w

art + societate / arts + society

# 20, 2005 20 lei (200 000 lei) / 11 , 14 USD

On the cover: Ioana Neme Monthly Evaluations, 2005

Duo van der Mixt Secularity and Complicity, photo, 2005, part of the insert in the Academia Caavencu weekly July 2005

Aspiraiile celor care ar vrea s izoleze arta de lumea social snt asemntoare cu cele ale porumbelului lui
Kant ce-i imagina c, o dat scpat de fora de frecare a aerului, ar putea zbura cu mult mai liber. Dac istoria ultimilor cincizeci de ani ai artei ne nva ceva, atunci cu siguran c ea ne spune c o art detaat de
lumea social e liber s mearg unde vrea, numai c nu are unde s mearg. (Victor Burgin)
The aspirations of those who would isolate art from the social world are analogous to those of Kants dove which dreamed of how much
freer its flight could be if only were released from the resistance of the air. If we are to learn any lesson from the history of the past
fifty years of art, it is surely that an art unattached to the social world is free to go anywhere but that it has nowhere to go. (Victor Burgin)

arhiva

Schema culturii de mas

THE SCHEMA OF MASS CULTURE

Theodor W. Adorno
20

Rezumat despre industria culturii

CULTURAL INDUSTRY RECONSIDERED

Theodor W. Adorno

galerie

24

Ioana Neme: Evaluri lunare

MONTHLY EVALUATIONS

26
39

A Wall of Ones Own

Lvia Pldi
Im Telling You Stories. Trust Me
Interviu cu Ioana Neme
INTERVIEW WITH IOANA NEME

Stuart Aarsman

scena

52

Energii neutilizate. Interviu cu artistul Florin Tudor

FALLOW ENERGIES. AN INTERVIEW WITH THE ARTIST FLORIN TUDOR

Mihnea Mircan
60

Accesul spre Galeria Nou

ACCESS TO THE NEW GALLERY

tefan Tiron
66

n capcana deconspirrii
TRAPPED IN THE EXPOSURE

Ctlin Gheorghe
68

Parametri n schimbare remarci despre instituii

SHIFTING PARAMETERS REMARKS ON THE INSTITUTIONALITY

Attila Tordai-S.
72

Noua Europ. Cultura mixajului i politicile reprezentrii

THE NEW EUROPE. CULTURE OF MIXING AND POLITICS OF REPRESENTATION

Jens Kastner
79

Kunsthalle Dsseldorf forum al artei contemporane

KUNSTHALLE DSSELDORF FORUM OF CONTEMPORARY ART

Georg Imdahl
84

Swiss Swiss Democracy

Laurence Perrillat

90

Pierre Joseph. Du prsent, faisons table pleine!

Florence Derieux

96

O privire asupra Glasgow-ului la nceputul lui 2005

VISUALISING GLASGOW IN EARLY 2005

Rebecca Gordon Nesbitt

insert

106

Cristi Pogcean: Inima care se frnge

BREAKING HEART

Inima frnt a lui Vakulovski

VAKULOVSKIS BREAKING HEART

Alexandru Vakulovski

+ (laicitate i complicitate)
+ (secularity and complicity)

109

Compliciti de schimb
EXCHANGING COMPLICITIES

Bogdan Ghiu
116

Scobitoarea Treimii Despre facerea, dez-facerea

i refacerea memoriei colective
HOLY TRINITY TOOTHPICK COLLECTIVE MEMORY MADE,
UN-MADE AND RE-MADE

Augustin Ioan
122

Separarea dintre biseric i stat sau aporiile complicitii

SEPARATION BETWEEN CHURCH AND STATE OR THE APORIA OF COMPLICITY

Gabriel Chindea
129

Educaia public ntre politica naionalist i aceea a integrrii

europene: un studiu de caz referitor la reforma nvmntului
n Serbia
EDUCATIONAL POLICY BETWEEN NATIONALIST AND EURO-INTEGRATIONIST
POLITICS: A CASE STUDY OF SERBIAN EDUCATIONAL REFORM

Jana Bacevic
135

Topologia locului gol. Laicitatea ca form de rezisten

TOPOLOGY OF THE EMPTY PLACE. SECULARISM AS RESISTANCE

Emilian Cioc
141

Noua tiin
THE NEW SCIENCE

Mihail Rklin
148

Cenzura crucificrii: art, politic i democraie n Polonia

TO CENSOR THE CRUCIFIXION: ART, POLITICS, AND DEMOCRACY IN POLAND

Piotr Piotrowski
156

Mit i complicitate: ce refuleaz mistica libertii n capitalism

MYTH AND COMPLICITY: THE MYSTICISM OF POST-COMMUNIST FREEDOM
AND ITS DENIALS

Ovidiu ichindeleanu

verso

173

Introducere la Homo Sacer. Puterea suveran i viaa nud

HOMO SACER. SOVEREIGN POWER AND BARE LIFE (INTRODUCTION)

Giorgio Agamben
177

Not despre termenul de biopolitic

NOTES ON BIOPOLITICS

Jean-Luc Nancy
178

Biopolitica i schimbarea conceptului de politic

HAS BIOPOLITICS CHANGED THE CONCEPT OF THE POLITICAL
SOME FURTHER THOUGHTS ABOUT BIOPOLITICS

gnes Heller
184

Biopolitic pe ruinele comunismului

BIOPOLITICS ON THE RUINS OF COMMUNISM

Ferenc Fehr
189

Politica vieii nsei

DISPLACEMENT OF POLITICS

Nikolas Rose

IDEA art + societate / IDEA arts + society

Cluj, #20, 2005 / Cluj, Romania, issue #20, 2005

Editat de / Edited by:

IDEA Design & Print Cluj i Fundaia IDEA
str. Paris 57, 400125 Cluj-Napoca
Tel.: 0264594634; 431661
Fax: 0264431603
e-mail: redactia@idea.ro
Redactor-ef / Editor-in-chief: TIMOTEI NDAN
e-mail: tim@idea.ro
Redactori / Editors:
CIPRIAN MIHALI
CIPRIAN MUREAN
ADRIAN T. SRBU
ATTILA TORDAI-S.
Redactori asociai / Contributing Editors:
MARIUS BABIAS
AMI BARAK
COSMIN COSTINA
VASILE ERNU
BOGDAN GHIU
BORIS GROYS
DAN PERJOVSCHI
AL. POLGR
G. M. TAMS
OVIDIU ICHINDELEANU

Concepie grafic / Graphic design:

TIMOTEI NDAN
Asistent design / Assistant designer:
LENKE JANITSEK
Corectori / Proof reading:
VIRGIL LEON
ROBERT AZZARELLO
Web-site:

EUGEN COOREAN
RAYMOND BOBAR
CIPRIAN MUREAN

Textele publicate n aceast revist nu reflect neaprat punctul de vedere al redaciei.

Preluarea neautorizat, fr acordul scris al editorului, a materialelor publicate n aceast revist constituie
o nclcare a legii copyright-ului.
Toate articolele a cror surs nu este menionat constituie portofoliul revistei IDEA art + societate Cluj.

Difuzare / Distribution:
Reeaua librriilor HUMANITAS
Reeaua librriilor DIVERTA
i
BUCURETI:
Librria Noi
Librria Crtureti
Muzeul Literaturii Romne
Galeria Nou
Galeria Noi
BRAOV:
Librria Libris
CLUJ:
Galeria Veche (Piaa Unirii)
Librria Gaudeamus
Librria Universitii
TIMIOARA:
Librria Noi
IAI:
Librria Eurolibris
Librria Junimea
Librria Academiei
CONSTANA:
Librria Sophia
ORADEA:
Librria Mihai Eminescu
ARAD:
Librria K&cum
Librria Ioan Slavici
Comenzi i abonamente / Orders and subscriptions:

www.idea.ro/revista
e-mail: redactia@idea.ro
Tel.: 0264431603; 0264431661
0264594634
ISSN 15838293
Tipar / Printing:
Idea Design & Print, Cluj

arhiva

Schema culturii de mas*

Theodor W. Adorno

n caracterul comercial al culturii piere diferena acesteia fa de viaa practic. Aparena estetic devine o poleial
transmis de reclama fcut mrfii, care o absoarbe; de altfel, momentul acela de autonomie, conceput de filosofie
sub numele de aparen estetic, se pierde. Pretutindeni se terge grania fa de realitatea empiric. Terenul a fost
pregtit de mult vreme printr-o temeinic munc de pionierat. ncepnd cu epoca industrial a aprut o art plin
de bune intenii, care s-a asociat cu procesul de reificare, atribuind lumii desacralizate, prozaicului, chiar ocupaiilor
trudnice, o poezie proprie, condimentat cu etosul muncii. Goebbels a impus apoi n mod totalitar acest romantism de oel. De aceea au fost att de apreciate n Germania scrieri ca n spatele plugului i al menghinei1 i A trebui
i a avea2, care erau recomandate tinerilor drept lecturi deosebit de sntoase. Ele se plaseaz n zona rupturii fundamentale cu educaia burghez. Aceasta este orientat, n mod oficial, spre ideal, spre tot ce e bun i frumos; ea
strnete admiraia pentru eroi, preamrete francheea, altruismul, mrinimia. Fa de toate acestea exist ns din
fraged tineree reinerea c nu ar trebui luate n serios. Cu fiecare gest, colarului i este dat de neles c provocrile vieii reale se aseamn mai mult cu concurena pentru ntietate i c idealurile nsele trebuie fie nelese ca o
confirmare a acestei viei, fie puse nemijlocit n slujba acesteia. A te entuziasma pentru Schiller nseamn a-i toci la
timp colii, iar compunerea nflcrat despre Fecioara din Orlans promite promovarea sigur i nentrziat la Pati.
n asta rezid conivena dintre nvtor i elev, care i leag strns n ciuda tuturor conflictelor. Aa-zisele glume ale
profesorilor i fraternizrile la chefuri i la ieirile la bere amgesc mizeria subordonrii ierarhice i demasc egalitatea pe baza creia ierarhia se formeaz. Totui, mereu invocata lips de experien a tinerilor i poate face s ia n
serios idealul, care li se impune n mod pragmatic: nu se tie niciodat cu certitudine dac integrarea a avut loc destul
de timpuriu i de radical. Aici sar n ajutor cei ca Eyth i Freytag. Sub vemntul ntmplrilor aventuroase, ei traficheaz
prin contraband utilitatea i i conving cititorul c nu e nevoie s-i sacrifice visul, chiar dac el devine inginer sau
ajutor de vnztor visul care n societatea de clas este nregimentat n lumea lucrurilor i se adreseaz imaginaiei
i imaginii mecanicului de locomotiv i a cofetarului, chiar nainte ca literatura curat pentru adolesceni s fie revrsat peste ei. Probabil c nici fantasticul Robinson nu era altfel, cel care a reprezentat modelul nsui de homo oeconomicus, rpit din sistemul societii burgheze de un fericit naufragiu, pentru a o reproduce pur i simplu, cum se spune
n scrierile pentru tineri, prin propriile fore. Totul, pn i rzboiul, are propria sa poezie, chiar dac aceasta se
reduce la lirica lui Eyth i a poeilor muncitori. Trecnd, mens sana in corpore sano, prin Flaggenlied3, aceasta a ajuns
la expansiunea colonial i la asociaiile de muncitori. Cultura de mas total nlocuiete azi acel Neue Universum4.
Fotografiile cele mai stilizate cu avioane deasupra norilor, cu reflexii de lumin pe roi dinate, chipul brzdat de riduri al unui reprezentant bine ales al common folk imit acea perfid candoare care mpodobete, ca o carte de aur
a tehnicii, masa de Crciun a copilului liberal. n cinema, mezalian dintre roman i fotografie, pseudopoezia devine
total; ea devine att de prezent n fiecare detaliu, nct nu mai trebuie s fie spus n cuvinte. Numai puterea care
se afl astzi n spatele poeziei cotidianului i care se impune ntr-o etalare risipitoare i viu colorat are capacitatea
de a le da adulilor impresia c triesc o copilrie prelungit, care le este pregtit special pentru ca acetia s funcioneze
cu mai mult maturitate. Fiecrui fragment de sobrietate emfatic i se cere un fior poetic. Fiecare oh de ncntare n faa obiectivei imagini de ansamblu e ngnat de muzica liric de fundal. Fiorul triete din supremaia tehnicii
ca ntreg i a capitalului care se afl n spatele acesteia asupra fiecrui lucru individual. Aceasta este transcendena
n cultura de mas. Secretul poetic al produsului, de a fi mai mult dect este, const n participarea sa la infinitul produciei,
iar respectul profund, impus de seriozitatea plat, se potrivete perfect n schema reclamei. Tocmai n accentul pus
pe simpla existen, care trebuie s fie att de mare i de puternic nct nici o intenie subiectiv s nu poat ceva n
aceast privin iar acest accent corespunde astzi neputinei artei n relaia cu societatea , se ascunde transfigurarea, mpotriva creia se agit seriozitatea. Existena devine propria sa ideologie, prin scamatoria dedublrii sale
fidele. Astfel se ese pnza tehnologiei, mitul pozitivului. Dac ns realul devine imagine, prin aceea c, n particularitatea sa, el seamn cu ntregul precum un automobil Ford cu toate celelalte din aceeai serie, atunci
THEODOR W. ADORNO s-a nscut la 11 septembrie 1903; este unul dintre cei mai influeni filosofi ai secolului XX; a studiat filosofie, teoria muzicii i
componistic, fiind unul dintre iniiatorii colii de teorie critic de la Frankfurt. Autor prolific, printre cele mai citate lucrri ale sale se numr Dialectica iluminismului (1947, mpreun cu Max Horkheimer), Minima Moralia (1951), Dialectica negativ (1966) i Teoria estetic (1970).

i inversul e valabil: imaginile devin realitate nemijlocit. Nu se mai ajunge la o contiin estetic plurivalent a imaginii. Orice lucrare a fanteziei, ateptarea ca aceasta prin sine s strng laolalt elementele disparate ale efectiv-realului [des Wirklichen] n adevrul lor e respins ca pretenie exagerat. Fantezia este nlocuit cu controlul minuios i
automat pn i a celei mai mrunte imagini, pentru a urmri dac aceasta este reproducerea exact, competent
i fiabil a fragmentului de realitate corespunztor. Din aparena estetic a rmas numai aparena goal, abstract,
a unei diferene dintre cultur i practic, asemntoare cu diviziunea muncii ntre diferitele departamente ale produciei.
Putina contiinei estetice a imaginii n receptarea operei de art e discutabil dintotdeauna. Ea era legat de
privilegiul educaiei i de timpul liber i ine n puritatea ei mai degrab de conceptul filosofic de art dect de destinul social al operei de art i de condiiile sociale ale produciei acesteia. Interesul predominant pentru aspectul
material al operelor, un simptom persistent pentru eecul civilizaiei burgheze, trdeaz n acelai timp ceva din neadevrul autonomiei estetice nsei: ideologia rmne asociat cu generalitatea ei, atta vreme ct n domeniul estetic
foamea dup material se propag mai departe. Dac ns operele de art snt apercepute numai din cnd n cnd ca
opere, e pentru c arta de mas a preluat ca premis n producerea ei nonraportul cu arta al maselor, ntreinut,
orb la via, de ctre societate, nonraport din care ea triete i pe care l reproduce n mod planificat. Opera de
art devine propria sa materie, iar forma o tehnic a reproducerii i prezentrii sale, n fapt o tehnic de rspndire
a ceva real [eines Realen]. Emisiunile pentru copii de la radio, care, de dragul reclamei la mrfuri, fac ca imaginea i
realitatea s se amestece intenionat una cu cealalt, iar n clipa urmtoare aduc un erou al Vestului slbatic s laude
calitile cerealelor pentru micul dejun, snt un exemplu la fel de bun ca i identificarea prin reclam a vedetelor de
film cu rolurile lor, The Lovers of Burning Sarong matched again. Povestea lui Orson Welles cu invazia de pe
Marte a fost un test prin care spiritul pozitivist i-a msurat ntinderea propriului domeniu de influen i care a artat c topirea granielor dintre imagine i realitate a ajuns o boal colectiv; c reducerea operei de art la raiunea
empiric este pregtit n orice clip s se transforme n nebunie, la care fanii particip pe jumtate atunci cnd i
trimit actorului care l interpreteaz pe Lone Ranger pantaloni de cowboy, iar calului su o a. Fuziunea reuit dintre veghe i vis admite totui o anumit toleran fa de idealuri. Acestea snt acceptate ca dat istoric printre altele,
iar faima pe care o datoreaz opoziiei lor fa de via devine un mijloc de a le revendica drept elemente veridice,
de succes, ale realului subzistent. Un mare poet e la fel de bun ca un mare inventator sau ca un cerceta talentat
doar atta vreme ct nsemntatea operelor sale ne scutete de obligaia de a le citi.
Prin lichidarea opoziiei sale fa de realitatea empiric, arta capt un caracter parazitar. n msura n care devine
ea nsi realitate, avnd a o nlocui pe aceea din afar, arta ncepe s se raporteze din ce n ce mai mult la cultur
ca la propriul su coninut. Cuprinderea monopolist a culturii, care interzice tot ce nu poate fi cuprins, se raporteaz cu necesitate la ceea ce a fost deja produs odinioar i ncurajeaz autoreflectarea. De aici vine contradicia palpabil, i totui de nenlturat ntre etalaj, inventivitate tehnic, modaliti atestate de a proceda, pe de o parte i, pe
de alta, coninuturile individualiste demodate, culturalizate, declinante, aa cum se reflect ea n standardizarea individualului. Operele de art burgheze, pe care cultura de mas le elimin din circuit datorit lipsei lor de fidelitate
fa de factual, i-au deinut, tocmai n rigoarea imanenei lor formale, altundeva dect de-a dreptul n sine ndestularea: doctrina lui Kant despre sublim exprim acest lucru cu cea mai mare insisten. Cultura de mas, att de fidel
fa de factual, absoarbe coninutul de adevr i se epuizeaz n material, dar singurul material de care mai dispune
este ea nsi. De aici rezult toate filmele despre cariere i filmele muzicale, precum i biografiile artitilor. Autoreflectarea a fost promovat prin tehnica filmului sonor, care a introdus melodia ce nsoete aciunea de o manier
factual, transformnd cntreii n eroi care i pierd vocea i i-o regsesc dup aceea. ns adevratul motiv pentru existena autoreflectrii este c azi realitatea n aspectele ei decisive se sustrage prezentrii n imagini estetice.
Monopolul ia arta peste picior. Individuarea sensibil a operei, la care cultura de mas nu poate renuna, tocmai pentru a-i putea ndeplini n mod profitabil funcia complementar n societatea standardizat, contrazice caracterul abstract i monotonia la care s-a atrofiat lumea. Chiar i atunci cnd un film nfieaz doar un destin individual, fie i
dintr-un punct de vedere ct se poate de critic, el se afl deja sub influena ideologiei. Cazul prezentat ca unul care
merit nc a fi povestit devine un subterfugiu disperat pentru lumea care produce acest ceva ce merit povestit, n
vreme ce adevrata disperare se exprim tcut n aceea c nu mai e nimic de povestit i c ea nu poate fi dect recunoscut. Probabil c gestica povestitorului a tins ntotdeauna spre apologie; n orice caz, ea a devenit astzi ntru totul
apologetic. Pn i un regizor cu preri radicale, care dorete s expun procese economice importante, cum este
fuziunea a dou concerne industriale, nu poate face asta dect prezentnd oamenii importani n birou, la masa de
edine sau n vilele lor. Chiar dac n acest fel i-ar demasca drept nite bestii, bestialitatea lor ar rmne nc sancionat ca fiind cea a unor indivizi i ar degreva tendenial bestialitatea sistemului, ai crui ajutori de gde snt. Dac ns
ar ntrerupe, ntr-un stil foarte modern, biografia prin montaj, care pune n contrast bilanurile contabile ngrijor-

arhiva
re ale oelriei cu puterea i mrimea instalaiilor acesteia i le-ar confrunta pe amndou cu directorul general n
persoan, filmul nu numai c ar rmne plicticos i de neneles pentru spectatori, ci s-ar i transforma ntr-un ornament decorativ din cauza psihologiei sale arbitrare. Magnatul ar deveni n cele din urm un Ziegfeld5 negativ pentru spectatorii de formaie sociologic. Nelinitea fa de starea proast a lucrurilor incit la reform i la o societate
care e att de binevoitoare nct i planific propria critic: ghost town-ul de ieri nseamn full employment-ul de mine.
Nu trebuie introduse chiar nici un fel de ideologii. De cnd presiunea ce vine de sus nu mai tolereaz tensiunea dintre individual i general, individualul nu mai poate exprima generalul, iar arta devine o form de justificare, sau cel
puin o modalitate organizatoric astfel nct s fie eliminai timpii inutili de ateptare. Asta nu nseamn c arta ar trebui s-i caute adevrul doar n prezentarea raporturilor de producie: probabil c aa ceva i e cu neputin.6 Dar
cultura de mas ridic pretenia la apropierea de realitate, ca s-o dea numaidect cotit. Pretenia este redirecionat apoi spre conflictele din sfera consumului, cruia i aparine astzi din punct de vedere social ntregul domeniu
al psihologiei. Conflictul, localizat odat n nesemnificativ, apare acum de la sine ca un lux: ghinionul de bon ton [fashionable] i este propria sa consolare. Cultura de mas apare mereu n oglinda sa drept cea mai frumoas din ar.
Autoreflectarea culturii aduce cu ea nivelarea. Fiecare produs se raporteaz la lucruri deja preformate i este supus
nc o dat mecanismului ajustrii, spre care totul tinde oricum, n pofida intereselor sale. Orice produs care vrea
s aib trecere trebuie ntotdeauna s fie deja verificat, manipulat, aprobat de sute de mii de oameni, pentru ca abia
aa cineva s-l gseasc pe placul su. n micul local de noapte snt montate boxe, care amplific sunetul pn la insuportabil; totul trebuie s sune ca la radio, precum un ecou al marii culturi de mas. Saxofonul se afl ntr-o armonie
prestabilit cu sunetul de canned music, expresia individual i standardizarea mecanic potrivindu-se una cu cealalt, aa cum se ntmpl n principiu cu reproducerea mecanic; digest-ul a devenit o marc preferat a distribuiei
de literatur, iar filmul de nivel mediu i face reclam prin asemnarea cu un model de succes, n loc s o ascund.
Toat cultura de mas e n principiu adaptare. Totui, aceast nsuire adaptativ, filtrul monopolului care o protejeaz de toate influenele externe care nu fac parte din schema reificat, constituie n acelai timp ajustarea la consumatori. Caracterul predigerat al produsului se impune, se justific i se stabilizeaz, prin faptul c n fiecare clip se raporteaz
la cei care nu pot nghii altceva dect lucruri predigerate. Este baby food: autoreflectarea permanent se bazeaz
pe infantila compulsie repetitiv a nevoilor pe care ea nsi le creeaz. Aceasta este reeta dup care snt tratate
bunurile culturale tradiionale. Din ele nu rmn dect materiile cele mai crude ale istoriei politice i spirituale i strlucirea numelor mari, cu care elitele de astzi se simt n solidaritate necondiionat. De aceea, prin cultivarea nencetat a spiritului ieftin, divertismentul este valorizat att de mult, nct degenereaz n exerciii obligatorii de luare la
cunotin despre valorile culturale. Diferena ntre producia cultural serioas i cea uoar nu mai este nici evident, nici organizat i prin aceasta se dizolv n marea totalitate. n cazul romanelor de critic social, care trec prin
mainria best-seller-urilor, nu mai tii exact care din atrocitile descrise intesc la critica societii i care snt destinate amuzamentului acelora care nu au circul ateptat la dispoziie. Un Schubert bine lustruit este egalul lui Ceaikovski
sau Rahmaninov. lagrele lui Gershwin i-au preluat reetele armonice de la aceste surse i snt recunoscute drept
mare art pentru c au mpcat muzica pentru mase i muzica pretenioas. Nu mai exist kitsch sau modernism
intransigent. Reclama a nghiit suprarealismul, iar campionii lui i-au dat binecuvntarea pentru comercializarea propriilor atentate n numele disputei culturale radicale. Nici kitschul nu o duce mai bine: ura mpotriva kitschului a
devenit un element constitutiv al su. Sentimentalismul este despuiat de caracterul su neverosimil, de utopia sa emoionant, dar neputincioas, care reuea pentru o clip s-i nmoaie pe cei duri i pe conductorii lor nc i mai duri.
Regizorul, care n calitate de francez de import nu vrea s tie de alte idei n afar de a lui, terge cu ironie afectat lacrima abia aprut n colul ochiului. La clasicii transpui pe muzic de jazz se adaug actriele de grande passion, dezbrcate sau prezentate n situaii aiuritoare, care nu mai snt martore ale pasiunii, ci snt njosite mpreun
cu aceasta: obinuita impruden trebuie s participe la distracia general. Astfel de exhibiii nu schimb desigur nimic
nici din acceptabilitatea, nici din respectabilitatea obiectului luat peste picior. Cu un sim al ordinii asemntor unei
gospodine dominatoare, se vegheaz pentru ca armonia realist dintre imagine i obiect s rmn neatins, reziduu
din secolul al XIX-lea, care e cu att mai respectat cu ct mdele i frizurile din trecut devin mai mult un obiect de
batjocur. Tradiia este acel realism comod de mna a doua al apropierii dintre oameni, aa cum l-au prezentat odinioar foiletoanele i cum l-au exploatat eseitii, de la Sainte-Beuve pn la Herbert Eulenberg. Arta care informeaz
asupra realitii a fost ntotdeauna nsoit de un mod de ntrebuinare care ne informeaz despre art, iar astzi
snt livrate mpreun. Empatia cu obiectul ne conciliaz nu numai cu acesta, ci i totul cu toate. Nimeni nu trebuie
s se cread mai bun dect alii. Propria mediocritate i este prezentat spectatorului ca merit: ntr-o bun zi, acesta ar putea fi premiat drept Mr. Average Customer. Nici chiar cei mai n vrst ceteni nu snt respini de modernismul culturii de mas i de factura ei: se nghesuie n cinematografe, aa cum citesc romanele lui Werfel. Ceea ce a

ntreprins pe cont propriu David Friedrich Strauss, cel care scria deja despre Isus la fel ca Emil Ludwig i pe care l-a
dus la disperare atacul lui Nietzsche, dei ncasa astfel, la rndul lui, propria sa lovitur de pumn, se realizeaz astzi
de sus n jos fr nici un fel de risc i n mod irezistibil. Nu mai exist nici o idee care, prin recursul la destinul sau la
psihologia celui care a avut-o, s nu poat fi pus la unison cu acestea, aa nct pn i ultimul medic se poate amuza
de asemnarea soiei sale isterice cu regina Elisabeta a Angliei i de cea a colegilor si invidioi cu colegii lui Paul Ehrlich.
Nu numai c milioanelor de oameni luai n brae le snt distribuite valorile aristocratice splcite, ci ele snt i traduse n acelai timp n termeni egalitari, jargon bolborosit al comunicrii fr margini. Nobleea sufleteasc i fraternitatea snt topite laolalt ca sloganuri pentru plebe.
Orice produs individual este nivelat n el nsui. Nu mai exist conflicte veritabile. Ele snt complet nlocuite prin ocuri i senzaii, intervin oarecum din exterior, rmn de cele mai multe ori fr consecine i se integreaz de fiecare
dat n mersul controlat al lucrurilor. Produsele snt structurate n episoade, aventuri, nu n acte. Structura funniesurilor se regsete n Woman Serials i ntr-o form mai cizelat n filmele de clas A. Totul se bazeaz pe slaba memorie a consumatorului: nimeni nu este considerat capabil s i aminteasc ceva, s se concentreze la altceva dect
la ceea ce i se ofer pe moment. El este limitat astfel la prezentul abstract. ns cu ct mai obtuz trebuie clipa s garanteze pentru ea nsi, cu att mai puin are ea voie s prezinte nefericire. Spectatorul trebuie s fie att de incapabil
nct s nu suporte confruntarea cu suferina i, deopotriv, s n-o poat gndi. n happy end, mai important dect
transparena mesajului este previzibilitatea deznodmntului oricrei tensiuni; caracterul su aparent dezvluie ritualul ncheierii. Fiecare fragment al culturii de mas este, potrivit structurii sale, lipsit de istorie, aa cum i-l dorete
lumea organizat de mine. Varieteul, pe a crui tehnic se bazeaz la origine ambele forme caracteristice ale culturii de mas, filmul i jazzul, a furnizat modelul pentru cultura de mas. Nu degeaba a fost el elogiat cndva de autorii
avangarditi care obinuiau s critice opera de art liberal burghez caracterizat de ideea conflictului. Ceea ce
face din varieteu aa ceva, ce i se impune unui copil care vede pentru prima oar un spectacol de varieteu, este c
se ntmpl ceva i n acelai timp nimic. Orice act de varieteu, mai ales cel al performerului excentric i al jonglerului, este de fapt o ateptare. Ulterior se dovedete c ateptarea s se petreac ceva, aa cum intervine ea atta timp
ct jonglerul las mingile s joace, era chiar lucrul ateptat. ntotdeauna aplauzele se pornesc cu o secund mai trziu, atunci cnd spectatorul i d seama c ceea ce el considera o pregtire este deja evenimentul, el gsindu-se astfel oarecum nelat. n aceast neltorie n privina ordinii temporale, n aceast zbav ntreinut a clipei const
trucul varieteului, la fel cum i evenimentul, o dat destituit, tinde mereu s adopte caracterul unui tablou; pe deasupra tcerii muzicii, a rpitului de tob simbolica suspendare a curgerii. Astfel, spectatorul care ntrzie nu poate
ajunge niciodat prea trziu: el prinde aciunea din mers la nceputurile sale, i cinematograful de blci, n care se
intra la ntmplare, era organizat la fel, n timp ce filmul modern se respect prea mult pentru asta, dar este totui
mpins de fiecare dat i tocmai n performanele sale cele mai decente cu o necesitate tehnic n aceast direcie.
Farsa i este jucat ns timpului, i nu n primul rnd spectatorului. Varieteul era astfel deja repetarea incantatorie a
procedeului industrial, n care identicul invariabil i succed siei alegorie a capitalismului dezvoltat demonstrndu-i caracterul subaltern prin aceea c ea i apropiaz necesitatea lui ca libertate a jocului. Paradoxul c, n definitiv,
nc mai exist ceva ca istoria ntr-o epoc puternic industrializat, n vreme ce arhetipurile sale primul co de fum,
primul joben sugerau deja ideea unui decret tehnic asupra timpului, o ncremenire a ceva n istorie suprarealismul se hrnete din desuetudinea anistoricului, care se prezint pe sine ca desuet, de parc ar fi fost nimicit printro catastrof , acest paradox este srbtorit de varieteu. Actul, aciunea devine model pentru repetiia mecanic.
Aa se debaraseaz el de istoricitatea sa futil. Acest adevr dezvrjit al varieteului i preponderena sa fa de spectrul istoricitii, de care se aga operele de art burgheze n epoca puternic industrializat, i-a putut inspira pe Wedekind
i Cocteau, Apollinaire i Kafka n elogiul pe care i-l fac. Muzica impresionist, ca pseudomorfoz a compoziiei cu
pictura, a replicat procesul, iar Debussy nu alegea degeaba un act de varieteu ca subiect. Asculttorul fr experien
va fi nclinat ca la acesta, care i-a intitulat preludii i studii cele mai mplinite dintre lucrrile sale pentru pian, s
ia totul drept un joc pregtitor, unde e de pndit momentul la care ceva ar sta s nceap, ntocmai ca la un foc de
artificii nume pe care l poart ultimul dintre aceste preludii. Jazzul, care subsumeaz motenirea muzicii impresioniste scopurilor culturii de mas, i-a rmas cel mai fidel n urmtorul aspect: s-a observat c ntr-o pies de jazz toate
momentele succesiunii temporale snt mai mult sau mai puin interanjabile, c nu are loc o dezvoltare i c ceea
ce urmeaz nu este cu nimic mai bogat n experien dect ce s-a auzit mai devreme. Varieteul i impresionismul
au fost obiectiv ncercri fie de a pune n slujba operei de art autonome ideea metodologiei industriale, fie de a o
prezenta, eliberat de scopuri, abstract, ca modalitate de dominare a naturii. Ridicnd mecanizarea la rang de tem,
ele au ncercat, la fel precum Chaplin, s i joace acesteia o fest i s transforme n rsul lui Bergson ocul produs
de reiterarea identicului. ns cultura de mas sucomb sub un decizionism prestabilit, lund legea acestuia asupra

arhiva
ei i ascunznd-o totodat. Ea decurge fr conflicte i trateaz conflictele: le supune astfel dictaturii nonconflictualului. Prezentarea lumii vii devine tehnica prin care ea sisteaz conflictele; ea trece de partea staticului cruia varieteul
i spunea pe nume. Acest lucru se observ n domeniile crora le este adaptat arta dinamic burghez. Graie acesteia i avnd n vedere la ce este supus originalul, tehnica reproducerii mecanice ca atare are aspectul unei fore irezistibile.
Indiferent ce dificulti ale unui destin psihologic prezint filmul, prin faptul c el perind toate demersurile pe un ecran
n faa spectatorului, fora contradiciilor i posibilitatea libertii snt distruse n ele i nivelate la relaia abstract dintre nainte i dup. Ochiul camerei, care a vzut conflictul naintea spectatorului i l-a nregistrat pe banda care curge
fr mpotrivire, are totodat grij s nu existe conflicte. Fiind prinse n succesiunea nentrerupt a micrii fotografiate de pe ecran, imaginile individuale snt de la bun nceput simple obiecte. Ele se scurg, subsumate i neputincioase.
Precum se ntmpl cu cititorul naiv, care citete un roman de aventuri scris la persoana nti i este din capul locului linitit c eroul nu a pit nimic, cci altminteri el n-ar fi putut povesti nimic, aa stau lucrurile ntr-o oarecare msur
i pentru acela ce frecventeaz la romanul fotografiat. Eroul poate s i moar, ns cel puin el nu poate pune la
cale nimic, iar moartea fotografiat este una doar pe jumtate. La fel cum marilor oameni nu li se ntmpl nimic n
biografiile lor sau nu li se ntmpl dect ceea ce s-a ntmplat oricum, fapte de care istoria a avut grij s rmn n
memoria colectiv: istoriile romanate, care exploateaz gloria eroilor lor, i ajut s ajung la acea existen
olimpian pe care i-au nceput-o oricum prin transferarea lor n panteon. Desigur, fiecare oper de art ncheiat
apare deja ca un lucru predeterminat, ns arta tinde s susin/suspende povara artefactului prin puterea construciei
ei, n timp ce cultura de mas se identific cu blestemul predeterminrii i o nsoete bucuroas. n muzic, anistoricitatea este produs de schimbrile tehnice, care i se ntmpl prin intermediul radioului.7 Chiar i modul ideal de
execuie al muzicii serioase (n sensul perfeciunii lipsite de risc), aa cum se prezint sub monopol, este cuprins de
rigiditate n dinamica sa ostentativ: simfonia, n care nu se mai poate ntmpla nimic, este n acelai timp ceea ce nu
mai are loc.8 Drept consecin, par a avea trecere mai ales compoziiile preferate ale culturii de mas. Cel mai bine
vndui snt romanticii trzii, precum Ceaikovski i Dvorak. Pentru acetia, forma simfoniei e o simpl faad. Au redus-o la un potpuriu, a crui coeren e cvasiinexistent. Structura ei nu mai are nici o funcie, n timp ce din esena
dinamic a simfoniei, din prelucrarea antifonic a motivelor i realizare, nu au mai rmas dect interludii agitate i zgomotoase, care ntrerup neplcut potpuriul, pn cnd melodia se reia de parc nu s-ar fi ntmplat nimic, de parc totul
ar sta s renceap.
Nonconflictualul, aa cum apare el n cultura de mas prin grija atotcuprinztoare a monopolului, se las ntrezrit
n marea art contemporan tocmai n creaiile care se opun cel mai hotrt monopolului culturii. Tehnica dodecafonic a lui Schnberg pune sub semnul ntrebrii principiul dezvoltrii din care provine, iar teatrul epic al lui Brecht
s-a dezbrat anume n slujba criticii societii de construcia conflictului i a casat dialectica materialist de dragul aceleia dramatice. Cea mai perceptibil expresie a faptului e susceptibilitatea idiosincratic fa de conceptul de intensificare. Montajul introdus de Brecht n dram nseamn virtual interanjabilitate temporal a momentelor, iar
indicaiile via i urcare reduc oarecum din aciunea persoanelor dramatice i le transform n obiecte de ncercare pentru teza deja presupus. Prin asta, procedeul, n pofida tuturor intermitenelor, se apropie de tehnica
irezistibilului din film, la fel cum inovaiile din teatru ale lui Brecht pot fi nelese ca o ncercare de a salva teatrul n
epoca filmului i a ruinei psihologiei. Slbiciunea gndirii i a memoriei, produs de cultura de mas, este deja presupus ca miz de partea spectatorului postulat ca fumnd relaxat i care nu trebuie atins n vreun fel central; teatrul
epic este replica la arta de mas, contiina de sine a acesteia schimbndu-i necontenit direcia. Se poate da seam
despre felul cum s-a modificat relaia operei de art cu timpul ei imanent. Pentru dram i simfonie, biruina asupra
timpului a nsemnat dorina cea mai arztoare, aa cum reiese nu numai din doctrina aristotelic despre unitatea
acestuia, ci i din modurile de a proceda ale nsei marilor opere de art dinamice. Curgerea goal a timpului, viaa
fr sens care trece trebuie s se supun formei i, graie totalitii acesteia, s fie adus s participe la idee. Tocmai
structurarea tematic a timpului ngduie excluderea heteronomiei sale din domeniul estetic i injectarea n opera
de art mcar a unei aparene de atemporalitate, care o transform n esen, n reflectarea pur a existenei, exprimnd
astfel transcendena. Mijlocul acestei biruine asupra timpului pe calea eliberrii tensiunii intratemporale este confllictul. El concentreaz n prezent att trecutul, ct i viitorul. Formula, furnizat de dramaturgia lui Ibsen, este urmtoarea: msura conflictului este dat de puterea trecutului asupra prezentului, care amenin viitorul. n ideea dramei,
mbinarea momentelor intratemporale devine att de compact, raporturile lor att de omnilaterale, nct derularea
temporal asum o configuraie, se transform ea nsi n fora raporturilor de sens pe planul conflictului i ajunge
n final la subsumare. Timpul dramei absolute era clipa, lucind dinuntrul aciunii prin cristalizarea mplinit a tuturor relaiilor temporale. Nu altfel stau lucrurile n cazul simfoniei, care prin prelucrarea universal a motivelor echivalentul muzical pentru dinamica dramatic a conflictului nu i umple pur i simplu timpul aferent, ci l ia n puterea

violent a sensului ei i l las s dispar. Simfonia a aptea a lui Beethoven ofer cazul exemplar pentru dialectica
acestei retenii interne a timpului. ns aceast intenie a constituit dintotdeauna doar o parte a artei burgheze. Adevrul
despre fiina a ceea ce preced, constituindu-se n reflecia asupra unitii direcionate atemporal a timpului, va fi,
n calitate de adevr atemporal, doar o minciun, ca unul directiv nedrept, iar ndiguirile sale vor fi mereu inundate de timpul conjurat. Arta rmne incapabil s obin cu adevrat transcendena prin anularea timpului n simpla
meditaie asupra existenei. De aceea, ncercarea de a transcende existena prin ncorporarea timpului a fost mereu asociat cu o alta, care se dezice de orice organizare a sensului i care, expunndu-se nengrdit, oarecum pasiv,
empiric elementului temporal, renun la a-l mai nfrnge, lsnd s ias la iveal absena de sens, i pe acesta nsi
doar n negativitatea sa: i restul e tcere. De la dramele istorice ale lui Shakespeare, trecnd prin lupta unora ca
Schweitzer i Lessing mpotriva poeticii clasicizante i pn la romanul psihologic, tendina aceasta a devenit din ce
n ce mai puternic, crescnd n umbra imens a societii burgheze. Astzi, n avangard i n cultura de mas, ea
i inverseaz polii. Ultimele mari romane, ale lui Proust i Joyce, a cror desfurare vid de sens constituie coninutul propriu-zis al romanului (aa cum observ Lukcs i la Flaubert), se abandoneaz ntr-o asemenea msur
timpului, nct acesta se disociaz singur asemeni indivizilor a cror via este prezentat: sacrificiul voluntar n beneficiul temporalitii dinamiteaz continuumul temporal, iar momentele temporalitii n care se pierde prezentarea
ies din relaia lor de succesiune i, cu ajutorul amintirii, atrag ca ntr-un vrtej evenimentele supuse trecerii. Dramele
lui Brecht presupun deja, n cele din urm, att disoluia individului, ct i a timpului. Elementul epic trebuie s taie
unitatea intensiv a nodului dramatic ca pe unul ideologic i iluzoriu, dar s nu l nlocuiasc prin unitatea continuumului temporal. n dramele lui Brecht domnete un temps espace, un timp experimental al ncercrii repetabile
mai degrab dect al istoriei ireversibile. Desigur, la fel ca i opusul su, timpul concentrat dramatic, acest timp experimental este la fel de puin sigur n faa invaziei celui empiric; ca lovitura mortal cea mai profund dat relaiei de
autoritate din contiin, e o durat care ine atta ct dureaz i dominaia bazat pe temeiul nsui al artei, cci arta
se constituie prin protestul mpotriva acelui timp [empiric] cel al destinului. Dac acest timp e eliminat prin relaia
spaial simultan dintre scenele montate, el se strecoar n succesiunea lipsit de conflicte. Atta vreme ct drama
rmne n genere legat de succesiunea momentelor, cu ct mai nenduplecat i interzice ea acest lucru, cu att mai
mult i revine timpului abstract sarcina de a face intrig prin intermediul aciunii. Cultura de mas, care nu tolereaz
conflictul i nici montajul explicit, trebuie s plteasc pentru fiecare din produsele sale un tribut timpului. Acesta este
paradoxul ei: cu ct e mai anistoric, cu ct deciziile prin care evolueaz snt luate anticipat; cu ct e mai puin preocupat de relaia ei cu timpul, se i transform n unitatea dialectic a momentelor; cu ct trieaz mai iret n privina
timpului prin statica noului trucat, cu att mai puin trebuie ea s se opun timpului din afar i i cade prad mai mortal. Anistoricitatea ei este acea plictiseal pe care pretinde c o suprim. Ea trezete ntrebarea dac nu cumva timpul unidimensional al cursului orb al istoriei i atemporalitatea mereu-identicului, a destinului n-ar fi totuna.9
Eliminarea conflictului n cultura de mas nu este un simplu capriciu al manipulrii. Conflictul, intriga i climaxul, elemente centrale ale poeziei i muzicii autonome, snt de nelipsit n societatea burghez. Nu degeaba nc de pe vremea
comediei attice, drama i-a cutat intriganii printre ceteni. Intriga, ca ncercare a unui om slab de a obine puterea
prin spirit, este codul estetic al victoriei burgheze asupra feudalismului, al calculului i banilor asupra proprietii imobiliare i a represiunii armate a revoltelor. Rvna intrigantului aa cum predomin ea ca afirmare ghidu-ncreztoare
n vremurile de nceput ale marii simfonii la Haydn, pentru ca apoi, cu ndemnare critic, s constituie smburele umorului beethovenian descinde din nemrginita silin a concurenei de a pune laul la gt srguinei harnice i oneste care,
fr voie, rmne de cru. Intrigantul este figura n negativ a individului burghez, opusul solidaritii, aa cum eroul,
n care se reunesc libertatea i spiritul de sacrificiu, este adevrul individului. Ambele figuri in una de cealalt, la fel ca
bucile lipite laolalt ale unei lumi scindate. La fel ca burghezia i arta. Ambele snt interesate de via, stnd ns spate
n spate. Eroul nu se mai sacrific, ci are succes, iar prin faptele sale el nu devine copt pentru libertate, ci cariera i
dezvluie conformismul. Aa arat intrigantul care a reuit, a crui fizionomie de mprumut o nfieaz irezistibilul
Clark Gable: el nu confirm nimic altceva dect monopolul arivitilor. Prin aceasta ns, intrigantul dispare la fel ca mruntul concurent complotul su ar fi mereu doar falimentul, succesul fiind sancionat cu un destin a crui aciune este
decis dinainte ca iluzorie. Ultimele intrigi au fost acelea triumfale, pe care fascitii la Kaiserhof i la bancherul Schrder,
n trenul cu vagoane de dormit spre Roma i uciderea lui Palladine le-au adus la crm, consolidndu-i poziia n
guvern. Nimeni nu s-ar mai putea elibera de intrig, dup ce injonciunea ei a devenit nemijlocit i atotputernic,
iar arta de mas nregistreaz asta dnd conflictul la o parte ca demodat, mprumutndu-l la nevoie din cultura colar, retrgndu-l mereu din domeniul spontaneitii prin predeterminare. Modelele burgheze care snt asociate n contiina
comun cu intriga i conflictul pesc pe scen oarecum n hainele de pucriai pe care trebuie s le fi dobndit n
trecutul lor liberal. Cuvntul bancher a devenit chiar i n America o ocar, la fel i cel de avocat i de politician de

10

arhiva
carier, iar femeia nesatisfcut, jinduitoare n-o duce nici ea mai bine sub masca vampei. Reporterii i impresarii snt
tolerai ca nite relicve comice. Din fabulele despre mrfurile culturale este alungat istoria, chiar, i mai ales, acolo
unde e vorba de subiecte scoase din podul istoriei. Istoria nsi devine costum, asemenea individului: sub el se ascunde
modernitatea ngheat a monopolului i capitalismului de stat. Falsa mpcare ajunge astfel s propage contrainstana
negativ prin fiecare moment al ntregii existene suprimarea disonanei prin generalizarea rului. Lipsa de conflict
n interiorul operelor de art subliniaz faptul c acestea nu mai suport conflictul cu viaa din afar, pentru c viaa
exileaz conflictele n cele mai adnci grote ale suferinei i le ine nfundate acolo cu o for lipsit de compasiune.
Adevrul estetic era legat de exprimarea neadevrului societii burgheze. n fapt, exist art numai n msura n care
i este imposibil s existe, n virtutea ordinii care o transcende. De aceea, existena este paradoxal n toate marile ei
forme, mai ales n roman, forma burghez par excellence, pe care a luat-o n stpnire filmul. Azi, prin creterea extrem
a tensiunii, posibilitatea operei de art nsei e pus sub semnul ntrebrii. Monopolul este executor acesta stinge
tensiunea, dar o dat cu conflictul el abrog i arta. Abia la momentul completei lipse de conflict, arta devine cu totul
un sector al produciei materiale i astfel pe deplin minciuna la care ea i-a adus obolul deja dintotdeauna. n acelai
timp ns, ea se reapropie i de adevr, mai mult dect ceea ce continu s prospere n arta tradiional, n msura n
care conservarea conflictului individual n opera de art i, de cele mai multe ori, chiar introducerea aceluia social
folosete arlataniei romantice, iar lumea n care conflictul mai e posibil apare ca una aurit prin comparaie cu cea
n care atotputernica producie ncepe, tot mai vizibil, s reprime aceast posibilitate. E o chestiune innd de detaliul cel mai fin dac lichidarea nodului estetic, a climaxului, a conflictului, nseamn lichidarea ultimei redute sau mediul omniprezenei mai secrete a tuturor acestora.
Aa ceva nu se face, spune deteptul consilier juridic Brack, cnd Hedda Gabler se mpuc. Acelai punct de vedere
l adopt monopolul. Acesta dezvrjete individul i conflictul prin factualitate [Sachlichkeit]. Omniprezena tehnologiei se imprim n obiecte i transform istoricitatea n tabu, iar urma suferinelor trecute peste oameni i lucruri n
kitsch. Modelul-tip este actria care, prizonier a unui traficant de fete i n mijlocul unui taifun, arat ca abia ieit
de sub du, machiat atent i cu o coafur perfect. Ea este prins n imagine att de clar, precis i direct, nct magia
pe care are a o exercita machiajul ei devine mai puternic prin lipsa iluziei realitii i i se impune spectatorului ca
una literal mai adevrat i mai fireasc. Cultura de mas este un machiaj nenfrumuseat. Mai mult dect cu orice
altceva, ea se asociaz cu imperiul elurilor n privirea seac. Noul obiectivism [Sachlichkeit]10, pe care l maimurete,
s-a dezvoltat n arhitectur. Ea a susinut n domeniul acesta al scopurilor dreptul estetic al lucrului cu finalitate mpotriva barbariei, care aici poart cu sine aparena lipsei de scop. Ea a fcut din standardizarea i producia de mas o
chestiune de art, iar din opusul lor o batjocur la adresa legii formei, care provine din realitatea exterioar.
Obiectul de uz practic e cu att mai frumos cu ct renun mai mult la aparena frumuseii. Dar n momentul n care
obiectivismul este rupt de scopuri, decade n ornamentul pe care l-a denunat la nceput ca frdelege. Tocmai acolo
unde viziunile tehnologice i procedeele utopice ale filmului i radioului se intersecteaz, ele se aseamn cu
domeniul arhitecturii avansate, care, dect s se mpace cu lumea, o combate i mai aprins. Dac am compara compoziiile n serie de pe Tin Pan Alley cu arhitectura, atunci gndul s-ar ndrepta nu spre produsele n serie, neofactuale, ci la casele familiale care se gsesc peste tot n vechea, ca i n noua Anglie: produse de mas standardizate,
care standardizeaz tocmai pretenia ca fiecare cas s fie inconfundabil, unic, o vil. Nu standardizarea ca atare
face casele din secolul nousprezece s arate azi ca nite fantome, ci repetarea nencetat a irepetabilului, a stlpilor mici, a balconaelor, scrielor i turnuleelor. Fiecare produs al culturii de mas las s transpar nc din floarea
tinereii acest aer de putregai, iar uzura dirijat de monopol o face an de an mai vizibil. Cultura de mas e incompatibil cu propria ei factualitate. Ea se raporteaz la materiale, care n intenia lor se opun unei etalri factuale [a
coninuturilor], n timp ce i demonstreaz asocierea cu practica dominant prin mprumutarea procedeelor industriale, cu ajutorul crora pregtete factualitatea ca stil. Relaia dintre factualitate i lucrul n cauz este extrafactual
ea este determinat i bruiat de calcul. Perfeciunea modului tehnologic, a prezentrii, a trucului n cazul nulitii
lucrului, este expresia suprem pentru aceasta. Virtuozitatea trupei de jazz, care se dezlnuie ca un animal de prad
n cuca celor opt msuri impuse de compozitorul piesei de succes, miestria n reglarea camerei, care poate produce dup plac efectele nsufleite cu nori din romanele de secol nousprezece, frequency modulation, care permite audiia unei Ave Maria de Gounod cu o claritate mai temerar toate acestea nu snt doar simple hiaturi ntre
momentele nonsimultane ale dezvoltrii; nonsimultaneitatea i are originea n quid pro quo-ul constrngtor ntre
vis i el n cultura de mas, aa cum noile costume i dansuri populare germane au fost impuse nu n ciuda, ci din
cauza tancurilor. Se argumenteaz neoobiectivist [neusachlich] n favoarea culturii de mas c, ntr-o societate puternic industrializat, nevoile spirituale ale consumatorilor se adapteaz la cele materiale. Ele snt supuse aceleiai standardizri i ar fi un pas napoi dac ne-am sustrage prealabilelor tehnice ale atitudinii obiectiviste. Modelul de Ford

