eastern Jews Yiddish culture
much more for their cultural regeneration than the other way round.90 In
this extraordinary public lecture, Kafka anticipates eloquent critiques of
secularist Zionists Orientalism.91
mixed up in it, his sorrow was always spoken of. And sorrow in Palestine? (Kafka, Briefe,
19021924, ed. Brod [New York, 1958], pp. 45354). See also Alter, Necessary Angels, p. 40.
87. See Shafir, Zionism, pp. 8690.
88. See Kenneth Stow, Jewish Dogs: An Image and Its Interpreters, Continuity in the CatholicJewish Encounter (Stanford, Calif., 2006). See also Andrew Benjamin, Of Jews and Animals
(Edinburgh, 2010).
89. Steven E. Aschheim, Brothers and Strangers: The East European Jew in German and
German Jewish Consciousness, 1800 1923 (Madison, Wisc., 1982), p. 87.
90. See Anderson, Reading Kafka, pp. 26366.
91. See Amnon Raz-Krakotzkin, The Zionist Return to the West and the Mizrahi Jewish
Perspective, in Orientalism and the Jews, ed. Ivan Davidson Kalmar and D. J. Penslar
(Hanover, N.H., 2005), pp. 16281.
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solution by way of synthesis: Jewish cultural work [Volksarbeit] in exile [galut] fuses with colonization in Palestine (Z, pp. 3, 4, 7).102 Through his
sublimation of the second phase, Brod conveniently circumvented Haams
paradox of how settler-Zionism could claim to be faithful to authentic Judaism when it was merely transplanting a European ethos of colonial land development to Palestine.
The unexpected success of political Zionism on 2 November 1917 rendered
Brods synthesis out of date before the ink had dried on his Die Zukunft essay.
But Brods essay captured the sense of purpose in his Prague circle, in which
Der Jude . . . [had] become the most significant gathering point for . . . the
third Phase of Zionism (Z, p. 11). Indeed, when Buber launched Der Jude in
Berlin and Vienna, the Bar Kochba group quickly became its editorial subgroup.103 Since its inaugural issue in 1916, Der Jude presented a host of articles
that checked political Zionists euphoria. Their sense of reality demanded a
more scientific calculation of the facts on the ground in order to achieve a
Maximal Programme of the Systematic Colonization of Palestine.104 Soil
quality, land use, irrigation problems, and nutritional quotas entailed totally
underestimated challenges for Herzls settlement scheme in Palestine and required comprehensive statistical research.
One of the very few who acknowledged that Palestine is no empty land
and bears the character of its dominant population before the Balfour
Declaration was Kafkas school friend Hugo Bergmann.105 Bergmann later
became a settler and the first director of the National Library, a cofounder
of the binationalist group Brith Shalom, and rector of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem. But even his recognition of signs of national aspirations
among the Arabs of Palestine following his visit in 1910 stopped neither
him nor any other Zionist in Prague from organizing the colonization of
Palestine. His concern was to improve Zionism and to prevent the growing
Jew-hatred among Arabs at least as long as [Jews] were a small minority in
Palestine (see K, pp. 22124).106 It was inconceivable for him to question
102. On the complexity of the concept of galut and the foundational myths of Israel, see
Piterberg, The Returns of Zionism, pp. 93123.
103. Arthur Cohen, The Jew: Essays from Martin Bubers Journal Der Jude, 1916 1928
(Tuscaloosa, Ala., 1980), p. 10.
104. See Davis Trietsch, Ein Maximalprogramm der judischen Kolonisation in Palstina,
Der Jude 1, no. 5 (19161917): 3017, and Adolf Bhm, Systematische Palstinakolonisation,
Der Jude 2, nos. 12 (19171918): 5864.
105. See Schmuel Hugo Bergmann, Bemerkungen zur arabischen Frage, Palstina 8, nos.
79 (1911): 291. On Bergmanns acknowledgment of Arab national aspirations, see Shumsky,
Czechs, Germans, Arabs, Jews, pp. 9096.
106. Bergmann, Bemerkungen zur arabischen Frage, p. 192.
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state control beyond the urban centers.112 But the reality on the ground did
not discourage him. Palestine was a land brimming with Zionist promise,
despite the cynicism of settlers like the Hebrew novelist Brenner. In his
essay The Pessimist, Bergmann took issue with Brenners fatalism regarding the colonization of Palestine. Brenners 1911 novel, From Here and
There, irked Bergmann because it exposed the contradictions of cultural
Zionisms relationship to Palestine. Brenner held that the exile [galut] is
in Palestine, too . . . Palestine does not wait for settlers and its inhabitants
have neither the desire nor the reason to let go of their property. Brenner
distrusted Zionists whose presence spread the poison of Jew-hatred, and
he rejected both maximal colonization and Haams idealistic detachment.