11

Dar, prin ideea unei asemenea ajustri e acceptat deja acea manipulare a nevoilor prin caracterul copleitor al produciei
mpotriva creia spiritul are, mai mult dect simpla propensiune, chiar tendina de a-i rezista, manipulare cu care nevoile au a se acomoda. Diferena dintre practic i cultur, pe care chiar monopolul pune pre, prin aceea c face
din ea problema administrativ a coordonrii diferitelor domenii, const tocmai n negarea coordonrii, a supremaiei
obiectivelor dictate de relaiile de producie. Pentru a se putea n genere afirma ca domeniu distinct, cultura coordonat trebuie n schimb s ia n serios diferena i se ncurc ntr-o contradicie insolubil, trebuind, cu toate subterfugiile i cu mult mpotriva propriei voine, s-o recunoasc. Chiar i lagrelor actuale, cele mai plicticoase produse
standard, le este reproat lipsa de factual. Toate subscriu motoului absurd care a fost folosit o dat ca reclam titlu:
Especially for You. Prin simpla referire la opoziia inalienabil dintre art i obiectivele reale, crora arta factual le
mprumut standardele, nu se face nimic n faa unei asemenea intersectri. Pentru c arta de mas triete anume
din faptul c menine ferm opoziia dintre practic i cultur ntr-o lume n care ea a devenit ideologie i coboar
nivelul practicii prin insistena ei pe caracterul reic, n relaie cu caracterul fetiizat al vieii materiale, al bunurilor spirituale pe care ea le mpacheteaz i le livreaz. La asta i e bun autoreflectarea permanent. Invers, tocmai o art
care ia n serios critica practicitii [Zweckmigkeit] burgheze vizeaz lumea dominat n ntregime de practicitate
i trebuie s se confrunte cu ea nu numai prin materialele utilizate, ci i prin structura propriei ei forme. Dac arta
factual este n pericol de a-i degrada formele ei utile [Zweckformen] la o faad fals n numele lipsei de utilitate
[Zwecklosigkeit], arta nonobiectivist, care evit transpunerea exact a formelor utile, tinde la apologie. Poezia ei completeaz cu ncredere obrznicia celeilalte, iar amndou colile inamice se mpac de minune. Atelierele [de creaie]
vieneze i tot ce le seamn, pn la Rilke i T. S. Eliot, nu snt mai departe de monopol cu conservarea sufletului dect stream line-ul, care, ca ornament al sufletului, i merge la inim cu att mai prevenitor, i asta cu ct primele copiaz mai competent monopolul. Fiecare roman de Ullstein, fiecare film fac sinteza. Suprafaa crpat a
mrfurilor trdeaz ruptura afectnd astzi orice art arta responsabil se vede exilat n paradox; fie i dezvolt
formele utile nuntrul propriului principiu de finalitate [in ihrer eigenen Zweckmigkeit], indiferent la violena consecinelor plasrii n opoziie cu regimul scopurilor din afara sa, fie se abandoneaz fr reineri, fr scrupule fa de
privilegiul estetic, desemnrii existentului n vigoare, pn cnd renunarea la intervenia formatoare nsi se dezvluie
ca o lege formal mai pur, eliberat de ingredientul ornamental. Culturii de mas nu i se poate reproa contradicia
intrinsec, factualitatea (la fel de puin ca nonfactualitatea), ci concilierea care i interzice s-i desfoare contradicia
cu adevrul ei. Factualitatea ei nu este aceea a necesitii imanente a tuturor momentelor n imagine, ci mirajul unui
stil de via i al unei atitudini exacte. Nonfactualitatea ei nu declar rzboi mersului curent al lucrurilor, ci folosete
schemele nvechite de exprimare ale acestuia, ficiunea nsufleirii, convenus-ul umanitii ca materie prim. Ceea
ce e factual practic slujete din capul locului rapiditii i preciziei informaiei, care e transmis consumatorilor condiionai. Spiritul deczut la bunurile culturale pretinde ca acestea s nu fie resimite drept eseniale, ci consumatorul s fie apt a se legitima prin ele drept cultivat. Transmiterea Simfoniei a noua la ocazii festive, cu mare tam-tam,
comentat i autodeclarat eveniment istoric, ajunge s instruiasc asculttorul mai mult asupra desfurrii evenimentului i asupra forelor care pun totul n scen, dect s l fac s participe la lucrul nsui. Obiceiul comentatorilor muzicali, de a vorbi mai mult de contextul apariiei operelor dect despre caracterul intrinsec al acestora, este de la bun
nceput adaptat la asta. Se dau informaii despre cultura de mas nsi. Experiena artei e depreciat la cuvinte de
apreciere. Consumatorii snt oprii din drum pentru a o recunoate. Bunul cultural se prezint ca produsul finit care
a ajuns i vrea s fie identificat. Prezena universal a caracterului informativ este semnul nstrinrii dintre consumator i inevitabilul produs care urmeaz. Consumatorul este trimis la informaie, unde experiena sa nu este suficient, iar sistemul l antreneaz, sub pedeapa pierderii de prestigiu, s se remarce drept unul informat i s se dea btut
dinaintea ntortocheatei experiene. Cultura de mas a devenit ntr-adevr o singular expoziie, aa se simte oricine nimerete nuntru, nsingurat n ea precum strinul ntr-ale artei pe terenul unei expoziii. Informaia intr n scen:
expoziia nesfrit este totodat un nesfrit birou de informaii, care i se bag vizitatorului neputincios n suflet, l
aprovizioneaz cu fluturai, pliante i reete de la radio i l cru pe fiecare de blamul de a aprea n ochii tuturor
celorlali drept la fel de prost. Cultura de mas e propria anten de emisie. Milioanele de oameni aparinnd claselor de jos, care au fost inui mai devreme departe de bunurile culturale i snt prini acum n plasa ei, ofer pretextul ideal pentru trecerea la informaie. Sistemul grandios al luminrii, iute ajuns [acela] al aducerii la cunotin, al transmisiei
distruge ns n ocul a ceea ce el acord tot ceea ce, sub ideologia bunurilor culturale, el pretinde c rspndete.
Glumele care se fac n programul simbolic Information please spun adevrul nu numai despre sistemul informaional,
ci i despre cum st treaba n privina a despre ce se informeaz. Decderea imaginii estetice este cerut mai ales
de informaie. Chiar i filmul [artistic] devine news reel, o prelungire a propriului publicity: se afl de aici cum arat
Lana Turner n sweater, cum funcioneaz noua metod de filmare a lui Orson Welles sau dac sunetul FM este chiar

12

arhiva
diferit de cel al radioului vechi. Tipul acela de spectator la concert, care nu aude altceva [dect muzica], de pild c
pianul s-ar fi dezacordat, a fost transformat, n calitate de cumprtor direct i indirect al inovaiilor pe care monopolul i le ncredineaz necontenit, n obiectul ideal al valorilor culturale, cu care se aseamn. Produsele snt cu att
mai decente cu ct se mrturisesc mai deschis a fi informaie; ele devin insuportabile dac denun informaia drept
ceea ce le ntunec prin supraluminare, drept modelare.
Informaia calculeaz cu curiozitatea ca fiind comportamentul pe care privitorul l are n faa imaginii. Indiscreia, care
mai devreme era rezervat celor mai mizerabili dintre scriitoraii la ziar, a devenit o esen a culturii oficiale. Informaiile mprtite de cultura de mas fac adesea cu ochiul. Editat n milioane de exemplare, revista preferat rspndete cu o min serioas inside stories, iar camera de filmat se concentreaz pe detalii fizice, precum binoclul de teatru
de odinioar. Fr iluzii i cu o proast contiin, ambele vor s i dea subiectului iluzia c i aici este n mijlocul evenimentelor, c nu este exclus de nicieri. Heidegger a desemnat curiozitatea ca invariant, ca structur fundamental
existenial-ontologic a unei tendine spre cotidian a fiinei11, i i-a atribuit un loc de cinste n starea de decdere
a Dasein-ului. Pe ct de bine a neles ce realizeaz curiozitatea ca liant n cultura de mas probabil ca o form diluat de mimesis colectiv, o form a dorinei de a fi asemenea cu cellalt prin cunoaterea fiecrui detaliu despre el
, Heidegger e nedrept cu omul, prin faptul c atribuie curiozitatea umanitii omului i astfel o transform virtual
ntr-o vin a victimei, nu a gardianului nchisorii. Orice tia Aristotel deja s spun despre preocuparea esenial a
vederii, cea de astzi este mnat de fora care nu las s se vad ceva. Ea este lovitura mortal antropologic aparinnd
coerciiei monopolizante de a pipi, manipula, interioriza, de a nu lsa nimic afar. Cu ct sistemul tolereaz mai puin
noul, cu att subiecii trebuie s tie toate noutile, pentru a continua s triasc n societate i a nu fi marginalizai.
Acetia din urm, armata de rezerv a outsiderilor, plvrgesc cu cultura de mas: ea este nebunia relaiilor i chintesena
secretelor publice. Toi cei informai iau parte la marele secret, aa cum n timpul naional-socialismului tuturor le
era oferit privilegiul de a participa la fria de snge ezoteric. nclinaia spre antaj, prin care curiozitatea i indiscreia
devin perfecte, este o parte a violenei, de care fascistul este pregtit s fac uz fa de neprivilegiai. Satisfacerea
curiozitii nu folosete numai economiei psihice, ci i intereselor materiale. Cei informai n toate cele se recomand
singuri pentru orice ntrebuinare. lagrul german din epoca de nceput a fascismului tii dansa, Johanna Ba bine
c nu!, n care iscusinele erotice ale celei la care se rvnete apar ca nite caliti pe piaa saturat a muncii, a conservat extrem de bine acest aspect istoric al curiozitii. Asta ine de acele deformri umane provocate de economia de pia, care au devenit pn la urm de sine stttoare i patologic iraionale. n epoca antisemitismului total,
micul Moritz a devenit idol: a devenit o instituie pentru quiz kids i rubedeniile lor. Aceast curiozitate e acordat
cu precizie dup informaia pe care ea o socializeaz. Ea se raporteaz ntotdeauna la lucruri preformate, la ceea
ce alii tiu deja. A fi informat despre ceva implic o spasmodic solidaritate cu ceea ce a fost stabilit mai devreme.
De coniven cu majoritatea, acest ceva antejudecat se vrea n acelai timp a fi rechiziionat, confiscat pentru sine,
iar n gestul lui asta o tiu deja, pentru care sntem necontenit antrenai i care i exercit dictatura de la vorba de
duh la social research, nu se obine doar o familiaritate dubioas, ci totodat e i denigrat acela care i d silina s
te bat la cap cu marfa greu vandabil a acelor fapte, care deja din clipa n care le tii i tu snt devalorizate. Curiozitatea este dumanul noului, care oricum nu e ngduit. Ea triete din pretenia c nu poate exista nimic nou i c,
i dac lucrurile nu ar sta astfel, noul s-ar asimila cu anticipaie prin cei informai. ns pasiunea care nsoete curiozitatea risipete n reproducere i apropriere fora care ar fi folosit experimentrii noului sau producerii acestuia.
Orbirea acestei pasiuni face ca datele la care se refer s fie indiferente i irelevante. Orict de practic ar fi s dispui
de ct mai mult informaie, legea dup care informaia nu se refer la esenial e tot mai inflexibil i nu se transform n gndire. De asta are grij deja restrngerea informaiei la cele livrate de monopol, la mrfuri sau la oamenii a
cror funcie n aceast afacere public este s o transforme n marf. Mai mult dect att, exist un tabu legat de informaia
fals, care poate fi invocat mpotriva oricrei reflecii. Foamea de informaie nu poate fi separat de dorina de a avea
dreptate fr replic. Curiosul devine azi nihilist. Tot ce nu poate recunoate, subsuma, verifica, tot ce nu poate asimila ca atare, refuz ca prostie, ideologie, subiectivitate greit. Ceea ce cunoate i ceea ce a fost identificat devine
prin asta lipsit de valoare, simpl repetare, timp irosit, bani irosii. Aceast aporie a culturii de mas i a tiinei afiliate ei i reduce pe cei pe cei czui n ea la felul de praxis al acesteia, perseverena tmp. Figura fr speran a curiozitii
este determinat ns de monopol. Atitudinea insului informat a rezultat din aceea a cumprtorului, a connaisseurului. ntr-att este de nrudit cu reclama. Dar reclama devine informaie dac nu mai exist altceva de ales, dac
recunoaterea mrcii substituie alegerea i dac, simultan, totalitatea sistemului l constrnge pe acela care vrea s
i pstreze viaa s procedeze astfel din calcul. Asta se ntmpl n cultura de mas monopolist. Pot fi difereniate
trei niveluri ale dominaiei asupra nevoilor: reclama, informaia, ordinul. Prin omniprezenta aducere la cunotin,
cultura de mas reunete aceste niveluri. Curiozitatea pe care ea o aprinde o reproduce violent pe aceea a copilu-

13

provine din constrngere, nelciune i eec. Acel copil devine curios cruia prinii i refuz lmuririle. Ea nu este
acea preocupare originar a privirii, cu care vechi i noi ontologi au cuplat-o n mod tulbure, ci cuttura deja strmbat i ntoars spre ea nsi. Curiozitatea, care obiectualizeaz lumea [die Welt zu Sache macht], nu este obiectiv [unsachlich]: nu-i pas de ce tie, ci c tie, de faptul de a avea [cunotina], de cunoaterea ca posesie. n aceast
manier snt structurate azi toate materiile informaiei: indiferena lor le predestineaz la a fi simple obiecte apropriabile. Ele apar prin actul posedrii, fr s depeasc prin propria calitate posesia abstract. n calitate de fapte
concludente, ele snt astfel rnduite nct s se lase fixate ct mai pregnant cu putin. Ele snt sustrase oricrei continuiti,
separate de gndire i puse la dispoziia manipulrii infantile. Nu au voie s se extind i, la fel ca mncrurile preferate, trebuie s se conformeze regulii identitii lor, dac nu doresc s fie refuzate drept strine sau false. Trebuie
s pute i nu au voie niciodat s fie adevrate: astfel, tind s devin arlatanie, iar gogoile jurnalistice sau anecdota deplasat a reporterului de la radio snt doar o explozie a acelui neadevr care zace deja n nsi orbirea faptelor.
Curiosul ns, care i cade victim, vntorul furibund de autografe din faa studioului, copilul care sufer de pe urma
obligaiei de a citi ca de o boal la mod n timpul fascismului nu snt altceva dect burghezul revenit la sine, cel care
se conformeaz realitii i a crui nebunie presupus o confirm doar pe cea obiectiv, pe care omul a reuit n
sfrit s o ating.
Cu ct participarea la cultura de mas se epuizeaz n a dispune la modul informaiei de fapte culturale, cu att toat
afacerea se apropie de concurs, de testul de evaluare sau de cunotine, de sport. Pe cnd consumatorii, fie prin
caracterul prezentrii, fie prin reclam, snt neobosit chemai s se concureze unul pe altul, produsele preiau trsturi ale sportului pn n detaliile procedeului tehnic. Ele pretind performane de top, care se pot msura exact. Sarcina
actorului de film se compune din exerciii obligatorii, delimitate precis unele de altele, care snt comparate cu cele
ale concurenilor din aceeai grup. La sfrit se desfoar sprintul final, efortul final pentru care i-a pstrat energia, punctul culminant, fr intensificare prealabil, izolat de ntreaga desfurare, opusul climaxului dramatic. Filmul
se articuleaz n episoade. Durata sa total ns i cea a lagrelor snt normate cu precizie de cronometru. ntr-o or
i jumtate, filmul trebuie s l fac k.o. pe spectator. Romanul poliist organizeaz un meci nu numai ntre detectiv
i rufctor, ci i ntre autor i cititor. Modelul originar al acestui sport cultural este pariul, vechea progenitur a corcirii manierelor feudale cu spiritul burghez. Amintirea, substan a individualitii, v este cioprit i, sustras pazei
uitrii, e preluat de valoarea de schimb i de concuren i trguit cu amnuntul, n calitate de cunoatere prezent. Necazul e de acelai fel cu ceea ce i se ntmpl unei vorbe de duh pe care cineva o noteaz ca s-o pstreze.
Burghezul se mpac cu spiritul, nscriindu-l n ordinea faptelor. Se ntmpl c el a transformat spiritul n ceva egal
cu sine i invers, c, n calitate de mic proprietar de spirit, deine deja un depozit suficient: tie attea. Asta e verificat apoi n rmaguri. Cultura de mas a rescris n cele din urm ntreaga fenomenologie a spiritului dup principiul rmagului. Momentul sensibil al artei se transform n trguri de mostre, comparaii, evaluri de fenomene
fizice. Este ceva ce se poate constata cu cea mai mare claritate n jazz, care se tie ndatorat dansului ca sport i care
a devenit de sine stttor tocmai prin aceea c a urmrit aceast ndatorare mult peste posibilitile dansului care se
practic. Dac plcerea dansatorului pe jazz poate fi cutat n faptul c el nu se las zpcit n privina funciei sale
colective de sincopa ca formul a propriei sale schilodiri, plcerea muzicianului de jazz se poate compara cu aceea
a sportivului, care lucreaz n condiii deliberat dificile. ntreaga art burghez a pstrat acest element ca fiind propriu virtuozitii. Burgheziei trebuie s-i oferi ceva uimitor, mecanic, ceea ce eu nu pot. Lumea aleas, care cltorete mult, este cu nasul pe sus, i totui educat i dreapt cnd e dispus s priveasc ceva ndeaproape, ns att
de ocupat cu o mie i una de lucruri, att de nchis n plictiseala ei convenional, nct i este indiferent dac muzica e bun sau rea, pentru c trebuie s o asculte de dimineaa pn seara12, scrie Chopin n 1848. Clasa burghez
a pierdut n secolul urmtor privilegiul de a nu trebui s asculte tot timpul muzic, fr a renuna din aceast cauz
la dorina de lucruri mecanice i uimitoare; ns a devenit general faptul c mecanicul a consumat extraordinarul.
Descompunerea romantic a unitii vizionare n detalii, care pretinde dreptul individului mpotriva totalitii ncremenite, a pstrat opusul, mecanizarea, n propriul principiu: detaliul emancipat devine efect i n cele din urm truc.
Sub semnul acestor detalii, opera de art revine unor specialiti concureni, victim a diviziunii muncii, a crei omnipoten
o pune sub semnul ntrebrii. Potrivirea burghez timpurie a adevrului la ceea ce poate fi fcut, cum s-a exprimat
Bacon13, afecteaz coninutul operei de art. Acesta este cutat la nivelul lui a face, ca atare, producia social ca atare
este glorificat, iar neadevrul acestei producii, cultul muncii cuprins mai ales n bunurile de consum, ascunde aproprierea propriei ei plusvalori n produse.14 Atunci cnd cultura de mas se expune pe sine, dezvluie cu predilecie
cum este fcut sau cum funcioneaz. Pentru burghez, capacitatea liber de a face nlocuiete viaa liber, nestpnit
i el caut n realizri [Leistung] sensul demn de existena uman, pe care acestea l construiesc pentru el.
Virtuozitatea, n msura n care nu poate fi separat de art, pentru c oricrei arte i este inerent un moment de

14

arhiva
una n vedere execuia; n cultura de mas ea singur mai rmne n picioare. Prin asta ea desigur s-a desprit principial de virtuozitatea secolului liberal. Efectuarea deplin rezid nu n triumf, ci n obinerea subordonrii. E fabricat o atitudine n care nici o ntmplare din afar, nici un factor perturbator nu mai ncurc, ci, pe ct posibil, produce
ea factorul perturbator, fr ns s-i aparin, fie i mcar ntr-o imagine de autonomie, fr a stpni elementul strin
ca pe unul care s nu fi fost nc preformat i fr a institui regula din libertatea nsi. Dac pianistul virtuoz aduce
aminte de acrobat sau de jongler, care ddeau reprezentaii pentru bani dup o lung pregtire, muzicianul de jazz
se apropie, fr a renuna complet la aceste modele, de portarul de fotbal. Din partea lui se pretinde o minte limpede,
atenie, pregtire, concentrare. El devine un improvizator al situaiilor constrngtoare. Lipsa lui de iluzii se transform n capacitate sportiv, capacitatea de a nu se lsa tulburat de nimic. Nimic nu este mai prohibit dect rubatoul.
Motenitorul virtuozului sub monopol este cel ce se ncadreaz cu cea mai mare precizie n echip. Dac el se distinge ca individ, asta se ntmpl dup msura n care i ndeplinete funcia n echip n cazul ideal, prin aceea c
el uit de sine, se arunc asupra mingii mpiedicnd golul i este astfel de folos colectivului. Muzicianul de jazz i oricine
se afl n faa camerei sau microfonului trebuie s se violenteze singuri. E recompensat tocmai acela care nu mai
are nevoie s se sileasc, ci se tie fcnd att de deplin una cu instana just, nct el poate s-i i joace rezistenele
la aceasta, tocmai fiindc nu mai are nici una.
Desfurrile sportive, de la care mprumut caracteristici schia culturii de mas i pe care aceasta i le face cu predilecie
obiect, s-au lepdat de orice semnificaie. Ele nu snt altceva dect ceea ce snt. Astfel a participat transformarea n
sport la dizolvarea aparenei estetice. Sportul este antiteza lipsit de imagine a vieii practice, iar imaginile estetice particip la o asemenea absen de imagine pe msur ce devin ele nsele din ce n ce mai mult un sport. S-ar putea
chiar ntrezri aici presimirea unui gen de joc care, n societatea fr clase, anuleaz o dat cu principiul utilitii i
aparena care e complementul acestuia. ns atunci cnd, sub monopol, categoriile societii se vor maturiza ntr-adevr pe direcia aceasta, desigur c asta nu va surveni n felul n care, pentru a fi preluate, s fie nevoie ca ele s fie eliberate din lanurile dominaiei. Monopolul nu abuzeaz de ele, ci le este inerent el nsui, iar viitorul i-l conin mijlocit
prin antiteza de nesuportat care mai poart nc n ea urma nscris cu fierul rou a libertii. Numai c sportul nu e
un joc, ci un ritual. Supuii i srbtoresc propria supunere. Ei parodiaz libertatea prin voluntariatul slujirii la care individul i oblig nc o dat propriul corp. n libertatea asupra acestuia se atest c nedreptatea care lui nsui i se ntmpl prin constrngerile sociale e transferat corpului sclav. Pasiunea pentru sport, n care stpnitorii culturii de mas
adulmec veritabila baz de mas pentru propria dictatur, se ntemeiaz pe asta. Oricine se poate da drept stpn
prin provocarea nc o dat a vechii dureri, n mod simbolic, ntr-o repetare constrngtoare, deopotriv altora i siei.
n timp ce repetarea exerseaz ascultarea, ea intercepteaz insanul [das Unheil] n persistena iminenei fricii, iar asta
se petrece tot mereu. n acelai timp, ntr-o desvrire simbolic, grania dintre suferin i aciune, dintre violena
proprie i cea strin se terge. Aceasta este coala acelei integrri care n cele din urm i transform politic pe cei
lipsii de putere n bravi bandii. E voie s provoci suferin dup reguli, e voie s tratezi pe altcineva ru dup reguli,
iar regula ndiguiete puterea, spre a revendica slbiciunea drept putere: eroii din filme snt adesea supui la cazne.
Regulile pieei snt similare cu cele ale sportului, aceeai ans, fair play pentru toi, dar numai sub forma luptei tuturor mpotriva tuturor. Astfel, sportul las concurena, redus la brutalitatea ei, s supravieuiasc amgitor ntr-o lume
care n chip real a desfiinat concurena. Demonstrnd-o ca aciune nemijlocit, el transform n acelai timp tendina
istoric ntr-un apanaj, ceva cu care lichideaz deodat cu concurena. Din nelciune, truc, ea se transform n lovitur [coup]. Recordurile ns, cu care sportul se termin, proclam deja dreptul fi al celui mai puternic, drept care
rezult att de evident din concuren, de vreme ce acesta o stpnea neclintit dintotdeauna. Prin triumful unui asemenea spirit practic, departe de procurarea hranei zilnice, sportul devine o pseudopractic n care oamenii practici nu
se mai pot mult vreme ajuta ei nii, devenind nc o dat obiectele care, i fr asta, ei snt. n literalitatea sa tern,
a seriozitii animalice, cu care fiecare gest al jocului se las nepenit ntr-un reflex, sportul ajunge s fie reflexia incolor a vieii nsprite, reci. Plcerea micrii, gndul la eliberarea trupului, suspendarea finalitii snt pstrate n sport
doar desfigurate la extrem. Dar fiindc, totui, violena pe care o exercit asupra oamenilor i ajut poate pe acetia s pun capt violenei, cultura de mas ia sportul n paza sa. Sportivul nsui poate cultiva virtui precum solidaritatea, serviabilitatea, chiar entuziasmul, care se pot confirma n momentele politice decisive. De partea spectatorului
de sport nu rmne nimic din toate acestea; curiozitatea contemplativ brut dezagreg orice spontaneitate. ns cultura de mas nu dorete s-i transforme consumatorii n sportivi, ci n spectatori aprini n tribun. Zugrvind ntreaga via ca un sistem de meciuri mai vdite ori mai ascunse, ea nscuneaz sportul drept viaa nsi i abolete i
tensiunea dintre duminica sportiv i sptmna jalnic, tensiune n care const partea cea mai bun a sportului real.
Asta se nfptuiete n minile sale din lichidarea aparenei estetice. Chiar i pseudopractica e neutralizat de cultura
de mas n acea figurabilitate pe care se jur dintr-o aceeai rsuflare prin sportificarea produselor.

15

Sub monopol, cu ct viaa impune mai mult recurgerea la trucuri celui care vrea s reueasc, la mecherii i abureli, cu att mai puin vor putea tri indivizii din meserie, din continuitatea muncii lor i cu att va deveni mai mare
violena sportului, afar i n cultura de mas. Violena este un training pentru via atunci cnd, n fond, nimic nu mai
merge. Schema acesteia domin ca un canon comportamentele produse sintetic. Gloata, care e de gsit acolo unde
stupiditatea i escrocheria par a inti anume la provocarea consumatorilor, va fi inut laolalt de sperana c poate
vocea monopolului va da de tire celor care stau la coad ce anume se ateapt de la ei, cu ce s se hrneasc i
s se mbrace. Prima porunc ar fi, desigur, ca fiecare s fie bine mbrcat i stul. O presupun bunele maniere, pe
care trebuie s le nvee. Cel care nu-i arat libertatea, curtoazia i sigurana, care nu d dovad de relaii aezate
i nu le propag trebuie s rmn afar. Mizeria nu e trecut sub tcere n filme aceasta e descris destul de des
i cu pana, pe post de nvtur pentru ca spectatorii s se poarte bine peste tot, ca i cum nu ar exista mizerie.
Ca adepi mai asculttori, ei devin, spre ciuda oricrui umanism sentenios, tot mai duri, mai reci, mai necrutori.
Cu ct circulaia bunurilor uzeaz mai tare ceea ce n numele culturii fusese deja pervertit n bun, cu att e mai cerut
omniprezena culturii. Fotografiile liderilor din domeniul afacerilor i ale altor conductori cu plriile lor de paie i
n costume vtuite se deosebesc de cele ale gangsterilor doar prin aceea c primii i scot plria n cas, dar folosesc tot felul brav de a vorbi al gangsterilor, de dragul popularitii. ns n acelai timp e pregtit fata morgana a unei
societi bune, care ntrete nc o dat n imagini lichidarea a ceea ce exist ntr-adevr, schimbarea funciei membrilor si, prin renegarea lor, n aceea de manechine ale paginii chestiunilor de societate. Cultura de mas cunoate
doar lume bun. Chiar i slang-ul tinerilor de pe strzi, de care spectatorul care se hlizete firete c nu se poate
stura nicicnd, nu-i folosete dect s-l fac s nu mai aibe cu nici un chip voie s vorbeasc. Totalitatea ei i atinge
maximul n cerina ca nimeni s nu fie altfel dect ea nsi. Testele tiinifice, de care depind locurile de munc, i se
aseamn. Celui care nu merge la cinema i nu nva s vorbeasc i s peasc la fel cu cei pe care i vede acolo,
dup schema societii gndit de monopol, i snt trntite uile n nas; femeile snt, datorit poziiei lor n procesul
de producie, afectate mai repede i faptul acesta poate explica dependena lor de trista distracie. Vechiul moto al
distraciei burgheze: Trebuie s vedei asta, care era doar o arlatanie nevinovat pe pia, devine prin desfiinarea
amuzamentului i a pieei un moto serios pn la snge. Odinioar, pedeapsa fictiv era c nu puteai discuta cu ceilali;
acum, cel care nu vorbete ntr-un fel corect, care nu poate reproduce fr efort i ca i cum i-ar aparine formulele, conveniile i judecile culturii de mas i vede existena periclitat, e suspectat ca prostu sau intelectual. A arta
bine, make-up, tinereea etern, cu disperare ncrncenat i care se frnge, pentru cteva clipe, doar n nesuferitele
cute spasmodice ale frunii, tot zhrelul e mprit cu bta de ctre directorul de personal. Oamenii aprob cultura
de mas pentru c tiu sau simt c aici snt nvai moravurile de care au nevoie ca de un bilet n viaa monopolizat. Biletul e valabil doar atunci cnd e pltit cu snge, cu sacrificarea propriei viei, cu ascultarea ptima de constrngerea care e detestat. De aceea a devenit cultura de mas irezistibil, i nu datorit ndobitocirii maselor, pe care
o promoveaz dumanii acestora i de care se plng prietenii filantropi. Mecanismele psihologice snt ceva secundar aici. Raionalitatea lui adjustement e astzi att de avansat, nct ar fi nevoie numai de cel mai mrunt obstacol
pentru a aduce la contiin iraionalitatea acestuia. Prin regresie, renunarea la mpotrivire se afl ratificat. Masele
suport consecinele neputinei sociale depline dinaintea monopolului, prin care se exprim srcirea de azi. n ajustarea dup forele de producie tehnice, pe care sistemul le impune sub numele de progres, oamenii devin obiecte,
lsndu-se manipulai fr obiecii, i cad astfel dincoace de potenialul forelor de producie tehnice. Dar cum ei, n
calitate de subieci, continu totui s constituie i limita reificrii, cultura de mas e nevoit mereu, ntr-o infinitate
mai proast, s i cuprind iari n puterea sa efortul fr speran al repetrii ei e unica pist pentru sperana ca
oamenii s nu fie nc prini, ca repetarea s fie zadarnic.
Ca dispecerat central pentru regresie, cultura de mas se ngrijete srguincios s produc acele arhetipuri n a cror
supravieuire psihologia fascist a vzut cel mai de ncredere mijloc pentru fixarea raporturilor de dominaie moderne. Simbolurile arhaice snt asamblate pe band rulant. Fabrica de vise produce nu att visele clienilor, ct
rspndete visul distribuitorului, la un nivel aflat dedesubtul a ce ateapt lumea. El e mpria milenar a unui sistem industrial de caste al unor nesfrite dinastii.15 n visul crmacilor despre mumificarea lumii, cultura de mas este
scrierea hieroglific a marilor-preoi, care-i ntoarce imaginile ctre cei aservii, nu pentru desftare, ci spre a fi citite.
Ceea ce e propriu filmului, dar i ceea ce e impropriu, cum snt melodiile de succes i turnurile textuale, apar att
de fix i de des, nct nu mai snt percepute ca atare, ci ca repetri, a cror echivalen exprim un sens identic. Cu
ct legtura la nivelul aciunii i n cadrul desfurrii e mai slab, cu att mai mult devine imaginea mprocat o sigl
alegoric. Chiar i optic, imaginile care scapr i se perind la cinema se aseamn cu scrisul. Ele trebuie pricepute,
nu privite. Pelicula antreneaz cu ea ochiul precum rndul scris i n ghiontul blnd a schimbrii scenelor foaia se ntoarce.
Ocazional, filme decorative, precum Perles de la couronne de Guitry, au subliniat tematic lecturabilitatea filmu-

16

arhiva
lui. n felul acesta, trecerea de la imagine la scriere, n care culmineaz absorbia operei de art prin praxisul
monopolist16, este ndeplinit de tehnica operei de art de mas. nvtura secret astfel remis este ns un mesaj
din partea capitalului. Ea trebuie s rmn secret, pentru c dominaia total se menine nevzut o turm i
nici un pstor. Totui, ea se dezlnuie asupra tuturor. Sensul ei are puin de-a face cu efemerul produsului cultural i tocmai ubrezenia acestuia face urgent descifrarea. Atunci cnd un film prezint o fat strlucitoare, atitudinea
lui poate fi n favoarea sau n defavoarea ei, ea poate fi glorificat ca eroin de succes sau penalizat ca vamp. Ca
semn scris ns, fata strlucitoare anun cu totul altceva dect panglicile cu maxime care i atrn din gura rnjit
consemnul de a-i fi asemntor. Noua structur, n care imaginile manipulate intr ca semne, e de fiecare dat aceea
a ordinului. Spectatorului i incumb necontenit sarcina de a traduce imaginile n ceva scris. Ascultarea este inerent actului traducerii, ndat ce acesta decurge automat. Cu ct spectatorul de film, melomanul care ascult lagre,
cititorul de romane poliiste i de istorioare de reviste anticipeaz sfritul, deznodmntul, structura acestora, cu att
mai mult i mut el privirea pe felul n care e atins rezultatul de nimic, pe detaliul rebusistic, i n reorientarea care
caut i scapr sensul hieroglific. Acesta articuleaz toate fenomenele pn n cele mai subtile nuane dup logica
bivalent a lui do i dont i tocmai prin aceast reducie a straniului i a ininteligibilului ajunge el la consumatori. Tendina
spre hieroglif a fcut carier n istoria de pn acum a culturii de mas. Ea marcheaz trecerea de la filmul mut la
cel sonor. n filmul vechi scrisul i imaginea nc alterneaz, iar antiteza acestora confer imaginilor pregnan ca imagini. Aceast dialectic, la fel ca oricare alta, era de nesuportat pentru cultura de mas. Ea a eliminat scrisul ca pe un
corp strin din film, dar numai pentru a transforma imaginile n scriere, care le absoarbe. Sabotarea indulgent a filmului mut de ctre Chaplin, mai ales prin plasarea legendei ca reclam de ziar la nceputul filmului Modern Times,
i ctig legitimarea ca o contiin a acestui proces material. Imaginile vorbitoare snt ns mti; fenomenul originar al celei mai noi scrieri n imagini se aseamn cu acela care e cel mai vechi. Masca transform ceea ce e pur i
simplu nonobiectual [Undingliche], expresia nsi, pe calea fixrii ei n groaza c o fa uman poate rmne att de
imobil, i face apoi ca groaza s treac n supunere dinaintea feei mpietrite. Acesta e secretul lui keep smiling. Faa
devine liter prin nghearea a ce este cel mai viu n ea, rsul. Filmul mplinete vechea ameninare din copilrie, a
grimasei care rmne aa, atunci cnd vine sorocul. Btaia ceasului ei e ns pura dominaie. Mtile filmului snt tot
attea nsemne de suveranitate. Oroarea ei sporete prin aceea c ea poate s vorbeasc i s se mite ca mti,
fr ca prin asta nenduplecarea ei s cedeze mcar un pic : tot ce vieuiete e capturat de mti17. Reificarea nu este
o metafor n raport cu cultura de mas : oamenii pe care ea i reproduce o fac aidoma lucrurilor, chiar i acolo unde
dinii ei nu nseamn past de dini, iar ncruntrile ei nu conjur nici un laxativ. Cel ce merge la cinema, ateapt ca
blestemul acesta s fie risipit i poate c n cele din urm o asemenea ateptare adncit e cea care i mpinge pe oameni la cinema. Numai c acolo ei devin asculttori. Se confund cu morii. Aa, ei devin disponibili. Mimesis explic
extazul enigmatic i gol de coninut al fanilor culturii de mas. Extazul este motorul imitaiei. El, i nu expresia sau
individualitatea, smulge comportamentul sacrificial, care conduce la coree, la reflexele animalului decerebrat. Gesturile snt nonidentice cu cele ale raptului i cu toate astea snt manifestarea cea mai ptima a acestuia: sub presiunea incomensurabil unitatea persoanei cedeaz, dei deja ea nsi provenea din presiune, i astfel gesturile snt
resimite ca eliberare. Dac dansai poate pe jazz, dansai nu din senzualitate i ca s v dai drumul, ci mai degrab
(re)prezentai la modul senzorial gesturile, exact precum n film gesturi singulare alegorice stau pentru moduri de
comportament izolate, i tocmai asta e ceea ce dezinhib. Ele leag n cerc mtile culturale inute dinainte i practic nsi magia pe care o exercit. Ele devin ceva colectiv n adaptarea la violena particular suprem. Din trsturile mpietrite ale mtilor culturii scapr mereu mai amenintor teroarea pentru care snt antrenai compatrioii
din toate rile : n fiecare hohot de rs rsun ameninarea antajistului, iar tipurile comice snt mrci pentru
trupurile desfigurate ale revoluionarilor. nsi participarea la cultura de mas are loc sub teroare. Entuziasmul nu
e pur i simplu zelul de a citi incontient ordinele, ci deja frica dinaintea abaterii, de unconventional desires, de a cror
bnuial caut s se curee, cu pasiune, pn i cel ce i ucide propria iubit ntr-o crim pasional. Aceast fric, cea
mai important lecie a erei fasciste, rezid, de-a gata, n nsi comunicarea tehnic. Cel ce primete o telegram,
fr a fi deja cu totul anesteziat de aa-zisa solemnitate a afacerii, se sperie. Tiparul de limbaj tocit, de caracter informativ, unit cu nemijlocirea nmnrii, distribuie ocul dominaiei nemijlocite ca fiind acela al groazei, iar teama de necazul
pe care telegrama l-ar putea anuna este doar ecranul temerii dinaintea omniprezenei aceluia care l-ar putea pate
pe oricare. La radio, autoritatea societii aflat ndrtul fiecrui vorbitor se ntoarce pe deplin, de ndat i fr drept
de apel, mpotriva celor crora li se vorbete. Dac, n fapt, progresul tehnicii determin pe termen lung destinul
economic al societii, atunci formele tehnicizate ale contiinei snt n acelai timp semne precursoare ale acestui
destin. Ele transform cultura n minciun total, ns neadevrul ei recunoate adevrul pe deasupra infrastructurii,
cu care ea e asemenea. Reclamele luminoase care se ntind pe deasupra oraelor i ntunec cu lumina lor lumina

17

a nopii, vestesc ca nite comete catastrofa natural a societii, moartea prin nghe. Totui ele nu vin din cer. Ele
snt dirijate de pe pmnt. Oamenii au a decide dac vor s le sting i s se trezeasc din comarul ce amenin a
se adeveri numai ct vreme se crede n el.
Observaia editorului german
Prima ediie a Dialecticii iluminismului a aprut n 1944 ca volum mimeografic, pe care Institute of Social Research
l-a tiprit n puine exemplare, la fel ca volumul publicat doi ani mai devreme, Walter Benjamin zum Gedchtnis, i
tot ca o continuare la Zeitschrift fr Sozialforschung, a crui apariie a fost oprit n 1941. A urmat ediia tiprit n
anul 1947 la Querido Verlag, Amsterdam; ea s-a epuizat la nceputul anilor 60. Cartea a fost totui distribuit mai
departe sub form de copii pirat. Autorii s-au decis abia n 1969 s o reediteze, la S. Fischer Verlag, Frankfurt a. M.
Textul de fa o reproduce pe aceasta din urm, ca ultima ediie la care a colaborat i Adorno.
Fragmentul despre industria culturii se ncheie n ediia din 1947 cu observaia eliminat n 1969 de continuat. n ediia mimeografic din 1944 lng observaie e scris: Seciunea despre industria culturii este mai fragmentar dect celelalte. Mari pri, scrise demult, au nevoie numai de o redactare final. O astfel de continuare, de care
Adorno amintea ca de fragmentul rmas netiprit al capitolului despre industria culturii, a fost descoperit n postumele sale. Acest text, ncheiat n octombrie 1942, a fost adugat ca anex ediiei de fa.
Octombrie 1980
Traducere de Adrian T. Srbu

Note:
*. Text aprut n Gesammelte Schriften, vol. III, Dialektik der Aufklrung, Frankfurt am Main, Suhrkamp, 1981, pp. 299335, i publicat cu amabila permisiune a editorului german. (N. red.)
1. Hinter Pflug und Schraubstock, lucrare a lui Max (von) Eyth (18361906), poet i inginer german. (N. red.)
2. Soll und Haben, roman al lui Gustav Freytag (18161895), scriitor i dramaturg german. (N. red.)
3. Literal, cntecul drapelului sau al pavilionului. Imn al marinei imperiale germane. Textul lui conine, pe lng temele patriotice de rigoare (fidelitate,
devotament, mndrie marial etc.), aluzii la expansiunea colonial tardiv (bunoar n Africa) a Germaniei bismarckiene, dup 1870. (N. red.)
4. Colecie/serie de literatur (nu numai de ficiune) pentru tineret, un fel de almanah anual (119 volume aprute), care s-a bucurat de o larg popularitate n Germania la sfritul secolului al XIX-lea i nceputul secolului XX. (N. red.)
5. Florenz Ziegfeld (18671932), celebru productor i impresar american de spectacole de revist care au epoc (Follies, Boat Show). (N. red.)
6. n ncercarea de a denuna nepsihologizant societatea de clas, cele mai bune filme ruseti, mai ales Crucitorul Potemkin, au nfiat nu producia material, ci rzboiul i dominaia politico-militar. Ele au o atitudine estetic-concret, artnd ceea ce li s-a fcut n mod nemijlocit oamenilor, i nu ceea ce
se ntmpl n ordinea abstract a relaiilor de proprietate. Pentru c totui prezint oamenii ca obiecte ale dominaiei, care devin subieci prin lupta mpotriva acesteia, ele ating esenialul. Reuita lor este una extrem de paradoxal i de fragil, n msura n care, ulterior, tocmai tematica rzboiului n tradiia
filmului rusa putut fi transformat cel mai uor n propagand patriotic.
7. Cf. Theodor W. Adorno, The Radio Symphony. An Experiment in Theory, in Radio Research 1941, eds. Paul F. Lazarsfeld i Frank N. Stanton, New
York, 1941, pp. 110 sq.
8. Cf. Theodor W. Adorno, ber den Fetischcharakter in der Musik und die Regression des Hrens, in Zeitschrift fr Sozialforschung, 7 (1938), pp. 321
sqq. Cuprins n Gesammelte Schriften, Bd. 14, Dissonanzen, Einleitung in die Musiksoziologie, ed. a 2-a, Frankfurt a. M., 1980. pp. 14 sqq.
9. Cf. Odysseus oder Mythos und Aufklrung, pp. 61 sqq., in Dialektik der Aufklrung, ed. cit.
10. Este vorba de curentul expresionist Neue Sachlichkeit, ntemeiat la sfritul Primului Rzboi Mondial de Otto Dix i George Grosz. (N. red.)
11. Martin Heidegger, Sein und Zeit, Halle, 1927, p. 170.
12. Frdric Chopin, Gesammelte Briefe, tradus i editat de Alexander Guttry, Mnchen, 1928, p. 382 sq.
13. Cf. Begriff der Aufklrung, in Dialektik der Aufklrung, pp. 19 sqq.
14. Faptul c n opera de art burghez-autonom matur modul producerii ei e pus total n umbr, c acesta trebuie s apar ca a doua natur a ei, este
doar expresia divinizrii acestei faceri. Pentru a sacraliza munca e nevoie de netransparena ei: dac aparena sacralitii ar cdea, munca ar putea fi recunoscut drept munca altora. Cf. Theodor W. Adorno, Versuch ber Wagner. [Gesammelte Schriften, Bd. 13, Die musikalischen Monographien. ed. a 2-a, Frankfurt
a. M., 1977, pp. 68 sqq.]
15. Huxley a forjat pentru asta motoul Identity, community, stability. Acesta dezvluie cele mai intime idei ale capitalismului de stat n floare, chiar dac a
fost gndit ca o apologie la adresa individului, care e azi n favoarea monopolului.

18

arhiva
16. Dialektik der Aufklrung, pp. 33 sqq.
17. George a fixat imaginea mtii vorbitoare drept aceea a groazei extreme n protocoalele visului din Tage und Taten [Zile i fapte], singurele din opera
sa care-i dezvluie punctul de vedere asupra civilizaiei tehnice i, desigur, cele mai intime experiene cu aceasta. Cineva mi-a dat o masc pentru a o
aga pe peretele camerei. Mi-am invitat prietenii s vad cum o fac s vorbeasc. I-am poruncit rspicat s rosteasc numele celui pe care i-l art, i
pentru c tcea am ncercat s i despart buzele cu degetul. La aceasta s-a strmbat i m-a mucat de deget. Ridicnd vocea, am repetat ncordat ordinul,
artnd spre altul. Atunci i-a rostit numele. Am prsit cu toii ngrozii camera i am tiut c nu voi mai clca niciodat acolo. (Tage und Taten.
Aufzeichnungen und Skizzen. Gesamt-Ausgabe, vol. XVII, Berlin, 1933, p. 32.) Aceasta este profeirea filmului sonor.

Rezumat despre industria culturii*

Theodor W. Adorno

Sintagma industria culturii a fost utilizat pentru prima oar n cartea Dialectica iluminismului [Dialektik der
Aufklrung], pe care Horkheimer i cu mine o publicam n 1947 la Amsterdam. n schiele noastre era vorba de
cultura de mas. Am nlocuit aceast expresie prin industria culturii, spre a exclude, de la bun nceput, conotaia
care convenea susintorilor ei: c ar fi ceva de felul unei culturi ivite spontan din masele nsele, de forma contemporan a artei populare. Industria culturii se deosebete n mod radical de aa ceva. Ea mbin tradiionalul cu o nou
calitate. n toate sectoarele sale snt fabricate, mai mult sau mai puin programatic, produse croite pentru consumul
de mas, care determin, n mare msur, acest consum. Aceste sectoare i snt similare n structur sau, cel puin,
se potrivesc unul cu cellalt. Ele se ordoneaz aproape complet n sistem. Mijloacele actuale ale tehnicii, precum i
concentrarea de economic i administrativ le permit, de asemenea, acest lucru. Industria culturii este voita integrare
de sus a consumatorilor si. Ea constrnge sferele separate de milenii ale artei nalte i ale celei joase s stea mpreun. n detrimentul amndurora. Cea nalt este privat de seriozitate prin speculaii asupra efectelor ei; cea joas,
de rezistena slbatic, printr-o domesticire civilizatoare, inerent ei atta vreme ct controlul social nu era total. n
timp ce industria culturii speculeaz astfel, incontestabil, starea contiinei i cea a lipsei de contiin a milioanelor
de oameni crora li se adreseaz, masele snt nu obiectul primar, ci ceva secundar, ceva calculabil; anex a
mainriei. Cumprtorul nu este, aa cum industria culturii vrea s ne fac s credem, rege, nu este subiectul, ci
obiectul ei. Cuvntul mass-media, lefuit pentru industria culturii, deplaseaz deja pe nesimite accentul n sfera inofensivului. Nu este vorba nici de mase n primul rnd, nici de tehnicile de comunicare ca atare, ci de spiritul care le este
insuflat, de vocea stpnului lor. Industria culturii abuzeaz de atenia pe care o acord maselor, spre a le dubla, consolida i ntri mentalitatea, presupus ca dat i de neschimbat. Este exclus complet modalitatea prin care aceast
mentalitate ar putea fi schimbat. Masele nu snt msura, ci ideologia industriei culturii, dei aceasta nu ar putea s
existe fr a se adapta maselor.
Mrfurile culturale ale industriei se conformeaz, aa cum Brecht i Suhrkamp au spus-o deja acum treizeci de ani,
principiului valorificrii lor, i nu propriului coninut, nici formei lor constitutive. ntregul praxis al industriei culturii transfer pur i simplu motivul profitului asupra creaiilor spirituale. Din chiar momentul n care, ca mrfuri pe pia, asigur traiul creatorilor lor, ele au deja ceva din aceast calitate de marf. ns ele vizau profitul doar mijlocit, prin existena
lor autonom. Nou n industria culturii este primatul nemijlocit i nevoalat al efectului, calculat, la rndul su, cu precizie pentru cele mai tipice produse. Autonomia operelor de art, care, ce-i drept, rareori a existat n form pur i
a fost mereu erodat de corelaia efectelor, este tendenial eliminat de ctre industria culturii, cu sau fr voina
contient a celor care dispun de ea i decid n privina ei. Acetia snt att organele executive, ct i deintorii puterii. n termeni economici, n rile cele mai dezvoltate, ei snt sau erau n cutare de noi posibiliti de valorificare
a capitalului. Vechile posibiliti devin tot mai precare prin acelai proces de concentrare, singurul care face posibil
industria culturii ca organizare omniprezent. Cultura, care, dup propriul ei sens, nu era pur i simplu la dispoziia
voinei oamenilor, ci era mereu i un protest mpotriva raporturilor solidificate n care oamenii triau, onorndu-i n
acest fel, se ncorporeaz asimilndu-se n ntregime n aceste raporturi solidificate, njosindu-i prin aceasta nc o dat
pe oameni. Creaiile spirituale specifice stilului industriei culturii nu mai snt i mrfuri, ci doar mrfuri. Aceast deplasare
cantitativ este att de mare, nct produce fenomene cu totul noi. n cele din urm, industria culturii nu mai are nevoie
s urmreasc pretutindeni direct interesele profitului din care ia natere. Acestea s-au reificat n ideologia ei,
devenind uneori independente de constrngerea de a vinde bunurile culturale, care vor trebui oricum nghiite. Industria
culturii trece n public relations, n fabricarea pur i simplu de goodwill, indiferent de mrci sau de obiecte vandabile.
Se scoate la vnzare un acord general, necritic, se fac reclame lumii, la fel cum fiecare produs al industriei culturii
devine propria-i reclam.
n acelai timp, snt pstrate trsturile care aparineau la origine transformrii literaturii n marf. Dac industria culturii are ceva pe lumea asta, atunci are propria sa ontologie, un cadru de categorii fundamentale rigid conservate,
care se las recunoscute, bunoar, n romanul comercial al Angliei sfritului de secol XVII i nceputului de secol
XVIII. Ceea ce apare ca progres n industria culturii, noul perpetuu pe care l ofer, rmne travestiul unui mereu
acelai; pretutindeni, schimbarea acoper de fiecare dat un schelet, care s-a schimbat la fel de puin precum nsui
motivul profitului, de cnd acesta a ctigat hegemonia asupra culturii.

20

arhiva
Termenul industrie nu trebuie luat aici ad litteram. El se refer la standardizarea lucrului nsui de exemplu, westernul pentru orice obinuit al cinematografelor i la raionalizarea tehnicilor de distribuie, iar nu strict la procesul
de producie. Dei n sectorul central al industriei culturii, adic n film, procesul de producie se aseamn cu metodele tehnice de operare prin diviziunea avansat a muncii, prin utilizarea mainilor i separarea muncitorilor de
mijloacele de producie separare exprimat n eternul conflict dintre artitii lucrnd n industria culturii i deintorii
controlului , snt pstrate totui forme individuale de producie. Fiecare produs se d ca individual; individualitatea
nsi servete consolidrii ideologiei, lsndu-se impresia c tot ceea ce e reificat i mijlocit ar fi un refugiu al nemijlocitului i al vieii. Industria culturii const, la fel ca nainte, n servicii ale unor tere persoane i i pstreaz afinitatea fa de procesul de circulaie a capitalului n curs de mbtrnire, fa de comer, din care provine. Ideologia ei
se servete mai presus de toate de star system-ul mprumutat din arta individualist i din exploatarea ei comercial.
Cu ct snt mai dezumanizate funcionarea i coninutul industriei culturii, cu att mai asiduu i mai eficient promoveaz
ea aa-zisele mari personaliti i opereaz cu emoiile inimii. Ea este industrial mai degrab n sensul adoptrii de
forme organizaionale, fapt frecvent observat sociologic, chiar i acolo unde nu se fabric nimic precum n raionalizarea funcionrii birourilor , dect n sensul a ceva realmente produs pe cale raional-tehnologic. Drept
urmare, investiiile greite ale industriei culturii snt considerabile i arunc n criz branele ei, mereu depite de
noile tehnici, criz care duce arareori la ceva mai bun.
Conceptul de tehnic din industria culturii este numai dup nume identic cu cel din operele de art. Acesta din
urm se refer la organizarea lucrului nsui, la logica sa intern. Din contr, tehnica industriei culturii este de la bun
nceput una a distribuiei i a reproducerii mecanice, rmnnd prin asta mereu exterioar obiectului su. Industria
culturii gsete sprijin ideologic tocmai pentru c se ferete cu grij de toate consecinele tehnicilor sale coninute
n produse. Ea triete n mod parazitar din tehnicile extraartistice de producere material a bunurilor, fr a ine
seama de obligaia pe care caracterul lor de obiect o implic pentru configuraia intraartistic, dar i fr a ine cont
de legile formei cerute de autonomia estetic. De aici rezult amestecul esenial pentru fizionomia industriei culturii de streamlining, rigoare fotografic i precizie, pe de o parte, i de rmie individualiste, afectivitate i romantism deja prelucrat i dispus raional, pe de alt parte. Dac se accept determinarea benjaminian a operei de art
tradiionale prin conceptul de aur, ca prezen a ceva care nu este prezent, atunci industria culturii se definete nu
prin nlocuirea principiului aurei cu unul strict opus, ci prin conservarea aurei n descompunere ca perdea de fum.
Prin asta, ea i divulg n mod nemijlocit monstruozitatea ideologic.
ntre timp, a devenit ceva obinuit, att pentru oficialitile culturii, ct i pentru sociologi, s avertizeze n privina subestimrii industriei culturii, indicndu-se marea importan a acesteia pentru formarea contiinei consumatorilor ei. Ea
ar trebui luat n serios, fr orgolii educative. Industria cultural este ntr-adevr important ca moment al spiritului dominant astzi. Ar fi naiv acela care, din scepticism fa de ceea ce vr pe gt oamenilor, ar vrea s-i ignore influena.
ns avertismentul de a o lua n serios este amgitor. De dragul rolului ei social snt reprimate ntrebri incomode
cu privire la calitatea, la adevrul sau neadevrul celor transmise, la nivelul lor estetic, ori cel puin excluse din ceea
ce se numete sociologia comunicrii. Criticului i se reproeaz c s-ar refugia ntr-un ezoterism arogant. Ar trebui
indicat mai nti dublul sens al importanei, care se insinueaz nebgat n seam. Funcia unui lucru, chiar dac acesta privete viaa a nenumrai oameni, nu este o garanie a propriului su rang. Contopirea esteticului i a resturilor
sale comunicaionale nu readuce arta, ca fapt social, la justa ei msur, n ciuda pretinsului orgoliu al artitilor, ci slujete n felurite moduri aprrii a ceva funest prin efectele sale sociale. Importana industriei culturii pentru bugetul
spiritual al maselor nu scutete i cu att mai puin scutete ea o tiin care se consider pe sine drept una pragmatic de o reflecie asupra legitimrii sale obiective, asupra a ceea ce este ea ca atare; chiar de aceea, ea face
reflecia cu att mai necesar. A lua n serios industria culturii conform rolului ei de netgduit nseamn a o lua n
serios n mod critic, nicidecum a se pleca n faa monopolului ei.
Printre intelectualii care vor s se acomodeze cu fenomenul i care ncearc s pun ntr-o formul comun
reinerile lor i respectul fa de puterea acestuia, este foarte rspndit un ton de ngduin ironic, n msura n care
nu fac deja din aceast micare regresiv un nou mit al secolului XX. S-ar ti, chipurile, ce-i cu toate astea, cu romanele
ilustrate i cu filmele de duzin, cu jocurile de familie televizate lansate unul dup cellalt i cu paradele de lagre,
cu rubricile de horoscop i consiliere sufleteasc. Toate acestea ar fi inofensive i, n plus, democratice, deoarece
s-ar supune cererii, una, e drept, stimulat. Ea ar aduce toate binefacerile posibile, bunoar prin rspndirea informaiilor,
a consilierii i a modelelor comportamentale relaxante. De fapt, aa cum o dovedete orice studiu sociologic despre
ceva att de simplu cum ar fi nivelul de informare politic, informaiile snt srccioase ori indiferente; consilierea
ce provine din manifestrile industriei culturale e nensemnat, banal sau chiar mai ru; modelele comportamentale de un conformism neruinat.

21

Falsa ironie a raportrii intelectualilor servili la industria culturii nu le aparine ns numai lor. Trebuie admis c i contiina
consumatorului este divizat ntre plcerea prescris pe care i-o administreaz industria culturii i, nu o dat, o tainic
ndoial privind binecuvntrile ei. Butada conform creia lumea vrea s fie minit a devenit mai adevrat dect
se nelegea prin ea iniial. Nu numai c oamenii cad, cum se spune, n plas, dac li se ofer fie i doar asemenea
gratificaii efemere; ei vor chiar neltoria pe care au descoperit-o deja; nchid convulsiv ochii i accept cu un soi
de dispre de sine ceea ce li se ntmpl, tiind prea bine n ce scop a fost fabricat aceast neltorie. Ei cred incontient c viaa le-ar deveni de nesuportat dac nu s-ar mai aga de aceste satisfacii, care, de fapt, nici nu exist.
Cea mai promitoare apologie din zilele noastre a industriei culturii i celebreaz spiritul, cruia i s-ar putea spune
fr grij ideologie, ca factor de ordine. ntr-o lume presupus haotic, industria culturii ar da oamenilor ceva de felul
unor norme pentru a se orienta, i chiar i numai asta ar fi deja ceva demn de apreciat. Ceea ce aprtorii ei credeau c era pstrat de ctre industria culturii este ns cu att mai temeinic distrus. Filmul color demoleaz hanul linitit de odinioar mai mult dect ar face-o bombele: el i strpete i imaginea. Nici o patrie nu supravieuiete
transformrii sale n filmele care o celebreaz i toate lucrurile inconfundabile din care se hrnete snt nivelate pn
la confuzie.
Ceea ce ar putea fi numit fr emfaz cultur voia s menin ca expresie a suferinei i a contradiciei ideea unei
viei drepte, i nu s prezinte simpla existen i categoriile ordonatoare convenionale, devenite facultative, cu care
o drapeaz industria culturii, ca i cum aceast via ar fi cea dreapt, iar acele categorii, msura ei. Dac aprtorii
industriei culturii rspund c ea nu ar livra nici un fel de art, atunci tocmai asta este ideologie, una care dorete evitarea
responsabilitii pentru acele lucruri din care triete afacerea. Nici o infamie nu se ndreapt doar nfindu-se pe
sine ca atare.
Doar apelul la ordine, fr o determinare concret a acesteia, apelul la extinderea normelor, fr ca acestea s trebuiasc s se justifice n fapt sau n faa contiinei, este nul. O ordine obiectiv constrngtoare, prezentat oamenilor ca i cum ar duce lips de aa ceva, nu are nici un fel de justificare dac nu se confirm n sine i fa de oameni;
i tocmai asta refuz toate produsele industriei culturale. Conceptele de ordine pe care acestea le inculc oamenilor snt ntotdeauna cele ale statu-quo-ului. Ele rmn nechestionate, neanalizate i presupuse nedialectic, chiar i
atunci cnd nu mai au nici o substan pentru cei care le aprob tacit. Imperativul categoric al industriei culturii, spre
deosebire de cel kantian, nu mai are nimic de-a face cu libertatea. El sun astfel: trebuie s te conformezi, nu conteaz la ce; conformeaz-te la ceea ce exist oricum i la ceea ce oricum toi gndesc, ca reflex al puterii i
omniprezenei sale. n virtutea ideologiei industriei culturii, conformarea nlocuiete contiina: niciodat ordinea care
izvorte din ea nu este confruntat cu ceea ce pretinde ea s fie sau cu interesele reale ale oamenilor. ns ordinea
nu este n sine ceva bun. Ea ar fi astfel numai dac ar fi corect. Faptul c industria culturii nu se preocup de asta,
c preuiete ordinea in abstracto atest doar neputina i neadevrul mesajelor pe care le transmite. n timp ce pretinde
a fi cluza celor lipsii de ndrumare i le distrage atenia cu conflictele sale pe care ei ar trebui s le substituie propriilor lor conflicte, ea rezolv conflictele doar n aparen, ntr-o manier n care ele ar putea fi cu greu rezolvate
n vieile lor reale. n produsele industriei culturii, oamenii ntmpin greuti tocmai pentru ca acetia, de obicei prin
reprezentantul unui colectiv binevoitor, s ias din ele nevtmai, pentru a accepta zadarnica armonie a acelui general ale crui pretenii le gsiser iniial drept incompatibile cu interesele lor. n acest scop industria culturii a dezvoltat scheme care ajung pn n domenii att de nonconceptuale precum muzica uoar, n care se produce un jam,
o problem ritmic, i care este numaidect rezolvat prin triumful cadenei potrivite.
Dar nici mcar aprtorii ei nu-l vor contrazice fi pe Platon, care afirma c ceea ce este neadevrat n sine, obiectiv, nu poate fi nici subiectiv bun i adevrat pentru oameni. Ceea ce nscocete industria culturii nu snt comandamente pentru o via fericit, nici o nou art a responsabilitii morale, ci ndemnuri de a se supune lor, ndemnuri
n spatele crora stau cele mai puternice interese. Consensul pe care l propag ntrete autoritatea oarb i opac.
Dac industria culturii ar fi cntrit nu dup propria ei substan i logic, ci dup efectul ei, dup poziia ei real i
dup preteniile sale explicite; dac ne-am ocupa cu seriozitate de lucrurile de la care se revendic fr ncetare,
potenialul unor asemenea efecte ar fi de dou ori mai greu de acceptat. n asta const ns promovarea i
exploatarea slbiciunii eului la care societatea contemporan, cu concentrarea sa de putere, i condamn oricum
membrii ei lipsii de putere. Contiina lor devine tot mai retrogresiv. Nu ntmpltor se poate auzi n America din
partea unor productori de film cinici c peliculele lor trebuie s in seama de nivelul unui copil de unsprezece ani.
Procednd n acest fel, ei i-ar dori cel mai mult s-i fac pe aduli nite copii de unsprezece ani.
Desigur c pn n momentul de fa nu s-a demonstrat n mod absolut convingtor, prin cercetri exacte, efectul
regresiv al unor anumite produse ale industriei culturale; fr ndoial, experimente ingenioase ar putea s reueasc
mai bine n aceast ncercare dect le-ar conveni potentailor financiari interesai. n orice caz, se poate presupune

22

arhiva
fr ezitare c pictur cu pictur se face marea, ndeosebi pentru c sistemul industriei culturii mpresoar masele i ngduie cu greu vreo deviere, inducnd fr ncetare aceleai scheme comportamentale. Doar nencrederea
lor profund incontient, ultimul reziduu al diferenei dintre art i realitatea empiric pstrat n spiritul lor, arat faptul c ei nu vd i nici pe departe nu accept lumea n totalitate aa cum le-a fost rnduit de ctre industria cultural. Chiar dac mesajele acesteia ar fi la fel de inofensive precum se prezint de nenumrate ori ele nu snt cu nimic
mai inofensive dect peliculele care, prin repetarea fi a unor stereotipuri, ne familiarizeaz cu att de ndrgita azi
prigoan a intelectualilor , atitudinea la care duce industria culturii este departe de a fi inofensiv. Dac un astrolog
i avertizeaz cititorii s fie ateni la volan ntr-o anumit zi, asta nu aduce evident nici o pagub nimnui; nu ns i
ndobitocirea care st n pretenia c a da un sfat valabil zi de zi i, prin asta, idiot ar necesita semne cereti.
Dependena i servitutea oamenilor, punct de fug al industriei culturii, nu ar fi putut fi descrise mai fidel dect de
acel american intervievat care era de prere c toate problemele epocii contemporane ar nceta dac lumea ar urma
pur i simplu exemplul personalitilor proeminente. Surogatul de satisfacie pe care industria culturii l pregtete
oamenilor, trezind n ei sentimentul de mulumire c lumea ar fi n chiar ordinea pe care ea vrea s le-o sugereze,
i nal n privina fericirii pe care le-o flutur n fa. Efectul total al industriei culturii este unul antiiluminist; n cadrul
ei, aa cum spuneam mpreun cu Horkheimer, adic al dominaiei tehnice progresive a naturii, iluminismul devine
neltorie n mas, mijloc de nctuare a contiinei. Ea mpiedic formarea de indivizi autonomi, independeni, capabili de judeci i decizii contiente. Ei ar fi ns condiia unei societi democratice, care are nevoie de oameni maturi
pentru a se menine i dezvolta. Dac masele snt ponegrite pe nedrept, ca mase, de sus, industria culturii nu este
cea din urm responsabil pentru transformarea lor n mase, pe care apoi le dispreuiete i crora le mpiedic emanciparea n vederea creia oamenii nii ar fi att de copi pe ct o ngduie forele de producie ale epocii.
Traducere de Lorin Ghiman i George State

Not:
* Rsum ber Kulturindustrie [Rezumat despre industria culturii], conferin inut la 28 martie i 4 aprilie 1963 n cadrul Internationalen Rundfunkuniversitt
des Hessischen Rundfunk i publicat n culegerea Ohne Leitbild. Parva Aesthetica (Frankfurt a. M., Suhrkamp Verlag, 1967; ediie adugit 1968). Traducere
dup ediia Gesammelte Schriften, Band 10.1 (Kulturkritik und Gesellschaft I: Prismen; Ohne Leitbild), Frankfurt am Main, Suhrkamp Verlag, 1977, pp. 337345.

23

galerie

Ioana Neme: Evaluri lunare

(18.10.04, 04.12.04, 07.12.04, 11.12.04, 13.02.05)

Monthly Evaluations (18.10.04, 04.12.04, 07.12.04, 11.12.04, 13.02.05)

IOANA NEME 1979 Born in Bucharest, lives and works in Bucharest (RO).
Personal exhibitions: 2004 Monthly Evaluations/Me (October 2004), Dolores/Ellen de Bruijne Projects, Amsterdam, The Netherlands; Chasing My Self 2020 Gallery, Bucharest,
Romania. 2003 Monthly Evaluations, KulturKontakt, Vienna, Austria. Group exhibitions (selection): 2005 TEXT ground, Display Gallery, Prague; ON DIFFERENCE #1, Local
Contexts Hybrid Spaces, Wrttembergischer Kunstvereins Stuttgart. 2004 Formate/Moving Patterns, Kunsthalle Wien project space, Vienna; Green Box Traf Gallery, curator
Lvia Pldi, Budapest, Hungary; Distance ICA, Dunajvros, curator Zsolt Petrnyi, Hungary. 2003 BucharestBelgrade Remont Gallery, Belgrade, Serbia; Duett, Galeria din Cetate,
curator Dra Hegyi, Trgu-Mure, Romania; Casual Photography Design Forum Finland Galleria, Helsinki, Finland; Preview, works in the new media art collection of the Contemporary
Art Museum (MNAC), Kalinderu Medialab, Bucharest, Romania. 2002 Here/Now, Galeria Nou, Bucharest, Romania. 2001 Photodocument, 11 young artists in Balkon, Galeria
Nou, Bucharest, Romania.
Art residency: KulturKontakt, Vienna, Austria 2003.
Workshop: 2004 Radio Arte Jump with Federico Fusi, Centraal Museum, Utrecht, The Netherlands.

Layout and design galerie: Ioana Neme

24

A Wall of Ones Own

Lvia Pldi
Ioana Neme: Monthly Evaluations / Me (October 2004),
Dolores/Ellen de Bruijne Projects, Amsterdam,
27 noiembrie 2004 8 ianuarie 2005
Curator: Falke Pisano
Speculaiile noastre ne-au fcut pe amndoi s ne simim prost toat ziua.
(Virginia Woolf)

A WALL OF ONES OWN

Lvia Pldi
Ioana Neme: Monthly Evaluations / Me (October 2004),

Hotrt s-mi iau o zi liber i s nu scriu azi. ntreruperile astea nencetate

mi las un intens sentiment de vin. M ndrept spre perete privind la note,
ntrebndu-m oare de ce n-om fi putut comunica ieri. Am fost suprat
ca un copil, neajutorat i furioas n acelai timp, tnjind acum s pot derula napoi pn la punctul n care toate astea s se poat schimba cu totul.
Ar fi trebuit doar s discutm, dar totul a mers extrem de prost chiar nainte
s ncepem. Toate ntrebrile i conversaiile posibile ce mi se nvrteau prin
cap au rmas nchise acolo i ce a ieit a fost doar tcere i mormieli din
partea ta i remarce tendenioase din partea mea. Sau poate am fost prea
insistent
Ateptare fr claritate.
Ei, cred c-am euat fr mcar s risc. S-ar putea s n-am habar cum i-a
putea face pe anumii oameni s vorbeasc. A vrea totui s nu m mai
chinui n legtur cu asta i s fiu fericit c azi pot s trec o not de la DE
FCUT la EXIT.
Not: nceput n 2001, Proiectul Peretele e un colaj de note, schie, fotografii i grafice , o lucraren-desfurare [work-in-progress] care constituie, deja de patru ani, registrul activitii artistice a Ioanei
i al realizrii planurilor i dorinelor ei. Dorind s-i controleze i analizeze propria prestaie i
eficien, ea i-a creat un spaiu propriu, simbolic, pe peretele din sufrageria apartamentului mic i nghesuit din Bucureti, pe care-l mprea pe atunci cu mama i fratele ei. Pe lng faptul de-a fi un obiect
purttor al unor realiti (in)tangibile vii (lipsa unui spaiu personal) i al unor stri psihologice, Peretele
a devenit o diagram mprit n dou seciuni: De fcut i Exit. Seciunea dreapt cuprindea toate
planurile, ideile i visele, n timp ce cealalt, cea stng, le coninea pe cele terminate, desvrite i
ndeplinite. Ideea era de a face ca notele s treac de la dreapta la stnga.
Intrrile reflect autodezvoltarea i n acelai timp parodiaz individualismul competitiv, n care
cred cei mai muli i pe care l practic fr discuie n scopul unor ctiguri personale i de identitate.
Acesta nu e doar un reportaj nentrerupt despre progrese i stagnri. Ioanei plcndu-i s selecteze,
s aranjeze, s clasifice, s dea note i premii (jucnd de obicei ea nsi rolul juriului), cu timpul au aprut
culorile: albastru pentru proiectele terminate, rou pentru expoziiile avute, verde pentru apariiile
media, galben pentru crile citite; n acelai timp, dimensiunile notelor au nceput s varieze n funcie
de importana coninutului lor.

Dolores/Ellen de Bruijne Projects, Amsterdam,

November 27, 2004 January 8, 2005
Curator: Falke Pisano
Our speculations made us both uncomfortable all day. (Virginia Woolf)
Decided to have a day off and not to write today. Breaking this all the time
leaves me with a massive feeling of guilt. I walk to the wall looking at the
notes thinking what could have possibly gone wrong with our communication
yesterday. Felt childishly upset, helpless and angry at the same time, now
longing for a rewind to the point where all this could have been changed for
good. We were just supposed to talk but everything went completely wrong
before even starting. All the questions and possible conversations that kept
whirling in my head stayed there closed off and what came out was simply
silence and mumbling on your side and tendentious remarks from mine
or was I just too pushy
Expectancy without clarity.
Well, I suppose I have failed without even risking. I may have no sense of
understanding of how to get certain people to talk. Wish I stopped harassing
myself on that topic though and be happy that today I can shift a note from
TO DO to EXIT.
Note: Started in 2001 The Wall Project is a collage of notes, sketches, photos and graphs a workin-progress, which has been the record of Ioanas artistic activity and the attainment of her plans and
desires for four years now. Wishing to control and analyze her own performance and efficiency, she
created her own, symbolic space on the wall of the dining room in the small and cramped Bucharest
flat she shared that time with her mother and brother. Beside being an object carrying (in)tangible
living realities (the lack of a personal space) and psychological conditions the Wall became a bulletin
board divided into To Do and Exit sections. The right section had all the plans, ideas and dreams
while the other on the left collected those done, accomplished and fulfilled. The idea was to keep the

Peretele m irit i m linitete n acelai timp. M gndesc tot timpul la el

i-l construiesc n cap o staie virtual, o camer mobil ce cltorete
cu mine. Peretele e camera mea, intimitatea mea, ascunztoarea mea, popasul meu, instituia mea mobil. Eu snt peretele.

notes moving from right to left.

The entries reflect on self-development as well as play on competitive individualism, which most
believe in and follow indisputably for personal gain and identity. It is not only an ongoing reportage
telling about advances and stagnation but as Ioana likes to select, arrange, classify, give marks and
prizes (usually acting as the jury herself) gradually colours have appeared: blue for projects done, red
for exhibitions made, green for media appearances, yellow for books read as well as the notes started

Not: Proiectul Peretele reflect i un proces ciclic, care se rotete prin timp i prin diferite spaii, construindu-se astfel nct cercul s se refac la un nivel diferit, ntr-un vocabular adecvat pe care l permite izolarea, dar care pune n discuie i unicitatea unui loc i a unei triri anume.

to vary in size according to the importance of their content.

The wall irritates me and comforts me at the same time. I keep thinking and
building it up in my head a virtual station, a mobile room that travels with

LVIA PLDI este critic i curator independent. ntre 1997 i 2000 a fost codirector al Institutului
de Art Contemporan Dunajvros (Ungaria). A participat la De Appel Curatorial Training
Programme n 2000/2001. Colaboreaz regulat la reviste i cataloage.

26

LVIA PLDI is a freelance curator and critic. Between 1997 and 2000 she was co-director of Institute
of Contemporary Art Dunajvros (Hungary). She took part in De Appel Curatorial Training Programme
in 2000/2001. She regularly contributes to magazines and catalogues.

galerie
M-am simit golit dup ndelungata sesiune de discuii de ieri. Cum pot s
continuu s formulez, s scriu note sau s fac diagrame dac nu pot consemna sentimentul pe care-l am dup desvrire, viteza cu care m prsesc importante detalii vizuale i verbale Ce a mai putea lipi pe peretele
sta nenorocit pentru a-mi stimula imaginaia S fie o fotografie, un citat,
culorile ciorapilor lui Nik sau bluza lui Gabi, fee i expresiile lor Revrsrile
de nenelegere, jen, furie, neajutorare, incompeten i plictis, oprite de
valuri de emoie, curiozitate, apoi de rceal i tcere pasiv. Ci s-au mbrcat n rou Cum s-a schimbat atmosfera Cine s-a tot ascuns i-a avut convorbiri particulare pe marginea evenimentului, savurnd buturile gratuite
i iluzia faptului de-a fi mpreun i de-a mprti ceva cu o comunitate altfel inexistent Cineva a venit la mine i mi-a spus c totul a fost jenant,
ruinos mi-a zis ea. Ei, bnuiesc c aa e cnd faci psihoterapie. Ce-i de
fcut cu jena S-o ignori S-o contientizezi Depinde de tine.
Peretele m ine prizonier. Snt prins ntr-un cerc infernal, acela de-a produce i-a merge mai departe, i acum, stnd aici n halat, cu o can de cafea
n mna stng, trecnd o not cu mna dreapt nspre stnga. Radioul url
din cealalt camer, e duminic diminea, soarele se strecoar printre nenorocitele alea de perdele i revars lumin pe o fotografie pe care-am fcut-o demult i am pus-o lng desenele pe care le-am fcut cu ochii
nchii i cu mna stng seara trecut, la restaurant: un elefant i un oarece,
pentru a exersa i a nlocui cuvintele, deja prea numeroase. Acestea snt
graficele pentru dou zile de prezentri i discuii, precum i pentru a-mi
reaminti de acele mici fulguraii de frumusee care vin ca o rsplat de fiecare
dat cnd te simi recunosctor pentru c ai devenit i mai confuz.
Not: Pe lng ntrirea autocontrolului i a autoaprecierii, mbuntirea refleciei, curajului i a motivaiei, Ioana a construit i folosit Jurnalul peretelui ca pe un joc al fanteziei, al consemnrii i arhivrii
experienelor. Strategia ei a constat ntr-o actualizare i recontextualizare continu, noile seturi de idealuri nlocuindu-le pe cele vechi ntr-un ciclu continuu.
E vorba de un sistem care creeaz dependen, un sistem de experiene i rspunsuri care poate oferi
spiritualitate i coeren, o interfa fragmentat n care ea se confrunt i cu chestionarea validitii
dialogului autosuficient. Cutare a sensului i concentrare n vederea crerii unei fundaii pe care s
poat construi, Peretele funcioneaz i ca o semivirtual camer de documentare sau laborator
experimental, dei n avantajul narativului, anecdoticului, i ca ghid al unui narator la persoana nti,
puternic, perseverent, ale crui argumente snt pline de subtilitate, curiozitate i speculaii lipsite de
prejudeci. Lucrarea ei face s ne punem i noi problema msurrii validitii i succesului. Ce modele s urmezi, pe ce mituri/strategii s te bazezi Cum s stabileti un standard al gustului i al dorinei
Putem crea noi metode pentru a stabili dac inteniile s-au materializat n oper Este acest ritual valid
Merit repetat Este el un act lipsit de coninut, centrat pe sine, sau unul universal

me. The wall is my room, my privacy, my hide-out, my stopover, my mobile

institution. I am the wall.
Note: The Wall project also reflects a cyclical process, which spirals through time and diverse spaces
building upon itself as if the circle re-encounters itself on a different level into some adequate vocabulary that isolation allows for but which puts the uniqueness of a given place and experience also into
question.

Feel emptied out after yesterdays massive three-hour discussion-session.

How can I possibly go on with formulating, writing down notes or drawing
diagrams if I cannot record the feeling I have after accomplishment,
the speed at which important visual and verbal details are leaving me.
What can I possibly glue to this bloody wall to extend my imagination Should
that be a photograph, a quote, the colours of Niks stockings or Gabis top,
faces and their expressions The flows of non-understanding, embarrassment,
anger, helplessness, incompetency, and boredom, broken by waves of excitement, curiosity, then by stiffness and passive silence. How many people wore
red How did the constellation change Who kept hiding and having private
conversations on the fringes of the event enjoying free drinks and the illusion
of being together and sharing with an otherwise non-existing community
Somebody came to me and told me it was all very embarrassing, shameful
she said. Well, psychotherapy does that to you I suppose. What to do with
embarrassment Ignore it Acknowledge it Up to you.
The wall imprisons me. I am caught in a devilish circle to produce and keep
going on and now standing here in my dressing gown with a cup of coffee in
my left hand shifting a note with my right hand to the left. The radio shouts
from the other room, it is Sunday morning, the sun is sneaking in through
those miserable curtains and sheds light on a photo I took ages ago and
placed next to drawings we did with eyes closed left handed in the restaurant
the night before: an elephant and a mouse to exercise and to replace words
that we already had far too many of. These are the graphs of two-days of
presentations and discussions as well reminders of those small glimpses
of beauty that come as a bonus each time you feel thankful for getting even
more confused.
Note: Beside supporting self-piloting and self-evaluation as well as improving her reflection, encouraging and motivating Ioana has been building and using the Wall diary as a fantasy game of recording and archiving experiences. Her strategy has been a constant upgrading and re-contextualization
with new sets of ideals replacing the old in a continuous cycle.

Da, uneori continuu s vorbesc singur i-n plin strad. Capul mi-e att de
plin dup vizitarea arhivei, c adesea o iau la vale pentru a-mi rcori creierii,
ca s zic aa, i ca s revin la realitate. Interesant c de cte ori am mers
acolo, soarele strlucea ntotdeauna.

It is an addictive system of accumulation of experiences and feedback that can provide spirituality
and connectedness, a fragmented interface where she also confronts the questioning of the validity
of the self-sufficient dialogue. Looking for meaning and concentration to create a foundation to work
from the Wall also functions as a semi-virtual documentation room or work-lab though in favour
of narrative, anecdote and the guidance of a strong, abiding first person narrator who infuses her
arguments with subtlety, curiosity and open-minded speculation. Her work also makes us confront

Not: Acest dialog continuu mutarea elementelor de la dreapta la stnga i analiza lui au fost nsoite
de cteva fotografii, precum i de un CD coninnd un interviu pe care artista i l-a luat singur i de
crticica nsoitoare (produs pentru green box, o expoziie inut anul trecut la Traf Gallery, n
Budapesta); el nu doar c ilustreaz i explic evoluia Peretelui, ci n acelai timp l ajut pe
privitor/asculttor s neleag construcia formal i mental a proiectului, precum i felul de a gndi
al artistei cu ncepere din momentul n care a renunat s mai fie juctoare profesionist de handbal,
la vrsta de 20 de ani.

the question of measuring validity and success. What models to follow what myths/strategies to rely
on How to set a standard for taste and desire Can we create new methods for determining whether
a work has accomplished its intent Is the ritual valid Is it worth repeating Is it an empty, self-conscious act, or is it inclusive

Yes, I keep talking to myself sometimes even in the street. My head is so full
after visiting the archive therefore I usually walk downhill to air my head so to

Azi a trebuit s desenez graficele pentru luna asta. Arat ca nite ciudate valuri frnte de urcuuri i coboruri, structurate cu eficien n Excel. n
ultimul timp am nceput s folosesc altfel culorile. Am vopsit i am lipit pe
perete dreptunghiurile acelea, nsoite de dat i de o not. Fericitul de On
Kawara, nu tieturi din pres, ci doar un citat propriu, pentru a-mi activa
gndirea. i am adugat mzgliturile mele nrmate (hm, m gndesc serios

say and to get back to reality. Funny that whenever I went there the sun was
always shining.
Note: This ongoing dialogue moving units from the right to the left and analysis have been documented by several photographs as well as a CD that contains her self-interview and the accompanying
booklet (produced for green box, an exhibition in Traf Gallery in Budapest last year) not only to illustrate and comment on the development of the Wall, but also to help the viewer/listener understand

27

the formal and mental construction of the project as well as her way of thinking ever since she stopped being a professional handball player at the age of 20.

Today I had to draw the graphs of this month. They look like funny broken
waves of ups and downs, efficiently structured in Excel. Lately I started to use
colours in a different way. I painted and pasted those rectangles on the wall
with a date and a note. Shiny happy On Kawara, no press clippings just
a quote from myself to trigger thinking. And adding my doodles framed
(hmm getting serious about exhibiting and the white cube) beside my graphs
looking at the different possibilities of making notes and recording.
Note: Monthly Evaluations / Me (October 2004), a deceptively abstract installation, a styled inventory
that recycles her method of day-to-day self-evaluation for a month along with autobiographic documentary, including the CD. A tiny diagram reporting the month she had spent in Amsterdam, doodles,
dates picked accidentally and married with short comments appear either as a wall-painting like the
bright blue Virginia Woolf wall, or as images printed on bright colourful surfaces and put behind
framed glasses.
The Wall has grown into a different arrangement in the gallery space and has brought into play on
a different level the diverse aspects of its complex nature its existence as a structure, an interface,
a tool for keeping distance, an interactive memory game, as well as a virtual diary growing in her
mind all the time. Her presentation flirts with subtle references to radical painting and concept art as
well as animates the relation between describing, observing and recording. It offers a kind of balancing act between self-created limitations, a focusing-in on things and the use of chance procedures and
interchangeability. The grid provides the armature for her obsession to both evoke and hide on the

la expunere i la cubul alb) lng graficele mele, examinnd diferitele

posibiliti, fcnd note i nregistrnd.

surfaces of a small project space the transitory ephemeral circularity of days and their ambiguity,
diversity, and multi-modality as well as traces of mental procedures. Improvisation and composition
merge. So do streams of consciousness and the mimicry of minimalist design. But does it offer a real
opening up Does feeding a communal process by inviting the audience to follow her mapping leave

Not: Monthly Evaluations / Me (October 2004), o instalaie aparent abstract, un inventar stilat care
recicleaz metoda autoevalurii zilnice, timp de o lun, mpreun cu documentarul autobiografic, inclusiv CD-ul. O mic diagram relatnd despre luna pe care a ales s-o prezinte la Amsterdam, mzglituri, date alese la ntmplare i nsoite de scurte comentarii, apar fie ca picturi murale, cum e
peretele Virginia Woolf, de un albastru deschis, fie ca imagini tiprite pe suprafee colorate,
strlucitoare i nrmate.
Peretele a ajuns s fie expus diferit n spaiul galeriei i a pus n joc, la un alt nivel, diversele aspecte ale
naturii sale complexe existena sa ca structur, o interfa, un instrument de pstrare a distanei,
un joc interactiv al memoriei, precum i un jurnal virtual dezvoltndu-se nencetat n mintea ei.
Prezentarea ei cocheteaz cu trimiteri subtile la pictura radical i la arta conceptual i, n acelai timp,
anim relaia dintre a descrie, a observa i a consemna. Ea creeaz un fel de echilibru ntre limitrile
autocreate, o apropiere de lucruri i folosirea unor proceduri arbitrare i a interanjabilitii. Grilajul
ofer blindajul necesar obsesiei ei de a evoca i de a ascunde, la suprafaa unui mic spaiu-proiect,
caracterul circular, trector, efemer al zilelor i ambiguitatea, diversitatea i multiformitatea lor, precum i urme ale proceselor mentale. Improvizaia i compunerea se mbin. La fel i fluxurile
contiinei cu imitarea designului minimalist. Ofer asta ns o real deschidere Faptul de a-i oferi publicului un proces comun prin invitaia adresat de a urmri schema trasat de ea trezete oare n
acesta nevoia de a participa la formarea imaginarului N-ar deveni actul repetiiei, care i este esenial
acestui ritual, mai degrab un gest izolat dect un proces comun

n luna pe care am artat-o la Amsterdam am continuat s citesc toate crile

Virginiei Woolf, delectndu-m cu optimismul ei poetic n faa cotidianului,
cu nelepciunea ei personal, distilat; umorul i tristeea mundanului
fiecrui moment; jocul intelectual de-a observatul i consemnatul, care
seamn cu o srbtoare, ca i cum ai juca ah de unul singur.
Traducere de Alex Moldovan

28

them with the need to participate in the formation of the imaginary Wouldnt the act of repetition
that is essential to this ritual become an isolated gesture rather than a communal process

During the month I spent in Amsterdam I kept reading all the books by
Virginia Woolf enjoying the poetic buoyancy in the face of the everyday,
her distilled personal wisdom; the humour and sadness of the minutely
mundane; the intellectual game with observing and recording that is like
a celebration, like playing chess alone.

Ioana Nemes: Monthly Evaluations

selection for IDEA arts + society # 20

18.10.2004 (+)
accidental meeting
with Virginia Woolf

galerie

galerie

reading Madonnas
biography, something
scary in her desire to
be on
TOP OF THE WORLD
04.12.2004 (=)

Ioana Nemes: Monthly Evaluations

selection for IDEA arts + society # 20

galerie

I thought after many

days that I could still
do something&valuable
in this present life
07.12.2004 (=)

Ioana Nemes: Monthly Evaluations

selection for IDEA arts + society # 20

galerie

still in shock, not

realising whether what
happened this morning
was real or not
11.12.2004 ()

Ioana Nemes: Monthly Evaluations

selection for IDEA arts + society # 20

galerie

ordinary people
are too careful not to
risk their comfortable
lives
for a good idea
13.02.2005 (=)

Ioana Nemes: Monthly Evaluations

selection for IDEA arts + society # 20

galerie

Im Telling You Stories. Trust Me1

Interviu cu Ioana Neme, de Stuart Aarsman
STUART AARSMAN este scriitor i curator independent. Studii de filosofie i art la Rietveld
Academie, Amsterdam, actualmente masterand la Central Saint Martin College of Art and Design,
Londra. Public articole n Metropolis M, Baby, RE-, Blvd, Afterall, Frieze etc.
Cartea All the facets of the same B., un eseu filosofic despre art & consumerism, a fost publicat n
2002, de Artimo/Gijs Stork.

Pe Ioana am ntlnit-o ntr-un restaurant din Amsterdam. Era imediat dup

vernisajul ei de la galeria lui Ellen. Era un local turcesc sau arab, am comandat toi
cte o pizza i unii dintre noi am nceput s-i punem Ioanei cteva ntrebri. M-au
uimit seriozitatea i ncrncenarea cu care rspundea la ntrebrile noastre i am
decis c trebuie neaprat s mai vorbim despre lucrrile ei. Am schimbat adresele de mail i, dup ase luni, profit de trecerea mea prin Bucureti n drum spre
Istanbul pentru a m rentlni cu Ioana. Mai precis, pentru a-i lua un interviu.
Hotrm mpreun, de fapt mai mult Ioana, ca locul unde s se desfoare interviul s nu fie unul singur, ci trei situri diferite: o sal de sport, un dig i o sal de
cinema; trei spaii diferite, dar care nsemnau pentru ea ceva mai mult dect nite
locuri publice pe care s le frecventezi n weekend. Am stabilit zonele de interes pe care vrem s le explorm n interviu i am ataat fiecrei locaii un subiect
specific: slii de sport, culori & cuburi; digului, contextul romnesc; slii de cinema, ficiune & realitate.
SIT: SALA DE SPORT FLOREASCA
SUBIECT: CULORI & CUBURI
Sala Floreasca este situat ntr-un cartier cochet din centrul Bucuretiului.
Pentru a ajunge la ea, trebuie s traversezi o zon linitit cu alei i spaii verzi
care erpuiesc printre vile construite n stil vechi, ce nu depesc mai mult de
trei etaje. Din cauza atmosferei panice, n-ai spune c te afli foarte aproape de
colosul cu 15 etaje al Televiziunii Romne. Este locul cel mai fierbinte pe care
romnii au ncercat s-l cucereasc n Revoluia din 89.
i sala de sport este veche, terenul nici mcar nu este regulamentar, pentru c
spaiul dintre tribune i terenul de joc este mult prea mic i se produc mereu
tot felul de accidente, dar cupola este fabuloas: construit ca pe vremuri, din
arcade de lemn mbinate cu sticl, care dau slii de sport un aer uor burghez.
Ioana sosete la 12 fix, m ntreab dac a ntrziat i mi mrturisete c urte
s ntrzie. Are un aer destul de somnoros, poate i din cauza hainelor leampete de pe ea: o bluz din catifea strlucitoare de un maro-albstrui care-i alunec
pe corp, excelent croit, pantaloni din catifea pluat maro-pmntiu care pornesc foarte bufani din talie i se strng brusc pe picior, sub nivelul genunchilor,
i nite lapi de un mov intens.

Stuart Aarsman Cum de nu ai intrat pe ua principal?

Ioana Neme Pe culoarul sta obinuiam s intru cnd veneam la antrenamente
la sal. Pe aici intrau doar juctorii, arbitrii i antrenorii. E un culoar foarte strmt
i-mi aduce aminte de culoarele care dau n arena cu nisip a unei coride spaniole. Aceeai tensiune care se acumuleaz de-a lungul culoarului pentru a rbufni
n sal.
E foarte frumoas.
mi place cnd e linite, ca acum, cnd nu e nimeni. tii ce mi vine n minte?
Sunetul acela pe care l face mingea cnd este btut de parchetul proaspt splat,
e sunetul acela care apare n melodia In the musicals cntat de Bjrk sau Selma,
n Dansnd cu noaptea. E interesant s vezi cum o sal de sport i are

IM TELLING YOU STORIES. TRUST ME1

Interview with Ioana Neme by Stuart Aarsman
STUART AARSMAN is a writer and independent curator. He studies art and philosophy
at Rietveld Academy, Amsterdam. Currently MA at Central Saint Martin College of Art
and Design, London. Writing for Metropolis M, Baby, RE-, Blvd, Afterall, Frieze etc.
All the facets of the same B. philosophical essay about art & consumerism published
in 2002 by Artimo/Gijs Stork.

I met Ioana in a restaurant in Amsterdam. It was just after her opening

in Ellens gallery. We all ordered pizza; it was one of these Turkish or Arabic
restaurants. Some of us started to ask Ioana some questions. I was amazed
by the seriousness and keenness of her answers to our questions and decided
I have to talk about her works. We exchanged email addresses. I wanted to
take advantage of my going through Bucharest on my way to Istanbul to meet
Ioana again. More exactly, I wanted to interview her.
We decided together, in fact Ioana did, that there would be three locations for
the interview, not only one: a sports hall, a dam and a movie hall; three
different spaces but which meant for her something more than simple public
spaces to go on weekends. We established together the topics we wanted to
explore in the interview and attached to each location a specific issue: colours
& cubes for the sports hall, Romanian context for the dam, and fiction
& reality for the movie hall.
LOCATION: FLOREASCA SPORTS HALL
SUBJECT: COLOURS & CUBES
Floreasca sports hall is located in a nice Bucharest neighbourhood. In order to get
there, you have to cross a quiet stretch of alleys and green spots winding among
old villas with no more than three storeys. The atmosphere is so serene, you
wouldnt say you are so close to the 15 story colossus of the Romanian Television
the hottest spot that Romanians tried to conquer during the revolution of 89.
The sports hall is also rather old; the field is not even according the regulations
because the space between the stands and the field is much too narrow and
there are frequent accidents. The dome is fabulous; built in old fashioned style,
of wooden arcades combined with glass that impregnate this space with a certain bourgeois spirit. Ioana arrived at 12 oclock sharp, she asked me if she was
late and confessed she hated to be late. She looks quite sleepy, maybe because
of her slovenly clothes: a blouse made of shiny bluish brown velvet, slippery
on her body, beautifully tailored, plush velvet brown trousers, very puffed from
the waist and tight on the leg under the knee, and some deep purple flip-flops.
Stuart Aarsman How come you didnt enter the main door?
Ioana Neme I used to pass through this corridor when I came to trainings.
This was only for players, referees and coaches. Its a very narrow corridor and
it reminds me of the passage ways that lead out to the sand circle of a Spanish
bullfighting arena. The same tension that accumulates along the corridor to
break out in the hall.
Its very beautiful.
I like it when its quiet, like now, when there is nobody. You know what Im
thinking of? Of that sound made by the ball when it is hit to the freshly clean
floor, of the sound we hear in the In the musicals tune sang by Bjrk or Selma
in Dancer in the dark. Its interesting to see how a sports hall has its own pulsations when it is full, the public is in rapture and the atmosphere is on fire,
or when it is deserted, in a way emptied of its functionality.

39

pulsiunile ei, atunci cnd e plin, publicul este n extaz, iar atmosfera este incendiar; pustie, e oarecum golit de funcionalitatea ei.
Sau cnd e pe jumtate plin, cnd n sal se fac doar antrenamente, fr public.
Atunci e ceva foarte intim, pentru c e doar a ta, nu o mpari cu nimeni, auzi
cam toate zgomotele pe care le faci, cum i scrie adidaii sau cum se aude
mingea dac ai pus prea mult clister pe ea.
Ce-i la clister?
E un fel de lipici natural, fcut din rin de brad, transparent i cu un miros
foarte ptrunztor. l pui pe minge ca s ai aderen mai bun. Se folosete, din
cte tiu eu, doar n handbal.
A vrea s vorbim despre culori.
i despre cuburi.
Da, i despre proiectul tu Evaluri lunare, pe care l-ai prezentat n Amsterdam. Dar a vrea s discutm totul ntr-un context mai larg. Pomeneai la un moment
dat de schimbrile de perspectiv pe care i le-a adus trecerea de la fotografie la
sculptur i literatur. Cu toate c nu ai vrut s-mi ari nici o fotografie de-a ta,
am cutat pe net i am gsit cte ceva. De ce aversiunea asta pentru fotografie?
Aversiunea mea nu este una generalizat. Nu am nimic mpotriva fotografiei
ca limbaj artistic, doar c am devenit ceva mai sceptic fa de acest limbaj, m
enerveaz caracterul lui diplomatic, faptul c nu-i permite s fii foarte direct,
excepie fcnd poate genul
documentar, dar i acela poate
fi nscenat.
De unde acest scepticism?
Din mai multe pri. O parte
vine din crile de teorie & filosofie pe care le-am citit despre
fotografie dup ce am terminat
coala, de fapt nu dup ce am
terminat coala, pentru c nc
trebuie s mi susin licena, ci
dup ce nu am mai frecventat
att de des coala. Optimismul
meu naiv din primii ani de coal, cum c poi pstra un duplicat destul de bunicel al lucrurilor,
situaiilor i spaiilor din jurul tu, c l poi fura i pstra doar pentru tine, s-a cam
spulberat cnd am fcut cunotin cu partea realist a fotografiei, cu istoria ei, cu
genurile i tehnica aferent. Nu puteam s-i ignor consistena i nici s m prefac c snt doar n vizit. Eram n casa ei i trebuia s m comport ca atare. Prin
urmare, am devenit mai contient, am nceput s nscenez situaiile care apreau
n fotografii. Apoi am ncercat s mping limitele serialitii atunci cnd am fotografiat timp de un an vitrina unui magazin de mod din centrul istoric al Bucuretiului. Pentru un an m-am transformat cu plcere ntr-un fel de stalker psihopat, care
noapte de noapte nregistra pe ascuns schimbrile din vitrin.
E proiectul acela, Behind the Window Shopper?
Da, este cartea pe care trebuie s o fac pentru licen. Apoi a fost rezidena de
la KulturKontakt din Viena, unde nu am fcut altceva dect s citesc ct mai mult.
Cei de acolo se ateptau s fac i ceva fotografii, ceea ce m-a iritat, i am decis s
expun la final nite foi A4 n care prezentam ce am fcut cu banii din burs, un fel
de decont defalcat pe zile n care niram toate produsele pe care le cumprasem
n timpul rezidenei mele. Atunci, n Viena, a fost prima dat cnd am expus i altceva n afar de fotografie i trebuie s recunosc c m-am simit foarte uurat.