Bergmann conceded that Brenner had a point. But instead of unequivocally defending his own conviction that the galut is part of Judaism, he
came to accept the Zionist mantra of the negation of exile as he urged his
readers to intensify Jewish immigration and to improve Zionist colonization efforts.113 Kafka could not embrace a movement of emancipation at
home, which he suspected to be a settler-colonial movement abroad.
Kafkas knowledge of the debates around cultural Zionism and Palestine was largely mediated through Bergmann and Brod. Unlike his friends,
he did not abandon the reality of the galut for the promise of Palestine,
effectively negatingto appropriate Amnon Raz-Krakotzkins apt reformulationthe Zionist negation of exile.114 Before he became interested in
Zionist literature around 1911, he had participated in gatherings and demonstrations in Prague whose intellectual inspirations were Gustav Landauer and Pyotr Kropotkin.115 In 1916, he disavowed Jewish ideology
apologetically in a letter to his fiance Felice Bauer: I am not a Zionist.116
And in 1918 he still had not caught onto the last fleeing tip of the Jewish
prayer coat like the Zionists.117 Even so, shortly after writing Jackals and
Arabs, he read and recommended Brods Zionism essay.118
Kafkas library also contained Richard Lichtheims Das Programm des
Zionismus (1913), Adolf Bhms Zionistische Palstinaarbeit (1909), Max
112. See Bergmann, Tagebucher, pp. 2936.
113. See Bergmann, Ein Schwarzseher (1912), in Jawne und Jerusalem, pp. 64, 66.
114. See Raz-Krakotzkin, Jewish Memory between Exile and History, Jewish Quarterly
Review 97 (Fall 2007): 53043.
115. See Eugene Lunn, Prophet of Community: The Romantic Socialism of Gustav Landauer
(Berkeley, 1973).
116. Kafka to Felice Bauer, 12 Sept. 1916, Letters to Felice, ed. Erick Heller and Jurgen Born,
trans. James Stern and Elisabeth Duckworth (New York, 1973), p. 501.
117. Kafka, Nachgelassene Schriften und Fragmente, 2:98.
118. See Kafka to Brod, 6 Feb. 1919, Letters to Friends, Family, and Editors, trans. Richard
and Clara Winston (New York, 1977), p. 213.
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194
turned-violent-ZionistJabotinski.ButKafkanotedtheexperienceinhisdiarywith
characteristic indifference: Afternoon, Palestine film.127 His approach to organized settler-Zionism was generally dismissive, and he spent the end of his
short life in Berlin, his declared ersatz Palestine (ersatz Palstina), which
may well have been a pun on eretz Israel.128
His sharpest yet highly encoded indictment of the Zionism of the Palstinafahrer came after the Balfour Declaration, in his Investigations of a
Dog. Many commentators considered this 1922 allegory about Jewish culture particularly tasteless, as it was written amid increasingly violent outbursts of anti-Semitism on the streets of Prague. In the story, the canine
narrator mocks the much vaunted scientific dogs and defends the maligned speech, dance, and musical community of soaring dogs, or Lufthunde, in a mocking revision of Nordaus trope of ignominious
Ostjudische Luftmenschen.129 The interpretation by Kafkas school friend
Bergmann that the story was full of allusions to the Zionist dream of
Jewish life is common.130 However, this reception forecloses the possibility that Kafka also ridiculed the way this dream was being realized in Palestine. Textual insinuations of the way the new dogs obsessively sprinkle
the soil suggest that Kafka compared the settler-Zionism of the Palstinafahrer with the way dogs mark their territory.131
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FIGURE
2.
134. Quoted in Buber, A Land for Two People: Martin Buber on Jews and Arabs, ed. Paul
Mendes-Flohr (Chicago, 2005), p. 96.
135. Quoted in Lwy, Redemption and Utopia, p. 69.
136. Isaac Deutscher, Israels Spiritual Climate, The Non-Jewish Jew and Other Essays,
ed. Tamara Deutscher (Oxford, 1968), p. 116.
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and Franz Kafka have been ubiquitous in Arab media and arts recently,
from Moroccos popular blogs by Ibn Kafka and Kafka stage productions
in Lebanon to Iraqi prison literature (fig. 3).138 The revolutionary moment
that has swept the Middle East in 2011 may have a cathartic effect on exposing the hollow structure of many authoritarian regimes. As Darwish
and al-Qasim have asserted, Kafka is only the beginning.
138. See Les Dangers des chiens, Ibn Kafkas obiter dicta divagations dun juriste
marocain en liberte surveillee, ibnkafkasobiterdicta.wordpress.com; Major Theater Production:
Kafka, His Father, the Boss, the Wolf, and the Pigs, eventscal.lau.edu.lb/2010/05/08/major
-theater-production-kafka-h.php; and Sinan Antoon, Ijaam; An Iraqi Rhapsody, trans. Rebecca
Johnson and Antoon (San Francisco, 2004).
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197