40

Or when it is half full, when there are only trainings going on, with no public.
Then it is something very intimate, because its only yours, you dont share it
with anybody, you can hear all the noises you make, how your sneakers squeak
on the floor, the noise made by the ball if you put too much clister on it.
Whats clister?
Its a sort of natural glue, made of pine resin, transparent, with a very penetrating odour. You put it on the ball for a better adherence. It is used, as far as
I know, only in handball.
Lets talk about colours.
And about cubes.
Yes, and about your project, Monthly Evaluations that you presented
in Amsterdam. But I would like to place the topic in a wider context. You were
once saying something about the changes in perspective brought by your conversion from photography to sculpture and literature. Even though you didnt
want to show me any of your photos, I searched on the internet and I found
some. Why this aversion to photography?
My aversion is not indiscriminate, all-inclusive. I dont have anything against
photography as artistic language, its just that Ive become more sceptical
towards this language, its diplomatic nature gets on my nerves, the fact that it
doesnt allow you to be very direct, with the exception of the documentary genre
but that can be staged too.
Where does this scepticism come from?
Part of it comes from the
theory and philosophy books
Ive read about photography
after I finished school, well
I didnt quite finished it yet,
because I still have to defend
my thesis, but after I didnt go
to school so frequently.
My nave optimism from my
first years in school, that
I could hold a rather good
duplicate of things, situations
and spaces around me, that
I can steal it and keep it
only for me vanished when
I was introduced to the realistic part of photography, with
its history, its genres and techniques. I couldnt ignore its consistency, nor
could I pretend to only visit it. I found myself in its house and had to behave
accordingly. Therefore I became more conscious, I started to stage the situations that appeared in my photos. Then I tried to push the limits of seriality
when I photographed during one whole year the window of a fashion boutique
in Bucharests historical centre. For one year I turned myself with pleasure into
a psychopath stalker, who registered night after night the changes in the shop
window.
Is this Behind the Window Shopper project?
Yes, and it is the book I have to make as my thesis. Then came the residence
at KulturKontakt in Vienna, where I did nothing else but read as much as
I could. The people there expected me to take some photos, which kind of irritated me, so Ive decided to exhibit some A4 sheets in which I meticulously
exposed how I had spent the money from the scholarship, a sort of financial
statement on every day in which I enumerated all the items bought during
my residence. It was in Vienna that Ive exhibited for the first time something
other than photography, and I must admit I felt relieved.
What kind of photography did you used to make?

galerie
Dar ce tip de fotografie fceai?
Tot felul de prostii. Din perioada naiv snt detalii ale unor obiecte banale,
dar care prin perspectiva distorsionat i context i schimbau oarecum identitatea. Eram foarte atent la compoziie, la materialitate i la culori. Fotografiile
mele de atunci erau foarte colorate, mici i cu o doz minim de umor uor
sarcastic. Imediat dup ce am primit tot felul de ncurajri i felicitri mi-am dat
seama c ceva nu era n regul. C totul era mult prea facil. C demersul sta
amuzant nu ducea nicieri. Apoi am nceput s fac ceva fotografii care aduceau
cumva cu cele de mod, dar am abandonat repede i genul sta, mi se preau
prea superficiale i cu un risc prea mare de a fi percepute mai mult dect erau
ele de fapt. i ntr-un final am ajuns s fac ceea ce am zis c nu o s fac niciodat, s fotografiez peisaje. Natur, pomi, soare, ap, cea, mult cea, ploaie.
Tot registrul meteorologic.
De ce ai spus c nu o s fotografiezi niciodat peisaje?
Pentru c n general nu mi plac reetele. Pentru c mi dau seama c reacionez destul de puternic la ceea ce se ntmpl n jurul meu, am un feedback
foarte rapid i ar fi fost mult prea uor doar s aps pe buton. Era mult prea
gratuit. Natura prin excelen i se ofer gratuit. Este prezent peste tot, nu trebuie dect s o bagi n seam. Este incredibil de pozitiv.
[ntr-o ncpere destul de mic, pe peretele din stnga se pot vedea lipite cu
scotch de hrtie cteva imagini. Majoritatea snt tieturi din reviste, cri potale sau fotocopii ieftine dup fotografii color. Lumin rece, artificial, de neon.
Chiar dac au fost lipite spontan, de-a lungul timpului, imaginile snt aezate
cu grij pe trei rnduri. Fiecare rnd cuprinde n jur de 78 imagini, astfel c,
n total, snt aproximativ 25 de imagini.
Pe primul rnd snt urmtoarele imagini: o sculptur crem de Gabriel
Orozco pe un fundal gri-pal, o
foaie cu contacte color pe spatele
creia este scris nu voi mai face
nici o fotografie pn nu voi nelege
pe deplin ceea ce fac i de ce, un
iPod cu o faet roz i una aurie, portretul alb-negru al Virginiei Woolf din 1935,
fotografiat de Man Ray, un desen cu trei bolovani, unul
roz, altul negru i cellalt gri, decupat din revista Metropolis M, un pattern cu
trandafiri British pentru un aternut de pat Marimekko i o bucat de hrtie
maronie pe care este mzglit cu creionul all this solid rapture.]
O s mi ari fotografiile tale cu peisaje?
Snt ntr-o serie foarte frumoas, lucru care m cam sperie, Twin Pictures,
i pe care nu am artat-o dect ntr-o variant foarte prescurtat, n Ungaria. Snt
peisaje duble, fcute n paralel de dou persoane. Peisaj este oricum un cuvnt
destul de generos, pentru c i nite blocuri pot da impresia unui peisaj natural. Arhitectura este o natur artificial. Am foarte multe fotografii, zeci de negative pe care nu le-am artat din diverse motive. Probabil c la un moment
dat va trebui s le dezgrop i s le restaurez moral.
Cum i-ai schimbat interesul, dinspre fotografie nspre sculptur i literatur?
Pentru c n facultate am fcut patru ani numai fotografie i nu tiu dac
monopolul sta a fost folositor sau nu. Mi-ar fi plcut s fi putut experimenta i
cu scenografie, mod, teatru, sculptur, jurnalism, make-up, cinematografie, muzic, marketing, design i aa mai departe.

All kinds of stuff. From my nave period, details of common everyday objects
which, through distorted perspective and context, changed their identity in a
way. I was paying much attention to the composition, materiality and colours.
My pictures from back then are very colourful, small, and with a minimum dose
of slightly sarcastic humour. Soon after Ive received various encouragements
and congratulations, I realised something was wrong. That everything was too
facile. That this funny approach was not leading anywhere. Then I started making pictures that looked in some way like fashion photographs, but I soon abandoned this genre too. I thought they were too superficial, with a too big risk of
being perceived as more than they really were. And finally, I came to doing what
I said I would never do: landscapes. Nature, trees, sun, water, mist, a lot of mist,
rain. All the meteorological register.
Why did you say youll never do landscapes?
Because I dont like recipes, in general. Because I realize I react quite strongly to what is happening around me, I have a quick feedback and it would have
been too easy only to push the button. All too much gratuitous. Nature by
excellence offers itself gratuitously to us. Its present everywhere, you only have
to notice it. Its incredibly positive.
[In a rather small room, on the left wall there are some images glued with
paper scotch. Most of them are clippings from magazines, postcards or cheap
photocopies made after colour photos. Cold, artificial, neon light. Even if glued
spontaneously, in time, the images are carefully arranged in three rows.
Each row is made of 7 or 8 images, and there are a total of roughly 25 images.
In the first row, the following images are
stringed: a cream sculpture by Gabriel
Orozco on a pale grey background,
a sheet with colour index prints
on the back of which is written,
Ill never take any picture unless I
fully understand what Im doing and
why, an iPod with one pink side and
another one golden, a black and
white portrait of Virginia Woolf from
1935, taken by Man Ray, a drawing
with three rocks, pink, black and grey,
clipped from Metropolis M magazine, a
British pattern with roses for Marimekko bed
linen, and a piece of brownish paper on which is scribbled in pencil, all this
solid rapture.]
Will you show me your landscape photos?
They are in a very beautiful series that frightens me a little called
Twin Pictures, which I only exposed in a shortened version in Hungary.
They are double landscapes, made in parallel by two persons. Landscape is
a too generous word, for even some blocks can create the feeling of a natural
landscape. Architecture is an artificial nature. I have a lot of photos, tens of
negatives I havent exposed for many reasons. Maybe some day I will dig them
out and restore them morally.
How did your interest move, from photography to sculpture and literature?
During the four years in faculty I only studied photography and Im not sure
whether this monopoly was useful or not. I would have liked to experiment with
scenography, fashion, theatre, sculpture, journalism, make-up, cinematography, music, marketing, design, and so on.
You are talking about more than a multidisciplinary school. I dont know if
there are such schools.
I would have liked such a school, even if it had to last for eight years.

41

 Dar ce spui tu e mai mult dect o coal multidisciplinar. Nu tiu dac exist
astfel de coli.
Mi-ar fi plcut s existe o astfel de coal, care, chiar dac s-ar fi ntins pe opt
ani de zile, s fi avut mobilitatea necesar, unde s pot studia exact domeniile
pe care le-a fi vrut. Sistemelor de nvmnt le lipsete aceast flexibilitate.
Acum chiar poi studia cam ce vrei pe internet, snt tot felul de cursuri online,
e adevrat c nu se compar cu o coal normal, dar oricum exist o oarecare
tendin spre flexibilitate. De ce ai optat pentru sculptur i literatur?
Pentru limbajul lor direct. Obiect vs. imagine sau cuvnt vs. imagine. Snt n
cutarea a ceva care s nu lase prea mult loc interpretrilor. Informaia trebuie
s ajung de la un capt la altul fr prea multe perturbaii. Emitorul i receptorul, chiar dac i pot schimba locurile ntre ei, trebuie s se bazeze pe claritatea i precizia mesajului. ncerc s ocolesc pe ct posibil viruii.
Cum ar fi?
Cum ar fi procedeele de manipulare a percepiei informaiei. Cum ar fi bagajul tehnic cu care este echipat fiecare domeniu n parte, acel set de reguli pe
care e bine s le urmezi dac vrei s faci un produs bun. Cum ar fi regulile de
compoziie, de utilizare a materialelor, regulile de asamblare i montare, regulile estetice ale unui scenariu de film, regulile care in de expunerea unui produs bun, de promovare & comunicare i cele care in strict de limbaj, de termenii
folosii. Snt o groaz de jaloane pe care majoritatea le stabilete pentru binele
majoritii i pentru care un produs bun echivaleaz cu un mr mai puin gustos, dar care se ncadreaz perfect n standarde, la dimensiuni, culoare i greutate. M fascineaz cuvntul trebuie. De foarte multe ori este folosit din inerie:
trebuie s-i respeci prinii, trebuie s aparii unei religii de care a auzit toat lumea,
trebuie s ieri, trebuie s-i ncepi viaa sexual nu mai trziu de 18 ani, trebuie
s nu sari peste masa de diminea, trebuie s foloseti o crem
hidratant, de preferin LOral cu SPF sau Q10, pentru c se
pare c nimic nu este ntmpltor. Trebuie s citeti anumite cri,
s vezi anumite filme, trebuie s ai copii. Trebuie s te cstoreti, s ai casa ta i s ai un serviciu. Chiar, de ce trebuie s ai un
serviciu?
Nu trebuie neaprat s faci lucrurile pe care le-ai enumerat.
De ce nu trebuie?
Pentru c poi s alegi, ai aceast opiune, s alegi ce vrei s faci.
Am citit la un moment dat o chestie, cum c e bine s ai un
serviciu pentru c n primul rnd trebuie s dai ceva napoi societii n care
te-ai nscut i n al doilea rnd pentru c trebuie s ai bani ca s poi tri, s-i
poi cumpra o cas, haine i mncare. Societatea mi se pare din acest punct
de vedere foarte crud, ca o mam posesiv i geloas, iar schimbul sta
nencetat, cantitativ vorbind, ntre consum i producie mi se pare foarte obositor. De ce snt datoare societii n care m-am nscut?
Pentru c te foloseti de infrastructura ei, de legile ei, de metroul i cldirile ei, nu?
Da, dar plteti pentru asta, nu? Plteti chiria i abonamentul la metrou. Se
pltesc taxe i impozite. E o relaie foarte pasional, n care ambii parteneri se
folosesc ct de mult pot unul pe cellalt. De aceea nclcarea regulilor unei societi
mi se pare lucrul cel mai excitant cu putin. i trdezi ncrederea n tine i i distrugi ateptrile. Ce poate fi mai romantic dect att?
Interesant relaie ntre tine i societatea asta!
Da, nc snt n cutri, ncerc s neleg i rolul meu de artist, de productor
de obiecte culturale, productor de noi perspective i puncte de vedere. i nu
neleg de ce trebuie s produc ceva. De ce nu pot dect consuma? Oricum
lucrul sta mi place cel mai mult. De ce trebuie ca dup ce am consumat cri,
filme, reviste, lucrri de art, de design interior, preri i comentarii, s mi spun

42

A school with such a mobility, where one could study exactly the fields
one wanted. Educational systems lack such flexibility.
Now you can really study anything you want on the internet, there are a lot
of online courses. Its true you cant compare them to a regular school, but nevertheless there is a tendency towards flexibility. Why did you choose sculpture
and literature?
For their direct language. Object vs. image, or word vs. image. Im in search
of something that wouldnt leave too much space for interpretations. Information
must get from one end to the other without too many perturbations. The transmitter and the receiver, even if they can switch their places, must count on the
clarity and precision of the message. I try to avoid viruses as much as possible.
Such as?
Such as the means of manipulating the image. Such as the technical luggage
with which every field is equipped, that set of rules that you should follow if you
want to create a good product. Such as composition rules, material use regulations, assembling rules, the aesthetic rules of a movie screen play, rules related
to exposing a good product, promotion and communication rules, and those
related strictly to language, to the terms we use. There are a lot of poles established by the majority for the sake of the majority, for whom a good product
equals a less delicious apple, but which fits perfectly within standards, size,
colour and weight. The word must fascinates me. Many times it is used out
of inertia: one must respect ones parents, one must belong to a well known
religion, one must forgive, one must begin ones sexual life no later than 18,
one must not skip breakfast, one must use a hydrating cream, preferably
LOral with SPF and Q10, because it seems that nothing is hazardous.
You must read certain books, see certain movies, you must have children.
You must get married, have your own house and a job. By the way, why must
one have a job?
You mustnt do all the things you counted.
Why mustnt you?
Because you can choose, you have this option, to choose
what you want to do.
Ive read somewhere that it is good to have a job mainly
because you have to give something back to the society in
which you were born, and secondly, in order to have money
to live, to buy a house, clothes, food. From this point of view,
society seems to me very cruel, like a possessive and jealous
mother, and this endless exchange, quantitatively speaking,
between consumerism and production seems very tiresome. Why should I be
indebted to the society in which I was born?
Because you are using its infrastructure, its laws, its subway and its buildings,
arent you?
Yes, but you pay for it, dont you? You pay the rent and the monthly subway
pass. You pay taxes. Its a very passionate relationship, in which both partners
use each other as much as they can. Thats why over crossing the rules of society seems to me the most exciting thing possible. You betray its trust in you and
you destroy its expectations. What can be more romantic than that?
Now thats a very interesting relationship, between you and this society!
Yes, Im still searching, trying to understand my role as an artist, as a producer of cultural objects, producer of new perspectives and points of view.
And I really dont understand, why must I produce something? Why cant I just
consume? Anyway this is the thing I like to do best. Why, after having consumed books, movies, magazines, art works, interior design, opinions and commentaries, do I have to say my opinion on what Ive just consumed? And, since Im
an artist, should it be expressed in another work of art?
Well, because there is a balance also found in nature and in Buddhism, the middle way or the golden path, teaching you that whatever is consumed must be

galerie
prerea fa de ceea ce am consumat? Eventual, fiindc snt artist, ntr-o alt lucrare de art?
Pi pentru c exist un echilibru pe care l gseti i n natur sau n budism,
calea de mijloc sau poteca aurit, n care vezi c ceea ce se consum trebuie produs la loc, c oricum echilibrul sta e destul de precar i c dac se balanseaz
prea mult apar tot felul de calamiti naturale. Este un principiu de baz, nu? i
fiindc totul funcioneaz pe baza acestui principiu de atia ani, nseamn c e
ceva de capul lui. Spune-mi despre literatur, am vzut peretele bleu cu ntlnirea
accidental dintre tine i Virginia Woolf. De ce V. Woolf?
n expoziia din Amsterdam am prezentat doar luna octombrie. Dintr-o pur
coinciden, am dat, chiar la nceputul lunii, peste crile Virginiei Woolf ntr-o
bibliotec local drpnat i am decis c trebuie vezi, iari acest cuvnt
s citesc toate romanele, eseurile sau jurnalele ei. Acum, imagineaz-i c bibliotecile noastre de cartier au rmas cu crile de pe vremea lui Ceauescu,
rar se mai aduce ceva nou, aa c n ziua aceea am plecat fr tragere de inim
la biblioteca local ca s caut ceva scriitori moderniti. Virginia Woolf apare, aadar,
pe peretele bleu pentru c am citit foarte mult despre i de ea, n luna aceea.
i este printre scriitorii mei favorii.
De ce?
Pentru c este incredibil de puternic, de ascuit intelectual, chiar tioas
pentru perioada aceea postvictorian. Cu toate c i scrierile ei snt pluate, diafane i civilizate, lucruri care in de materialitatea vremii respective, subteran
gseti un ru foarte negricios, critic i maliios, acel flux al contiinei, acea trezire
i privire rece asupra vieii psihologice, asupra timpului i asupra schimbrilor
pe care el le produce. Citindu-i i jurnalele, din pcate varianta mai veche, cenzurat de soul ei, Leonard, am rmas fascinat de seriozitatea aproape masochist cu care i analizeaz scrisul i dezvoltrile tehnice ale limbajului, de
importana pe care o acord cuvntului, nu sensului lui, ci melodiei, tii c ea
scrie foarte muzical, urmrind un ritm, i nu o intrig; cuvntului n sine, cu ceea
ce el conine mai presus de efectul botezator, de numire a lucrurilor, oamenilor sau strilor sufleteti. Cred c ea iubete tocmai aceast substan solid
a unui cuvnt, golit de orice legtur cu ceva cognoscibil. Ador independena
ei sexual & material, iar eseul A Room of Ones Own e unul fabulos pentru acea epoc conservatoare. Apoi gsesc foarte apetisante ncercrile ei de
a nregistra, diseca, nelege i descrie lucruri impalpabile cum ar fi viaa sau
timpul. n mare, se spune c a euat n aceste ncercri; mie tocmai aceste
experimente sortite oarecum eecului mi se par interesante. Iar Valurile este
pur i simplu o bijuterie. M mai atrage i aspectul psihologic, comunicrile
pe deasupra limbajului dintre personajele sale. V. Woolf este destul de interiorizat, ceea ce face ca scrisul ei s fie mai concentrat, mai scurt i mai sacadat.
Vd c vorbeti de ea la timpul prezent.
i se pare c a murit?
Ce ali scriitori, care au murit biologic, dar pe care continui s i bnuieti n via
i mai plac?
Ha, ha! Subtila ta ironie nu face dect s m flateze! tii c Stuart era numele
unui oricel alb cu baschei roii i pantaloni scuri albatri pe o plac de skateboard?
Bine, atunci ce scriitori mori sau nu biologic, dar pe care continui s-i bnuieti n via i mai plac?
Pi, descoperind crile Virginiei Woolf, am luat-o logic pe urmele lui T. S. Eliot
i James Joyce, Lawrence, Jane Austen i aa mai departe, m feresc nc de
Shakespeare pentru c prea mi l-au recomandat toi modernitii n crile lor,
este mult prea promovat, apoi mi mai plac Fitzgerald i civa scriitori japonezi
contemporani, al cror nume mi se pare imposibil de memorat.

replaced. Anyway this balance is rather precarious and if there is too much
swinging a lot of natural calamities will appear. Its a basic principle, isnt it?
And since everything functions according to this principle for so many years, that
means that it is worth something. Lets talk about literature, Ive seen on the blue
wall the accidental meeting between you and Virginia Woolf. Why V. Woolf?
In the Amsterdam exhibition Ive only exhibited the month of October. Out of
pure coincidence Ive fallen upon the books of Virginia Woolf in a local shattered library, and I decided that I must you see, this word again, read all her
novels, essays, journals . You have to know that the books from our district
libraries date back to the Ceauescu era, rarely something new is brought,
so that day I left for the library with no enthusiasm at all. I was looking for
some modern writers. Virginia Woolf appears on the blue wall because Ive
read a lot about and by her that month. And she is one of my favourites writers.
Why?
Because she is incredibly strong, intellectually sharp, even cutting for those
post Victorian times. Even though her writings are velvety, translucent and civilised, which is specific to the materiality of that era, you can find, in the underground, a black, critical and mischievous river, that stream of consciousness,
that awakening and cold look on psychological life, on time and the changes it
causes. Ive also read her journals, unfortunately the older version censored by
her husband, Leonard, and I was fascinated by the almost masochistic seriousness with which she used to analyse her writing and her technical development
of language, by the importance she gave to the word, not to its meaning, but to
its music. She writes very musically, you know, following a rhythm, not a plot.
She is interested in the word itself, in what it contains more than its baptising
effect, that of naming things, people or emotions. I think she loves this very
solid substance of a word, emptied of any link to anything recognisable. I love
her sexual and material independence, and the essay A Room of Ones Own is
simply fabulous for those conservative times. Then I think her endeavours to
register, dissect, understand and depict impalpable things such as life or time
are very appealing. They say she generally failed in this attempts, for me these
very experiments doomed to failure seem interesting. And The Waves is a jewel,
really. Im also interested in the psychological aspect, in the communication
beyond language between her characters. V. Woolf is pretty interiorised, which
makes her writing more concentrated, shorter and more abrupt.
I see you are speaking about her in present time.
Why, do you think of her as dead?
What other writers, biologically dead, but whom you consider still alive
do you like?
Ha, ha! Your subtle irony is flattering me. Did you know Stuart is the name of
a little white mouse with red sneakers and blue short pants on a skateboard?
Well then, what other writers, biologically dead or not, whom you still think
alive do you like?
Well, after I discovered V. Woolfs books, I logically followed up with T. S. Eliot
and James Joyce, Lawrence, Jane Austen and so on. I still avoid Shakespeare for
he was much too recommended by all modern writers in their books, hes much
too promoted, I also like Fitzgerald and some contemporary Japanese writers
whose names are impossible to memorize.
What is the link between everything youve told me so far about V. Woolf and
your favourite writers and the texts on the coloured cubes in Monthly Evaluations? It seems to me there is a resemblance between the auto critical, analytical spirit of V. Woolf and what you do when you select every day certain
colours, numbers and words in order to describe the quantity of time in a day.
Yes, Im interested in how much you can pin down, in how much you can capture from what is happening every day. In English you have to cast, a verb
with many nuances that explain better what I want to do. Time seems to me
quite slippery in every day life. I wanted to create objects, in fact some cubes

43

 Ce legtur este ntre tot ceea ce mi-ai spus pn acum despre V. Woolf i scriitorii ti preferai i textele de pe cuburile colorate din Monthly Evaluations?
Pentru c observ o asemnare ntre spiritul autocritic, de analiz al Virginiei Woolf
i ceea ce faci tu atunci cnd selectezi n fiecare zi anumite culori, cifre i cuvinte
pentru a descrie cantitatea de timp a unei zile.
Da, m intereseaz ct de mult poi prinde n pioneze, ct de mult poi capta
din ceea ce se ntmpl n fiecare zi. n englez exist to cast, verb care explic, din cauza nuanelor pe care le are, mult mai bine ceea ce vreau eu s fac.
Iar timpul mi se pare destul de alunecos n viaa de zi cu zi. Am vrut s fac nite
obiecte, mai precis nite cuburi care s reprezinte timpul i lucrurile care se pot
ntmpla ntr-o zi. Dac stabilesc nite reguli simple, o scal de valori i un tabel
cromatic i spun c ceea ce se ntmpl ntr-o zi poate fi descris prin intermediul acestor elemente, culori, cifre i cuvinte, atunci nseamn c deja pot observa mult mai uor ceea ce se ntmpl cu fenomenul pe care vreau s l studiez.
Desenarea hrii cromatice, a scalei de valori de la 10 la 0 i +10, a fost lucrul
cel mai dificil la nceput, iar n timp am nceput s lucrez la retuarea i ajustarea
lor la realitatea de zi cu zi.
La realitatea ta subiectiv, sau grila ta de evaluare se poate aplica oricui?
n mare, exist un model general, dar bineneles fiecare om are sistemul lui
psihic & intelectual, are grila lui proprie de evaluare. Dac ar fi s facem experimentul cu cuburile pe o alt persoan, s-i transformm zilele unei luni n cuburi, am fi obligai s-i definim mai nti grila de evaluare.
Ct de mult din cuburile tale, din Monthly Evaluations e autobiografie i ct
tiin?
Ct de mult e art?
Arta mi se pare un domeniu destul de generos, sub
umbrela ei se pot aciua tot felul de ciudenii, de hibrizi genetici, de lucruri defecte care nu pot funciona
nc n afara sistemului artistic. Presupun c i experimentul tu intr sub aceast umbrel.
Partea autobiografic din proiect este cea care mi
displace cel mai mult. Mrturisesc c ursc din principiu genul sta de lucrri. Dar, ca n orice experiment,
trebuie s te abii de la msluirea cifrelor dac vrei ca
rezultatul s fie veridic. Aa c am stabilit ca textele
din cuburi s fie adevrate. Evident, faptul c ele snt
scurte m oblig s fiu mai atent la cuvintele pe care
le aleg, de aceea poate i dau impresia de ficiune. Pn la urm, ni se ntmpl
tuturor cam aceleai lucruri, important e cum le spui.
i care e output-ul final? Care este produsul finit?
Cuburile. ncercarea de a face sculptur din propria ta zi, din propriul tu timp.
De a msura timpul sau alte lucruri alunecoase ca viaa nsi, emoiile sau sentimentele, i de a le transforma n alte mrimi: secundele n grame, orele n kilograme, pulsul i ticitul n cuvinte sau depresiile i exuberana n culori.
Ai ncercat vreodat s dai culori i viselor?
Nu.
De ce?
Pentru c visele fac parte din alt realitate, mai puin contient. ncerc s nu
amestec borcanele, plus c dac a analiza visele a avea n ecuaie prea multe
necunoscute, iar ntreg procedeul ar semna mai degrab cu o scamatorie psihologic.
Dar, uitndu-te napoi la o zi, s-a ntmplat s o percepi altfel dect ai perceput-o
iniial? Ai notat-o negativ pe moment, dar mai trziu s se fi dovedit o zi pozitiv?
Teoretic se poate ntmpla acest lucru, ca percepia noastr s se schimbe n

44

to represent time and things that can happen during one day. If I establish
some simple rules, a scale and a chromatic table and I decide that everything
that happens in a day can be described through these elements colours, numbers and words, that means Im able to better observe the phenomenon
I want to study. It was difficult at the beginning to draw the chromatic map, to
set up the scale from 10 to 0 and +10, but in time I started to readjust them
to the everyday reality.
You mean to your subjective reality, or this evaluation grid can be applied to
anyone?
There is a general pattern, but of course every person has his or her own psychic and intellectual system, his or her own evaluation grid. If we made the
cube experiment on another person, transforming his or her months in cubes,
we would first have to define his/her evaluation grid.
How much of the Monthly Evaluations cubes is autobiography and how much
is science?
How much is art?
Art seems to me a quite generous term, under its umbrella a lot of oddities
can seek shelter. A lot of genetic hybrids, weird things that cannot function
outside the artistic system. I suppose your experiment too is harboured under
this umbrella.
What I dislike most in this project is the autobiographical part. I confess
I hate this kind of art work. But in any experiment you have to refrain yourself
from falsifying the numbers, if you want the output to be true. So I decided
that the texts on the cubes must be true. Since they are so short, Im forced to
pay more attention to the words I choose, thats why
they look like fiction. Eventually, the same things happen to almost all of us, the most important thing is
how you express them.
And what is the final output? The finished product?
The cubes. The attempt to create sculpture out of
your day, your own time. To measure time and other
slippery things such as life itself, emotions or
feelings, turning them into other measures: seconds
in grams, hours in kilograms, pulse and ticking in
words, depressions and exuberance in colours.
Have you ever tried to colour your dreams?
No.
Why?
Because dreams are part of another reality, less
conscious. I try not to mix things up. Moreover, if I analyse dreams I would
have too many unknown elements in this equation and the whole process
would appear more like a psychological trick.
Have you ever looked back to a day and perceived it differently from the way
you perceived it initially? Have you marked it as negative in the beginning and
then realized it was a positive one?
In theory it is possible that our perception changes in time, but practically
days remain in my memory the way I perceived them initially.
Do you also deal with memory archiving in your project? Have you thought of
archiving your perceptions on one day, any day? That is, by archiving them all,
do you offer each day, no matter its intensity, the chance to be remembered?
Mmm... Interesting question.
Thank you.
I never thought of that. At least not of archiving, even though at a certain
point I will have gathered an impressive number of days. Or maybe not.
I dislike something in the idea of memory that must be kept. Why do so many
things have to be kept? I like throwing things away. I think the process of
destruction is a very healthy one. We must not give up destruction entirely.

galerie
timp, dar practic zilele rmn n memorie cum au fost catalogate iniial. E incredibil c nu ne trebuie dect cteva cuvinte pentru a ne aminti o zi ntreag.
Este n proiectul tu vorba i despre arhivarea memoriei Sau cel puin despre
arhivarea percepiilor tale fa de o zi oarecare? Cum ar veni, arhivndu-le pe toate,
oferi fiecrei zile, indiferent de intensitatea ei, ansa de a fi amintit?
Mmm interesant ntrebare.
Mulumesc.
Nu m-am gndit la lucrul sta. Cel puin nu la arhivare, cu toate c la un moment
dat o s se strng un numr impresionant de zile. Sau poate c nu. O parte
din ideea de memorie care trebuie pstrat mi displace. De ce trebuie pstrate att de multe lucruri? Mie mi place s arunc lucruri. Cred c procesul distrugerii este unul foarte sntos. Nu trebuie s renunm complet la distrugere.
De ce nu trebuie?
Pentru c doar n urma unor distrugeri se pot face salturi uriae n evoluia a
ceva. Distrugerea este foarte pozitiv, creeaz paradigme noi.
n fundal se auzeau bti de mingi, cineva se antrena driblnd printre nite jaloane portocalii, iar o fat se tot trntea ntr-un fel ciudat pe jos, n ceea ce am
neles a fi o serie de plonjoane. La ct de absorbii am fost de discuie, nici nu
ne-am dat seama c sala se umpluse de junioarele de la CSS5, un club local
de handbal.
La plecare am ntrebat-o ce s fac cu cuburile
colorate din revist i mi-a rspuns c pot s
fac ce vreau, dar c trebuie mcar s le decupez i c trebuie neaprat s le asamblez.
SIT: DIGUL CRNGAI
SUBIECT DE DISCUIE:
CONTEXTUL ROMNESC
De data asta am ntrziat eu 15 minute, Ioana
m atepta plimbndu-se n sus i n jos pe
aleea digului. Mi-a fost greu s o gsesc pentru c digul un lac artificial de acumulare a apei
din Dmbovia, cimentat cu beton este o construcie megaloman, tipic ceauist. n parcul
din faa lui te simi ca un liliputan pierdut ntr-o
grdin construit parc de i pentru
extrateretri, al crei desen se poate zri n
ntregime doar din avion. Nici parcul i nici digul
Crngai nu au fost construite pentru oamenii
normali, de pe strad, ci pentru zei, dar, ca o ironie a sorii, tot oamenii de rnd
au ajuns s le populeze sau, mai degrab, s se piard prin ele.
Gfind, dup ce am urcat cele cteva sute de trepte mici din marmur gri, ajung
pe platforma ridicat a digului. Lacul uria strlucete orbitor. E un vnt puternic i soare cu dini. mbrcat ntr-un fel de vest de f supradimensionat, lilapal, strns n talie cu o curea neagr din piele mpletit, i o fust din dou straturi,
f i satin roz-pal, destul de lucios, care din cauza croielii ciudate nu se aaz
nicicum pe corp, dnd astfel o impresie general de dezordine calculat, Ioana
pare o dung luminoas sau un balon meteorologic. De sub vesta scurt iese
un pulover al crui model cu cprioare, veverie i conuri de brad n nuane
calde de bej, cappuccino i maro l-am vzut doar cnd am ajuns, nc gfind,
lng ea. Sub puloverul mulat, un col de cma bej mototolit. General look:
proaspt i natural, poate i din cauza prului care la lumina soarelui cptase reflexii de culoarea mierii.

Why mustnt we?

Because only after some destruction can giant leaps be made in the evolution
of something. Destruction is a very positive thing, it creates new paradigms.
In the background we heard balls bouncing, someone was dribbling around
some orange poles, and a girl kept throwing herself to the ground in a weird
way, in sort of plunges. We were so absorbed by the discussion that we didnt
realize the hall got full with the juniors from CSS5, a local handball club.
Before leaving, I asked her what I was supposed to do with the coloured cubes
in the magazine and she answered I could do anything I want, but at least
I should cut them up and assemble them.
LOCATION: CRNGAI DAM
SUBJECT: ROMANIAN CONTEXT
This time I was 15 minutes late. Ioana was waiting for me walking up and down
on the dam alley. It was not easy for me to trace her for the dam an artificial
lake accumulating the waters of Dmbovia; it is a megalomaniac construction,
typical of the Ceauescu era. In the park in front of the dam you feel like a lost
Lilliputian in a garden built by and for aliens. Its pattern can be seen only from
the air. Neither the park nor the dam were built for ordinary people from the
street, but for gods. Ironically, ordinary people have come to populate it,
or rather to lose themselves in it.
Panting from climbing several hundred format
small grey marble stairs, I reached the elevated platform of the dam. The huge lake shines
dazzlingly. A strong wind is blowing and the
sun feels frosty. Wearing a sort of oversized,
light mauve silky nylon vest, gird tightly on
the waist with a black plaited leather belt, and
a skirt made of two layers, velvety nylon and
pale pink satin, quite shiny, which didnt fit the
body because of the strange cut, Ioana seems
a luminous stripe or a meteorological balloon,
giving a general impression of calculated disorder. When I reached her, still panting, I saw
that under the short vest she was wearing
a pullover with a pattern of deer, squirrels and
cones in beige, cappuccino and brown shades.
Under the stretched pullover, a bit of a beige
wrinkled shirt. General look: fresh and natural,
perhaps because of the hair with golden
reflexes in the sunlight.
Why this place?
It was here that I used to come every morning to jog. Its a very beautiful
place, exactly due to the paradoxes it holds. Can you imagine a more natural
oasis among these blocks?
I wouldnt call this natural. Apart from the deserted park and the water from
the dam, everything is concrete.
Come on, dont be fooled by first impressions. The dam unveils itself gradually
only if you trust it. Did you know this used to be a cemetery long before?
I remember, when I was young, the debates around the dam: whether it was
moral to dig out the dead or to simply pour concrete over them. I think they
chose a middle solution, digging out what they could and the rest of it remained
under the concrete. After they built the dam, there were all kinds of stories about
the dead under the concrete asking for their revenge, about pieces of skeletons
floating on the water. Anyway, the desire to splash was so strong that there

45

 Ce-i cu locul sta?

Aici veneam n fiecare diminea s alerg. Este un loc foarte frumos, tocmai
prin prisma paradoxurilor pe care le conine. i poi nchipui o oaz mai natural printre blocurile astea?
Nu i-a spune tocmai natural. n afar de parcul deertos i de apa din dig,
totul e numai beton.
Ei, nu te lsa i tu prad primelor impresii. Digul i se dezvluie treptat, doar
dac ai ncredere n el. tii c aici a fost nainte un cimitir? in minte c atunci
cnd eram mic se vehiculau tot felul de discuii, dac e corect moral s dezgropi toi morii sau pur i simplu s torni beton peste ei. Cred c au ales o soluie
de mijloc, s dezgroape ce era de dezgropat, iar ce nu, s rmn dedesubt,
sub beton. Dup ce l-au construit, circulau tot felul de poveti, cum c morii
nedezgropai i-ar cere dreptate, ba chiar c s-au vzut ceva schelete sau, m
rog, buci din schelete plutind pe suprafaa apei. Oricum, setea de blceal
era att de mare nct se gseau destui curajoi care s se avnte n lac. Cei care
se necau erau inevitabil trecui pe lista neagr a rzbunrii celor de sub lac. Tot
aici s-a gsit i un geamantan plin cu bucile unui chinez tranat. La vremea aceea
a aprut peste tot prin pres. Dar n rest, arat foarte tiinific, nu?
tiinific?
Da, m refer la arhitectur. mi plac liniile curate, minimalismul
betonului combinat cu detalii preioase cum ar fi scrile din marmur sau bucile de amfiteatru de pe insuli. Dac vrei, putem
merge pe insuli, ajungem pe jos ntr-o jumtate de or.
Bine, haide. Ar fi trebuit s vorbim cte ceva i despre contextul romnesc.
i asta ce i se pare a fi Vizavi de insuli este un sat sau mai degrab
o aglomerare de corturi. iganii pleac cu cruele n fiecare
diminea s strng i s vnd fier vechi. Snt supermeseriai, n stare
s urce i s coboare cu cal i cru dealul foarte abrupt al digului. E un miracol c pot s fac asta fr s se dea peste cap, nu?

Pe la jumtatea drumului spre insuli m ntlnesc mereu cu un

cioban btrn i jerpelit care i aduce cele cteva capre i oi la pscut. i nchipui Are i un cine mare ciobnesc. Mi se pare fascinant cnd vd c iarba se chinuie s rsar pe mijlocul drumului, s
rzbat printre plcile de beton. i chiar cnd dai cotitura spre
insuli, inevitabil o droaie de cini turbai i nfometai alearg tocmai din vale ca s te latre furios. i consum energia pe care o mai
au, urc ditamai dealul, i asta doar ca s te latre. Nu i se pare c
tot ceea ce vezi aici e romnesc i sntem ntr-un cartier cu blocuri
situat doar la douzeci de minute de centru.
Da, e frumos. Eu m referisem la contextul artistic.
Mda, cel artistic.
Pe drum ne ntlnim ntr-adevr cu ciobanul strmutat la ora, de la care aflm
c st ntr-o cas ncropit din crmizi de blegar i cteva cartoane. E incredibil c poi s vezi aa ceva n zilele noastre i totul mi se pare foarte pitoresc
i oarecum romantic. La cotitur, am scpat de haita de cini pentru c cineva le aruncase mai devreme ceva de mncare. iganii erau deja plecai cu
cruele, acas rmnnd doar copiii, care ncinseser o miu cu o minge
dezumflat, i cteva btrne, care-i fceau de lucru prin corturile acoperite
cu pturi colorate, unsuroase i nnegrite de la atta fum fcut cu ziare i pungi
din plastic.

were quite a few people plunging in the lake. Those who drowned were
inevitably put on the black revenge list of those under the lake. This was also the
place where they found a suitcase full of body parts of a Chinese man. It was all
over the news. But apart from that, it looks very scientific, dont you think?
Scientific?
Yes, Im talking about architecture. I like its clean lines, the minimalism of
concrete combined with precious details such as marble stairs, or the amphitheatre pieces on the isle. If you like, we can go on the island, we can get there
on foot in half an hour.
OK, lets go. We were supposed to discuss the Romanian context.
And what do you think is this? Near the island there is a village, or rather an
agglomeration of tents. The gipsies leave every morning with their carts to
gather and sell scrap iron. They are really skillful, for they can go up and down
the steep hill of the dam with their horse and cart. It s a miracle they can do it
without turning over, isnt it?

Halfway to the isle I often meet an old and shabby-looking shepherd who
grazes his sheep and goats. Can you imagine? He also has a big dog. I find it
fascinating to see the grass trying so hard to spring in the middle of the road,
to break through the concrete. Just when you take the turn toward the island,
a pack of hungry, enraged dogs throw themselves at you, barking. They consume so much energy, climbing this hill, only to bark at you. Dont
you think everything around is so Romanian? And we are in a communist neighbourhood only 20 minutes away from the centre.
Yes, its beautiful. I was speaking about the artistic context.
Yeah, the artistic one.
On our way we indeed met the urban shepherd who told us he
lived in a house scraped up from dung bricks and some cardboard. Its incredible how you can still see something like this
nowadays, andI find it all very picturesque and quite romantic. At
the turn, the dogs left us alone because fortunately someone had
thrown them something to eat. The gipsies already left with their
carts. At home only children were playing football with a deflated ball, and some old women were carrying out their daily chores
in the tents covered with colourful, greasy blankets blackened by
so much smoke from the fire made with newspapers and plastic
bags.
The small island was nothing but a floating concrete saucer,
in the middle of which some wild rose bushes grew. On the edge,
the small island was flanked by a fence of willows.
We entered it through a concrete arcade adorned with marble
ornaments, probably a copy of a Greek one. The amphitheatre,
a sort of terrace with miniature arcades and columns, had some
pontoons on one side, from where boats were supposed to sail off.
Doesnt it all look like a failed scientific project?
[The second row is made up by the following images: a gold chandelier photographed in a warm light, a bullterrier with angels painted on horse leather
by G. Fickle that costs 1,500 Euros, two Montblanc fountain pens, limited edition, an exploded lamp from the 60s, with cosmic bulbs, a very small photograph with a red curtain in a theatre in ruins, ex Sofia, in Vienna, a portrait
of Carolina Herrera with her daughters in a calm August afternoon. In the background you can hear Statues from the Molokos homonym album.]
Why failed?

46

galerie
Insulia nu era altceva dect o farfurie plutitoare din beton, n mijlocul creia fuseser plantate cteva tufe cu trandafiri slbatici, din acelea care cresc i fr s
fie udate. Pe margine, insulia era flancat de un gard viu din slcii plngtoare.
Intrarea se fcea pe sub o arcad din beton cu brizbrizuri din marmur, copie
probabil dup una greceasc. Iar amfiteatrul, un fel de teras cu arcade i
coloane n miniatur, avea pe o parte cteva pontoane, de unde ar fi trebuit s
plece brcile n larg.
Nu pare totul ca un proiect ambiios euat?
[Rndul al doilea este format din urmtoarele imagini: un candelabru auriu fotografiat ntr-o lumin cald, un bullterrier cu ngeri pictat pe piele de cal de
G. Fikl i care cost 1500 de euro, dou stilouri ediie limitat Montblanc, o lustr explodat din anii 60 cu bulbi cosmici, o fotografie foarte mic cu o perdea
purpurie dintr-un teatru n ruine, fost Sofia, din Viena, i un portret al Carolinei
Herrera cu fiicele ntr-o dup-amiaz linitit de august. n fundal se aude
Statues, de pe albumul cu acelai nume, al lui Moloko.]
De ce euat?
Pentru c nu a ieit ceea ce s-a dorit iniial. Vezi tu brci sau oameni care s
stea la umbr n amfiteatru?
Nu mi se pare euat, din moment ce pescarii ia de pe pontoane folosesc spaiul
foarte bine, e adevrat c n loc de brci cu vsle au camere de cauciuc de la roile
tirurilor, dar locul nu este complet pustiu. Cel mai trist mi se pare un loc pustiit,
nepopulat nici mcar de psri sau animale.
tii c la un moment dat am vrut s fac un documentar tiinific fictiv despre locul sta. Ar fi fost
prezentat de un englez, n halat alb, cu ochelari i un
arttor, cum au profesorii de geografie la coal. E
vorba despre Tom, un DJ care scrie destul de bine n
diverse reviste de lifestyle. A fi prezentat paradoxurile care l definesc: arhitectura minimalist deczut,
cu accesorii opulente, visul nltor al arhitectului
dictator, pe de o parte, i condiia mizer a digului, a
apei poluate din cauza covoarelor care se spal n lac
n week-end-uri, i a oamenilor care l populeaz
vrnd-nevrnd, pe de alt parte. Un loc cu un imens
potenial, dar care este n ruine.
i de ce nu l-ai fcut?
Documentarul? Pentru c probabil nu am crezut destul de mult n el.
Ai fi putut ncepe cu nite poze.
Am fcut nite fotografii ntr-o iarn, cu o minge de baschet i o main de
scris n zpad. Oricum, atunci nu m gndisem nc la documentar, nu-i
descoperisem digului prile mai sensibile.
i acum?
Acum, dup cum vezi, snt alte prioriti. Poate c nu o s l uit i o s m ntorc
la un moment dat pregtit s fac acel documentar. E trist, nu, c fiecare lucru
are timpul su de gestaie, c nu poi s-l faci cnd vrei tu, c exist un moment
& context propice fiecrui lucru n parte.
A atepta nu mi se pare neaprat un lucru groaznic. Cteodat ateptarea are
efecte pozitive.

Cum vezi arta contemporan romneasc?

Tu cum o vezi?

Because it didnt turn out as it was initially planned. Do you see boats or people sitting in the amphitheatres shade?
I dont think its failed since those fishermen on the docks use this space very
well. Its true they have rubber tubes from trucks tires instead of boats, but still
the place is not completely deserted. The saddest place is a deserted one,
where not even birds or animals live.
Once I wanted to make a fictive scientific documentary about this place.
It would have been hosted by an Englishman, in white coat, with glasses and
a stick, the one that Geography teachers have. Tom is a DJ and he writes quite
well in various lifestyle magazines. I would have presented the paradoxes
defining this place: the decayed minimalist architecture, with opulent accessories, the ambitious dream of the architect dictator on one hand, the miserable condition of polluted water due to carpet washing during weekends, and
people inevitably populating it on the other hand. A place with a huge potential, nevertheless in ruins.
Why didnt you make it?
The documentary? Maybe because I didnt believe in it as strongly as I should.
You could have started with some pictures.
I took some pictures one winter, with a basketball and a writing machine in
the snow. Anyway, I hadnt thought of a documentary then, I hadnt yet discovered the sensitive parts of the dam.
What about now?
Now, as you know, I have other priorities. Maybe I wont forget it, and one
day Ill come back ready to do this documentary. Its sad, isnt it, that every
thing has its own gestation time, that you cant do it whenever you want, that
there is a time and context for everything.
Waiting doesnt necessarily mean something dreadful. Sometimes waiting has positive effects.

Whats your view on contemporary Romanian art?

Whats yours?
I cant really differentiate it from the one in Eastern
Europe. In this region amazing changes happened
in the last 15 years. I think its only natural that after
the fall of communism the artists be the first to freely
express themselves concerning the political situation,
something that was forbidden for so many years.
Now only the names of Marina Abramovic, Warhol,
who came from Poland and the IRWIN group cross
my mind, but they were not Romanians.
Well, we have Ion Grigorescu, Dan Perjovschi and subReal.
I remember, in your emails, you opposed very categorically this EastEuropean trend, of an art debating local or European political problems. Why?
In general its good to be preoccupied with the local context in which you
live. I dont think its OK to have only this kind of art, interested only in the
political issues, especially those that superficially deal with European issues.
I find annoying a lot of young artists who didnt have anything to do with politics and suddenly taking over this subject only because its trendy. You know
how it is, everybody is an expert in football and politics. With a slightly critical
approach, a little bit of mockery, a little bit of local colour, some blood, some
honey, a few gipsies, not too many, some new media to show we are not that
primitive, a bit of design as in advertising, some clubbing and VJing for we
already taste the benefits of globalisation, and here you are, a work of pure
Romanian contemporary art. In Romania there are very few artists that really
have something to say in this niche of political art, a niche which is paradoxically here represented by the majority. The best example is the recent exhibition
held at the opening of MNAC, with artists that loved or didnt love Ceauescus

47

 Nu prea o difereniez de cea din estul Europei, pentru c n aceast zon s-au
ntmplat n ultimii zece ani schimbri uluitoare. Mi se pare normal ca dup
prbuirea comunismului artitii s fie primii care s doreasc s exprime liber ceea
ce gndesc ei fa de situaia politic, lucru care le-a fost interzis atia ani. Nu-mi
vin n minte acum dect Marina Abramovic, Warhol, care era din Polonia, i
grupul IRWIN, dar ei nu snt romni.
Pi avem i noi Ion Grigorescu, Dan Perjovschi i subReal.
tiu c pe mail erai destul de categoric, mpotrivindu-te acestui trend est-european, de art care dezbate problemele politice locale sau europene. De ce?
n general mi se pare OK s te preocupe situaia local, a contextului n care
trieti. Nu mi se pare OK s ai numai art din asta, interesat doar de zona
politicului, n special de cea care trateaz cu superficialitate probleme europene.
M enerveaz c o sumedenie de artiti tineri care nu aveau nici n clin, nici n
mnec cu politica au apucat de coad acest subiect doar pentru c se poart,
c e trendy. tii cum e, la fotbal i la politic se pricepe oricine. Cu un discurs
uor critic, puin bclie, puin culoare local, puin snge, puin miere, ceva
religie ortodox cu accente dramatice, civa rromi, nu prea muli, puin new
media, ca s se vad c nu sntem chiar att de primitivi, puin design tipic ageniilor
de publicitate, puin clubbing & Vj-ing, pentru c deja gustm din beneficiile globalizrii, puin din toate astea, i gata, avem o lucrare de art contemporan
romneasc pursnge. n Romnia snt foarte puini artiti care chiar au ceva de
spus pe nia asta, de art politic, ni care de fapt la noi este o majoritate. Cel
mai bun exemplu este expoziia recent de la deschiderea MNAC-ului cu artitii
care iubeau sau nu palatul lui Ceauescu. Ci din artitii tineri care au expus atunci erau interesai de Casa Poporului nainte ca Ruxandra Balaci, curatorul acestei expoziii, s-i ntiineze de subiectul expoziiei Ci erau interesai de
subiectul n sine i ci au zis c nu pot pierde o aa ocazie, s fie ntr-o expoziie
internaional de proporii Oricum, m enerveaz din principiu ideea de lucrare
de art comandat, lucrare fcut dup o tem dat de curator, mi aduce aminte
de compunerile din coala general. Cum adic s-i dea cineva teme de
gndire Ai vzut expoziia?
Nu am vzut nici mcar cldirea.
Pi dac tot eti aici, poate i faci timp s treci s o vezi. Cu ocazia asta vezi
i MNAC-ul.
SIT: CINEMATOGRAFUL LIRA
SUBIECT DE DISCUIE: REALITATE & FICIUNE
La ultimul loc de ntlnire am mers mpreun. i fiindc nu apucasem s vd
Strlucirea etern a minii neprihnite, cu Jim Carrey i Kate Winslet, am zis
c trebuie s mergem s-l vedem la cinematograful Lira. Am intrat pe uile care
preau mai degrab ale unui chioc alimentar2 ntr-un hol ntunecat i doar mirosul inconfundabil de popcorn prjit m-a fcut s realizez c snt de fapt ntr-un
cinematograf. Am cerut dou bilete la film i vnztoarea de bilete, care era i
cea din spatele tejghelei cu floricele, i cea care rupea biletele la intrarea n sli,
ne-a msurat din cap pn n picioare, n special pe Ioana, care de data asta se
mbrcase destul de ciudat, ntr-un fel de fust neagr din piele, bombat ca o
minge i scurt pn dup genunchi, cu o geac tot din piele neagr, cu guler
ca de ppu i croial bombat, cu custuri foarte mari, care fceau ca ntreaga costumaie s aduc a minge de baseball. Ni s-a spus c va trebui s mai ateptm clieni, pentru c nu d drumul la pelicul doar pentru dou persoane,
c nu-i scoate banii.
Cum tot aveam vreme de pierdut i ignornd faptul c s-ar putea s nu mai vin
nici un client i s nu mai vedem nici un film, ne-am aezat n holul ntunecat
pe o canapea minuscul din piele roie, cu nasturi mari mbrcai tot n piele

48

palace. How many of the young artists who exhibited then were really interested in Casa Poporului before Ruxandra Balaci, the curator, announced to them
the subject of the exhibition? How many of them were interested in the subject
and how many thought they could not miss such an opportunity to be part of a
big international exhibition? Anyway I totally dislike the idea of a commissioned work of art, after a theme given by the curator, it reminds me of the compulsory essays in gymnasium. Have you seen the exhibition?
I havent seen even the building yet.
Well, if youre here, maybe youll make some time and go to see it. So youll
see the MNAC too.
LOCATION: LIRA CINEMA
SUBJECT: REALITY & FICTION
We went together to the last meeting place. And since I havent seen
The Eternal Sunshine of the Spotless Mind with Jim Carrey and Kate Winslet,
we decided to go see it together at the Lira movie theatre. We entered a dark
passage way through the doors of something that seemed rather to be a local
shop2 and only the unmistakable smell of fresh popcorn made me realize I was
inside a movie theatre. We asked for two movie tickets and the ticket seller who
was also the popcorn vendor and the woman tearing up the tickets when entering the cinema hall, looked at us up and down, especially at Ioana. This time
she had a bizarre outfit. A black leather skirt, rounded up like a ball, short up
to the knee, with a black leather jacket, a doll-like collar and bulging cut,
with very big seams that made the entire costume look like a black baseball.
We were told we had to wait for some more customers because she wouldnt
let the picture begin for only two persons, she would lose money this way.
Since we had time to lose and ignoring the fact that maybe no customer would
show up and therefore we wouldnt see any movie, we sat down in the dark
hallway, on a tiny red leather sofa, with big buttons covered in red leather.
Only when seated did I notice that on her head, Ioana had a sort of cover,
like those you put on your eyes when you sleep and dont want any light to
bother you, made of white satin on which it was written with silvery rhinestones
in capital letters, DREAM. All round, the cover was hemstitched with a thin
black strap and was fixed on the head with a pale pink lace band. She was
wearing it nonchalantly, as if she had just got out of bed. Other strange accessories were the white suede gloves, like those protection gloves worn by motorcycle drivers. I wont even mention the shoes, but they were matching the
whole outfit perfectly.
Can you believe a movie theatre is bankrupt?
This one?
Yes. Its deserted most of the times, but I like it very much because it is the
smallest multiplex cinema Ive ever seen. There are a few rooms, Ive only been
inside four until now, in which movies are projected simultaneously to maximum 20 people. The smallest room, somewhere in the basement, only has ten
seats. Nobody knows how many projection rooms there are in total, but there
are a lot of rumours about that, such as if you know the right person you can
see prohibited movies.
You mean porn?
Not necessarily, you can rent those, isnt it? Homemade movies made by all
kinds of individuals crazy about domestic masochism. If there are directors
like that, why shouldnt there be public for it?
Have you seen any of these movies?
No, I only heard there are such movies. Once, late in the night, I was passing
by, I saw light and entered. In the hallway, some dubious individuals hurried
down the winding stairways, leading to the basement room. The seller was
quite disconcerted and told me it was a private audition, that I didnt have an

galerie
roie. Abia dup ce ne-am aezat am observat c pe cap Ioana avea un fel de
acoperitoare, din aceea pe care o pui n timpul somnului pe ochi ca s nu-i
intre lumina, dintr-un satin alb pe care scria cu strasuri argintii, cu majuscule,
DREAM. De jur-mprejur, acoperitoarea era tivit cu o band subire neagr,
iar pe cap se prindea cu o cordelu dantelat de culoare roz-pal. O purta cu
nonalan, de parc tocmai se trezise din pat. Alte accesorii dubioase erau
mnuile din piele ntoars albe, din acelea de protecie pe care le poart sportivii
n cursele de motociclism. Despre pantofi nu mai pomenesc, dar se asortau
perfect ntregii inute.
i vine s crezi c un cinematograf poate fi falimentar?
sta?
Da. Este mai mereu pustiu, dar mi place foarte mult pentru c e cel mai mic
cinematograf multiplex pe care l-am vzut vreodat. Snt cteva camere, nu am
fost dect n patru pn acum, n care se proiecteaz simultan filme unui numr
maxim de douzeci de persoane. Cea mai mic camer, situat undeva la subsol, are doar zece scaune. Nimeni nu tie exact cte sli de proiecie snt n total
i snt tot felul de poveti pe tema asta, cum c dac tii persoana potrivit poi
vedea filme interzise.
Porno?
Nu neaprat, pe alea le poi nchiria, nu? Filme fcute acas de diveri indivizi pasionai n ale masochismului casnic.
Dac exist astfel de regizori, de ce nu
ar exista i public?
Ai vzut vreunul?
Nu, dar am auzit c exist. O dat am
venit noaptea trziu, am vzut lumin i am
intrat. n hol, nite dubioi se grbeau s
coboare pe scara ntortocheat, care duce spre sala de la subsol. Vnztoarea era
cam dezorientat i mi-a spus c e o audiie privat, c nu am invitaie i c nu pot
s intru. Atunci am cerut o pung cu popcorn i mi-a zis c nu-mi vinde pentru c
ce a mai rmas a fcut pentru acas. Asta
m-a fcut s m simt ca acas, s-mi imaginez c cinematograful sta poate fi casa
mea. Hai s i art ceva.
Am intrat ntr-o camer ntunecat, nu prea mare, dar foarte nalt. Cineva nghesuise pe cteva niveluri abrupte nite canapele pe col, din acelea foarte voluminoase dintr-un material oribil, gri cu desene geometrice de culoare albastr.
ntr-un col luminat discret, probabil gndit ca un fel de separeu, alte fotolii masive
mbrcate n acelai material oribil. N-am rezistat s nu m duc mai aproape
s vd tablourile de pe perei. nrmai n sticl erau civa montri sacri ai cinematografului, n cteva scene devenite n timp iconuri, cum ar fi Uma Thurman brunet n faa unui milkshake. Fotografia era semnat cu ceea ce prea
a fi autograful actriei. Toate portretele erau de altfel flamboaiant i meticulos
semnate n colul din dreapta jos.
Prin podeaua transparent a ringului de dans plpiau zeci de luminie roii i verzi.
Pereii tapetai cu oglinzi i tiau respiraia, adugnd puin efect halucinant
ntregii atmosfere. Chiar pe ringul de dans, lng oglinzi, zceau depozitate dou
birouri voluminoase din lemn masiv, tipic ceauiste. Birourile masive reflectate
n oglinzile disco aveau un aer uor pervers, comunist i pervers n acelai timp.

invitation and could not enter. Then I asked for a pop-corn bag and she told me
she wouldnt sell it to me, because she wanted to bring home the leftovers.
That kind of made me feel at home, imagine that this movie theatre could be
my home. Let me show you something.
We entered a dark room, not very big but very high. Someone had crammed
on several levels some very bulky corner sofas, made of an awful material, grey
with blue geometrical patterns. In a discreetly lighted corner, a sort of booth,
were some other big armchairs covered in the same horrible cloth. I couldnt
help getting closer to observe the pictures on the wall. Framed in glass, there
were some of the biggest stars of the cinema, in scenes that became icons
in time, such as a dark-haired Uma Thurman in front of a milkshake. The photo
was signed with something that seemed the actresss autograph. All the portraits were meticulously and flamboyantly signed in the right down corner.
Tens of red and green tiny lights were flickering through the transparent floor
of the dancing ring. The walls covered in mirrors took your breath away adding
a hallucinatory effect to the whole atmosphere. Right on the dancing ring, near
the mirrors, two bulky wooden desks typical of the Ceauescu era were abandoned. The massive desks reflected in the disco mirrors had a slight pervert air,
communist and pervert at the same time.
It used to be a kind of bar, night club and morning cafe here, but as you can
see it didnt hold out and went bankrupt. Its interesting that nobody bothered
to replace the decoration, and it stayed
on just as it was initially built. You have
the feeling you enter a museum hall,
mortuary room and worship space all in
one, dont you think?
It looks so deserted. As if something
suddenly happened and people ran desperately away. I feel like a detectivearchaeologist.
Its scary indeed. Lets go.
I wonder why it went bankrupt?
[On the last row came the following
images: a Victorian curtain, made of blue
velvet with thin black stripes, a photo
with a stranded jelly fish on the shore,
clipped from a magazine promoting
a British photography contest, an eye cover for sleeping in white satin, and
beside it is written, here is the access ticket to the realm of latent desires,
a silvery chain with a silvery coin, silvery key and a golden hen claw hanging
from it, from V. Westwood, a mauve and medicinal pink and black shoe, genre
Romanian 80s, very sexy, with Apaca-like3 reminiscences, from Venera Arapu,
published in Elle, Sept. 2004, the word interview on a very small cardboard,
written in black permanent marker, and a photocopied sheet of paper with
drawings featuring a magpie, an owl and a rose branch.
Up on the ceiling, the black shadow of a chandelier is crossed diagonally
by two parallel neon lights.]
I dont know. Maybe its the location, which is a little isolated, even if close
to the centre. It seems that the movieplex is in a sort of clinical death and survives only due to the oxygen pumped by the state. Since they dont have
money to buy new films, they make up their program with leftovers from other
movie theatres, which are economically healthy. What is not needed anymore
is sent to Lira trash bin.

49

Aici a fost un fel de bar, club de noapte i cafenea matinal, dar dup cum vezi
nu a rezistat i a dat faliment. Interesant e c nimeni nu s-a mai sinchisit s dea
decorul jos i a rmas aa cum l-au construit iniial. Ai impresia c intri ntr-o sal
de muzeu, camer mortuar, loc de cult, nu
Pare att de prsit. Parc s-a ntmplat ceva dintr-o dat i oamenii au fugit care
ncotro. M simt ca un arheolog-detectiv.
Da, e nfricotor. Hai s mergem de aici.
De ce oare a dat faliment
[Pe ultimul rnd snt nirate urmtoarele imagini: o draperie victorian din plu
bleu-pal cu dungi negre subiri, verticale, o fotografie cu o meduz euat la
rm, decupat dintr-o revist de promovare a unui concurs de fotografie britanic, o acoperitoare de ochi pentru dormit din satin alb, lng care scrie: iat biletul de acces spre trmul nzuinelor latente, un lan argintiu de care atrn
o moned argintie, o cheie argintie i o ghear de gin din aur, de la
V. Westwood, un pantof mov cu roz medicinal i negru gen 80 romnesc,
foarte sexi, cu reminiscene Apaca3, de la Venera Arapu, aprut n Elle, sept.
2004, cuvntul interview pe un carton minuscul scris cu marker negru i o
fotocopie cu desene reprezentnd o coofan, o bufni i o ramur de
trandafir.
Deasupra, pe tavan, umbra neagr a unui candelabru este tiat n diagonal
de dou neoane paralele.]
Nu tiu, de vin o fi locul, care e destul
de izolat, chiar dac e n centru. Se pare
c i cinematograful este ntr-un fel de
moarte clinic, mai supravieuiete doar
din cauza oxigenului pompat de la stat.
Fiindc nu au bani s aduc filme noi, i
fac programul din ceea ce primesc de la
celelalte cinematografe, care snt sntoase economic. Ce nu mai merge acolo
e trimis la groapa de gunoi Lira.
Un fel de cimitir al filmelor.
Mi se pare trist cnd un film ajunge aici.
Pur i simplu, n timp de cteva sptmni e scos din uz i adus aici s-i trag
sufletul, dup care pleac mai departe.
Unde mai departe Credeam c pleac direct la gunoi.
Nu cred c se arunc. Ar fi ciudat s arunci pelicula, nu Probabil c se recicleaz i se face material plastic.
Nu cred, e toxic.
Poate i dau foc ntr-un tomberon n spatele cinematografului. i aa polueaz.
Ar fi interesant s urmreti traseul unui film, de la scrierea scenariului pn la
filmare, montaj i distribuie, de la perioada de glorie pn la decderea total, din
tomberonul de la cinematograful Lira.
Toate drumurile duc la Lira!
Cnd, ntr-un final, au aprut pe ua de la intrare civa clieni rtcii, mai precis dou cupluri, am nit nspre ei s-i ntrebm la ce film merg. Pomeneau ceva
de Angelina Jolie i Alexandru i dndu-ne seama c eram n minoritate, pentru c lor, fiind patru, li s-ar fi dat drumul la pelicul, am ncercat s-i convingem
s mearg la Strlucirea etern a minii neprihnite. Dac la nceput Ioana i
implorase s-i schimbe opiunile, acum mai c le ordona s vad filmul sta

50

A sort of movie cemetery.

Its kind of sad when a movie gets here. After several weeks it is out of use
and it gets here to take a breath, and then moves forward.
Forward where I thought it goes straight to the garbage.
I dont think they throw it away. It would be strange to throw away the film
roll, isnt it Probably it is being recycled and turned to plastic.
I dont think so, its toxic.
Maybe they burn it in the back of the theatre. Its polluting either way.
It would be interesting to follow the trajectory of a movie, from the writing of
the screen play to the footage, editing and distribution, from its glorious era to
the total decadence, inside of a garbage bin in the back of Lira movie theatre.
All roads lead to Lira!
When finally some lost customers showed up in the doorstep, more exactly two
couples, we sprang towards them to ask what movie they were going to.
They said something about Angelina Jolie and Alexander and, realizing we
were outnumbered and the movie would have been chosen by them, we tried
to convince them to go see The Eternal Sunshine of the Spotless Mind.
If in the beginning Ioana begged them to change their option, now she almost
commanded them to see this movie which was better than Alexander, that
Alexanders story could be found in any history book and so on and so forth.
Unless the ticket seller didnt decide in the last minute, not out of compassion
for two patient customers like us who had waited half an hour for the arrival
of other customers, but because she had already seen Alexander at home, on
a DVD and thought it was stupid, that
the six of us would see The Eternal...,
probably it would have ended with
swearing from both sides.
And because the projector from room
no. 4 had broken, we had to wait
for another half hour until they moved
the film role to the basement, in another
room. Ill never forget that big and terrifying aluminium wheel, through which
you could see the barren denuded film,
oil black with green-bluish reflexes.
The man from the technical department
was simply rolling it in the hallway
before our eyes and I felt like I was in
a Chinese restaurant where the cook
brings before you the snake alive, for you to know what you are going to eat.
Before exiting, I reminded Ioana about the initial reason of our meeting,
the discussion about reality & fiction.
What do you think this was?

galerie
care, calitativ, era peste Alexandru, c povestea lui Alexandru o pot gsi i n
crile de istorie i aa mai departe.
Dac vnztoarea nu ar fi decis n ultimul moment, nu din compasiune pentru
nite clieni rbdtori ca noi, care ateptaser o jumtate de or sosirea altor
clieni, ci pentru c vzuse i ea acas, pe DVD, Alexandru i i se pruse o prostie,
s mergem toi ase la Strlucirea etern, probabil c totul s-ar fi terminat
cu njurturi de ambele pri.
i pentru c proiectorul din sala patru se stricase, a trebuit s ateptm alt jumtate de or pn au mutat rola de film la subsol, n alt camer. Nu o s uit niciodat roata aceea mare i terifiant cu cadru din aluminiu prin care se vedea pelicula
despuiat, de culoarea pcurei cu reflexe verzi-albstrui. Omul de la tehnic o
ddea pur i simplu de-a dura pe hol prin faa ochilor notri i m-am simit ca
ntr-un restaurant chinezesc unde buctarii i aduc mai nti arpele viu, ca s
tii ce urmeaz s mnnci. La ieire, i-am reamintit Ioanei de motivul iniial al
ntlnirii noastre, de discuia despre realitate & ficiune.

Notes:
1. Jeanette Winterson, in Art Objects essays on ecstasy and effrontery, London,
Johnathan Cape Random House, 1995, p. 71.
2. Where everything is sold, from food to socks and electric home appliances. The local
shops, located on the buildings ground floors are here before the supermarkets.
The new malls represent for these small family businesses a real threat in the next
future.
3. Apaca was in communist times a clothing factory that held in Bucharest a monopoly
on women clothes industry, providing a unique style, quite dull and uniform.
It still exists but produces clothes in lohn system.

i ce i se pare c a fost asta?

Traducere din englez de Maria Farca
Note:
1. Jeanette Winterson, in Art Objects essays on ecstasy and effrontery, London, Jonathan Cape Random
House, ediia 1995, p. 71.
2. Unde se vnd de toate, de la alimente la osete i electrocasnice. Chiocurile, situate la parterul
blocurilor, au existat naintea supermarketurilor, iar noile mall-uri constituie pentru aceste mici afaceri de familie o ameninare real n viitor.
3. Apaca era pe timpul lui Ceauescu o fabric de confecii din Bucureti. Deinea oarecum monopolul
hainelor pentru femei, iar stilul era unul tipic pentru acele timpuri, cuminte, muncitoresc i cu materiale de proast calitate. Fabrica a reuit s supravieuiasc tranziiei, producnd haine n sistem lohn.
Cteva precizri suplimentare:
Stuart Aarsman nu este un personaj real, ci unul fictiv, realizat prin contopirea celor cinci biografii
fictive trimise artistei de Falke Pisano, curatoarea expozitiei Evaluri lunare de la Ellen de Bruijne Gallery,
Amsterdam, actualmente masterand la Jan van Eyck Academie, Maastricht. Prin urmare, interviul
nu a avut loc niciodat.
Traducerea interviului, realizat de Maria Farca, s-a fcut de fapt din romn n englez, i nu invers.
Cele trei situri exist n realitate i snt situate n Bucureti. Descrierea lor este n mare parte corect, cu urmtoarele excepii: sala de sport nu are dou intrri, una pentru public i cealalt pentru sportivi,
ci doar un singur culoar; pe insuli nu exist nici un amfiteatru din marmur, nu exist tufe de trandafiri
slbatici i nici arcada din beton de la intrare n stil grecesc; n ceea ce privete cinematograful Lira,
nu exist poveti cu filme proiectate pe ascuns, iar slile au minimum cincizeci de locuri.
ntlnirile de pe dig, cu ciobanul btrn, cinii turbai i copiii igani, snt reale. Excepie face povestea
btrnului. Reale snt i povetile din cinematograful Lira, cu ateptarea clienilor, negocierea pentru vizionarea filmului dorit i transportul rolei de film prin holul cinematografului, de ctre omul de
la tehnic.
Vestimentaia artistei pe parcursul interviului a fost inspirat din urmtoarele colecii: n sala de sport,
As Four, sezonul toamn/iarn 2005; pe dig, Stella McCartney, sezonul toamn/iarn 2004; n cinematograful Lira, Rei Kawakubo, Comme des Garons, sezonul primvar/var 2005.

Some supplementary specifications:

Stuart Aarsman is not real. He is a fictional character made of several fictive biographies sent to the artist by Falke Pisano, the curator of Monthly Evaluations exhibition
from Ellen de Bruijne Gallery, Amsterdam. She is currently an MA student at Jan van
Eyck Academie, Maastricht. Therefore the interview never took place.
The translation of the interview was made by Maria Farca from Romanian to English
and not the other way around.
The three locations actually exist and are situated in Bucharest. Their description is
mostly accurate, with the following exceptions: the sports hall does not have two
entrances, for the public and for the sportsmen, but only one long corridor; on the little island there is no marble amphitheatre, no wild roses bushes and no concrete
Greek-like arcade at the entrance; as for Lira cinema theatre, there are no stories with
forbidden movies and the cinema halls do have more than fifty seats.
The dam meetings with the old shepherd, the maddened dogs and gipsy children are
all real. In Lira movie theatre, the waiting for more clients, the negotiations to see the
preferred movie and the transport of the film role through the cinema hall by the technical man are actually true.
During the interview the artist was dressed with clothes inspired by the following fashion collections: As Four, Fall 2005 in the sports hall, Stella McCartney, Winter 2004 on
the Crngai dam and Rei Kawakubo, Comme des Garons, Spring 2005 in Lira cinema
theatre.

Cele dou ntrebri care i-au fost puse de Stuart artistei, dac s-a gndit vreodat s evalueze visele i dac percepia nu se schimb n timp, au fost puse n realitate de Julia van Mourik, fost executive editor la revista RE- i una dintre organizatoarele evenimentelor Lost & Found din Amsterdam,
n care se ncerca prezentarea artitilor i a proiectelor ntr-un cadru informal, lipsit de rigiditatea unei
galerii de art contemporan.

The two questions that Stuart addressed to the artist, if she ever thought of evaluating
dreams and if perception doesnt change in time, where actually addressed by Julia
van Mourik, ex-executive editor at RE- magazine, and one of the organizers of Lost &
Found evenings in Amsterdam. These events try to present the artists and their works
in a more casual & friendlier atmosphere, without the formality of a contemporary art
gallery.

Peretele i imaginile de pe perete care apar inserate n cele trei capitolele snt reale, fiind situate n
studioul artistei.

The wall and the pictures glued on it that appear inserted in the interview are real and
located in the artists studio.

Umbra neagr a candelabrului tiat oblic de dou neoane paralele nu este situat n atelierul artistei, ci n sediul add-ului, o organizaie nonprofit specializat n marketing cultural, iar umbra este o
intervenie a artistei n acel spaiu, situat de asemenea n Bucureti.

The black shadow of the chandelier diagonally crossed by the parallel neon lights is
not located in the artists studio but in add office a non-profit organisation specialized in cultural marketing, and the shadow is an intervention of the artist in this space,
located in Bucharest.

Copyright-ul fotografiilor din interviu aparine n totalitate autorilor lor.

Structura i formatul interviului au fost inspirate din RE- o revist despre o singur persoan, n special din numerele 9, despre John, i 10, despre Claudia.
Textul a fost scris de Ioana Neme.

The copyright of all photos in the interview belong entirely to their authors.
The structure and form of the interview were inspired from RE- a magazine about one
person, especially no. 9 about John and no. 10 about Claudia.
The interview was written by Ioana Neme.

51

Energii neutilizate
Interviu cu artistul Florin Tudor, de Mihnea Mircan

Uniti de locuire, CIAC i Fundaia Cultural Toaca, Studioul Toaca, Bucureti,

1527 martie

FALLOW ENERGIES
An interview with the artist Florin Tudor by Mihnea Mircan
Living Units, ICCA and Cultural Foundation Toaca, Toaca Studio,

MONA VTMANU i FLORIN TUDOR lucreaz mpreun din anul 2000. Rezidene la USF Bergen (2005),
Kunstlerhaus Buchsenhausen, Innsbruck (2004), Muzeul Ludwig, Budapesta (2003). www.exapes.org

n Uniti de locuire, expoziia de la Centrul Internaional de Art Contemporan (Bucureti), Mona Vtmanu i Florin Tudor construiesc imaginea unui ora disonant, fracturat ntre straturi temporale i utopii contradictorii. Bucureti, Constana, Bergen sau
Trento snt cteva dintre etapele acestui studiu comparat despre transformarea urban
i despre ce se pierde n acest proces. O discuie cu Florin Tudor despre urgene i soluii,
utopie i cinism, arhitectura care de-natureaz i arhitectura ca interfa ntre colectivitate i ideologie.
Mihnea Mircan Am vzut expoziia voastr de la CIAC marcat de filmul pe care l-ai
fcut la Bergen i l montai acum, remake-ul dup La pluie [Ploaia] de Marcel Broodthaers,
n care ncerci s desenezi din memorie un bloc comunist i ploaia terge continuu
cerneala. Eecul memoriei n raport cu oraul sau neputina de a corela fragmentele urbane
mi s-a prut o cheie de lectur pentru mai multe lucrri din Uniti de locuit.
Florin Tudor Proiectul de la Bergen a pornit de la un efort de a ne aminti stratul interbelic din arhitectura Bucuretiului, care se transform ncet n ruin. ncercam s l
inventariem, sistematic, din memorie. Ne-am nvrtit n gol o sptmn, nereuind s
finalizm gestul. Era un fel de nostalgie patetic i ne-am dat seama c lucrm de fapt
cu trauma astfel am trecut progresiv la ideea de a desena blocuri comuniste. Rezidena
de la Bergen nsemna pentru noi i o schimbare important de context, era un gol de
memorie ce ne-a permis s ne proiectm altfel, din punct de vedere afectiv, acele locuri i blocuri. Din ideea iniial, cumva absurd, a desenului din memorie i din schimbarea de context a aprut pe parcurs soluia citatului dup Broodthaers. Memoria sau
neputina ei e o cheie de lectur, alturi de fragilitatea istoriei personale: proiectul e o
consecin a travaliului de memorie din lucrri anterioare.
Din acelai punct de vedere al memoriei urbane, Persepolis mi se pare o panoram
a oraelor, o ncercare de a face vizibil istoria lor n estura locurilor. Blocul din Iai e printre cele mai elocvente exemple de suprapunere a straturilor temporale n locuirea postcomunist.
n Persepolis am lucrat pe ideea de ora n ora, de ora multiplu, pornind de la diversitatea modurilor de ocupare a spaiului, mai nti n Bucureti i apoi n alte locuri.
Blocul din Iai era un exemplu foarte clar de arhitectur comunist colonizat de locatari
dup revoluie; de multe ori ncercm ns s facem vizibil istoria n locuri unde e mai
puin evident. Dac n acea faad de bloc comunist vezi istoria ultimilor 15 ani n felul
n care locatarii au ncercat s upgradeze condiiile n care triesc, fiecare pentru el
i indiferent la consecine, situaia se repercuteaz n ansamblul oraului i se vede n
felul n care se organizeaz el acum, nu dup reguli urbanistice n sensul clasic. E un
urbanism spontan, condiionat social i financiar, vizibil n ghetourile comuniste motenite din anii 70 i 80, unde fiecare ncearc s se adapteze la noul context, dar i
n noile ghetouri rezideniale, cum e zona Hotelului Persepolis ori ansamblul

MIHNEA MIRCAN este curator la Muzeul de Art Contemporan, Bucureti.

52

Bucharest, 1527 March

MONA VTMANU and FLORIN TUDOR hare worked together since
2000. They had residences at the USF Bergen (2005), Kunstlerhaus
Buchsenhausen, Innsbruck (2004), Ludwig Museum, Budapest (2003).
www.exapes.org
In Living Units, their show at the International Center for Contemporary
Art (Bucharest), Mona Vtmanu and Florin Tudor articulate the image
of a dissonant city, fractured between temporal strata and divergent utopias. Bucharest, Constana, Bergen or Trento are a few phases in this
comparative study of urban transformation and of what is lost in the process. Mihnea Mircan talks here with Florin Tudor about emergencies and
solutions, utopia and cynicism, architecture that de-natures and architecture as interface between collectivities and ideology.
Mihnea Mircan I saw your show at ICCA thinking persistently of the
film you have shot in Bergen and are now editing, the re-enactment
of La pluie by Marcel Broodthaers in which you draw from memory
a communist block and rain continuously erases the ink. I thought that
the failure of memory in relation to the city, the incapacity of fitting
together urban fragments applies to more projects presented in Living
Units.
Florin Tudor The Bergen project started off as an effort to remember the
architecture created in Bucharest between the two World Wars,
a layer in the history of the city which is slowly turning to ruin. We were
trying to make a systematic inventory of those buildings, from memory.
We went in circles for over a week, unable to finalize the gesture. It felt
like a combination of pathos and nostalgia and we eventually realized we
were actually dealing with trauma so we progressively switched to the
idea of drawing communist blocks. The residency in Bergen also meant for
us an important change of context, it was a memory void that allowed to
project differently, from an affective standpoint, those places and blocks.
From the somewhat absurd initial idea of drawing from memory and from
this change of context appeared the solution of the Broodthaers quote.
Memory or its breakdown is an interpretive key, alongside the vulnerability of personal history: the film is to a certain extent a consequence of the
effort of remembering deployed in previous projects.
From the same viewpoint of urban memory, Persepolis reads like
a panorama of cities, an attempt to make their history visible in the complicated layering of places. The block in Iai ranks among the most
explicit instances of post-communist dwelling, in the way different temporal strata overlap.
In Persepolis we have worked, in Bucharest and then in other places,
with the idea of the city-inside-the-city, of multiple city, starting from the
diversity of ways in which space is occupied. The block from Iai was a
very clear example of communist architecture colonized by dwellers after
the revolution, but we often try to make history visible in places where it
is less obvious. If on that faade in Iai you can see the history of the last
15 years in the way inhabitants have attempted to upgrade their living
conditions, each for him- or herself and oblivious to consequences, the situation can also be traced in the whole of the city, in the way the city
structures itself now, indifferent to the classic rules of urbanism.

MIHNEA MIRCAN is a curator at the Museum of Contemporary Art in Bucharest.

scena

Mona Vtmanu and Florin Tudor

Living Units, images from the project (2004 ongoing). Innsbruck (2004), Filingsfjord, Bergen (2005), Bergen (2005), Filingsfjord, Bergen (2005)

53

Mona Vtmanu and Florin Tudor

Persepolis, images from the project (2001 ongoing). Bucharest, 2003

La Mesteceni, unde arhitectul a ncercat ceva foarte optimist, dar cumva desprins de
nevoi sociale i lipsit de o viziune de ansamblu asupra oraului. Ceva asemntor ncercase i cu zece ani nainte, pe Victoria Socialismului, sub o alt ideologie acum lucra
pentru consumism, dar e pn la urm acelai tip de ratare. Nou Bucuretiul ne las
o imagine linear, se simte o continuitate care trece dincolo de ideologie. Sau poate
o legtur pervers ntre fractur i continuitate, ca i cum varianta de modernism impus
de comunism a fost adoptat, s-a integrat sau s-a dizolvat n societate, astfel nct urmtorul val progresist a cldit peste ea i a preluat-o total. Ca i cum comunismul ar fi
pregtit terenul pentru realizarea noii economii liberale. n zonele depopulate, goale,
vezi cum apare spontan un fragment urban din alt parte, oraul se repet n alt loc,
o situaie se reproduce n alt zon, fr ca s aib cineva senzaia c ceva se pierde.
Noi am prins ultimii 10 ani din comunism i primii 15 din chestia asta nou, teoretic
dou etape distincte, rupte. Dar Bucuretiul e locul perfect pentru aceste moduri fracturate de ocupare a spaiului i sentimentul nostru e c asta se ntmpl dintotdeauna
aici, asta e funcia matematic prin care oraul progreseaz: ceva dispare i se reface,

54

Ours is a spontaneous urbanism, financially and socially conditioned, visible in the communist ghettos we have inherited from the 70s and 80s,
where everybody is trying to adapt to the new context, but also in the
new residential ghettos, like the area where Hotel Persepolis is located or
the La Mesteceni district, where the architect sought something really
optimistic. Yet the same architect had sought something similar ten years
before, on the Victory of Socialism Boulevard, under a different ideology
now he was working for consumerism, but the end result is the same kind
of failure. Essentially, the impression we get from looking at Bucharest
is linear, we perceive a kind of continuity that goes beyond ideology.
Or perhaps a perverse bond between disruption and continuity, as if the
type of modernism imposed by communism was adopted it dissolved
and became integrated into society, so that the next wave of progress
took it over and used it as a foundation. As if communism had prepared
the ground for performing the new liberal economy. In depopulated,
empty areas, you can notice the spontaneous emergence of an urban
fragment that belongs elsewhere. The city reproduces itself in another
area, a situation is repeated in a different context, without anyone sensing that something might be lost in the process. We have witnessed the
last ten years of communism and the first 15 of this new thing two disconnected phases, you would say. Yet Bucharest seems like the perfect
spot for these fractured ways of space occupation, we believe that this
has happened throughout the history of the city and that this is the mathematical function by which the city advances: something disappears and
re-emerges, in identical shape, somewhere else. After the stagnation of
the 90s and the many blunders of the Bancorex type, things slowly started to pick up, mainly because of the change in commissioner. If the
blocks were commissioned by the state hence the social failure now
the commission is economic and you can feel the difference. We spend
a lot of time talking to young architects. In general they are still quite
utopian in the way they conceptualize the question of public space.
A large part have graduated with projects dealing with urban healing,
with reconstructing demolished buildings, with things that are either
absent or dysfunctional like an authentic public space in Bucharest, yet
the gap between these projects they would like to carry out and those
generated by the new economy is pretty large. The communist utopia
solving social problems on a mass scale no longer exists but it has not
been replaced by an alternative view on the vital functioning of a city and
its inhabitants. That is probably one of the reasons for which the city
remains divided into ghettos and disparate fragments eclectic architecture, modernism, socialist architecture of Soviet inspiration and residential area of American influence, the latter also dysfunctional as far as
infrastructure (both in the technical and the social sense) is concerned.
Between these layers there is a close network of slits and breaks in the
texture of the city, which fuel the vitality you can still feel in the city, producing a kind of counter-geography which we study in Persepolis,
a kind of gradual colonization of the lapses in urban tissue.
Another important question in your research is the way in which
architecture advances in nature in the installation Consuming the City
you compare it to economy and draw an interesting parallel between
serial architecture and the seriality of food.
In Consuming the City we have started from the dual issue of consumption, in architecture and economy. We have worked the way economy processes nature, in several distinct phases. In Innsbruck, where the
installation was first created, it was quite clear that each fallow plot of
land, located outside the city, was awaiting a new function there is only
a small distance separating agriculture from a supermarket. There the
city is conditioned, perhaps more than in other cases, by geography.
We have walked both ways of the valley and became aware that the city
and its satellites were striving to unite in a continuous tissue, to consume
the interstices separating them. We have imitated this dynamic process in
the installation now presented at ICCA we have consumed and what we
have consumed became agglutinated and entered the installation.
The diversity of food we have consumed was higher in Innsbruck than in
Bucharest, but after all it is false diversity, as things are perfectly serialized in the economic domain we have consumed. The same kinds of

scena

Mona Vtmanu and Florin Tudor

Persepolis, images from the project (2001 ongoing). Bucharest, 2003, Iai, 2004

identic, n alt parte. Dup stagnarea din anii 90 i gafele de tipul Bancorex, lucrurile
au nceput ncet s evolueze, n primul rnd din cauza schimbrii de comanditar. n cazul
blocurilor comanditarul era statul, de aici eecul social, or, acum comanda e economic i asta se vede. Noi discutm foarte mult cu arhiteci tineri, majoritatea snt nc destul
de utopici n felul n care i pun problema spaiului public. O parte din ei i-au dat
diplomele pe proiecte de vindecare urban, pe reconstrucia locurilor demolate, pe
lucruri care lipsesc ori nu funcioneaz, cum ar fi un spaiu public autentic n Bucureti,
dar distana dintre aceste proiecte pe care ar dori ei s le realizeze i proiectele generate de noua economie e destul de serioas. Utopia comunist rezolvarea problemelor sociale n mas nu mai exist, dar n-a fost nlocuit de o imagine nou despre
cum funcioneaz vital un ora i locuitorii lui. Poate i din cauza asta oraul rmne mprit
n ghetouri i fragmente disparate stratul eclectic, cel interbelic, cel socialist de
influen sovietic i cartierul de vile de influen american, i el nefuncional ca infrastructur, nu doar n sens tehnic, ci i n sens social. Iar ntre ele exist o reea strns de rupturi i goluri, dar i de energii i posibiliti, care alimen-

packages pack roughly the same the same kind of food. Our strategy was
to mimic the real economic process in our minor process reproducing it,
a little city of packages resulted, over which we have projected a film
about the relation between architecture and nature. Serial consumption is
an inverted copy of the dynamic of architecture, of the serial organization
of space. We have worked with engineering precision: there were a few
small gestures to be performed so that the packs would resemble blocks,
it was a minute architectural process. We were expecting those seeing
the end result to interact with it as if it were an architectural model, even
if our purpose duplicating the economic process was rather performative. The situation became absurd in the documentary Landscape, when
we returned with our object to the supermarket, the place it came from
but where it should not have existed anymore, being ejected out of economic usage.
We have collected many instances of serial architecture, more or less
spectacular failures from Trento, Bolzano, Berlin, Bergen, Budapest,
Dunajvros, Constana or Iai. In Innsbruck or Bergen architecture situates itself in opposition to the mountain or fjord, conceived as a defining element. On the other side stands its human equivalent, the block
a monolith which functions like an outpost for further developments
of the city. Returning to the installation, the city made of packages imitates the real city, since we imitated the economic process of taking
nature into possession. When the empty pack is deprived of its economic meaning, it acquires meaning in our process which generates the
consumption city.
I suggest we now turn to Il mondo nuovo, the performance also
filmed in Innsbruck in which you re-enact the Giandomenico Tiepolo
painting. I would like to insist on the question of utopia, as I remember
you saying you distrust architecture that dispenses with utopia.
Il mondo nuovo engages the utopian hope, the idea that something
entirely new and perfect will rise from the empty building site, but also
connotes the theme of re-processing, of becoming integrated in a given
context which contains a certain a certain unexploited vitality. The performance was acted out by architects, artists and curators, all of them concerned with the city, its fate and its transformations; each of them took
this experience of staring into the empty building site in a very subjective
way. I suppose architecture is such an important preoccupation for us
also because we are from the East and therefore quite used to utopia.
We do believe in a kind of utopia even if it is obvious that it does not work
we ourselves disprove it. It is a sort of need that we constantly negotiate, we are always between utopia and cynicism. The hope for a new
world was present in Giandomenicos painting, according to certain interpretations this new world is America, in opposition with Venetian decadence. Today there are no more new places to chart, so the new world is
located inside known territories. A lot of architects think along those lines
today: to channel the immense force which lurks inside the city.
The architect has become the negotiator who discovers new territories.
This juxtaposition of utopia and cynicism, constantly testing each
other, reminded me of the film in which Buster Keaton is trying to build
a house out of prefabricates, but someone has changed the numbers in
the installation kit, so that the instructions no longer correspond to the
parts. It sounds like an adequate image of urbanism in Bucharest.
Prefabricates for communist blocks had to bear an architectural motif.
From a certain point onwards, in complete ideological and cultural confusion, architects were forced to use motifs derived from Brancusis
sculptures, so that now you see many balconies decorated with The Gate
of the Kiss. In such cases you realize that they had lost the installation kit,
that they were working with ideological instructions which did not fit the
context. Or perhaps they were working with more, contradictory kits
a historical one, a modernizing, socialist one, an aesthetic and an ideological kit. Another example of what is happening now in Bucharest is the
fate of eclectic houses, resembling that of the rudimentary kiosks from
the early 90s. They are demolished and replaced by blocks, although the
ideology that generated blocks is obsolete. It is like a belated reflex of
that by-gone stance, while the block seems to be the first reaction to the
existence of an empty plot of land, on which something must be built.

55

Mona Vtmanu and Florin Tudor

Consuming the City (2004), views of the installation at the International Center for Contemporary Art, Bucharest, photo: Florin Tudor, credit: the artists and ICCA

56

scena

57

teaz probabil vitalitatea pe care o simi n Bucureti. E un fel de contrageografie pe

care noi o studiem n Persepolis, un fel de colonizare treptat a lacunelor din esutul
urban.
O alt problem important pentru voi este modul n care arhitectura avanseaz n
natur n Consuming the City l comparai cu economia i stabilii un raport foarte interesant ntre arhitectura serial i serialitatea hranei.
n Consuming the City am pornit de la problema dubl n economie i arhitectur
a consumului i am ncercat s lucrm n modul n care economia proceseaz natura,
n nite etape foarte clare. La Innsbruck era foarte evident modul n care fiecare parcel
neocupat, nc n afara oraului, se pregtea pentru o nou funciune de la agricultur la un supermarket distana e foarte mic. Oraul este, acolo mai mult dect n alte
cazuri, condiionat de geografie. Am mers n ambele sensuri ale vii i am remarcat c
oraul i sateliii lui ncercau s se uneasc ntr-o estur continu, s consume interstiiile
dintre ei. Am ncercat s imitm dinamica asta n instalaia de la Innsbruck, prezentat
i la CIAC am consumat, i ceea ce am consumat s-a aglutinat i a intrat n instalaie.
Diversitatea lucrurilor pe care le-am consumat e mai mare la Innsbruck dect la
Bucureti, dar e o fals diversitate pn la urm lucrurile snt perfect serializate n zona
economic pe care am consumat-o noi i aceleai ambalaje ambaleaz aproape aceleai tipuri de alimente. Strategia noastr a fost s mimm procesul real economic n
procesul nostru minor refcndu-l, rezultatul a fost un orel, pe deasupra cruia proiectm filmul despre relaia dintre arhitectur i natur. Consumul serial reproduce invers
dinamica arhitecturii, care organizeaz spaiul n mod serial. Am ncercat s lucrm foarte
inginerete: erau mici gesturi care trebuiau fcute pentru ca ambalajele s sugereze blocuri,
era un miniproces architectural. Ne ateptam ca acei care vedeau produsul final s
interacioneze cu el ca i cum ar fi fost vorba de o machet de arhitectur, dei scopul nostru refacerea procesului economic era mai curnd performativ. Situaia devine
absurd n documentarul Landscape, cnd ne rentoarcem cu obiectul nostru n supermarket, locul de unde provine, dar n care n-ar fi trebuit teoretic s mai existe, fiind scos
din uzul economic.
Am colecionat foarte multe exemple de arhitectur serial, eecuri mai mult sau mai
puin spectaculoase de la Trento, Bolzano, Berlin, Bergen, Budapesta, Dunajvros, Constana sau Iai. La Innsbruck sau Bergen arhitectura se situeaz n opoziie cu muntele
sau fiordul, perceput ca termen care definete. De cealalt parte e echivalentul lui uman,
blocul, monolitul care funcioneaz ca avanpost pentru dezvoltri ulterioare ale oraului. Revenind la instalaie, oraul din ambalaje imit oraul real, iar noi am imitat un fel
de proces economic, de luare n stpnire a naturii. n momentul n care ambalajul gol,
i pierde sensul economic, capt sens n procesul nostru care a generat oraul de consum.
i propun s vorbim acum despre Il mondo nuovo, performance-ul filmat la Innsbruck
n care citai pictura lui Giandomenico Tiepolo. A vrea s insistm pe ideea de utopie;
te-am auzit spunnd c nu crezi n arhitectura care se dispenseaz de utopie.
Il mondo nuovo lucreaz cu ateptarea utopic, cu ideea c ceva cu totul nou i perfect va iei din antierul gol, dar i cu ideea de reprocesare, de inserie ntr-un context
deja dat, care conine o anume vitalitate neutilizat. La performance au participat arhiteci, artiti i curatori preocupai de ora, de transformrile i soarta lui; fiecare a luat
experiena asta, de a privi antierul gol, ntr-un mod foarte subiectiv. Cred c arhitectura ne intereseaz att de mult i pentru c sntem estici, deci sntem destul de deprini
cu utopia. Credem ntr-un fel de utopie, dei e evident ne-o demonstrm chiar noi
c ea nu funcioneaz. E un fel de nevoie cu care negociem i ne situm permanent
ntre utopie i cinism. Sperana ntr-o lume nou era i n pictura lui Giandomenico, n
unele interpretri e vorba de America, n opoziie cu decadena veneian. Nou nu
ne-au mai rmas locuri noi de cartografiat, iar lumea nou se afl n interiorul teritoriilor cunoscute. Muli arhiteci gndesc acum aa: s canalizeze fora enorm care e n

58

Mona Vtmanu and Florin Tudor

Il mondo nuovo, still from the film, video, 16, 2004

scena
Alturarea asta ntre utopie i cinism, care se testeaz reciproc, mi amintete de filmul n care Buster Keaton ncearc s construiasc o cas din prefabricate, doar c cineva a schimbat numerele din kitul de asamblare i instruciunile nu mai corespund prilor.
Mi se pare o imagine adecvat a urbanismului din Bucureti.
n blocurile comuniste, prefabricatele trebuiau s poarte un detaliu architectural. De
la un anumit punct ncolo, ntr-o confuzie cultural i ideologic complet, li s-a impus
arhitecilor s preia motive de la Brncui, astfel nct multe balcoane snt decorate acum
cu Poarta Srutului. Aici ncepi s vezi c au pierdut kitul de asamblare, c aveau
instruciuni ideologice, care nu funcionau n contextul respectiv. Sau poate c lucrau
cu mai multe kituri contradictorii, cel istoric, cel socialist-modernizator, cel estetic i cel
ideologic. Un alt exemplu pentru ce se ntmpl acum n Bucureti este soarta caselor
eclectice, care seamn cu cea a SRL-urilor din anii 90, dezafectate i demolate. n locul
lor apare un bloc, dei ideologia generatoare de bloc a disprut. E un fel de reflex ntrziat al acelei atitudini, iar blocul pare s fie prima reacie la existena unui teren gol, pe
care trebuie construit ceva. n context a spune c o prim soluie ntr-un master plan
pentru Bucureti ar fi un tip de demers arhitectural care s lucreze cu stratul vechi al
oraului, cel eclectic, neoclasic, decadent, i s construiasc o form plecnd de acolo.
Cei mai muli arhiteci i evit trecutul, drm i construiesc altceva, fr s bage de
seam c n apropiere rmne i ceva din esutul anterior i c asta creeaz o relaie foarte
tensionat ntre straturile cronologice ale oraului.
tiu c te-a tentat la un moment dat pasul ctre arhitectur, c ai fost pe punctul
de a trece, s zicem, de la Photoshop la AutoCAD. Pe de alt parte, mai multe dintre proiectele voastre, ca Virtual Estate, sugereaz un interes de tipul acesta. Potenialul lor critic se situeaz ntre a face i a consemna, oscileaz ntre cercetare i intervenie.
nainte de Virtual Estate a fost proiectul Hyperhouse, aprut ntr-un moment n care
lucram cu animaie. Conceptul era vindecarea urban, iar n perioada respectiv colaboram cu Biroul de Arhitectur Dorin tefan la un plan pentru reabilitarea oraului
Constana. Mona fcuse cele dou csue cu pattern-ul decorativ preluat din interiorul
moscheii, care urmau s fie instalate pe esplanada care duce ctre malul mrii. Toate
amintirile ei cu demolarea caselor, bisericilor i a sinagogii erau cumva n joc. Ar fi trebuit s fie o intervenie care deturna cumva limbajul arhitecturii. i din oraul distopic
din Virtual Estate un fel de acumulare de cuburi la care am lucrat pn cnd a cedat
calculatorul, nemaiputnd s proceseze toate layer-ele urmau s ias aceste dou case,
forme perfecte ale locuirii. Era un fel de intervenie urbanistic ntr-un spaiu fantasmatic. La Ludwig Budapesta, pe aceeai form minimal de cas am proiectat imagini cu
blocuri, un fel de sculptur a dramei caselor demolate ca s fac loc blocurilor. i n
Persepolis am fcut comparaia ntre casa perfect i cartierele de blocuri. Cercetare sau
intervenie, asta e n primul rnd o problem de context, ine de problema pe care vrei
s o discui. Contextul te mpinge s-i alegi instrumentele critice potrivite.

Mona Vtmanu and Florin Tudor

Rain, drawing used in the film, 1, 2005

I would say that a master plan for Bucharest might depart from an architectural discourse which reevaluates the old layer of the city be it eclectic, neoclassical or decadent that creates a shape starting from there.
Yet we see most architects avoiding their past, razing, building and ignoring that something of the old urban tissue persists in the proximity of
what they built and that this leads to a very tense relationship between
the chronological layers of the city.
I know you have been once tempted by crossing over to
architecture, by moving, so to speak, from Photoshop to AutoCAD. On
the other hand, many of your projects, like Virtual Estate, suggest this
kind of concern. Their critical potential is situated between doing and
observing, they oscillate between research and intervention.
Before Virtual Estate was Hyperhouse, which came at a time when we
were working with animation. The concept was urban healing,
we were collaborating then with the Dorin tefan Architecture Office on
a plan for the rehabilitation of the city of Constana. Mona had built the
two houses with the decorative pattern taken from the paintings inside
the mosque; they were supposed to be installed on the esplanade leading
to the sea shore. All her memories of the houses, churches and the synagogue which had been demolished were somehow at work there.
It should have been an intervention which used the language of architecture to its own ends. From the dystopian city in Virtual Estate an accumulation of cubes we have worked on until the computer crashed,
incapable of processing all the layers the two houses were supposed
to come out like perfect forms of dwelling. This was an urbanistic intervention in phantasmal space. At Ludwig Budapest we have used the same
minimal house shape as a support for projecting images of blocks, which
created a sculpture based on the tragedy of those house demolished
to make room for blocks. Research or intervention, that is fundamentally
a matter of context; it is conditioned by the questions you want to ask.
It is the context that helps you choose the appropriate critical instruments.

59

Vienna Days in Bucharest, 2004, photo: Iosif Kirly

Accesul spre Galeria Nou

tefan Tiron

Strawberry Fields Forever, Atitudini/Portfolios Review 4, Boborul, Sharing Solitude/Peisaje,

Bucureti

ACCESS TO THE NEW GALLERY

tefan Tiron
Strawberry Fields Forever Attitudes/Portfolios Review 4 The Beoble
(Boborul) Sharing Solitude/Landscapes, Bucharest

Aceasta este doar ultima nlnuire de expoziii i evenimente.

Pentru a nelege parcursul i localizarea Galeriei Noi n raport cu alte galerii din Bucureti i din ar, trebuie s o vizualizm mai nti ca parte dintr-un nucleu urban. Este poate
pentru prima dat cnd n plin downtown bucuretean cubul alb faciliteaz locuitorilor
oraului accesul la ce este mai nou. Galeria este n primul rnd un spaiu accesibil. Aceast
caracteristic a fcut ca ea s fie rapid integrat n traseul care leag acum Universitatea de Art de La Motoare/Lptria lui Enache i Lipscani/Universitate, venind dinspre
Magheru.
Al doilea aspect de centralitate este publicul pe care i l-a format n timp Galeria Nou.
Localizarea ei coincide cu traseele acestui public. El este din ce n ce mai tnr i tot mai
contrastant cu un ora-capital mbtrnit i vag senilizat, care a suferit mereu de pe urma
lipsei acute de spaii necomerciale consacrate artei contemporane.
Argumentul siturii ei n centrul oraului a constituit probabil un avantaj major atunci cnd
Aurora Kirly (curator independent), Gabriela Tudor (Pro Helvetia) i Irina Cios (CIAC)
au fondat aceast galerie n anul 2001.
Galeria Nou a acordat de la bun nceput prioritate noilor medii, video art-ului, instalaiilor i fotografiei, incluznd ns i performance-ul, comics-ul alternativ, designul de
carte i muzica electronic. Am nceput aceast plasare n spaiu a Galeriei Noi sub semnul parcursului. Dar principalul atu al acestui spaiu este statutul lui median, mijlocind
ntre lumea cluburilor bucuretene i spaiul academic prin proximitatea fa de
Universitatea de Arhitectur i chiar fa de Universitatea de Art. Magnetismul exercitat de galerie i ndeosebi legtura ntreinut cu straturile cele mai tinere trebuie corelate cu raportul strns avut cu publicul de club.
n fiecare anun de pe mailing-list-uri sau de pe invitaii i flyere, poi s gseti un conglomerat eterogen compus din web-eri, dar i din artitii strzii Neon, Think, Ubik,
Pieton, Color i alii. Vernisajul permanentizeaz aici de fiecare dat galeria ca spaiu de
gathering, contracarnd fragmentarea urban. Ieirea din interior spre strad sau spre
trotuar faciliteaz Galeriei Noi contactul direct cu scena dispersat a Bucuretiului. Mediul
n care se structureaz opiniile tinerilor despre arta contemporan n ora este i locul
unde ei, tinerii, transport ceva din gndurile, practicile i nevoile lor. A existat ntotdeau-

This is merely the latest chain of exhibitions and events.

In order to understand its route and location as compared to other galleries in Bucharest and all across the country, first of all we need to
picture the New Gallery (Galeria Nou) as part of an urban core.
It is a premiere for the white cube to facilitate the access of inhabitants to
whats new right in the Bucharest downtown area. Above all, the Gallery
is an accessible space, making it quickly integrate into the route which
connects the University of Fine Arts to La Motoare/ Lptria lui Enache
and to Lipscani/University coming from Magheru Boulevard.
The second aspect of its central nature derives from the special public
the Gallery attracted in time. The location of the Gallery coincides with
the trails opened by this public. A public which appears to be ever
younger and in contrast to in a capital grown old and vaguely senile,
a place which has always suffered from an acute lack of non-commercial
spaces consecrated to contemporary art.
The argument of being located right in the heart of the city must probably have been a major advantage for the constitution of the gallery in 2001
by Aurora Kirly (independent curator), Gabriela Tudor (Pro Helvetia) and
Irina Cios (CIAC).
From the very beginning, the New Gallery gave priority to new media,
to video-art, and to installation and photography, while they have also
hosted performances, alternative comics, book design and electronic
music. We began to locate the New Gallery in space by means of its
route. Nevertheless the main asset of this space is its intermediate quality, as it mediates, through its proximity to the University of Architecture
and to the University of Fine Arts, between the world of Bucharest clublife and the academic space. The magnetism of the Gallery and especially
its connection to the youngest generations roots back to a close relationship developed with clubbers.
In each notice on mailing-lists, invitations or flyers, one will find a heterogeneous mass consisting of Webbers, but street artists as well Neon,
Think, Ubik, Pieton, Color and others. Each opening emphasizes the gallery as a space for gathering, obstructing in a way urban fragmentation.
Bridging the interior with the street and its sidewalk allows the New
Gallery to establish contact with the wide-ranging but sparsely populated
Bucharest scene. The media which structures the opinion of the young on
contemporary art is also the space where these young persons venture

TEFAN TIRON este eseist i susintor al contraculturii n Romnia, teoretiznd evoluia i diversitatea subculturilor
tinere.

TEFAN TIRON is a writer and a supporter of counter culture in Romania, theorizing

the evolution and diversity of Romanian youth subcultures.

60

Hsia Fei Chang Nano Festival, 2004, photo: Vlad Nanc

hiatus ntre galerie, ca spaiu de expoziie marcat prin vernisaje, i clubul ca spaiu de
party i de proiecii i lansri ocazionale. Coincidena opuselor a fcut ca Web-ul, vechiul club alternativ al Bucuretiului, i Galeria Nou, alternativ la majoritatea spaiilor
de art din centru, s se apropie foarte mult n aceti ultimi ani.
Una din particularitile Galeriei const n aceea c nume importante ale scenei de muzic electronic, precum Sultan i Hasan, Electric Brother, DJ Vasile, Gojira i alii din clubul
Web, vin s pun muzic la vernisajele i lansrile care au loc n mod constant acolo.
Pentru a cuprinde mental mai bine acest public, trebuie s nelegem c web-erii snt
i ei o populaie pestri format din tineri angajai n agenii de publicitate, pasionai
cu gusturi muzicale mai speciale, turiti, tineri productori, starlete, critici de art i curatori, oameni din lumea modei i gti aproape semiagresive de liceeni devenii brusc
membri cu drepturi depline. Exist acest circuit care pn acum era inaccesibil celor care
nu reueau s vad ce se ntmpl dup vernisajele de vineri noaptea. O bun parte din
studenii de la arte i de la arhitectur se rentlnesc i ei n Web i la Galeria Nou. ntre
timp, i web-erii au adus cu ei ceva din Galeria Nou n spaiul de club. n nevoia de
fundal pentru proiecii neclasificabile i n colecionarea i expunerea raritilor clubului
poate fi ntlnit i aa ceva. Aceast bucl a permis de fapt recombinarea unor spaii i
sectoare universitare care, n pofida faptului c erau limitrofe, nu ajungeau s comunice
i s se confrunte direct unele cu altele. O practic ambulatorie a devenit aproape una
constitutiv n cazul Galeriei Noi din Bucureti.
Cele menionate mai sus ar trebui s atrag atenia asupra termenului de Nou din
titlul Galeriei. Noul face referin direct la noile tehnologii, dar i la faptul c nu ignor
mai vechile tehnologii cu o istorie mediatic apreciabil, precum fotografia. Nou este
ns i modalitatea prin care artistul comenteaz i reteritorializeaz sfera socialului i a
economicului. Enunul referitor la nou cere nencetat serii noi de expoziii, iar asta ntr-un dozaj optim i regenerator. Aceasta este funcia noului chemat la via ntr-un nucleu
urban supus unui proces natural de mbtrnire i de congestionare demografic.
Dinamica lui ncorporeaz familiaritatea dubl cu Galeria Nou, devenit Kunstkammer
pietonal al party-zanilor clubului un fel de Wunderkammer social.
Lsnd deoparte alte evenimente din arhiva Galeriei Noi din Bucureti, s parcurgem,
n concordan cu cele spuse mai sus, expoziiile recente din 2005.
Artistul i curatorul ieean Matei Bejenaru surprinde i cuprinde n Strawberry Fields Forever
raporturile macroeconomice, regsind cpunresele uitate la baza lanului trofic catalan.
n plin sezon i fr urme de psihedelism, artistul devine mediatorul culturii culesului i reambalatului, reetichetnd agronomia comunitar. Cultura culesului trebuie s fie neleas i
ca o cultur a culegtorilor (n valuri succesive de greci, italieni, turci, marocani i romni),
mn de lucru ultra-ieftin angajat cu ora pe plantaiile Europei. Expoziia cuprinde i o
serie de tricouri unde supradimensionarea e racordat matematic la noul nivel de
exploatare. Eticheta maieului purtat i exportat uit s transcrie cu mrimi XXL procentele nepltite. tim deja c profitul bolnav de gigantism se hrnete cu salarii minime.
Masa de ping-pong plasat de Matei Bejenaru n Galeria Nou sporete i ea, prin interaciune i prin repetarea meciurilor, probabilitatea unor punctaje mrite la tineri, de

some of their thoughts, practices and needs. There has always been an
apparent hiatus in between galleries as exhibition places punctuated by
openings and clubs as spaces for parties, projections and new releases.
The coincidence of contraries caused the Web, the old alternative Bucharest club and the New Gallery, an alternative to the majority of central art
spaces, to draw nearer and nearer to each-other in the last few years.
One of the special traits of the Gallery is that important actors of the electronic musical scene, such as Sultan and Hasan, Electric Brother, DJ
Vasile, Gojira and other members of the Web club constantly provided
music for the openings and launchings there. In order to mentally better
grasp this public, we need to see the variety of this Webber community
formed of young people working within advertisement agencies, of persons with peculiar musical tastes, tourists, young producers, starlets, art
critics and curators, people from the world of fashion and the semiaggressive gangs of high-school kids suddenly becoming full-time members. There is a certain circuit which has till recently been inaccessible to
those who couldnt see the follow-up to the happenings which occurred
after each Friday night opening. The greater part of students from fine
arts and architecture meet again in the Web and at the New Gallery.
Meanwhile the Webbers too have brought something out of the New
Gallery into the club. This something comes up in their need to have more
and more a background to their impossible-to-classify screenings and in
the display of club memorabilia and other collection items. In fact, this
loop has also allowed the recombination of certain university spaces
and sectors which despite their proximity have failed to communicate and
directly confront each other. The ambulatory practice has become almost
constitutive for the Bucharest New Gallery.
All this should at once call attention to the term New in the title of
the Gallery. This is a direct reference to new technology, also incorporating old technologies with an important media pedigree, such as photography, for instance. Another novelty is the method employed by artists to
comment and re-locate the social and economic sphere. This reference to
the new constantly requires new series of exhibitions arranged in optimal
and regenerating doses. This is the function of the New having being resurrected into an urban core which experiences the natural process of gentrification and of bottle-neck demographics. Its dynamics incorporate a
double familiarity with the New Gallery becoming a pedestrian Kunstkammer for club party-sans itself a sort of a social Wunderkammer.
Leaving other events from the archives of the Bucharest New Gallery
behind, let us examine in the light of the above the latest 2005
exhibitions.
The Iai artist and curator Matei Bejenaru catches and comprises with his
Strawberry Fields Forever macro economical relationships when he rediscovers the strawberry pickers forgotten at the bottom of the Catalonian
trophic chain. In full season and without any signs of psychedelic behavior, the artist becomes a moderator of the culture of gathering and
re-packing, thus re-labeling E community agriculture. The culture of gathering should be also seen as a culture of individual pickers (successive
waves of Greeks, Italians, Turks, Moroccans and Romanians), the hypercheap work-force hired on Europes plantations. The exhibition displays
a series of T-shirts where the phenomenon of over-size is mathematically
linked to the new level of exploitation. The label on the exported shirts

61

fapt acceptabile doar atunci cnd tinerii internaionaliti se supun jocului cuceririi excelenei
sportive n prim-plan naional.
Seria continu cu Atitudini/Portfolios 4. Este vorba de a patra selecie extras din portofoliile unor tineri (Ana Alexandra Blidaru, Ana Bnic, Vlad Eftenie, Andrei Frcanu,
Wanda Hutira, Helen Jilavu, Alina omandroiu, Roxana Tomescu), ale cror aplicaii au
fost incluse n expoziia de la Galeria Nou.
Portfolios constituie o form expres de cutare i promovare de nume noi. Din categoria ex-Portfolios face parte i tnrul net-artist Valentin Chincian, care a realizat recent
mpreun cu Dorel Naste un proiect cuprinztor de arhivare online a activitii artistice
din 2004 (http://offset.underconstruct.com), care urmeaz a fi prezentat sub forma unui
CD interactiv, cei doi fiind n acelai timp webdesigneri i VJ. Alt nume provenit de aceast
dat din prima expoziie Portfolios la Galeria Nou este Bogdan Marcu, unul din cei mai
prolifici i x-rated animatori cu nclinaii spre sacrilegii hentai i lupte splatter n cartiere
3D, ultimul su proiect fiind http://battlepenet.uv.ro. mpreun cu Cosmin Moldovan,
Ciprian Dicu i Mihai Nadolu, el a realizat o serie de videoclipuri pentru Werner
Moebius, Dorit Chrysler, hp.stonji .a., prezentate n cadrul Formate/ Moving Patterns
de la Viena.
ntr-o instalaie foto-video, ecranizare dup I. L. Caragiale, Radu Vasile Igazsg i Fundaia de Arte Vizuale au decorticat, la Galeria Nou, Boborul. Personajele i actorii actualizeaz ntr-o versiune apropiat de tehnica film n film un ritm comic transfernd
caragialescul n desen animat i joc actoricesc. Imixtiunea trecutului n prezent i invers
este de fapt provocat de tehnica specific animaiei. Aceasta, ca proces adiional n pelicula filmat, suprapune i amplific procedeele montajului, mutnd aleatoriu personajele
eliberate de desfurarea temporal. Aici, desfurtorul este chiar detalierea fcut n

62

forgets to transform the unpaid percentage into XXL sizes. We already

know how the profit sick with gigantism feeds on minimal wages.
The ping-pong table exposed by Matei Bejenaru in the New Gallery
enhances through interaction and the repetition of games the probability
of high scores for the young, scores acceptable only when internationalist young people obey a game of mastering sports excellence on a national scale.
The series continues with Attitudes/Portfolios 4. This is the fourth selection from the portfolios of certain young people (Ana Alexandra Blidaru,
Ana Bnic, Vlad Eftenie, Andrei Frcanu, Wanda Hutira, Helen Jilavu,
Alina omandroiu, Roxana Tomescu), whose applications were included
in the New Gallery exhibition.
Portfolios is an explicit form of searching for and promoting new names.
Valentin Chincian, the young net-artist belonging to the ex-Portfolios
category, has recently had a project with Dorel Naste through which they
created an on-line archive of the 2004 artistic activity (http://offset.underconstruct.com), material due to be presented on an interactive CD, the
two simultaneously acting as web designers and VJs. Another name
which has risen from the first Portfolios exhibition at the New Gallery is
Bogdan Marcu, one of the most prolific and x-rated animators with preferences for hentai blasphemy and splatter fights in 3D neighborhoods,
his last project being http://battlepenet.uv.ro. Together with Cosmin
Moldovan, Ciprian Dicu and Mihai Nadolu, he created a series of videoclips for Werner Moebius, Dorit Chrysler, hp.stonji and others, presented
at the Vienna Formate/Moving Patterns.
Radu Vasile Igazsg and the Foundation for Visual Arts have dissected
within a photo-video installation based on a piece by I. L. Caragiale
The Beoble (Boborul) at the New Gallery. In a version not far from
that of a film within a film technique, the characters and actors update
the comic rhythm transferring the original vision into cartoons and

Radu Vasile Igazsg & F.A.V. Boborul, 2005, photo: Nina Mihil

Portfolios Review 4, Attitudes, 2005, photo: Nina Mihil

jurul filmului. Documentaia abundent i aportul avut de making off amplific i structura iniial a filmului, care este nsoit acum de explicaii i completri.
Frederico Cmara este omul zoologiilor urbane i al arhitecturilor zbrelite n care el
locuiete i n care trebuie s locuim i noi. Artistul de origine brazilian compartimenteaz habitatul locuibil, descriind de fapt transformarea noastr n antropoide supuse unei
viei normale de liane plasticate, trunchiuri decupate i folii protectoare. Catalogai nencetat ca dumani sau prieteni n funcie de indici aleatorii, oamenii ocup spaii improprii.
Cmara vede spaiul rezidual rmas n marile orae ca pe o rezervaie de specimene umane
forate s adopte cele mai imposibile poziii n situaiile cele mai imposibile. Neajunsurile
devin parte din stilul de via de cuc al primatelor obligate s triasc ntr-un muuroi
planetar.
Frederico Cmara a marcat i nceputul unui program de schimburi cu Akademie
Schloss Solitude (www.akademie-solitude.de). Sharing Solitude a fost simpozionul care
a inaugurat, printre altele, i un program de rezidene pentru artiti n Bucureti.
Artist Studio Programme este planificat pentru 2006 i este primul pas n direcia unei
rezidene modelate pe principiul Academiei Solitude din Stuttgart. Aceasta, precum i
invitaia de participare la viennAfair Kunstmesse n acest an includ Galeria Nou ntr-un
circuit internaional mult mai larg.

Valentin Chincian Night Screen, http://offset.underconstruct.com/

staged interpretation. The intervention of the past in the present and its
opposite is in fact provoked by the specific animation technique of cartoons. This, in an additive process, overlaps the filmed material and
amplifies montage procedures, moving at random characters liberated
from the unidirectional time arrow. The unwinding element here is the
detailing done around the movie itself. The abundant documentation
and the contribution of making off amplifies the original structure
of the film, which is now backed by comments and explanations.
Frederico Cmara is the man of urban zoologies and weird architectures
places he inhabits and where we are also at home. The artist of Brazilian
origin subdivides the habitable urban space, describing in fact our transformation into anthropoids subjected to a normal life of plastic liana,
cutout trunks and protective foils. Constantly catalogued as enemies or
friends, depending on random indicators, people inhabit improper
spaces. Cmara sees the vestigial space of great cities as a reservation for
human specimens forced to adopt the most impossible positions in the
most impossible situations. Severe shortage become part of our everyday
cage-life; primates obliged to live in a planetary termite mound.
Frederico Cmara signaled the beginning of a project of exchange with
Akademie Schloss Solitude (www.akademie-solitude.de). Sharing Solitude
is the symposium which has inaugurated among other things a residence
project for artists in Bucharest.
Artist Studio Programme is planned for 2006 and is the first step towards
a residence modeled according to the principles of the Stuttgart Solitude
Academy. This project and the invitation to take part in this years
viennAfair Kunstmesse, connect the New Gallery to a much wider international circuit.

Translated by Nomi Lszl

63

64

scena

Matei Bejenaru Strawberry Fields Forever, 2005, photo: Nina Mihil

Frederico Cmara Landscapes, 2005, photo: Nina Mihil

Sharing Solitude, 2005, photo: Nina Mihil

65

n capcana deconspirrii
Ctlin Gheorghe
Storyboards. Trapped in the Escape, Galeria Vector>, Iai, 820 aprilie 2005
Artiti: Andreas Fogarasi, Ciprian Murean, Cristi Pogcean, Mona Vtmanu
& Florin Tudor, VERSION

Andreas Fogarasi
Parc du Trianon, photography

Experimentarea formatelor expoziionale din ultimii ani permite o lectur critic mai curnd din perspectiva negocierii coninuturilor ntre curator i artiti dect din punctele de
vedere ale inteniilor productive ale autorilor. Unul dintre studiile de caz ale acestei orientri reconstructive este i expoziia Storyboards. Trapped in the Escape, montat la Galeria Vector> din Iai.
Curatorul acestei expoziii, Cosmin Costina, i asum rolul unui metanarator consecvent
cu propriile atitudini culturale i nclinaii analitice. Relaia semiotic pe care o stabilete
ntre concepia curatorial i selecia lucrrilor funcioneaz ca o circumstan atenuant n faa oricrei reacii contrariate de restructurarea simbolic a mesajelor iniiale ale
lucrrilor. Dincolo de transmutarea semantic a sensurilor i resetarea sintactic a semnelor artistice, atitudinea pragmatic a curatorului, n ipostaza sa privilegiat de autor,
oblig la o lectur complice a interveniei sale.
Plecnd de la premisa formal c subiectul fiecrei lucrri este o naraiune supus unei
prize de contiin care acioneaz pe baza unei relaii fragmentare i abuzive ntre predeterminri culturale i atitudini individuale, Cosmin Costina intenioneaz s deconspire tirania povetii fa de personajul care e (sur)prins n propria sa evadare istoric
i cotidian. Idiosincrasia siturii e alimentat de condiionarea multipl a individului care
ncearc s-i reconsidere opiunile de pe poziia recunoaterii izolrii. ns aceast situaie
ingrat a alienrii punctului de vedere devine un focar de discursuri care ar putea erupe
ntr-un mesaj de frond i denunare.
Lucrarea video Our Playground a grupului VERSION descrie n alb i negru un teritoriu marcat ideologic de simbolurile cromatice ale identitii naionale, caracterul dinamic al manipulrii camerei dnd impresia folosirii unei radiere ca instrument de tergere
a oricrei urme de rou-galben-i-albastru care ar revendica peisajul urban din perspectiva unui spaiu de mediere ntre puterea politic i receptarea social. Cartografiind
un loc de joac alternativ, conceptual, VERSION folosete redescrierea ca naraiune,
oferind o soluie ludic de evadare dintr-un context agresiv ideologic.
Legat n serie, ncercnd oarecum s creeze circumstana unei comunicri simbolice
cu lucrarea grupului VERSION, ca ntr-o instalaie compulsatorie, lucrarea video a lui
Cristi Pogcean, The Actors of Subliminal History, folosete imagini televizate ale unor spectacole de omagiere a Zilei Naionale a Republicii Socialiste Romnia, a Partidului Comunist Romn i a personalitii dictatorului Nicolae Ceauescu, intervenind discret
printr-un procedeu tehnic care introduce ntr-unul din momentele exacerbate de propagand imaginea cadavrului lui Ceauescu, dup executarea sa n urma evenimentelor
din 1989. Fcnd referire la procedeele de manipulare subliminal folosite n diferitele
medii, de la televiziune la cinematografie, Cristi Pogcean pare s avertizeze att asupra
contradiciilor istorice ale formrii naraiunilor, ct i asupra transformrii maselor n instrumente de manifestare a puterii.
Distorsionnd oarecum metanaraiunea expoziiei, prin clivajul dintre mesajul postproductiv al lucrrii i intenia constructiv a curatorului, lucrarea lui Ciprian Murean, Leap

TRAPPED IN THE EXPOSURE

Ctlin Gheorghe

CTLIN GHEORGHE este critic de art i teoretician, doctorand n estetic i filosofia artei la Universitatea Al. I.
Cuza Iai.

CTLIN GHEORGHE is a art critic and theoretician, PhD student in aesthetics and art
philosophy at the Al. I. Cuza University from Iai.

66

Storyboards. Trapped in the Escape, Vector> Gallery, Iai, April 820, 2005
Artists: Andreas Fogarasi, Ciprian Murean, Cristi Pogcean,
Mona Vtmanu & Florin Tudor, VERSION
The experientation of exhibition formats from recent years allows a critical reading rather from the perspective of the content negotiatiation
between the curator and the artists, than from the points of view of the
authors productive intentions. One of the case studies for this reconstructive orientation is the exhibition Storyboards. Trapped in the Escape,
staged at the Vector> Gallery from Iai.
Cosmin Costina, the curator of this exhibition, takes on the role of a
meta-narrator consistent with his own cultural attitudes and analytical
inclinations. The semiotic relationship he establishes between the curatorial view and the selection of the works functions as an extenuating circumstance when confronted with the reaction of anyone vexed by the
symbolic restructuring of the initial messages of the works. Apart from
the semantic transmutation of the meanings and the syntactic reset of
artistic signs, the curators pragmatic attitude, in the privileged position
of an author, compels an empathic reading of his intervention.
Starting from the formal premise that the topic of each work is a narration, subject to a mind which acts on the ground of a fragmented
and abusive relationship between cultural predeterminations and individual attitudes, Cosmin Costina wants to expose the tirany of the story
towards the character trapped in his own historical and ordinary escape.
The idiosyncrasy of his position is nourished with the multiple conditioning of the individual trying to reconsider his options after acknowledging
his isolation. But this disagreeable situation of having an alienated point
of view becomes a focus of discourses which could burst into a message
of fronde and denunciation.
The video work Our Playground of the VERSION group describes, in black
and white, a territory ideologically marked by the chromatic symbols of
national identity; the dynamics of the camera gives the impression of an
eraser used as an instrument of wiping any traces of red-yellow-and-blue
which may claim the urban landscape from the perspective of a median
mediation space between political power and social receiving. By mapping an alternative, conceptual playground, VERSION uses re-description
as a narration, offering a playful way of escaping an ideologicaly aggressive context.
Serially connected, trying somehow to create the circumstance of
a symbolic link with the work of the VERSION group, like in a composed
compulsive instalation, the video work of Cristi Pogcean, The Actors
of Subliminal History uses TV fragments taken from some shows dedicated to the National Day of the Socialist Republic of Romania, to the
Romanian Comunist Party and to the personality of the dictator Nicolae
Ceauescu, discretly intervening through a technical procedure, by which
he inserts the image of Ceauescus corpse, after being executed due
to the 1989 events, into one of the exacerbated moments of propaganda.

Exhibition view, VERSION Our Playground, video, 2004 and Cristi Pogcean The Actors of Subliminal History, video, 2004, photo: Matei Bejenaru

into the Void after 3 seconds, accentueaz ideea dejucrii unei evadri. n aceeai logic a dinamicii evadrii din marea naraiune a istoriei artei, precum i din micile istorii
ale salturilor secveniale n timp, aceast lucrare pare a fi un stop-cadru al finalului unui
film documentar.
Fotografia lui Andreas Fogarasi, Parc du Trianon, un decupaj curatorial din seria de fotografii Culture Park, pune problema adevrului ca personaj ntr-o scen a crei vizibilitate e dat de orientarea spoturilor. ncrcarea simbolic a obiectelor gsite, un
ansamblu de reflectoare la lumina zilei din parcul Trianon, pune n circulaie un curent
alternativ de opinie cu privire la o tram istoric articulat contradictoriu.
n fine, proiecia video a unei scene statice, lucrarea Il mondo nuovo a cuplului Mona
Vtmanu i Florin Tudor consemneaz situarea ntr-o proiecie obturat a viitorului unei
naraiuni despre o nou lume ascuns simplei aruncri a privirii. Reinterpretnd vizual
i conceptual una dintre frescele cu care Giandomenico Tiepolo i-a decorat zidurile
vilei sale din Zianigo i care astzi este conservat n muzeul Ca Rezzonico din Veneia, Mona Vtmanu i Florin Tudor nu deconspir mai mult dect a fcut-o pictorul veneian, sugernd totui att poziia spectatorului care s-ar identifica cu personajele scenei
orientate ctre o perspectiv acoperit de ali privitori, ct i ideea spectacolului unei lumi
despre care tim doar c se afl acolo, dincolo de ceilali.
Punerea n scen a acestei expoziii-scenariu, care ncearc s reconstituie un subiect
dintr-o multitudine de fragmente disparate, ns solidare conceptual, constituie un
efort curatorial paradoxal, ct vreme tratamentul reinventrii subiectului fiecrei lucrri
n parte, pentru a cpta flexibilitatea plierii interdiscursive, pare a se aplica i dinspre
activarea artistic a nielor semantice ale lucrrilor propuse. ns aceast ncercare de
a ni se povesti prin intermediul a diferite alte povestiri este o una consecvent de consemnare a unei stri de fapt prin ilustrarea puterii de persuasiune a unui procedeu tehnic.
Aceast expoziie rmne un experiment motivaional n curs de testare a valorii sale
de recurs cultural, rechizitoriu social sau verdict politic. Gestul jurisprudenial al curatorului pare a fi confirmat.

Referring to the means of subliminal manipulation used by different

media, from television to cinematography, Cristi Pogcean seems to be
warning about the historic contradictions of composing the narrations, as
well as about turning the masses into a means of the manifestation of
power.
Distorting, in a way, the meta-narration of the exhibition, through the
split between the post-production message of the work and the constructive intention of the curator, the work of Ciprian Murean, Leap into the
Void after 3 seconds, emphasizes the idea of circumventing an escape.
Part of the same logic of the dynamics of escaping the great art narration,
as well as the little stories of the sequential time leaps, this work seems to
be the final frame of a documentary.
Andreas Fogarasis photograph, Parc du Trianon, a curatorial offcut from
the photo series Culture Park, raises the question of truth as a character
on a stage whose visibility comes from the arrangement of the light spots.
The symbolic charge of the found objects, an assembly of diurnal spotlights from the Trianon park puts forth an alternative viewpoint on
a historical plot contentiously articulated.
Finally, the video projection of a still scene, Il mondo nuovo, by the twosome Mona Vtmanu and Florin Tudor, records the position of being in
an obstructed projection of the future of a narration about a new world,
hidden from a simple glance. By visualy and conceptualy reinterpreting
one of the fresco used by Giandomenico Tiepolo to decorate the walls
of his Zianigo villa, which is preserved today in the Ca Rezzonico Museum
from Venice, Mona Vtmanu and Florin Tudor dont reveal more than the
Venetian painter himself did, suggesting however the position of the
spectator, who could identify with the characters of the scene facing
a perspective obscured by other viewers, as well as the idea of the show
of a world we just know its there, beyond the others.
The staging of this script-exhibition, which tries to reconstruct a topic
from a multitude of disparate, but conceptually bound solidary fragments, means a paradoxical curatorial effort, as long as the treatment of
reinventing the topic of each work, in order to attain the flexibility necessary for the inter-discursive fit folding, seems to work as well for the artistic activation of the semantic niches of the works proposed. But this
attempt, to tell a story through different other stories, is a consistent
attempt to record a state of fact, by illustrating the persuasive power of
a technical procedure. This exhibition remains a motivation experiment in
course of testing its value as a cultural appeal, social indictment or political verdict. The jurisprudential act of the curator seems to be confirmed.

Translated by Alex Moldovan

67

Photos by Jzsef Rosta

Clementine Deliss

Parametri n schimbare
remarci despre instituii
Attila Tordai-S.

Maria Hlavajova

SHIFTING PARAMETERS REMARKS ON THE INSTITUTIONALITY

Attila Tordai-S.
Ludwig Museum, Budapest, April 1st2nd
Curator: Lvia Pldi

n primvara acestui an, Muzeul Ludwig s-a mutat ntr-o cldire nou. Din curtea vechii ceti din Buda, a ajuns pe partea pestan a Dunrii n Palatul Artelor, n apropierea
a ceea ce a fost cndva zona industrial a oraului. n 1 i 2 aprilie, la abia zece zile de
la deschiderea1 muzeului, a avut loc o nou manifestaie, de dou zile, sub titlul Parametri
n schimbare remarci despre instituii, un eveniment legat de o expoziie mai veche
ce a avut loc la Muzeul Ludwig. Conferina a constat din prezentarea catalogului tiprit
cu ocazia seriei de manifestaii intitulate Who if not we should at least try to imagine the
future of all this 7 episodes of (ex)changing Europe, din lurile de cuvnt ce-au urmat i
din discuiile informale care au avut loc a doua zi n atelierul tandemului artistic Kis Vars
din Budapesta.2
Cei care au luat cuvntul la eveniment au fost chemai de Livia Pldi s-i expun ideile
despre cum ar putea funciona i ce eluri ar trebui s urmreasc structurile instituionale
n zilele noastre. n ultima vreme, chestiunea instituiilor i preocup destul de mult pe
actorii budapestani ai lumii artistice. Nu mai e un secret pentru nimeni c, de o bun
bucat de vreme, scena artistic maghiar s-a nchis n sine, artitii maghiari ajung s nu
mai participe la importante evenimente internaionale, la bienale, cu toate c Budapesta,
n comparaie cu oraele dimprejurul ei, dispune totui de numeroase instituii artistice.
Chestiunea instituiilor e ct se poate de actual la Budapesta i din cauz c nu peste
mult timp funciile de director a trei dintre cele mai mari instituii (Mcsarnok, Muzeul
Ernst i, la anul, Muzeul Ludwig) vor fi scoase la concurs. n msura n care aceste posturi vor fi ocupate de tineri, ne putem atepta la schimbri nu numai la nivel instituional, ci i n ce privete dinamica intern a artei maghiare.
La conferina cu pricina, unul dintre vorbitori, Maria Hlavajova, directorul artistic al BAK
din Olanda, i-a expus, n calitate de curator, punctul de vedere. Ea a evideniat rolul
mijlocitor al instituiilor artistice, punnd accentul pe o instituie care e n stare s devin loc al produciei artistice contemporane, sprijinind cercetarea legat de art,
producia de texte critice i prezentarea artei. Maria Hlavajova a mai discutat, de
asemenea, i despre dificultile i responsabilitile cu care s-a confruntat cnd, n calitate de curator, a preluat funcia de conducere a unei instituii care a pornit ca o
iniiativ artistic spontan. nfiinarea unei instituii i meninerea ei, la fel ca a face ca
ea s funcioneze, snt un gest politic. A rmne pe poziii, a rezista fac trimitere la ter-

Leaving the Buda castle yard behind, the Budapest Ludwig Museum has
moved to a new location on the Pest banks of the Danube in Palace
of Art, not far from a past industrial site, this spring. Between the 1st and
2nd of April, a mere few days after the opening1, a two-day event related
to an exhibiton hosted by the Ludwig Museum and entitled Shifting
Parameters Remarks on the Institutionality was organised. The conference covered the debut of the catalogue for the Who if not we should
at least try to imagine the future of all this 7 episodes of (ex)changing
Europe event series, the related presentations and the informal dialogues
organised the next day in the studio of the Budapest Kis Vars
[Little Warsaw] art duo.2
Curator Lvia Pldi invited lecturers involved in the event, to present
their views on the possible operation and tasks of institutional structures. Institutionality is a fervently discussed question among the competent actors of Budapest art life nowadays. In fact it is an open secret for
everyone how for some time now the Budapest art scene has been chewing its own tail, how despite the considerate number of art institutions
in the capital as compared to neighbouring settlements, Hungarian artists
have failed to catch up with important international events, biennials.
Furthermore, the acute Budapest focus on the matter of institutionality
owes much to the fact that in a short time the executive managers positions of three major institutions (Mcsarnok/Kunsthalle, Ernst Museum
and the Ludwig Museum Budapest, next year) will be at stake for applications. If young curators manage to occupy these positions, changes will
take place not only on an institutional level, but in the internal dynamics
of Hungarian art life as well.
The first to take the floor at the conference was Maria Hlavajova, the art
director of BAK from the Netherlands, who has presented her own standpoint and views as curator. She has emphasised the mediatory role of
the art institute, a sort of institutionality which might become the site
of contemporary artistic production, facilitating the birth of research on,
analysis and presentation of art. She has also mentioned difficulties and
responsabilities she had to face when she took over, as curator, the leadership of the institution which had sprung as a spontaneous art initiative.
The creation and continuous operation of an institution is an efficient
political act. Survival in the field and resistance are both echoes of military
terminology. Hlavajova has further pointed out how important it is for
artists to adopt and make use of key concepts of military terminology
such as solidarity, strategy and tactics. Even the concept of platform,
an important definition of BAK, comes from that area as a matter of fact.
According to Hlavajova, one of the most important tasks is to activate
a sense of political responsibility in members of the intellectual elite,
because while politicians and bureaucrats are in power, intellectuals are
advocates of truth. She asked the audience the question already familiar from the catalogue but in a more general sense now: Who if not we

ATTILA TORDAI-S. este curator al Studioului Protokoll, redactor la revista IDEA art + societate.

ATTILA TORDAI-S. is a curator at Studio Protokoll an d is an editor at IDEA arts + society.

Muzeul Ludwig, Budapesta,12 aprilie

Curator: Lvia Pldi

68

scena

Charles Esche

n eviden c utilizarea unor concepte-cheie precum solidaritate, strategie, tactic

ine de un gest de apropriere artistic a vocabularului militar. n realitate, pn i conceptul de platform care vine s descrie activitatea BAK e un termen militar. n opinia
curatoarei, mobilizarea elitei intelectuale n direcia responsabilitii politice e una dintre sarcinile cele mai importante de avut n vedere, cci dac politicienii i birocraii snt
stpnii puterii, intelectualii snt portavocea adevrului. Fcnd aluzie la titlul catalogului i relundu-l pe cont propriu, ea a ntrebat publicul: Cine s ncerce mcar s-i fac
o idee despre viitorul chestiilor stora, dac nu noi ntrebarea, retoric, desigur, ar
vrea mcar s constituie acest noi comun, mboldindu-ne la a ne reprezenta propriile interese, la solidaritate comunitar. Hlavajova susine c, dac n-o vom face noi,
atunci altcineva va lua n mini viitorul nostru i soarta noastr; l va imagina n locul nostru, i poate c ele nu vor arta deloc aa acum ni le-am visa noi. Din acest motiv, ea
lanseaz un apel ctre artiti, teoreticieni i, n general, ctre intelectuali, n care cere
ca acetia s ia parte activ la crearea unei noi realiti, prin intermediul produciei artistice, la fel ca prin dezvoltarea i promovarea cunoaterii.
n intervenia sa, Charles Esche s-a ntrebat ce pertinen ar putea s recapete muzeul
ca instituie n secolul XXI. n opinia sa, nu trebuie renunat la muzeu ca model instituional, cci el este, de fapt, una dintre manifestrile de odinioar ale democraiei n
formare, ntruct muzeul permite i straturilor mai de jos ale societii s arunce o privire
n lumea de valori, pn atunci ascuns, nchis, a straturilor sociale superioare. Totodat,
muzeul nu numai c ofer pentru toat lumea o privire asupra proceselor reflexivitii
sociale, ci, fiind de fapt un spaiu public, el i formeaz, modeleaz aceste procese. Gndul
care a dat natere muzeului, stabilindu-i ca prim el pstrarea valorii, a operei de art
pentru eternitate, nu e de dat azi la o parte i fiindc acest scop universalist permite muzeului s funcioneze ca un model anticapitalist, retrgnd obiectele din vertijul pieei. Dup
Esche, n msura n care instituia muzeului asta fiind ultima partiie a spaiului public
reuete s adune n jurul ei solidaritatea ndreptat mpotriva pieei, ea ar putea deveni
bastionul rezistenei la capitalism. Prin aceast trstur a sa, muzeul poate deveni spaiul
public al agonisticii, care, n opinia vorbitorului, e una dintre formele antagonismului.
Agonistica [agonistic], lupta de idei, se deosebete de antagonism prin faptul c n cadrul
ei putem tri mpreun cu dumanul amical un mod de via inevitabil n condiiile
sociale de azi. n continuare, Esche a artat c muzeul nu poate fi o platform numai
pentru artiti; nu e suficient ca n muzeu s se prezinte numai lucrri, ci n el trebuie s
apar i ntregul context al operei, circumstanele n care a luat natere, locurile n care
s-a ntmplat asta. Muzeul va deveni o arhiv vie numai dac deschide, slbete strnsoarea lui a ajunge sau nu n arhiv. n cele din urm, Escher a punctat c muzeul n
nici ntr-un caz nu poate deveni scena distraciei, a cumprturilor sau a pieei.
Fostul bloc comunist a fost reprezentat la nivel instituional de Foksal Gallery Foundation.
Joanna Mytkowska a vorbit despre cum a luat natere aceast instituie care integrase
n ea modelele instituionale de odinioar, de unde i numele ei. Foksal Gallery Foundation, cu sediul la Varovia, a nceput ca o iniiativ privat, dar dup o vreme fondatorii
proiectului au simit nevoia s-l transforme ntr-un proiect comunitar. Din acest motiv,
fundaia i galeria s-au desprit, ultima a devenit o unitate comercial, n timp

Joanna Mytkowska

should at least try to imagine the future of all this, a rhetorical formula
trying to create a common us at least, by urging us to represent our
own interests and support solidarity in the community. If not us, asserts
Hlavajova, certainly somebody else will take charge of our future and destiny, someone else will imagine our fate which might largely differ from
whatever we had dreamed of. Consequently she invites artists, theoreticians and intellectuals to take part in the creation of a new reality
actively, by representing and promoting artistic production and knowledge.
Charles Esche has considered in his lecture the arguments for the relevance of museums as institutions of the 21st century. Museums as institutional models, he says, should not be discarded, as they are past
manifestations of democracy, in that they allowed lower social classes to
have a taste of the previously isolated, secluded system of values of the
elite. Furthermore, museums do not merely offer an open view of various
processes of social reflexivity: being public spaces, they actually mould
and model it. The idea at the basis of the creation of museums, namely
their primary aim of preserving values, art objects for eternity, is more
acute today as this universal goal allows museums to function as anti-capitalist models while they extract the art object from the tumult on the
market. This last partition of public space, the institution of the museum,
according to Esche, can raise and concentrate anti-market solidarity and
turn it into a battlement of resistance in the face of capitalism. Museums
might thus become agonistic public spaces, manifestations of antagonism, the lecturer states. Agonistic differs from antagonistic in that
it enables us to coexist with our friendly enemies, a life-style closely
entwined with social circumstances nowadays. Museums must become
more than mere platform for artists, Esche pointed out. It is not enough
to exhibit certain works: museums should display the entire context of the
art object, the circumstances and sites of its birth. The institutional museum can only become a live archive after it has opened and expanded
the tight hold of including/excluding works into/from an archive.
Escher said in the end: the museum should by no means lend its space
to leisure, shopping and market activities.
Foksal Gallery Foundation represented the institutions of the former communist block. Joanna Mytkowska talked about the origins of the institution which as its name demonstrates had integrated former
institutional patterns. Foksal Gallery Foundation, seated in Warsaw, set
out as a private initiative yet the founders have after some time developed an aspiration to serve the community. This led to a separation
of foundation and gallery, the latter became a commercial unit while the
former parted ways with market logics and turned to the colourful scene
of contemporary artistic production, to the free research of art outside
the reign of economic interest, to the promotion of values of ones own.
The foundation started to process the modernist inheritance of the sixties
and seventies, to archive cultural values threatened by decay and obscurity after the fall of the iron curtain, and to place them into proper context.
Researching contemporary art, editing publications, catalogues and
books, supporting various independent cultural institutions runs in their
life a parallel to the trait of operating the gallery and presenting it in art
fairs of the world. The activity of the institution is not necesssarily confined to its own exhibition space: several events take place at sites outside the institution. The cultural, economic and civilian spheres appear
as separate platforms but are subordinated to the needs of the same
society.

69

ce, renunnd la logica pieei, prima i-a asumat n mod liber caracterul multiform al
produciei artistice, cutrile artistice independente de interesele economice i promovarea
valorilor proprii. Fundaia a nceput s prelucreze tradiia modernist a anilor 6070,
arhivarea i contextualizarea valorilor culturale pe cale de a intra n descompunere sau
de a cdea n uitare. Cercetarea artei contemporane, editarea de publicaii, cataloage,
cri, sprijinirea diverselor iniiative culturale independente merg n paralel cu activitatea
galeriei, cu prezena acesteia la trgurile de art. Sfera de aciune a instituiei nu se reduce
neaprat la propriul spaiu expoziional; n fond, majoritatea programelor organizate de
ei au loc altundeva, n afara instituiei. n opinia lor, sectoarele cultural, economic i civil
apar ca platforme diferite, dar se afl n slujba aceleiai societi.
Clementine Deliss i-ar dori ca instituiile s ia natere n funcie de cerinele i factorii
vieii concrete. Ea propune un model instituional care s-ar autosusine, nu numai furniznd
studenilor experiena autofinanrii, a existenei pe speze proprii, dar i crend condiiile
unei situaii i ale unui context comunitar concret, necesar cercetrii, studiilor. n
intervenia ei, ea a vorbit despre faptul c o instituie pe cale de a lua natere ar trebui
s dispun de un teren agricol, lucrat de studeni, iar din recolt s se asigure subzistena
acestora. Asta nu numai ar garanta independena instituiei, ci ar i crea un raport de
reciprocitate ntre zonele de interes i ariile de cercetare ale studenilor, pe de o parte,
iar pe de alta, ntre ntrebrile lor existeniale i motenirea cultural i instituional.
Clementine Deliss spune i ea da instituiei, cci n opinia ei aceasta ofer un cadru
care face posibil pentru individ cercetarea independent, punerea n practic a
nzestrrilor pe care nu le-ar putea fructifica singur.
Prin pilda elefantului i a oarecelui, ea a explicat c, n zilele noastre, fr aportul organic al instituiilor mici, mai dinamice i mai inventive n ce privete cercetarea, nu mai pot
fi gndite instituii mari care s devin purttoare ale memoriei culturale. Ele trebuie s
existe mpreun, ntr-un raport de reciprocitate. Strategia i natura ceteniei au
nevoie de aceast simbioz, pe care prefer s-o numesc interdependen, sprijinire i
respect reciproce; acestea trebuie s fie prezente n fiecare dintre instituiile noi, precum i n cele majore care se ocup de motenirea cultural. Asta trebuie s se ntmple aa nct orice iniiativ nou, orice structur instituional de mari dimensiuni s fie
dublat de versiuni mai mici ale ei, care s funcioneze ntr-o manier mai puin previzibil, contrastant, ca un laborator, o resurs energetic, o gur de aerisire, o pepinier
de unde s rzbat ntrebri ctre instituia major, fr furie sau confruntri. Art ntruna, art n cealalt. Cercetare ntr-una, cercetare n cealalt. Gestiune ntr-una, gestiune
n cealalt. Editare ntr-una, editare n cealalt. Independen relativ ntr-una,
independen relativ n cealalt. Dar, nainte de toate, cele dou trebuie s se afle n
relaie una cu cealalt. Pentru ca o instituie nou s reziste, trebuie ca ea s se confrunte cu chestiunile de ordin economic, trebuie s fie inventiv n ce privete asigurarea bazei financiare de care are nevoie ca s funcioneze. Dar nu sub forma
fund-raising. n urma discuiilor cu studenii s-au formulat trei idei-cheie utile n acest
sens: tontina3, vnzarea stradal i amintirea. Practica tontinei ar fi important fiindc ncurajeaz responsabilitatea unora fa de alii, ntrete raportul de reciprocitate, interdependena dintre indivizi i comunitate. Prin aceast practic se poate pune la ncercare
ct de pregtit e o instituie pe cale de a lua natere pentru sarcinile care o ateapt i,
totodat, pentru capcanele financiare, dificultile de funcionare. Vorbind de instituiile
artistice, Clementine Deliss a accentuat c precondiia funcionrii acestora e transparena,
accesibilitatea i ntreinerea unui raport nemijlocit cu grupurile mai mici.
Dac n-ar fi fost prezent din capul locului n program, discuia informal de a doua zi
din atelierul Kis Vars ar fi putut fi vzut chiar ca o punere spontan n practic a propunerilor din ziua precedent. n afara celor care au vorbit la conferin au mai fost prezeni
i ali reprezentani de seam ai vieii artistice budapestane; de fapt, artitii, profesorii i
criticii de art prezeni la ntlnirea informal au fost mai numeroi dect n prima zi.
Diagnosticul formulat pe parcursul discuiei a fost c dialogul intern, relaia dintre instituii,

70

Clementine Deliss would trace the creation of institutions back to the

demands and circumstances of actual life. She suggests a new pattern
of a self-supporting institution which would allow students to experience
self-supportiveness but would also create the genuine atmosphere of a
community, indispensible to the processes of research and study. She lectured on how new-born institutions should buy agricultural land and cultivate it with the help of their students, making a living on their products.
This woud safeguard the independence of the institution and correlate
the research, interest areas and existential problems of its students with
institutional and cultural heritage as well. Clementine Deliss too speaks
for institutionality, because it seems to her to be a framework within
which individuals can conduct independent research and can practice
certain abilities which are impossible to exercise on ones own.
Employing the parable of the elephant and the mouse she talked about
the impossibility of imagining huge institutions which bear and organically incorporate the cultural memories of the past without smaller but faster
institutions of a more inventive insight. They ought to coexist and develop
a relation based on mutuality: Policy and the nature of citizenship
demand of us that symbiosis, or what I prefer to call interdependency,
reciprocal reliance and mutual respect, be built into every new and
transforming major heritage institution. Such that any new initiative,
new architectural plan is to be coupled with a smaller, less predictable
version run in a contrasting manner, as a lab, an energy resource, a ventilation unit, a worming ground, breathing questions into the large site
without anger or confrontation. Art in one, art in the other. Research
in one, research in the other. Economics in one, economics in the other.
Publishing in one, publishing in the other. Relative independence in
one, relative independence in the other. Relative to each other, first and
foremost. In order to survive, the new institution must face the issues
of economy, and inventively discover the material bases to its operation.
Not through fund-raising, though. Initiating dialogues with students,
she managed to formulate three particularly useful key-concepts in this
respect: tontine3, hawker (a kind of street merchant), memorization.
The practice of tontine supports the sense of responsibility for each other,
asserts the relation of interdependency between individuals and the community. The tontine is useful in testing the readiness of a institution in the
face of its tasks, yet it also might point out financial traps and obstacles in
the way of operation. Talking about artistic institutions, Clementine Deliss
stressed how the prerequisite of their future operation is transparency,
accessibility and direct relationships with small community groups.
Had it not been conceived as part of the program, the open discussion
in the Kis Vars studio the next day might easily have been considered a
spontaneous practical application of suggestions made during the previous day. Besides lecturers, several outstanding representatives of
Budapest art life took part in these discussions. As a matter of fact, far
more artists, teachers, curators and art historians attended than they did
the previous day. The diagnosis developed in the discussion was that
inside communication, the mutual relation of institutes, curators and
artists seemed to be severed from the actual problems of the community.
The utmost problem is neither that artists do not participate at international biennials nor that they share no universal cultural discourse but that
they lack problems of their own, an inner system of values, their own discourse and its social legitimacy. If those who showed up for the studio
discussions assumed the first person plural in Maria Hlavajovas question
the one that had inspired this conference that would perhaps lead to
a positive process which could reconcile the Hungarian art scene.

Translated by Nomi Lszl

scena
curatori i artiti par s fie rupte de problemele reale ale comunitii. Problema propriuzis nu e c artitii nu particip la bienale sau c nu particip la un discurs universal, ci
c lipsesc problematica proprie, sistemul de valori intern, discursul propriu i legitimarea
lui social. n msura n care persoana nti plural a ntrebrii adresate de Maria Hlavajova
ntrebare inspirnd i naterea acestei conferine ar fi asumat de cei care au fost
prezeni la discuia din atelierul artitilor budapestani, poate c ar putea ncepe un proces pozitiv, care s atenueze conflictele interne de pe scena artistic maghiar.
Traducere de Al. Polgr
Note:
1. Deschiderea n martie a noului sediu a fost urmat de o conferin ce a durat dou zile i poate fi considerat o
concluzie a expoziiei Gravitaie, care a avut loc anul trecut. Conferina a ncercat s caute posibile rspunsuri i
linii de urmat n ce privete problemele noilor forumuri, postinstituiilor, structurilor muzeale, practicile curatoriatului artistic.

Notes:
1. A two-days conference took place in the aftermath of the March opening, a conference which could pass for a conclusion to last years
Gravitation project, seeking possible answers and feasible directions
for issues such as new fora, post-institutions, museum structures and
art-curator practice.
2. Maria Hlavajova and Jill Winder edited the catalogue, a back-up material for the 7 Episodes of (Ex)changing Europe exhibition series
(the first part of which, Surfacing, Episode 1, was hosted by the
Budapest Ludwig Musem and organised by the independent curator
Lvia Pldi) intended to interconnect exhibitions and other projects
in a way which would render them an outstanding entity.
3. The tontine consists in a fund into which all members transfer a certain
amount of money, while each member may collect the entire content
of the fund once. Everybody has got a randomly picked partner
who would come up with the necessary money in their stead in case
of need, while assuring that the accident would not occur again.

2. Catalogul a fost realizat de Maria Hlavajova i Jill Winder; el este totodat i materialul de prezentare al expoziiei
7 Episodes of (Ex)changing Europe, a crei prim parte a avut loc la Muzeul Ludwig sub titlul Surfacing. Episode 1
(eveniment ngrijit de curatorul independent Lvia Pldi). elul catalogului e s aeze unele lng altele expoziiile i
alte proiecte n aa fel nct ele s constituie, mpreun, o entitate separat.
3. Tontina este ceea ce, popular, e cunoscut drept banca igneasc.

Meeting at Little Warsaw Studio Budapest, photo: Hedvig Turai

71

Noua Europ. Cultura mixajului

i politicile reprezentrii
Jens Kastner
Generali Foundation Viena, 20 ianuarie 24 aprilie

Un desen care nfieaz curtea unei nchisori, proiectat pe o serie de hrtii DIN-A3,
se schimb la fiecare douzeci de secunde ntr-o scen. Ambele desene au n comun
nite reflectoare, care lumineaz centrul imaginii o dat din partea de jos a scenei, o
dat din partea de sus a zidului nchisorii. Transparena este o capcan, a scris Michel
Foucault n A supraveghea i a pedepsi. Artista Natasha Sadr Haghighian a gsit o modalitate frumoas i totodat convingtoare de a prezenta aceast idee. Imaginea lui
Foucault despre societatea disciplinat omul este perceput n sfrit ca individ, dar
a devenit un prizonier transparent, care interiorizeaz supravegherea nu mai e la
mod ca model de interpretare a prezentului. Totui, n acest caz ea i gsete o ntrebuinare ntemeiat.
i Renaud Auguste-Dormeuil se raporteaz implicit la poststructuralitii francezi, lucrarea
sa constnd ntr-o biciclet prevzut cu un plafon. Aceast construcie se numete ContreProjet Panopticon i mpiedic supravegherea persoanei prin satelit. Perspectiva individului independent i mobil prin propriile fore este ns, avnd n vedere dezvoltarea unui
sistem european de supraveghere (Galileo), o viziune destul de optimist. Dialogul cu
producerea spaiului public la Sadr Haghighian i cu controlul acestuia la AugusteDormeuil stabilete doi poli ntre care trebuie s se deplaseze interogarea artistic a
realitilor extraestetice. Chiar i n noua Europ.
Foucault nu este amintit explicit n textul care nsoete expoziia, gndirea sa este ns
potrivit pentru a nelege intenia expoziiei organizate de curatorii onorifici Marius
Babias (Berlin) i Dan Perjovschi (Bucureti). Titlul trimite deja la dualitatea prezentat de Foucault, care este constitutiv pentru individul modern, tot aa cum este i
pentru naiuni sau chiar pentru Europa. Noua Europ este un termen controversat, caracterizat n mod esenial de neclaritate se refer la Europa de dup Rzboiul
Rece sau de dup includerea statelor est-europene Sau nu e vorba de UE, ci de statele
dispuse s lupte alturi de Statele Unite i s se supun lor, dup clasificarea ministrului aprrii Donald Rumsfeld Sau, ntr-o formulare mai radical: aceast Europ
exist deja sau trebuie ctigat prin lupt Expoziia nu dorete astfel numai s re-prezinte, ci s i intervin. Ea trebuie neleas ca poziie, ca atitudine cultural. i, de aceea,
trebuie s se confrunte cu dilema oricrei politici identitare s foloseasc concepte
foarte ncrcate pentru a reinterpreta realitatea social, cu sperana c relaiile de putere din societate se vor schimba cndva (eventual chiar prin aceasta) n direcia interpretrii date.
La clasificarea lui Rumsfeld putem renuna, pentru c este o clasificare nou. Europa este
ns veche. i ceea ce e nou n Europa nu e neaprat i bun. Pentru c din anii 90, de
la nceputul procesului de integrare forat, Europa a fost conceput ca o fortrea, cu
politici de imigrare restrictive din partea statelor membre ale UE. Astfel, faptul c n viaa
de zi cu zi a majoritii nu exist o identitate european nu e de mirare, pentru c ea
se constituie prin excludere sau delimitare fa de Balcanii frmiai, Turcia islamic
sau mai ales Statele Unite i imperialismul lor cultural.
JENS KASTNER este critic de art, curator, sociolog i jurnalist independent. Profesor asociat la Institutul de Sociologie al Universitii din Mnster (19992004) i la Centrul pentru Studii Latino-americane al aceleiai universiti
(2004).

72

THE NEW EUROPE. CULTURE OF MIXING AND POLITICS

OF REPRESENTATION
Jens Kastner
Generali Foundation Vienna, January 20 April 24
A drawing of a prison courtyard, projected on several sheets of DIN-A3
paper, changes every twenty seconds on a stage. Both drawings have in
common some spotlights that shed their light alternatively from the lower
part of the stage and from the top of the prison wall. Transparency is
a trap, wrote Michel Foucault in Discipline and Punish. The artist Natasha
Sadr Haghighian has found a nice and convincing way to present this
idea. Foucaults image about the disciplined society man is at last perceived as an individual but he has become a transparent prisoner who
interiorizes the surveillance is not fashionable any longer in terms
of an interpretation model for the present. However, in this case it
becomes quite useful.
In his turn, Renaud Auguste-Dormeuil relates implicitly to the French
post-structuralists as his work consists of a bike with a roof. The construction is called Contre-Projet Panopticon and prevents the surveillance
of individuals through satellite devices. But the idea of an independent
and mobile person on its own means seems quite optimistic if one thinks
of the progress that has been made in the European satellite surveillance
system (Galileo). Dialog with public space production in Sadr
Haghighians work and its control in Auguste-Dormeuils establish two
poles for the artistic interrogation on extra-aesthetic realities to move
between. Even in the new Europe.
Foucault is not quoted explicitly in the presentation text of the exhibition;
but his thought is adequate in the attempt to understand the intent of the
honorary curators Marius Babias (Berlin) and Dan Perjovschi (Bucharest).
The title alludes to to the duality presented by Foucault, which is constitutive for the modern individual like it is for nations or for Europe itself.
New Europe is a controversial term, essentially characterized by lack of
clarity does it refer to the post cold war Europe or the post enlargement
Europe including the East-European states Or it is not about EU, but
about states willing to fight on the side of the United States and obey
them, as the Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld put it Or, in a more
radical formulation: is this Europe already existing or does it need it to be
won in battle The exhibition aims at more than just re-presentation,
at intervention. It has to be understood as a stand, as cultural attitude.

JENS KASTNER is an art critic, curator, sociologist and independent journalist, is

Associated Professor at the Institute for Sociology of Mnster University (19992004)
and at the Center for Latin-American Research belonging to the same university.

scena
This is why it needs to confront the dilemma of any identity policy to
use heavy concepts in order to reinterpret the social reality in hopes that
power rapports in society will change eventually (maybe even through
this) in the sense of data interpretation.
We can drop Rumsfelds classification because it is a new one. But Europe
is old. And whats new in Europe isnt necessarily good. Because ever
since the 90s, since the beginning of the forced integration process,
Europe has been conceived as a fortress, with restrictive immigration policies in the EU member states. Thus, the fact that in the daily life of the
majority there is no European identity comes as no surprise because
this identity is made of exclusion or delimitation from the split Balkans,
the Islamic Turkey and mostly the United States and their cultural
imperialism.
Overcoming the East-West Difference
Consequently, the title of the exhibition has to be understood as an
attempt to smooth this delimitation. As a first preparatory step on the
Renaud Auguste-Dormeuil
Code International Sol/Air, no. 7, 2004/2005, photo: Werner Kaligofsky courtesy Generali Foundation

Natasha Sadr Haghighian

vice/virtue, 2001, photo: Werner Kaligofsky, courtesy Generali Foundation

Silke Wagner
Roland, 1998, wood, 60 panels 100 100 cm each, photo: Werner Kaligofsky,
courtesy Generali Foundation

Oda Projesi
Revisited, 2004, video 25, photo: Werner Kaligofsky, courtesy Generali Foundation

banic
Jasmila Z
Images from the Corner, 2003, video, 45, photo: Werner Kaligofsky,
courtesy Generali Foundation

Hito Steyerl
Mini-Europa, 2004, video installation, two parts, color, sound, 31,
photo: Werner Kaligofsky, courtesy Generali Foundation

Lia Perjovschi
Diagrams, 19992005, 60 drawings, photo: Werner Kaligofsky, courtesy Generali Foundation

Hito Steyerl, John Miller, Lia Perjovschi, Renaud Auguste-Dormeuil

photo: Werner Kaligofsky, courtesy Generali Foundation

Depirea diferenei Est-Vest

Titlul expoziiei trebuie neles prin urmare ca o tentativ de a atenua aceast delimitare. Ca un prim pas pregtitor pe drumul spre o reprezentare pozitiv a Europei, s-a
renunat la imaginea dialogului dintre arta din Vest i cea din Est pentru a nu fixa aceast
diferen. Metodele folosite de artiti nu mai permit aceast difereniere. Dan Perjovschi, care particip la expoziie i n calitate de artist, a umplut zidul mare al halei de
expoziie Ausstellungshalle cu desene n marker negru. n scene mici, comentarii la adresa
breslei expoziionale sau a politicii mondiale, el combin dou metode foarte vechi (dar
rareori folosite mpreun) de producere artistic a spaiului public: comics i pictur
mural. Ceea ce exprim zidul care strjuiete expoziia n raport cu tehnicile tradiionale
e valabil i pentru direciile actuale. Toate tehnicile artistice care au uimit n ultimii ani
colecia, arhiva, cartografia nu au avut o origine clar n Europa de Sud-Est sau de Vest.
Silke Wagner a alctuit o arhiv pe buci care se monteaz una n alta se afl
prospecte, proiecii video, ziare i merchandise (obiecte) provenite de la organizaii care
activeaz ntre art i politic.
Lia Perjovschi a adunat reprezentri ale globului pmntesc din toat lumea, care ar putea
alctui mpreun o cartografie a vieii cotidiene i care se afl pe podeaua spaiului expoziional. Pe perete, lng acestea, se afl o serie foto de John Miller, care conine 35 de
fotografii digitale cu oameni aflai n pauza de mas dintre orele 12 i 14. Ele dau o imagine concret temei vieii cotidiene i trimit la condiiile nereglementate n care se desfoar producia artistic. Aceasta deoarece munca artistului a avut loc n pauza de
mas a ceteanului normal. Instabilitatea noilor raporturi de munc i via i statutul privilegiat al domeniului artistic nu pot fi ns surprinse uor. O ncercare n aceast
direcie face Oda Projesi [Proiect de spaiu], un colectiv de artiste. Grupa lucreaz pe
baza tehnicii observaiei participative cu comuniti dintr-un cartier al Istanbulului (ntre
altele) i compar graniele comune ale spaiilor artistice, politice i sociale. i chiar n
raport cu aceste bariere se poate pune ntrebarea dac noua Europ va fi activist,
autoorganizat i n cea mai nou etap a dezvoltrii artistice.
Pe de alt parte, i asupra acestui fapt atrage atenia Hito Steyerl, graniele existente nu
pot fi desfiinate. Aceasta este valabil deopotriv pentru diferenele sociale i pentru limitele politice externe. Instalaia video pregtit de acesta arat nregistrri din MiniEuropa, un parc de distracii din Bruxelles, n care se regsesc Poarta Brandenburg, Turnul
din Pisa (i nu numai), la scara de 1:25. Prin jocuri interactive, vizitatorii snt ndemnai
s fac s dispar graniele interne ale UE proiectate pe perete, graniele externe
neputnd fi terse. i scriitoarea Marlene Streeruwitz pune accent n lucrarea video expus
mai mult pe aspectele cronice ale inegalitii sociale produse de limba vorbit. n documentarea bazat pe workshop-uri cu azilani, oamenii snt ntrebai despre sentimentul
pe care l au la traversarea unei strzi; n acelai timp, se ncearc evidenierea ateptrilor
legate de responsabiliti cei care nu se simt n largul lor snt localnicii, nu strinii.
Documentarul pare un mijloc bun de a indica greutile, pietrele de ncercare sau
dificultile fundamentale ale constituirii unei identiti europene pozitive. Productoarea
banic are ca tem predilect a lucrrilor sale traumele rzboiului i, de aceea,
Jasmila Z
a nsoit o comisie de cutare a persoanelor disprute n munca de deshumare n Bosnia.
n documentar, unul dintre protagoniti povestete ct de mult se apropie de fiecare dintre disprui n timpul cutrilor, fr a ti dac vor fi vreodat descoperii. n analogie
cu imaginea despre o Europ ale crei rni i crime pot fi depite numai prin cutare,
banic propune probabil cea mai ptrunfr a ti cu siguran rezultatul acestui proces, Z
ztoare idee pe care o ofer aceast expoziie reuit.

road to a positive representation of Europe, the artists renounced to the

image of dialog between Western and Eastern art in order to avoid establishing this difference. The methods applied by the artists do not allow
this differentiation any longer. Dan Perjovschi, who also participates as
an artist, has filled the big wall of the Ausstellungshalle with drawings in
black marker. In small scenes or comments on the exhibition business or
world order, he combines two very old (but seldom used together) methods of artistic production of the public space: comics and mural painting. What the wall expresses about traditional techniques is also valid for
the present directions. None of the artistic techniques that have amazed
in the past years collection, archive, cartography had a clearly defined
origin in South-Eastern or Western Europe. Silke Wagner has compiled an
archive pieces that bind one into another including prospects, video
projections, newspapers and merchandise (objects) coming from organizations active in between art and politics.
Lia Perjovschi has gathered representations of the globe from around the
world, which could make together the cartography of daily life and it is
shown on the floor of the exhibition hall. By its side, on the wall there is
a photo series by John Miller, including 35 digital photos with people
on their lunch break from 12 to 2 pm. They give a concrete image to the
daily life theme and point to the unregulated conditions of artistic production because the artists work took place during the lunch break
of the average citizen. The instability of the new work and life relations
and the privileged status of the arts cannot be easily grasped, however.
An attempt in this direction belongs to Oda Projesi of Space Project
a group of female artists. They work through participative observation
with communities from an Istanbul neighborhood (among others) and
compare the common borders of the artistic, political and social spaces.
And in relation to these barriers one could ask whether the new Europe
will be activist, self-organized or on the newest stage of its artistic development.
On the other hand, and Hito Steyerl underlines it, the existing borders
cannot be eliminated. This is also valid for the social differences and for
the external political limits. The video installation presented by him shows
footage of Mini-Europe, an amusement park in Brussels, in which there
is the Brandenburg Gate, the Tower of Pisa (and many more) at a scale of
1: 25. Through interactive games, the visitors are incited to make internal
EU frontiers that are projected on the wall disappear as the external frontiers cannot be erased. The writer Marlene Streeruwitz also focuses in the
exhibited video more on the chronic aspects of the social inequalities produced by spoken language. In the documentation based on workshops
with immigrants, people are asked what are their feelings when crossing
the street; in the same time, there is an attempt to highlight the expectations concerning responsibilities those who are not at ease are the locals
not the foreigners.
The documentary seems a good way to indicate the hardships, the pitfalls
or the fundamental difficulties in building a positive European identity.
The producer Jasmila Z banic uses as a recurrent theme in her works the
post war traumas and, for this reason, she accompanied a search party of
the missing persons in Bosnia in their exhumation work. In the documentary, one of the characters narrates how close he gets to each of the missing persons during the search without ever knowing whether they will be
found or not. In comparison with the image of Europe whose wounds and
crimes can only be overcome through search without knowing the result
of this process, Z banic proposes maybe the idea with the most insight
in this successful exhibition.

Catalogul care a nsoit expoziia este editat de Marius Babias, cu cte o prefa de Sabine
Breitwieser i Dietrich Karner, i conine texte de Marius Babias, Mirko Heinemann,
Jean-Luc Nancy, Dan Perjovschi i Hito Steyerl. Kln, Editura Librriei Walther Knig.

Translated by Izabella Badiu

Catalog edited by Marius Babias; prefaces by Sabine Breitwieser and

Dietrich Karner; texts by Marius Babias, Mirko Heinemann, Jean-Luc
Nancy, Dan Perjovschi, and Hito Steyerl. Kln, Publisher Walther Knig.

Traducere de Mihai Codoban

76

Silke Wagner
brgersteig, 2001, photo: Werner Kaligofsky, courtesy Generali Foundation

Sol LeWitt
Minimal Art 1969, ABCD 2, View from the exhibition at Kunsthalle Dsseldorf, 1969, photo: Manfred Tischer

78

scena

Kunsthalle Dsseldorf
forum al artei contemporane
Georg Imdahl
Muzeele din Dsseldorf au cunoscut n ultimii ani o dezvoltare fr egal n Germania.
Spre deosebire de Kln, metropola galeriilor i eternul concurent pe malurile Rinului,
care trece acum printr-o criz de dimensiuni istorice, Dsseldorf iese n eviden n calitate de capital a landului Nordrhein Westfalen, motiv pentru care atrage sume importante de bani. Dsseldorf este un ora bogat, fapt care se reflect i n densitatea muzeelor.
Astfel, pe lng filiala cu lucrri valoroase ale secolului XX (K20, responsabil Armin
Zweite) a coleciei de art Nordrhein-Westfalen, s-a creat a doua filial, numit K21.
Aa cum arat i numele, aceasta se concentreaz pe arta contemporan ncepnd din
anii 80 (responsabil Julian Heynen). n spaiul expoziional se afl deocamdat n mare
parte opere mprumutate de la colecionari (coleciile Speck, Schrmann), doar colecia
Ackermann putnd fi achiziionat cu sprijinul landului Nordrhein-Westfalen. n anul 2010,
colecia va fi suficient de mare pentru a fi expus n spaiile fostului parlament al landului. De la inaugurare i pn acum, n K21 au fost organizate ntre altele expoziii importante cu opere de Luc Tuymans, Rodney Graham i Thomas Schtte.
ntre muzeele noi aprute n Dsseldorf se numr i un parteneriat public-privat ntre
primrie i un furnizor de energie, parteneriat ndelung discutat i atacat mai ales de artitii
oraului, n urma cruia o parte din Muzeul de Art Ehrenhof a fost privatizat. Asocierea a dus la drmarea unei pri a cldirii istorice i la nlocuirea ei cu o structur nou,
proiectat de arhitectul Oswald Ungers, care nu se bucur de mult susinere n cercurile de specialitate.
Arhitectura noii structuri este o povar suplimentar pentru muzeu, care acum se numete
Museum Kunst Palast [Palatul Muzeului Artei] (responsabil Jean-Hubert Martin). La fel
de adevrat este ns c, dup un start dificil i datorit transformrii controversate, muzeul
a luat apoi o direcie pozitiv, expunnd lucrri ale lui Andy Warhol de dup atentat sau
ale frailor Chapman. S-au pus n mod evident bazele unui program strategic de
atragere a publicului de mas (cu lucrri de Mir, Dal etc.).
Iniial, oraul Dsseldorf a vrut s desfiineze Galeria de Art dup modificarea Muzeului
Ehrenhof. Aceasta ar fi putut fi vndut retoric ca o fuziune. Argumentul subire
ar fi fost lipsa de fonduri pentru ntreinerea forumului expoziional, nfiinat abia la sfritul anilor 60, dar care a dat natere unei tradiii cu renume n timpul (relativ scurt) n
care a funcionat. Dsseldorf nu este ns un ora srac, lucru care poate fi observat
cu ochiul liber. Sub influena unei politici culturale confuze, s-a luat n considerare chiar
i ideea de a drma imensa cldire din Grabbeplatz din centrul oraului vechi, un martor mre al brutalitii betonului [Betonbrutalismus] (arhiteci: Konrad Beckmann i Christoph Brockes). Furia i revolta erau ns previzibile. n acest caz, protestele artitilor, criticilor
i curatorilor au avut succes activitatea expoziional a fost reluat dup o scurt perioad de renovare, cu un buget redus, e adevrat. Responsabila Ulrike Groos a adus un
suflu nou n spaiul expoziional, apropierea de asociaia artitilor, cu sediul n aceeai
cldire, fiind pozitiv. Asociaia este condus de ceva vreme de Rita Kersting, care i-a
fcut debutul n 2001 cu expoziia de grup Zero Gravity (ntre alii: Kippenberger, Zobernig, Bjrn Dahlem, Isa Genzken).
Ulrike Groos a impus n puinii ani n care a fost la conducere direcia favorizat de cei
doi precursori ai ei, Karl Ruhrberg i Jrgen Harten, a creat un program care combina poziii ale artitilor internaionali cu cele ale artitilor din Dsseldorf i Rheinland,

KUNSTHALLE DSSELDORF FORUM OF CONTEMPORARY ART

Georg Imdahl

GEORG IMDAHL este critic la Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung.

GEORG IMDAHL is an art critic for the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung.

In recent years, Dsseldorf museums have seen an unprecedented development in Germany. In contrast with Cologne, the metropolis of art galleries and the eternal rival on the shores of Rhine, which is now facing
a crisis of historic dimensions, Dsseldorf stands out as the capital city
of the Nordrhein Westfalen Land, and also receives large amounts of
money. Dsseldorf is a rich city, and this reflects on the high density
of museums. Hereby, alongside the Nordrhein-Westfalen art collections
section of valuable 20th century artworks (K20, manager Armin Zweite),
a second section was created, called K21. As the name itself reveals,
it focuses on contemporary art, starting with the eighties (manager Julian
Heynen). For now, most of the works in the exhibition space are borrowed
from the collectors (the Speck, Schrmann collections); only the
Ackermann collection was bought, with the help of the NordrheinWestfalen Land. In the year 2010, the collection will be large enough
to be shown in the space of the former Land Parliament. From its opening
and until now, there were also other important exhibitions held in K21,
like those of Luc Tuymans, Rodney Graham and Thomas Schtte.
Among the new Dsseldorf museums there is also a public-private partnership between the city hall and a energy provider, a project much
talked about and attacked by the city artists; as a result, part of the
Ehrenhof Art Museum was privatised. This association led to the partial
demolition of the historical building and to its replacement with a new
structure, designed by the architect Oswald Ungers, who is not very well
regarded by specialists.
The architecture of the new structure is an extra-burden for the museum,
which now bears the name of Museum Kunst Palast [Art Museum Palace]
(manager Jean-Hubert Martin). But it is equally true that after a buffling
start and because of the controversial change, the museum went in the
right direction, exhibiting works of Andy Warhol (from after the assault)
and the Chapman brothers. They evidently laid the foundation of a strategic programme meant to draw mass audiences (with works of Mir, Dal).
Initially, the city of Dsseldorf wanted to disolve the Art Gallery after the
transformation of the Ehrenhof Museum. This could have been rhetorically
sold as a fusion. The thin argument would have been the lack of
funds necessary for the maintenance of the exhibition forum, founded only
in the late 60, but who established a renowned tradition in the (relatively
short) time of activity. But Dsseldorf is not a poor city, which can be
noticed with the naked eye. Under the influence of a dim cultural policy,
they even took into consideration the idea of demolishing the huge building from Grabbeplatz, from the centre of the old city, a great witness of
concrete brutality [Betonbrutalismus] (architects: Konrad Beckmann and
Christoph Brockes). But the fury and revolt were predictible. For the case
being, the artists, critics and curators were successfuly the exhibitions
were resumed after a short period of renovation, although with a reduced
budget. Ulrike Groos, the manager, brought a breath of fresh air into the
exhibition area, the proximity to the artists association, with the headquarters in the same building, being a positive thing. The association has
been run for some time by Rita Kersting, who made her debut in 2001,
with the group exhibition Zero Gravity (among others: Kippenberger,
Zobernig, Bjrn Dahlem, Isa Genzken).
For the few years of being in charge, Ulrike Groos encouraged the direction privileged by her two predecessors, Karl Ruhrberg and Jrgen

79

Gerhard Richter 1986 3

View from the exhibition, Kunsthalle Dsseldorf, 1986, photo: Heinz Jokisch

Jennifer Nelson
Uneasy Room, 1999, photo: Amir Zacki
Michael Heizer
prospect 1971, videoinstallation, view from the exhibition,
Kunsthalle Dsseldorf 1971, photo: Manfred Tischer

Exhibition Ready to Shoot.

Fernsehgalerie Gerry Schum/videogallery schum
views from the exhibition, Kunsthalle Dsseldorf, 2003
photos: Achim Kukulies

Gnter Uecker
Schwarz, 1981, exhibition Schwarz,
Kunsthalle Dsseldorf, 1981, photo: Peter Royen jun.

scena

Exhibition Zurck zum Beton. Die Anfnge von Punk und New Wave in Deutschland 197782,
view from the exhibition, Kunsthalle Dsseldorf 2002, photos: ar/gee gleim

Rita McBride
raumfrraum, Hexelerater, 2004, Installation, Sisal, Kunststoff (mixed media installation)
Katharina Grosse
raumfrraum, The Poise of the Head und die anderen folgen, 2004, Wandmalerei (wall painting),
view from the exhibition, Kunsthalle Dsseldorf, 2004, photo: Achim Kukulies

cazuri fericite n care localul i globalul snt identice. Din aceast combinaie local-global au rezultat expoziii legendare. Un bun exemplu pentru aceasta este expoziia cu lucrrile lui Gerhard Richter din anul 1986. Groos l-a transformat pe acest pictor care
preda un curs influent la Academia de Arte ntr-o somitate; n scurt timp, catalogul expoziiei a devenit o raritate. ntre alte expoziii, care s-au ntiprit n memoria istoriei artei
actuale, se numr i Minimal Art din anul 1969, care fusese preluat din Geentemuseum Den Haag. Aceasta a fost prima expoziie cu tema Minimal Art din Europa. ntre
momentele importante ale Galeriei de Art se numr i cteva expoziii retrospective
reunite sub titlul Prospect, care au fost concepute de curator mpreun cu exponenii.
ntre multiplele expoziii, care au trecut drept puncte de maxim importan ale
Galeriei de Art, a dori s amintesc expoziia de grup schwartz [negru], cu ocazia creia
spaiul expoziional a dobndit acel co de buctrie care ajunge n exterior, o parte a
contribuiei lui Joseph Beuys. Beuys i-a conceput contribuia la tema negru ca horn de
buctrie, care ducea din spaiul expoziional n afar o mostr specific a umorului
beuysian.
Oraul Dsseldorf se poate considera un ora norocos datorit puterii de atracie a Academiei de Arte. Aceasta asigur oraului statutul de ora de artiti i constituie totodat
o surs de inspiraie pentru noul program. Ultima expoziie, raumfrraum [spaiu pentru spaiu], a adus laolalt artiti i sculptori legai de ora fie prin faptul c locuiesc aici
(Katharina Grosse, Dirk Skreber), fie c predau la Academia de Arte (Rita McBride). Astfel
de expoziii, legate mai mult sau mai puin printr-o linie tematic, snt interesante
deopotriv pentru publicul local i cel strin. Acest fapt este valabil i pentru expoziiile
prin care snt redescoperite operele artitilor din Dsseldorf, pe care generaia mai
tnr le cunoate mai degrab din auzite. O astfel de expoziie reuit a fost Fernsehgalerie
[Galeria TV] de Gerry Schum, un artist cu multe viziuni asupra expansiunii i transmiterii artei contemporane, care s-a sinucis la nceputul anilor 70. Debutul artistic al lui
Ulrike Groos, cu expoziia tematic Zurck zum Beton [napoi la beton], a stat sub semnul unei reconstrucii istorice. Aici privirea s-a ndreptat spre nceputul micrii punk,
care i avea locul de ntlnire n legendarul bar Ratinger Hof din centrul vechi al oraului Dsseldorf. Stilul punk, care se folosea n principal de material documentar, instrumente muzicale, mai puin de art, i are originile n amintirile autorului Jrgen Teipel,
care a interogat protagoniti i martori cu mijloace de oral history i a mbinat cu
miestrie prerile acestora ntr-un Text-Collage. Pe lng seria de expoziii de vrf din Galeria
de Art, Groos a organizat de asemenea una monografic, deopotriv interesant i
cuprinztoare: Dan Graham, preluat de la Krller-Mller-Museum, care a surprins cu
o serie de Environments.
ntre expoziiile iniiate de Groos se numr Compilations, o serie despre tineri artiti,
care a nceput n 2003 cu o expoziie de grup: Rosa Barba, Jeanne Faust i Jennifer Nelson.
Pentru 2005 s-a anunat o continuare (din iulie pn n septembrie), ntre alii cu Lucy
Harvey, Seb Koberstdt i Constantin Wallhuser. n program se afl mai departe
expoziii despre desenul artistic contemporan cu funcie de reportaj i o expoziie n
cooperare cu alte orae (Kln, Bonn, Duisburg) asupra culturilor islamice i musulmane,
al crei curator va fi Catherine David.
Afirmarea Galeriei de Art din Dsseldorf e un exemplu bun despre cum se poate pune
pe picioare un program cu bani puini. nchiderea acestui spaiu expoziional pe motivul
lipsei de finanare ar fi fost o glum proast. Datorit barului deschis n subsol, care se
ntinde pn n pia, de pe urma resuscitrii Galeriei de Art profit i Grabbeplatz, prea
puin utilizat ca spaiu public. Galeria de Art ar trebui s fie un exemplu de urmat n
cazul n care se amenin cu tierea fondurilor: n politic, responsabilii de cultur snt cei
care nchid instituiile pe care ar trebui s le protejeze. Cu cteva sptmni n urm,
Dsseldorf a anunat c se afl printre puinele orae germane cu un excedent bugetar.
Traducere de Mihai Codoban

82

Christian Schwarzwald
Partitur, 2004, exhibition doku/fiction. Mouse on Mars reviewed & remixed, 2004,
Kunsthalle Dsseldorf 2004, photo: Achim Kukulies

Jo Zimmermann and Diango Hernndez

Exhibition doku/fiction. Mouse on Mars reviewed & remixed, 2004,
Kunsthalle Dsseldorf 2004, photo: Achim Kukulies

scena

Jennifer Nelson
Uneasy Room, 1999, photo: Amir Zacki

Ulrike Groos
photo: Yun Lee

Kunsthalle Dsseldorf, frontview, 2002, photo: Dietrich Buske

Harten she set up a programme which combines the positions of international artists with those of artists from Dsseldorf and Rheinland,
the happy exceptions in which local and global coincide. Legendary exhibitions emerged as a result of this combination of local and global.
A good example in this sense is the the 1986 exhibition, featuring the
works of Gerhard Richter. Groos turned this painter, who had an influential class at the Art Academy, into a celebrity; shortly, the catalogue
of the exhibition became a rarity. Among other exhibitions, which left
their mark on todays history of arts, we have, for example, Minimal Art,
from 1969, taken from the Geentemuseum Den Haag. This was the first
exhibition in Europe with Minimal Art as a topic. Other important events
in the Art Gallery include several retrospective exhibitions entitled
Prospect, conceived by the curator together with the artists. Among
the many exhibition that passed as nodal points of the Art Gallery, Id like
to mention the group exhibition schwartz [black]; this is when the venue
achieved the kitchen chimney that sticks out, part of Joseph Beuys contribution. Beuys contribution to the black topic consisted in a kitchen
chimney, leading from inside the exhibition space outside of it a trade
mark of Beuyss humor.
The city of Dsseldorf may consider itself lucky due to the power of drawing attention to the Art Academy. It provides the city with the reputation
of an artists city, being, at the same time, a source of inspiration for the
new programme. The last exhibition, raumfrraum [space for space]
brought together artists and sculptors bound to the city either living
in it (Katharina Grosse, Dirk Skreber) or teaching at the Art Academy
(Rita McBride). These kinds of exhibitions, connected more or less by the
topics, interest the local public as well as the foreign one. This also goes
for the exhibition that rediscovers the works of artists from Dsseldorf,
generally known to the younger generation by ear. One succesful exhibition was Fernsehgalerie [TV gallery] by Gerry Schum, an artist with many
views on the expansion and communication of contemporary art, who
killed himself in the early seventies. The artistic debut of Ulrike Groos, with
the thematic exhibition Zurck zum Beton [Back to concrete], happened
under the sign of a historical reconstruction. Here, the eye turned to the
beginning of the Punk movement, which used to meet at the legendary
pub Ratinger Hof in the centre of the old city. The Punk style, which
made more use of documentary materials, musical intruments and less of
art, originates in the memories of the author Jrgen Teipel, who interrogated the actors and the witnesses by means of oral history and masterly
combined their oppinions into a Text-Collage. In addition to these highend exhibions from the Art Gallery, Groos also held a monographical one:
Dan Graham, taken from the Krller-Mller-Museum, interesting as well
as large, which made an impresion with a series of Environments.
Among the exhibitions initiated by Groos, there is one named
Compilations, a series about young artists, which started in 2003 with
a group exhibition including Rosa Barba, Jeanne Faust and Jennifer Nelson.
Theres a sequel announced for 2005 (from July to September) which
includes among others Lucy Harvey, Seb Koberstdt and Constantin
Wallhuser. There are more scheduled exhibitions: one about the contemporary art drawing seen as a report and an exhibition co-produced with
other cities (Cologne, Bonn, Duisburg) dealing with Islamic and Moslem
cultures, with Catherine David as a curator.
The uprising of the Dsseldorf Art Gallery is a good example of how one
can build a programme with little money. The closing of this exhibition
place on the grounds of the lack of money would have been a bad joke.
Not much used as a public space, Grabbenplatz too takes advantage
from the resuscitation of the gallery, due to the underground bar which
goes way up to the plaza. The Art Gallery example should be an example
to follow when there are threats to cut down the expenses in politics,
those in charge of culture close down the institutions they should protect.
A couple of weeks ago, Dsseldorf was among the few German cities
to announce a budgetary excess.

Translated by Alex Moldovan

83

Excerpt from the Journal of the exhibition, n 46

Thomas Hirschhorn, Centre Culturel Suisse, Paris,
December 4, 2004 January 30, 2005

Swiss Swiss Democracy

Laurence Perrillat
Thomas Hirschhorn, Centrul Cultural Elveian, Paris,
4 decembrie 2004 30 ianuarie

De la starea de asediu la chestiunea de stat, expoziia lui Thomas Hirschhorn la Centrul Cultural Elveian de la Paris e o mainrie de strnit ntrebri ct privete democraia direct n Elveia i, dincolo de asta, asupra democraiei n general.
Cu ocazia alegerilor parlamentare din 2003, o majoritate a electoratului elveian l-a adus
la guvernare pe liderul populist al Uniunii Democratice a Centrului, Christoph Blocher,
devenit mai apoi ministru al justiiei i de interne. n replic la aceast nvestitur, artistul elveian Thomas Hirschhorn a publicat un manifest n care i exprima revolta fa
de aceast alegere i refuzul de a mai expune n ara sa.
Elveia e una din rile lumii n care democraia, ca expresie a voinei cetenilor, se manifest cel mai mult. Elveienii snt chemai cu regularitate s se pronune asupra unor diverse
probleme sociale, politice i economice prin intermediul referendumului cu buletin secret.
E vorba despre ceea ce se cheam democraie direct. n sine, nimic nu e problematic
aici. Ceea ce n schimb este e nsui obiectul acestor referendumuri. Astfel, ceteanului
elveian i revine s decid, de exemplu, favorabil sau nu, n privina naturalizrii unor
persoane de origine strin trind n Elveia uneori de mai multe generaii. i aici e punctul care doare cel mai tare, naturalizarea fiind cel mai adesea refuzat.
Naionalismul este fisura pe unde Thomas Hirschhorn decide s atace idealizarea regimului democratic elveian. Nu st n intenia lui Thomas Hirschhorn repunerea n discuie
a acestui regim, care, desigur, este imperfect, ns rmne cel mai puin imperfect. Ci
gestul su vizeaz s-l apere mai ales de propriii si demoni. Cu cuvintele artistului, strdaniile sale caut s dezidealizeze democraia i s de-stabilizeze buna contiin democratic. Hirschhorn explic ntr-un comunicat: Vreau s-mi exprim revolta nu mpotriva
democraiei, ci mpotriva folosirii democraiei pentru nite interese personale, pentru
LAURENCE PERILLAT este critic de art i curator. Specialist n videoart i muzeologia artei contemporane.

84

SWISS SWISS DEMOCRACY

Laurence Perrillat
Thomas Hirschhorn, Swiss Cultural Center, Paris,
December 4, 2004 January 30
From state of siege to State affair, Thomas Hirschhorns exhibition at
the Swiss Cultural Centre in Paris is an interrogation of direct democracy
in Switzerland and of democracy in general.
At the general elections in 2003, a wide majority voted for the populist
leader of the Center Democratic Union Christoph Blocher, who was to
become Minister of justice and police. In reaction to his investiture,
the Swiss artist Thomas Hirschhorn has issued a manifesto whereby he
expresses his revolt against this election and his refusal to exhibit in his
origin country.
Switzerland is one of the few countries in the world where democracy
truly is the expression of the citizens will. The Swiss are often called
to give their opinion on various social, political, and economical issues
through secret ballot referendum. This is what we call direct democracy.
No filter or power comes between the peoples will and the decision.
This is not problematic as such. However, the very object of these referenda is problematic. For instance, it is the Swiss citizens job to decide
whether persons of foreign origin living in Switzerland, often for many
generations, can be naturalized or not. And this is problematic because,
more often than not, naturalization is denied.
Thomas Hirschhorn decides to attack the idealization of the Swiss democratic model through the nationalist angle. Thomas Hirschhorn doesnt
want to question this rgime, which, having, obviously, its imperfections
still remains the least imperfect. He does it in order to protect himself

LAURENCE PERILLAT is an art critic and curator and specialist in video art and museology
of contemporary art.

scena

Thomas Hirschhorn
Swiss Swiss Democracy, poster of the exhibition

from his very own demons. According to him, his efforts aim to un-idealize the democracy and at de-stabilizing the good democratic conscience. In a communiqu, Hirschhorn explains: I want to express my
revolt not against democracy but against the usage that is made of it for
personal interests, for good conscience, in order to silence the critics,
or to abolish opinion. For in the secret of the isolated room the good
conscience rules.
For Thomas Hirschhorn, the invitation to the Swiss Cultural Centre in Paris
is too good an opportunity to miss, so he demonstrates against the democratic idealism and against the nationalist relents of his country.
In a democratic context, when people disagree with the leaders they
have elected, they protest, they go on strike, and they siege the administrations and express their claims and their dislikes on banners, in newspapers, in meetings. With these very means of democratic and political
expression Thomas Hirschhorn chooses to protest against the abuses of
democracy. He actually instates a siege, in the precise meaning of the
term, in the art center for the whole duration of the show. Outside, in the
street, the exhibition title is tagged on a white linen sheet Swiss Swiss
Democracy, thus giving to the art center the allure of a factory on strike.
And that is not all. What is political thinking without permanent regeneration through debate and submission to the public opinion
So Thomas Hirschhorn recruited two collaborators who contribute day by
day to the production of an ongoing thinking on democracy. One of them
is the German philosopher Marcus Steinweg who delivers a lecture every
day and contributes to the newspaper published on the spot.
The other one is the stage director Gwenal Morin who proposes every
day a burlesque show, adaptation of the William Tell legend, the founding myth of the Swiss democratic identity.
How does Thomas Hirschhorns will to protest embody artistically At first
sight, when one enters the exhibition, one is less surprised by the style
and appearance, the use of second hand furniture and poor material such
as cardboard and scotch tape, than by the spectacular use that is made of
space. Even if, once again, we can remark that Thomas Hirschhorns work
turns to mannerism, one can only recognize the mastership in dealing
with space that gives an impression of total art. The entire space is covered with cardboards in pastel colors tied together with scotch tape.
The effect is equally orthogonal, homogeneous and deconstructed.
The use of colors such as rose bonbon, baby blue and pale yellow gives to
the ensemble a washed-out effect. These cardboard walls have the function of supporting a vast quantity of images directly scotch taped and
texts added hastily with red spray, or photocopied on paper sheets glued
on the cardboard. Besides, it is funny to note that this permeability of the
surface to text also enticed the public to react directly on the work as they
added their own comments. Thomas Hirschhorn has inscribed the work
in the space he divided in various functional sections: theatre for the daily
representation of William Tell, the photocopy shop of the newspaper,
a bar, and a conference hall. All of these sections try to welcome comfortably the public with chairs and sofas dressed in insulating material.
The most astonishing thing in Thomas Hirschhorns work in general is
expressed here on a larger scale, in a multiplication of discourse levels.
One of the underlying principles of the exhibition is precisely to produce
and reproduce discourse.
Drowned in a textual and visual overabundance, one cannot but feel
a gap between sentences tagged on the cardboard walls and the books
of political philosophy made available for the public by the artist. The link
between these two types of discourse, beyond the their evoking democracy, is the found thought aspect in the meaning of found object.
In the same way Hirschhorn inscribes short sentences of popular claim,
borrowed from the history of social protest. On the walls he refers to
books and text of major authors in political philosophy such as Aristotle,
John Locke, Henri-David Thoreau. These two types of thinking are put on
the same level. However, the fame of the quoted authors appears here as
intellectual value on which the exhibition seems to be built.
The role of Thomas Hirschhorns two collaborators is to produce discourse: philosophical discourse by Marcus Steinweg in the newspaper
and in the conferences, drama discourse by Gwenal Morin.

85

confortarea bunei contiine, pentru a slei critica, pentru a vtui opinia public. Cci
n secretul cabinei de vot contiina mpcat cu sine e stpn.
Invitaia pe care i-a adresat-o Centrul Cultural Elveian de la Paris este pentru Thomas
Hirschhorn un prilej cum nu se poate mai nimerit pentru a se exprima mpotriva idealismului democratic i mpotriva izurilor naionaliste plutind pe deasupra rii sale.
n context democratic, atunci cnd poporul nu se mai afl n acord cu conductorii pe
care i i-a ales, el manifesteaz, face grev, asediaz sediile oficiale i i exprim doleanele
i nemulumirile prin banderole, n ziare, n cadrul ntrunirilor. Thomas Hirschhorn a
decis s protesteze mpotriva abuzurilor democraiei prin intermediul acelorai moduri
de exprimare democratic i politic. El s-a hotrt realmente s instaleze un asediu,
ca atare, n centrul de art i s-l menin atta timp ct dureaz expoziia. n exterior,
la strad, semnalarea expoziiei se face cu ajutorul unui cearaf alb pe care e viu grafiat cu sprayul Swiss Swiss Democracy, ceea ce-i d centrului de art aspectul unei uzine aflate n grev. i asta nu e totul. Ce ar fi oare o gndire politic dac ea n-ar fi necontenit
regenerat, supus opiniei publice i dezbtut
De aceea, Thomas Hirschhorn i-a alturat nc doi participani, care, n ce-i privete,
contribuie zilnic alturi de el la producerea unei gndiri n micare a democraiei. Primul
este filosoful german Marcus Steinweg, care n fiecare zi ine o conferin i colaboreaz la ziarul fcut acolo, la faa locului. Al doilea este regizorul Gwenal Morin, care propune zilnic publicului un spectacol burlesc, o adaptare a mitului lui Wilhelm Tell, mit fondator
al identitii democratice elveiene.
n ce fel se manifest plastic la lucru voina protestatar a lui Thomas Hirschhorn La
prima vedere, atunci cnd ptrunzi n expoziie, eti mai puin surprins de stilul i de
nfiarea ei, de folosirea elementelor de mobilier recuperat i a materialelor srccioase precum cartonul i banda adeziv, ct de tratarea spectaculoas a spaiului.
Chiar i dac, o dat n plus, constatm c munca lui Thomas Hirschhorn aduce a
manierism, nu poi dect s recunoti miestria n tratarea spaiului, care procur o senzaie
de art complet. ntreg spaiul e tapetat cu foi de carton de culori pastelate lipite laolalt cu scotch. Efectul care rezult e tot att de ortogonal i de omogen pe ct e de deconstruit. Utilizarea rozului-bombon, a albastrului pentru nou-nscui i a galbenului-pal
confer ansamblului o impresie de splcit. Pereii cartonai au menirea de-a fi suportul unui potop de imagini prinse direct pe ele cu band adeziv i al unor texte scrise
pe ele cu spray-ul, la repezeal, sau fotocopiate pe foi lipite pe carton. De altfel, e amuzant
de relatat c aceast permeabilitate la text a suprafeei a incitat la rndul ei publicul s
reacioneze direct pe lucrare, suprapunndu-i propriile comentarii. Thomas Hirschhorn
a nscris lucrarea n ansamblul spaiului pe care l-a mprit n diferite seciuni funcionale:
teatrul pentru reprezentaiile zilnice cu Wilhelm Tell, atelierul de fotocopiere al ziarului, un bar i o sal de conferine. ntregul acestor spaii caut s primeasc n mod confortabil publicul, cu scaune i canapele tapiate n band izolatoare.
Ceea ce rmne uimitor n munca lui Thomas Hirschhorn, exprimndu-se aici n nite
dimensiuni sporite, e multiplicarea nivelurilor de discurs. Unul din principiile acestei expoziii este tocmai acela de a produce i a reproduce discurs.
ntroienit ntr-un preaplin textual i vizual, n-ai totui cum s nu resimi ruptura de nivel
ntre frazele pulverizate n grab pe pereii cartonai i operele de filosofie politic puse
la dispoziia publicului de ctre artist. Legtura ntre aceste dou tipuri de discurs, dincolo de evocarea comun a democraiei, e aspectul de gndire gsit, n sensul unui
obiect gsit. n acelai fel n care Hirschhorn scrie pe ziduri formulrile laconice ale unor
revendicri populare mprumutate istoriei protestului social, el propune publicului raportarea la cri i texte ale marilor autori ai filosofiei politice precum Aristotel, John Locke,
Henri-David Thoreau. Aceste dou tipuri de gndire snt plasate la acelai nivel. Cu toate
astea, celebritatea autorilor acestor cri apare aici ca un fel de cauiune intelectual pe
care ntreaga expoziie pare a se sprijini.

86

The drama discourse starts from the shared intention of Morin and
Hirschhorn to desacralize the Swiss democracy by questioning the
symbolic figure of William Tell. The legend has it that Tell is the heroic
liberator of the Swiss people. The show explicitly presents that the motivation of rebellion in Tell has nothing heroic whatsoever: this humiliated
and weak character murders a tyrant in order to have justice for himself
and not for the community. He is very ironic about the fact that this individual revolt is the founding gesture of democracy.
The other important aspect in the drama discourse through the reversal
of the William Tell legend is the direct attack at nationalism through
Swiss folklore. Swiss identity is omnipresent in the exhibition and nationalism accused more than once. Many emblems give rhythm to the cardboard walls and, most of all, the small Swiss train in an ideal mountain
landscape is a recurrent element as a miniature and in videos.
Yet another type of discourse is inscribed in the exhibiting space the
media discourse. On every wall there are clippings from newspapers and
magazines of all kinds. Most of the articles evoke the political news in
Switzerland, especially those concerning the Minister under discussion,
Christoph Blocher; others describe and denounce the perverse effects
of direct democracy. These clippings are situated on the same level of
reading so that, once more, it is the visitors task to analyze the discourse.
Beyond these fragments from the international press, Thomas Hirschhorn
has organized the daily publication of a newspaper edited and printed
within the exhibition. The newspaper synthesizes a produced discourse
by publishing Marcus Steinwegs essays and a reproduced discourse

View of the print shop of the Journal

Thomas Hirschhorn
Exhibition Swiss Swiss Democracy, photo: Romain Lopez

scena
Rolul celor doi colaboratori ai lui Thomas Hirschhorn este n schimb acela de a produce discurs: discursul filosofic al lui Marcus Steinweg n ziarul expoziiei i n conferine,
discurs teatral n ce-l privete pe Gwenal Morin.
Discursul teatral decurge i el din intenia comun cu a lui Thomas Hirschhorn de a
desacraliza democraia elveian prin interogarea figurii simbolice a lui Wilhelm Tell.
Legenda vrea ca Tell s fi fost eliberatorul eroic al poporului elveian. Spectacolul arat
n mod explicit c resortul revoltei la Tell nu are absolut nimic eroic: personajul acesta
umilit i lipsit de putere asasineaz un tiran doar ca s-i fac siei dreptate, i nu pentru colectivitate. E de altminteri foarte ironic din punctul acesta de vedere ca acest gest
de rzvrtire individual s incarneze actul originar al democraiei.
Cellalt aspect important care se degajeaz n discursul teatral prin rsturnarea legendei lui Wilhelm Tell este o atacare direct a naionalismului prin asocierea la demers a
folclorului elveian. Identitatea elveian e omniprezent n expoziie, iar naionalismul
e denunat de nenumrate ori. Mai multe blazoane care puncteaz i au o prezen
ritmic pe pereii cartonai i, mai ales, trenuleul elveian traversnd un peisaj montan
idealizat snt elemente care revin adesea, n miniatur i n piesele video.
n spaiul expoziiei se mai afl nscris i un ultim tip de discurs. Este vorba de acela mediatic. Ansamblul zidurilor expoziiei cuprinde tieturi de pres, din ziare i reviste de toate
tendinele, fr deosebire. Majoritatea articolelor evoc actualitatea politic elveian,
mai ales pe aceea referitoare la ministrul n chestiune, Christoph Blocher, altele descriind i denunnd efectele perverse ale democraiei directe. Tieturile acestea snt, i ele,
toate la un acelai nivel ct privete lectura expoziiei i, nc o dat, vizitatorului i
revine s analizeze discursul.
Dincolo de aceste fragmente din presa internaional, Thomas Hirschhorn a pus la punct
publicarea zilnic a unui ziar conceput i tiprit n expoziie. Ziarul sintetizeaz un discurs produs deja, publicnd eseurile lui Marcus Steinweg i un discurs reprodus prin
reluarea i juxtapunerea de tieturi din presa popular i a articolelor scrise despre
expoziie. Aceast publicare rspunde nevoii artistului de a se exprima ntr-un regim al
urgenei, dar cu un coninut elaborat i, dincolo de procedeul citrii, recurent n munca
lui Hirschhorn, de a produce efectiv discurs prin intermediul juxtapunerii de elemente
eteroclite.
Dac elul acestei expoziii a fost acela de a incita la o reacie, se poate spune c e vorba
de o reuit. La abia cteva zile de la vernisaj, n Elveia a izbucnit un scandal mediatic.
Factorul declanator, altul dect tema nsi a expoziiei, e interpretarea abuziv a gestului unui actor din cadrul piesei de teatru. ntr-una din scene, ntr-adevr, unul dintre
personaje e nfiat mergnd n patru labe i fcnd gestul de a ridica laba dinapoi n
dreptul portretului parlamentarului Christoph Blocher. Acesta, care era oarecum motorul ideologic al expoziiei, devine n ochii presei elveiene victima acesteia. i nc o
dat, exegeza mediatic a unui amnunt face uitat reflecia de ansamblu propus de
expoziie. Presa s-a nstpnit rapid asupra acestui fapt pentru a face din el o chestiune
de stat. Bugetul Pro Helvetia, fundaia al crei scop e promovarea culturii elveiene i
care e principalul finanator al Centrului Cultural Elveian, a fost tiat la jumtate. n schimb,
presa elveian nu poate trece sub tcere succesul popular al acestei expoziii, care a
beneficiat de o afluen record de peste 30.000 de persoane n mai puin de cincizeci
de zile.
Ceea ce face Thomas Hirschhorn nu vorbete despre politic n sensul n care aceasta ar fi o tem. Dimpotriv, munca lui este politic, ea e eficient n mod politic. Precum politicul, opera lui Thomas Hirschhorn este un spaiu social care e deopotriv
construit i n construcie, ntr-o modalitate a confruntrii.

through the reproduction and juxtaposition of popular press clippings

and articles about the exhibition. This publication answers the artists
need to express himself urgently but in an edited content, and, beyond
the quotations, often from Hirschhorns previous work, to really produce
discourse through the juxtaposition of heteroclite elements.
If the purpose of this exhibition was to incite a reaction, one can say that
it is a success. Just a few days after the opening, in Switzerland a media
scandal burst out. The triggering factor, other than the theme of the
show, is the abusive interpretation of an actors gesture in the play.
On stage there is a character walking on all fours and rising the back
paw on the portrait of Christoph Blocher, MP. This Member of
Parliament who represented the ideological mechanism of the exhibition
becomes in the eyes of the Swiss press its victim. Once more, the media
interpretation of a detail hides the global reflection on the exhibition.
The press was fast in making a State affair out of this incident. The budget of Pro Helvetia, foundation aiming at the promotion of Swiss culture
and main financing body of the Swiss Cultural Center has been divided
into two. However, the Swiss press cannot deny the popular success
of the show that marked a record in visitor affluence as over 30,000 persons in less than fifty days have come to see it.
Thomas Hirschhorns work doesnt speak about politics in the sense that
this would be a theme. Quite on the contrary, the work is political, it is
political action. As politics, Thomas Hirschhorns work is a social space
under construction and constructed at the same time following the pattern of confrontation.

Translated by Izabella Badiu

Traducere de Adrian T. Srbu

87

From the play William Tell

Thomas Hirschhorn
Exhibition Swiss Swiss Democracy, photo: Romain Lopez

View of the conference room

Thomas Hirschhorn
Exhibition Swiss Swiss Democracy, photo: Romain Lopez

View from the exhibition. Little train

Thomas Hirschhorn
Exhibition Swiss Swiss Democracy, photo: Romain Lopez

From the play William Tell

Thomas Hirschhorn
Exhibition Swiss Swiss Democracy, photo: Romain Lopez

Pierre Joseph. Du prsent, faisons table pleine!

Florence Derieux
PIERRE JOSEPH pred la Academia de Art din Montpellier, Frana. Particip n mod curent la toate cursurile, inute
de ctre toi profesorii, indiferent de disciplin. Polivalena e cheia.

Dorina pentru un viitor mai bun nu e deloc nou. E lucru tiut c toate fiinele omeneti
dezvolt idei despre timpuri viitoare posibile i dezirabile. Ceea ce pare totui nou e contientizarea efectiv a faptului c viitorul poate exista doar n condiiile i contradiciile prezentului i c el se afl n minile nenumrailor productori de semnificaii. Atta vreme ct
aceste timpuri viitoare i au rdcinile n realitile existente, ele snt potenialiti reale.
Se pare c n societatea noastr nu este necesar s inventm o nou lume, ci s ncercm s-o inventm pe cea n care trim, s regndim ceea ce avem deja. Astzi, atitudinea
noastr fa de vechile modele s-a schimbat: ele nu mai exist pentru a fi contemplate,
ci pentru a fi testate, pentru a nva cum pot fi ele folosite i locuite. Pentru Pierre Joseph e important s abandonm ideea iluzorie de-a ne lsa amprenta asupra culturii i
s creditm, n schimb, prezentul. Realitile prezente i timpurile viitoare imaginare ar
trebui s se ntlneasc ntr-o simpl nelegere [ralisation], nu ntr-o creaie strlucit.
Creaia e neleas ca o entitate, refractar la reconcilierea cu realul. Cultura nu mai e
considerat o sum de cunotine, o motenire, ci un exemplu a ceea ce ar putea fi posibil.
Opera lui Pierre Joseph nu e menit s existe n cadrul unui proces istoric, ci n acela
al experienei lui aici i acum, pentru ca un numr ct mai mare de oameni s se bucure
de ea. Lucrarea sa How We Gonna Behave [Cum o s ne purtm] (de la Kln Show,
1990) le-a oferit vizitatorilor trgului de art ocazia de-a folosi, n orice mod ar fi dorit,
pantofii de sport Reebok Pump lsai la intrare. Se urmrea ca aceast lucrare de art
s funcioneze ca un concept inteligent, dar n special prin prisma raporturilor sale cu
societatea. La nceputul anilor 90, mpreun cu artiti precum Philippe Parreno, Dominique Gonzalez-Foerster sau Bernard Joisten, Pierre Joseph a luat parte la crearea unui
nou tip de expoziie, ce punea sub semnul ntrebrii contextul producerii i receptrii
artei, aezndu-l pe vizitator n centrul diferitelor experiene artistice. Intenia era ca arta
s fie neleas ca un spaiu al libertii, un spaiu n care opera de art s nu mai joace
doar rolul de obiect al contemplaiei, ci pe acela de unealt putnd fi folosit pentru a
te juca cu realitatea. n acest cadru teoretic prealabil, Pierre Joseph dezvolt o practic
foarte personal n care coexist semne, amintiri, jocuri, poveti i tehnologii aparinnd
tuturor. Noiunea de joc e esenial n opera lui Pierre Joseph. Atunci cnd recurge la
materiale video i la interpretarea de roluri [role-play], el o face pentru a se exprima
cum ar trebui s fie arta un spaiu n care realitatea s fie neleas ca un joc nesfrit
aflat n construcie. De fapt, noiunea de joc e esenial pentru activitatea mental. Ideea
din spatele proiectului Personnages vivant ractiver [aproximativ: Personaje ce trebuie
reactivate] serie ce constituie o parte important a operei lui Joseph este aceea de
a introduce n spaiul expoziional diferite personaje generice (spre exemplu o zn, un
cowboy, o femeie-pisic) pentru a analiza raporturile fizice dintre vizitator i personaj.
Imaginile fotografice ale acestor personaje snt att indicii ale apariiilor lor anterioare, ct
i reprezentri a ceea ce-ar putea fi sau a ceea ce s-ar putea ntmpla n viitor. Ele snt
pentru a folosi un termen aparinnd lui Clment Rosset amintiri ale prezentului.
Principala idee a acestei opere este de a reactiva personajele ca i cum ele n-ar mai fi
existat nainte i de-a fi liber s recreezi diferite scenarii, iari i iari. Prin folosirea unui
vocabular colectiv de forme i semnificaii, Pierre Joseph terge distana dintre vizitaFLORENCE DERIEUX este critic de art i curator independent.

90

PIERRE JOSEPH. DU PRSENT, FAISONS TABLE PLEINE!

Florence Derieux
PIERRE JOSEPH teaches at the Art Academy in Montpellier, France.
He is currently attending every lecture, by every professor, across the disciplines. Polyvalence is the key.
The desire for a better future is nothing new. Everyone knows that any
human being develops ideas about possible and desirable futures.
What seems new however is a real awareness that the future can only
exist in present conditions and contradictions, and that it is in the hands
of countless producers of meaning. As long as these futures are rooted
in the existing realities they are true potentialities. In our society it
seems that what is necessary is not to invent a new world but to try
to invent the one we live in, to re-think what we already have. Today our
attitude towards the old models has changed: they no longer exist to be
contemplated, but exist to be tested, in order to learn how they could be
used and inhabited. For Pierre Joseph it is important to abandon the illusory idea of leaving our mark on culture, and to give credit instead
to the present. Present realities and imaginary futures should meet
in a simple realisation, not in a brilliant creation. Creation is understood
as an entity, cautious of reconciliation with the real. Culture is no longer
considered as a sum of knowledge, a heritage, but as an example
of what could be possible.
Pierre Josephs work is meant to exist, not within an historical process,
but within the experience of the here and now, to be enjoyed by as many
people as possible. His work How We Gonna Behave (Cologne Show,
1990) offered visitors to the art fair, the opportunity to make use of
Reebok Pump trainers, which were left at the entrance, in any way they
wished. This artwork was meant to function as an intelligent concept
but essentially through its relations with society. In the early 90s, together with artists such as Philippe Parreno, Dominique Gonzalez-Foerster,
Bernard Joisten, Pierre Joseph participated in the creation of a new type
of exhibition which questioned the contexts of production and the reception of art, whilst placing the visitor at the centre of various artistic experiences. The intention was for art to be understood as a space for
freedom, a space in which the artwork could no longer act solely as an
object for contemplation, but a tool that could be used to play with reality. Within this precursory theoretical framework, Pierre Joseph develops
a very personal practice in which signs, memories, games, stories and
technologies belonging to everyone co-exist. In Pierre Josephs work the
notion of the game is essential. When he refers to video and role-play it is
often to express how he thinks art should be as a space in which reality
can be understood as an endless game to be constructed. In fact,
the notion of the game is essential to the mental activity. In order to build
a better future, everyone has a responsibility to experiment with the models and pre-existing representations of the world. The idea behind
Personnages vivant ractiver (Characters to be reactivated) a series
which constitutes an important part of Josephs uvre is to bring various generic figures (for instance a fairy, a cowboy, a catwoman) into
the exhibition space to test the physical relationship between the visitor
and the character. The photographic images of these characters are both
traces of their previous apparitions and representations of what they
could be, or what could occur in the future. They are to use a term used
by Clment Rosset memories of the present. The principle idea of this
work is to reactivate the characters as if they had never existed before,
and to be free to recreate different scenarios, time and time again.
By using a collective vocabulary of forms and meanings Pierre Joseph

FLORENCE DERIEUX is an independent curator and art critic.

scena

Pierre Joseph
Cupid (a character to be reactivated), 1992, c-print mounted onto PVC, 90 60 cm,
private collection

Pierre Joseph privete prezentul ca pe singurul su scop. La modul general, practica sa

artistic rezid n confruntarea unor stadii i dezvoltri concrete ale cunoaterii. n 1997,
el a organizat n Japonia un seminar intitulat Jocul de-a strmoii (Imaginaie), unde i-a
invitat pe participani s se gndeasc la acele invenii folosite n societate pe care ei ar
fi n stare s le transmit urmailor. Dac oricine e ntru totul capabil s descrie modul
de folosire al unui joc video, puini snt cei care ar putea explica efectiv cum se construiete un computer. Pierre Joseph e interesat de ceea ce tiu deja ceilali oameni. Pentru o expoziie organizat n Scoia n 2000, Pierre Joseph a propus organizarea unei
activiti n care un grup de copii de vrst colar s discute i s scrie despre un film
(Rzboiul stelelor: ameninarea fantomei) pe care-l vor privi cu toii. Textele urmau apoi
s fie publicate n forma original, fr corecturi sau modificri i fr obinuitul proces
de redactare cerut de eticheta editorial. Ceva s-a transmis, ceva s-a primit. ntr-o expoziie din 1999 de la Consortium, la Dijon, el a prezentat un raport despre o serie de

erases the distance between the visitor and the work, and creates situations in which anyone can interact.
Pierre Joseph understands the present as his one and only purpose.
On the whole, his art practice consists of confronting actual states and
developments of knowledge. In 1997, in Japan, he organised a workshop
called Playing with Ancestry (Imagination) where he invited participants
to think of inventions that are used in society that they would then be
able to transmit to their descendants. If everyone is perfectly capable
of describing how to use a video game, very few of us can actually explain
how to build a computer. Pierre Joseph is interested in what other people
already know. For an exhibition organised in Scotland in 2000, Pierre
Joseph proposed to organise an activity with a group of school children
in which they discuss and write about a film (Star Wars: The Phantom
Menace) which they will all watch. The texts would then be published
in their original state, without corrections or alterations, and without the
usual editing process standard in publishing etiquette. Something was
transmitted, something was received. In an exhibition at the Consortium
in Dijon in 1999, he presented a report on a series of news bulletins
broadcast on local radio. Reality appears to be defined only by a succession of events, of recent facts that are composed to create actuality.
Outside of these the present often seems almost unreal. By presenting
written notes of what he could hear and remember from the news Joseph
reveals the absurdity of memory, both as an accumulation of information,
and its limited use.
An immense gap, an entire territory, exists between individual and universal knowledge. Even individual knowledge, limited as it is with regards
to the amount of information that can be accumulated in books and
gained through experience retains an incomparable value. What does the
mass of information learned mean to an individual if it exists outside of
a practice For the same exhibition at the Consortium, Pierre Joseph edited a series of books from notes that were taken by a student during one
academic year, on economics, philosophy, history, in short, everything
that the student had been taught. By doing so the artist wanted to reveal
levels of specialisation which intervene in an individuals life, and to shortcircuit this. Le monde mintresse, 1998, perfectly illustrates this idea
the artists own curriculum vitae was realised with the assistance of a professional career advisor. The C.V., a simple sheet of A4 paper, with photographic portrait, summarised ten years of artistic practice and included
the artists first summer job, all in a single line. The artist was presented
as a job-seeker and perpetual trainee. In Join the Work in Japan (early
work), Pierre Joseph spent a morning holding a sign encouraging commuters to invite him to visit their work place and to teach him their job
skills. In the second part of the project, Join the Work in Japan
(knowledge), Joseph made an exhibition of the products that he had
made and the experience that he had gained through his collaborations
with various individuals and business. Once again, the work reflects
the necessity to avoid specialisation and instead prioritises the exchange
of knowledge and firsthand experience.
Pierre Josephs discreet and understated presence within exhibition
spaces creates a powerful and subversive impact. The artist pursues
an endless apprenticeship, which forces him to question his capacity,
or rather his inability to adapt to any given situation. His creations are not
the fruits of his labour but the manifestation of steps within a learning
process. I want to show the limits of my own knowledge for other people
to have the opportunity to correct them, to complete and increase them.
In drawing a parallel between images used in his early works and those
from films by Sujhi Terayama a Japanese film-maker who influenced
him Pierre Joseph reveals that ideas which may seem to be original
at first sight, are often only a remix or sampling (as the work Influences
from 1998 illustrates). One can conclude from this that the idea of the
remake is a legitimate one. What seems important is the necessity
of personal experience in the present, avoiding the desire to put an original mark on culture. What would it mean if somebody had already done
what I am currently trying to do Only the fact that I am experiencing
something which is new to me is actually important. Le Monde rotique,
1998, is an ink jet print representing the world. The artist drew the map

91

Pierre Joseph
Erotic World, 1999, ink-jet print on paper, 120 180 cm, Edition 3, courtesy: Air de Paris

Pierre Joseph
The Jungle Book (Kaa), 2005, walldrawing 500 300 cm and plasma screen, DVD in loop, courtesy: Air de Paris

Exhibition view Restricted Action, Palais de Tokyo, Paris, 1st October 23th November 2003,
copyright Daniel Moulinet, courtesy Air de Paris, Paris, Palais de Tokyo, Paris

92

Pierre Joseph
Paintballers (a character to be reactivated), 1992, detail, Collection Fonds National dArt Contemporain, Paris, courtesy: Air de Paris

buletine de tiri transmise de o staie local de radio. Realitatea pare s fie definit doar
de o succesiune de evenimente, de fapte recente care snt com-puse pentru a crea actualitatea. n afara lor, prezentul pare adesea aproape neverosimil. Prezentndu-i
notele despre cele auzite la tiri i reamintite, Joseph dezvluie caracterul absurd al memoriei, din perspectiva att a acumulrii de informaie, ct i a uzului limitat.
ntre cunoaterea particular i cea universal exist un decalaj imens, un ntreg teritoriu. Chiar i cunoaterea individual, limitat cum e n privina cantitii de informaie ce
poate fi acumulat n cri i extras din experien, pstreaz o valoare incomparabil.
[Cci] ce mai semnific pentru un individ masa de informaie nvat, dac ea exist n
afara unei practici Pentru aceeai expoziie de la Consortium, Pierre Joseph a publicat
o serie de cri coninnd notiele luate de un student de-a lungul unui an universitar, la
economie, filosofie, istorie, pe scurt, toat materia ce i-a fost predat studentului. Prin
asta, artistul a dorit s arate nivelurile de specializare care intervin n viaa unui individ i
s le scurtcircuiteze. Lucrarea Le monde mintresse [Lumea m (co)intereseaz], din 1998,
ilustreaz perfect aceast idee curriculum vitae-ul artistului, realizat cu ajutorul unui consultant profesionist pe probleme de carier. C.V.-ul, o foaie de hrtie simpl A4, cu o poz,
rezuma zece ani de activitate artistic, inclusiv prima slujb a artistului, din timpul vacanei,
toate acestea ntr-un singur rnd. Artistul a fost prezentat ca aflndu-se n cutarea unei
slujbe i ca un venic ucenic. n Join the Work in Japan (early work) [Altur-te muncitorilor din Japonia (lucrare dis-de-diminea)], Pierre Joseph a petrecut o diminea innd
n mini o pancart prin care i ncuraja pe navetiti s-l invite la locul lor de munc i
s-i mprteasc abilitile lor profesionale. n partea a doua a proiectului, Join the Work
in Japan (knowledge) [Altur-te muncitorilor din Japonia (cunoatere)], Joseph a fcut o
expoziie care cuprindea produsele create de el i experiena ctigat prin colaborarea
cu diferii indivizi i companii. Din nou, opera reflect necesitatea de a evita specializarea,
privilegiind, mai degrab, schimbul de cunotine i experiena la prima mn.
Prezena discret i redus a lui Pierre Joseph n expoziii creeaz un impact puternic
i subversiv. Artistul urmeaz o ucenicie nesfrit, care-l oblig s pun sub semnul ntrebrii capacitatea sau, mai degrab, neputina sa de a se adapta la orice situaie dat. Creaiile sale nu snt roadele muncii sale, ci expunerea pailor din cadrul procesului de nvare.
Vreau s art care snt limitele cunoaterii mele, pentru ca s aib ceilali ocazia de-a
le corecta, completa i lrgi. Fcnd o paralel ntre imagini folosite n operele sale timpurii i cele din filmele lui Sujhi Terayama un regizor japonez care l-a influenat , Pierre
Joseph arat c unele idei care la prima vedere ar putea prea originale snt adesea doar
un remix sau un sampling (dup cum o dovedete i lucrarea Influences [Influene] din
1998). S-ar putea nelege de aici c ideea remake-ului este legitim. Ceea ce pare important e necesitatea experienei personale din prezent, evitarea lsrii unei amprente originale asupra culturii. Ce semnific faptul c cineva a fcut deja ceea ce ncerc eu s fac
acum Conteaz cu adevrat doar c eu triesc ceva ce e nou pentru mine. Le Monde
rotique [Lumea erotic], 1998, este o lucrare scoas la imprimant, reprezentnd lumea.
Artistul a desenat harta din memorie: n loc s-i ilustreze cunotinele, Pierre s-a hotrt s-i expun lipsurile.
Prin asta, artistul ne oblig s observm lacunele pe care le avem n cunoatere i n experien i s regndim necesitatea schimbului. n 1998, Joseph i-a cerut unui instructor
de snowboarding s filmeze i s comenteze prima lui lecie. Calitatea materialului video nu las nici un dubiu asupra nivelului de experien regizoral a profesorului De
fapt, tocmai schimbul e cel care confer valoare prezentului. Pornind de aici, Joseph transform orice situaie ntr-o platform destinat transferului mutual de cunotine i experiene. Invitat n vara lui 2002 s participe la o expoziie colectiv de la Villa Arson, la
Nisa, Joseph i-a transformat spaiul alocat ntr-o coal temporar, n care studenii
de la arte s lucreze i s-i expun pe loc creaiile n faa publicului. Condiia necesar
este ca ntotdeauna s experimentezi mai nti ceea ce va fi rezultatul final, care servete
doar la stabilirea condiiilor n care ceva poate fi experimentat.

94

from memory: instead of illustrating his knowledge Pierre Joseph decided

to expose his deficiencies. By doing this, the artist forces us to notice the
gaps in our knowledge and experience and to re-think the necessity
for exchange. In 1998, Joseph asked a snowboarding instructor to film
and comment on his very first lesson. The quality of the video leaves no
doubt about the teachers level of experience in filmmaking... In fact, it is
essentially the exchange that gives value to the present. Hence, Joseph
transforms any given situation into a platform for mutual transfer of
knowledge and experiences. Invited to participate in a group exhibition
at the Villa Arson in Nice during Summer 2002, Joseph turned his predetermined space into a temporary school in which the art students
would work and make their realisations instantly visible to the public.
The necessary condition is always to first experiment with what will then
exist as a final result, which only serves to lay out the conditions in which
something is to be experimented.
Through his projects, Joseph somehow seeks to create a community
continuously exchanging knowledge and sharing experiences: in short,
a collective intelligence endlessly enriching itself according to endlessly
evolving rules of a game. In 2001 Joseph requested a professor of biology
Albert Jacquard, also well known for his political engagement and his
views on the education system and a professor of philosophy to test a
new but operational way of teaching. The idea was to set up conditions
for different specialists from various disciplines to get together and give
lessons on a specific subject, from their diverse point of views. This experiment was made a few months before he started working on his contribution to No Ghost Just a Shell a project initiated in 1999 by Pierre
Huyghe and Philippe Parreno, when they bought the copyrights for
a manga character named Annlee from a specialised Japanese agency.
Annlee is a virtual sign, a character to be reactivated by other artists
after them. Pierre Joseph realised Annlee: Trickster Theory in collaboration with the young French philosopher Medhi Belhaj Kacem. In the
video, Annlee gives a conference, facing the viewer and reciting one
of Belhaj Kacems text Trickster Theory: [...] The game was in the light
of this little Grail, of this new aesthetic form, neither narrative, nor figurative actually able to bear the fact that its creators co-existed, created
the same game together [...] Consequently, there is no need to follow
an aesthetics or a project that would be common besides this very fact
of being together and seeing what comes out of it. Community,
in the strictest sense of the word, refers to the exact opposite of everything that is usually meant by the word common: it refers to the cobelonging of singularities to absolutely nothing. Nothing in common
so goes the understanding of the word: community. For Pierre
Joseph, the artwork is only as Medhi Belhaj Kacem puts it in his
Trickster Theory a pretext to do things together, and together to
make things heard. Annlee: Trickster Theory was presented in several
exhibitions but also in universities in France and abroad.
The artist has always mentioned his great interest in the multiplicity
of the present world, which he sees as a great chance instead of a source
of complication and instability. In Action Restreinte [Restricted action],
his recent exhibition at the Palais de Tokyo in Paris, Joseph explored the
gap between two different systems of valuation high culture and low
culture by mixing some of todays most advanced intellectual proposals
(the ideas developed by Medhi Belhaj Kacem) and some representative
samples of the middle taste characterising our society (for instance the
famous chair seen in Matrix, three monumental sprayed wall-paintings as
well as TV screens). Philosophy v. pop culture: the artist raised an important question on whether or not he could base his work on a common language in order to communicate with his contemporaries. Joseph was not
attempting to conciliate the two. Again, he gave voice instead to the
cacophony of the present.

scena
Prin proiectele sale, Joseph caut cumva s creeze o comunitate, schimbnd cunotine
i mprtind experiene nencetat: pe scurt, o inteligen colectiv care se mbogete
la nesfrit potrivit regulilor n continu schimbare ale unui joc. n 2001, Joseph le-a cerut
unui profesor de biologie Albert Jacquard, cunoscut i pentru angajarea sa politic i
pentru vederile asupra sistemului educaional i unui profesor de filosofie s testeze
o metod de predare nou, dar funcional. Ideea era de a le da posibilitatea diferiilor
specialiti n diverse discipline s se adune laolalt i s predea lecii despre un anume
subiect, din punctul de vedere al fiecruia. Acest experiment a avut loc cu cteva luni
nainte ca el s nceap lucrul la partea sa din proiectul No Ghost Just a Shell [Nici o stafie,
doar o cochilie] iniiat n 1999 de Pierre Huyghe i Philippe Parreno, care au achiziionat, de la o agenie japonez specializat, drepturile asupra unui personaj manga
numit Annlee. Annlee este un semn virtual, un personaj care trebuie reactivat i de
ali artiti care le vor urma. Pierre Joseph a realizat Annlee: Trickster Theory [Annlee: teoria Tricksterului1], n colaborare cu tnrul filosof francez Medhi Belhaj Kacem. n acest
material video, Annlee ine o conferin, cu faa la public, i recit unul dintre textele
lui Medhi Belhaj Kacem, Trickster Theory: [] Jocul a reuit n lumina acestui mic Graal,
a acestei noi forme estetice, nici narativ, nici figurativ s suporte efectiv faptul c creatorii si au coexistat, au creat acest joc mpreun [] n consecin, nu e nevoie s
urmezi o estetic sau un proiect care s fie comun cu excepia tocmai acestui fapt
de-a fi mpreun i de-a vedea ce iese de aici. Comunitatea, n cel mai strict neles al
cuvntului, se refer exact la opusul a ceea se nelege de obicei prin cuvntul comun:
se refer la coparticiparea unor indivizi la absolut nimic. Nimic n comun acesta e nelesul cuvntului comunitate. Pentru Pierre Joseph, opera de art e doar dup cum spune
Medhi Belhaj Kacem n Trickster Theory un pretext de a face lucruri mpreun i mpreun s facem ca lucrurile s fie auzite. Proiectul Annlee: Trickster Theory a fost prezentat n cteva expoziii, dar i n universiti din Frana i din strintate.
Artistul a amintit ntotdeauna c este extrem de interesat de multiplicitatea lumii
prezente, pe care o vede ca pe o mare ans, i nu ca pe o surs de complicaii i instabilitate. n recenta sa expoziie Action restreinte [Aciune restrns] de la Palais de Tokyo,
la Paris, Joseph a explorat decalajul dintre dou sisteme diferite de apreciere cultura
nalt i cultura de jos prin combinarea unora dintre cele mai progresiste propuneri intelectuale de azi (ideile dezvoltate de Medhi Belhaj Kacem) cu cteva eantioane
reprezentative pentru gustul mediocru ce caracterizeaz societatea noastr (spre exemplu celebrul scaun din Matrix, trei monumentale picturi murale fcute cu aerograful, precum i ecrane TV). Filosofie vs. cultur pop: artistul a ridicat o problem important
dac i poate sau nu ntemeia opera pe un limbaj comun pentru a comunica cu contemporanii si. Joseph nu a ncercat s reconcilieze cele dou poziii. Din nou, el a exprimat cacofonia prezentului.

Pierre Joseph & Mehdi Belhaj Kacem

M/M Paris, Poster of Trickster Theory, 2002, 3D animation transfered onto
digital Betacam, 36, c.s.), 2002, screen print on paper, 171 117 cm,
courtesy: Air de Paris

Traducere de Alex Moldovan

1. Trickster neltorul, categorie de personaj mitologic ntlnit n miturile i religiile din multe pri ale lumii;
numele a intrat i circul ca atare n jargonul disciplinelor socio-umane (etnologie, antropologie cultural, mitologie comparat, teoria religiilor etc.). (N. red.)

95

VISUALISING GLASGOW IN EARLY 2005

Rebecca Gordon Nesbitt

Exist tot attea perspective asupra unui ora ci oameni l locuiesc i, innd cont c populaia Glasgow-ului depete 600.000 de locuitori, aceasta e doar una dintre ele. Este
portretul afectuos al unei idile care, pe parcursul unui deceniu, s-a transformat ntr-o
relaie serioas. Acum, c luna de miere s-a ncheiat, punctele slabe i defectele au devenit
mai vizibile, ns, la fel ca n orice relaie bun, discuiile deschise i criticile constructive
pot ajuta la asigurarea unui viitor fericit.
Situat chiar n apropierea coastei de vest a Scoiei i traversat de apa estuarului Clyde,
Glasgow este un ora maritim, cu flux i reflux regulat de trafic pe autostrada ce se arcuiete
prin centru n fiecare diminea i sear a sptmnii. Cunoscut odat drept cel de-al doilea
ora ca importan i ntemeiat n jurul industriei de construcii navale, el se poate luda
acum ca fiind una dintre cele mai srace trei zone ale Angliei, avnd i cea mai sczut
speran de via.1 Activitile i cosmetizrile zilnice ale Glasgow-ului snt administrate
de un consiliu local greoi2, ale crui sperane c problemele economice i vor gsi
rezolvarea prin atragerea unui numr tot mai mare de vizitatori3 continu s fie zdrnicite de Edinburgh, princiarul su vr, aflat la patruzeci i cinci de minute distan. Ca urmtoare micare n acest rzboi turistic, Glasgow va gzdui n aprilie prima ediie a ceea
ce se dorete a fi un festival anual al artelor vizuale, care s strng laolalt multe dintre
persoanele, organizaiile i gruprile pomenite aici.4
Sub aparena respectabilitii civice i adernd rareori la modelul slujbei de-la-nou-lacinci a navetitilor, exist la Glasgow un grup novator de indivizi i grupri de obicei cu
o infim linie de demarcaie ntre ele de artiti, muzicieni i scriitori. Acest grup creativ a atins masa critic5; oamenii sosesc (de obicei pentru a studia la coala de Art din
Glasgow) i pleac pentru a vizita i alte locuri, dar adesea revin. Nefiind deloc un sistem nchis, protejat de forele ce acioneaz la nivelul societii ca ntreg, el poate fi considerat un microcosm cu o economie, instituii, relaii sociale i avnt proprii.
Unora le place s susin c dezvoltrile artistice snt parte a unui continuum, a unei evoluii
n care un tip de practic l atrage pe urmtorul, ce se definete adesea ca o reacie la

There are as many perspectives of a city as there are people living

in it and, in the case of Glasgow with more than 600,000 inhabitants,
this is only one of them. It is a fond portrait of a love affair that has developed into a serious relationship over a decade. Now that the honeymoon
period is over, the flaws and failings have become more apparent but,
as in any good relationship, open discussion and constructive criticism
can help to ensure a happy future.
Lying just inland from the West coast of Scotland and bisected by water
from the Firth of Clyde, Glasgow is a tidal city, with a regular ebb and
flow of traffic on the motorway that arcs around its centre every weekday
morning and evening. Once the second city, founded on the shipbuilding
industry, it now boasts the UKs three poorest areas and lowest life
expectancy.1 The daily workings and decorative touches of Glasgow are
administered by a cumbersome city council2 whose hopes that its economic problems will be solved by attracting ever-increasing numbers
of visitors3 continue to be thwarted by Edinburgh, its regal cousin, fortyfive minutes away. As the next move in the tourist war, the first of what
is likely to be an annual visual arts festival is being staged in Glasgow
in April, which will bring together many of the individuals, organisations
and groups mentioned here.4
Beneath the veneer of civic respectability and rarely adhering to the nineto-five pattern of commuters, there exists in Glasgow a shape-shifting
group of individuals and clusters usually with no more than one degree
of separation between them of artists, musicians and writers. This creative group has reached critical mass5, with people arriving (usually
to study at Glasgow School of Art), and leaving, to visit other places, but
often coming back. While this is by no means a closed system, protected
from the forces that operate in broader society, it may be considered as
a microcosm with economies, institutions, social interconnections and
a momentum of its own.
There are those who like to claim that artistic developments form part of
a continuum, an evolution in which one type of practice prompts the next,
often defining itself as a reaction against the generation that preceded
it (the generational life-span of the microcosm being presumed to be no
more than a decade). Recent accounts of Glasgow have charted a lineage
from the neoexpressionist painting of the 1980s via and against the
1990s neoconceptualism of Environmental Art6 graduates Christine
Borland, Roderick Buchanan, Jacqueline Donachie, Douglas Gordon, Ross
Sinclair et al. to todays predominant trope of object-based formalism.
Defined in a broader London context as New Formalism7 and reclaimed
for Scotland as part of a project of awkward authenticity with links
to neoexpressionism8, this work places its emphasis firmly on aesthetics
and libidinous pleasure. Where neoexpressionism and neoconceptualism
could both be described as content-driven, New Formalism prioritises
form over content. This prompted artist Nick Evans to ask: Why is it that
whilst the world outside spirals in ever tighter circles of terror and repression, artists retreat further into a hermetic world of abstraction, formalism, deferred meanings and latent spiritualism9
In order to understand the factors that have determined current artistic
practice, it is necessary to examine what sustains and affects the microcosm. In a small community, if a particular kind of practice is supported
over another, it can affect the kind of work being made and the public

REBECCA GORDON NESBITT este scriitor i curator, cofondator al salon3 i fost curator la Nordic Institute for
Contemporary Art, Helsinki.

REBECCA GORDON NESBITT is a co-founder of salon3 and a former curator

at Nordic Institute for Contemporary Art, Helsinki.

Map of Glasgow city centre showing various central locations

O privire asupra Glasgow-ului

la nceputul lui 2005
Rebecca Gordon Nesbitt

96

scena
generaia ce l-a precedat (durata de via a microcosmului fiind estimat la mai puin
de un deceniu). Unele evaluri recente ale Glasgow-ului au detectat o liniaritate, de la
pictura neoexpresionist a anilor 80, prin i mpotriva neoconceptualismului anilor
90, practicat de cei ce au absolvit Environmental Art [Arta Ambiental]6: Christine
Borland, Roderick Buchanan, Jacqueline Donachie, Douglas Gordon, Ross Sinclair .a.,
pn la expresia predominant acum, a formalismului axat pe obiect. Definit ntr-un context mai larg, londonez, ca nou formalism7 i revendicat n Scoia ca parte a unui proiect
de o autenticitate inconfortabil [awkward authenticity], legat de neoexpresionism8,
acest gen de oper pune un accent ferm pe estetic i pe plcerea senzual. Dac neoexpresionismul i neoconceptualismul ar putea fi descrise ca punnd accent pe coninut,
noul formalism privilegiaz forma n defavoarea coninutului. Asta l-a fcut pe artistul Nick
Evans s ntrebe: Cum se face c n timp ce chingile tot mai strnse ale terorii i represiunii cuprind lumea exterioar, artitii se retrag i mai mult ntr-o lume ermetic a abstraciei, a formalismului, a semnificaiilor ntrziate i a spiritualitii latente9
Pentru a nelege factorii ce au determinat practica artistic curent, e necesar s examinm ce anume susine i afecteaz acest microcosm. ntr-o comunitate restrns, dac
un anumit gen de practic artistic e sprijinit n detrimentul altuia, asta poate afecta genul
de oper produs i percepia publicului asupra sa. i, avnd n vedere c instituiile i
grupurile de oameni reuesc s influeneze acest proces mai eficient dect indivizii, cele
mai nsemnate schimbri de practic i de percepie au fost provocate, dup cum se
poate demonstra, de activitile colective. i astfel, ceva ce ncepe ca delectare pentru
un grup restrns de cunosctori se poate transforma cu uurin ntr-un stil sinonim cu
un anume ora.
Pentru a nelege prezentul, e inevitabil s lum n considerare trecutul recent. Acum
un deceniu, de pild, puteam vorbi de un triumvirat de organizaii ce se sprijineau reciproc i lucrau mpreun cu artitii oraului la promovarea unei percepii dinamice, la
nivel internaional, a Glasgow-ului. Dintre aceste trei organizaii, galeria Transmission10,
condus de artiti, a rmas cea mai consecvent. nfiinat n 1983 de un grup de pictori ce nu dispuneau de un spaiu de expunere, Transmission continu s fie condus
prin voluntariat de un comitet format din cinci sau ase membri ce se succed prin rotaie.
Avnd un ascendent asupra programelor unor instituii mai solide, prin aceea c e mai
apropiat de comunitatea artistic pe ai crei membri i cuprinde, fiecare expoziie reprezint interesele i afiliaiile comitetelor succesive. Transmission a fost condus de oameni
asociai cu fiecare dintre micrile descrise mai sus, iar printre momentele cele mai
notabile se numr includerea, n expoziia inaugural, a pictorilor neoexpresioniti, o
expoziie exclusiv oferit n 1991 de ctre neoconceptualiti lui Lawrence Weiner, printele conceptualismului, i reintroducerea, la mijlocul anilor 90, a preocuprilor formaliste n expoziii precum New Rose Hotel, avndu-i drept curatori pe Will Bradley i Toby
Webster (care vor continua prin a fonda influentul Modern Institute).11
Un alt spaiu ale crui baze au fost puse de artiti, Centre for Contemporary Arts (CCA)
[Centrul pentru Arte Contemporane], a luat fiin n 1992 din Third Eye Centre [Centrul Cel de-al Treilea Ochi]12, cunoscut pentru sprijinul acordat artitilor aflai la nceput
de carier, prin aciuni cum ar fi New Image Glasgow [Glasgow: Noua imagine], n 1985
care a cuprins nucleul dur al pictorilor neoexpresioniti: Stephen Campbell, Ken Currie,
Peter Howson i Adrian Wiszniewski i Self Conscious State [Stare de contiin de
sine], prima expoziie de dup absolvire a lui Christine Borland, Roderick Buchanan i
Douglas Gordon, care vor fi asociai cu preocuprile neoconceptuale. Timp de civa
ani, CCA a continuat s fie principalul punct instituional de referin al centrului oraului pentru o comunitate tot mai mare de artiti, iar n 1999 a primit o finanare de 10,5
milioane de lire din partea Loteriei Naionale i s-a nchis timp de doi ani, pentru a fi
transformat ntr-un spaiu nou i modern, cu o teras-cafenea, bar, cinema, librrie i
alte spaii multifuncionale. Punndu-se accent pe accesibilitate, s-a sperat v CCA va atrage
un nou public de partea artei contemporane. ns spaiile galeriei fiind acum coplei

MaryMary, relocation to second floor flat in the east end

of Glasgow, 18 February, 2005

perception of it. And, as institutions and groups of people are able to influence this process more effectively than individuals, arguably the greatest shifts in practice and perception have been brought about through
collective activity. So, what may begin with the knowing enjoyment
of a finite number of people can easily grow into a style with which a city
is synonymous.
In order to understand the present, a consideration of the recent past
is inevitable. A decade ago, for example, it was possible to speak about
a triumvirate of mutually-supportive organisations working together with
the citys artists to promote a dynamic perception of Glasgow internationally. Of these three organisations, the artist-run gallery Transmission10,
has remained the most consistent. Established in 1983 by a group of painters with nowhere to show their work, Transmission continues to be run
on a voluntary basis by a rotating committee of five or six members.
Pre-empting more established institutional programming, by being closer
to the artistic community that comprises its membership, each exhibition
represents the interests and affiliations of successive committees.
Transmission has been run by people associated with each of the movements described above and notable moments in its history have seen the
inclusion of neoexpressionist painters in the inaugural exhibition, a oneperson exhibition being offered to the godfather of conceptualism,
Lawrence Weiner, by neoconceptualists in 1991 and a reintroduction
of formalist concerns in exhibitions like New Rose Hotel under the mid
1990s stewardship of Will Bradley and Toby Webster (who would go on
to found the influential Modern Institute).11
Another venue with artist-initiated roots, the Centre for Contemporary
Arts (CCA) arose in 1992 from the Third Eye Centre12, which was known
for supporting artists at the start of their careers, for example through
New Image Glasgow in 1985 which included the core group of neoexpressionist painters Stephen Campbell, Ken Currie, Peter Howson and
Adrian Wiszniewski and Self Conscious State, the first exhibition after
graduation of Christine Borland, Roderick Buchanan and Douglas Gordon
who would become associated with neoconceptual concerns. CCA contin-

97

te de celelalte funcii, iar atenia administratorilor fiind ndreptat spre ntreinerea

cldirii n contextul cheltuielilor uriae i, n acelai timp, al stagnrii nivelului finanrilor,
CCA era n pericol de a nu-i ndeplini obligaiile fa de artitii locali i de public.
Ca piatr unghiular a noului su program, CCA a forjat o asociere cu Londons Institute
of Contemporary Arts [Institutul Londonez de Art Contemporan], prin intermediul
curatorului Vivienne Gaskin, specializat n relansri, i prin premiul anual Becks Futures13,
cu finanare privat, care, n primii cinci ani de existen, a dat trei ctigtori din Glasgow, doi dintre ei (Toby Paterson i Rosalind Nashashibi) reuind s-i deschid expoziii
personale la CCA. Actuala expoziie multistratificat a lui Michael Fullerton14, unul dintre cei mai interesani artiti care au absolvit la jumtatea anilor 90, creeaz complexitatea prin mijloacele relativ convenionale ale portretisticii, combinate cu efemere capturi
de ecran [screen prints], din mtase, i cu obiecte amplasate strategic. Impregnat de
violen i cu usturtoare trimiteri la fascism i la revoltele anticapitaliste, expoziia se deosebete net de dezbaterea din jurul noului formalism, n special prin lucrarea Who Keeps
the World, Both Old and New, in Pain or Pleasure A 3D mock up of an illustration from
the book Ocular Anatomy and Histology (Figure 39b, rods) [Cine provoac lumii, att
celei vechi, ct i celei noi, durere sau plcere O parodie 3D a unei ilustraii din cartea

King Street, Glasgow, left to right:

Transmission, Street Level
Photoworks, glasgow Print Studio,
Intermedia

Anatomie i histologie optic (imaginea 39b, bare)]. Vizualizarea procesului optic, bare
elastice de oel, formnd o pies mobil, atrnate de plafonul nalt al galeriei, nfurate
neglijent n BASF Varichrome Purple Magic, care e folosit la producerea benzii magnetice, mbinnd imaginea cu sunetul. Pus n contextul legturilor dubioase ale companiei BASF cu nazitii, printr-un cartel cu finanare american, aceast lucrare i depete
proprietile formale. S sperm c implicarea, de faad, n crearea unor lucrri cu potenial provocator aparinnd artitilor locali va schimba percepia artistic, dac nu i soarta centrului.
n 1990, oraului Glasgow i-a fost acordat statutul problematic de capital european
a culturii i un nou spaiu i-a deschis porile, de partea sudic, subdezvoltat, a rului
Clyde. nfiinat de ctre Consiliul Local ntr-un fost depou de tramvaie, avnd dou incinte i un spaiu expoziional principal cam de mrimea unei jumti de teren de fotbal, Tramway se prezint cu fal drept cel mai apreciat, la nivel internaional, spaiu din
Scoia destinat artei vizuale i performative contemporane. Aceast reputaie se bazeaz
pe hotrrea noastr de a prezenta cele mai inovatoare lucrri aparinnd unor artiti scoieni i internaionali Tramway este un spaiu unic de producere i cunoatere a ceea
ce e mai bun n arta contemporan.15 O vreme, a prut c aa stau lucrurile, cu expoziii
ale unei noi generaii de artiti locali. n 1993, Nicola White l-a invitat pe Douglas Gordon,
cu 24 Hour Psycho, anul urmtor fiind puse n scen Part Edit, a lui Jacqueline Donachie,
i From Life, aparinnd lui Christine Borland. n 1995, Gordon, Borland, Donachie i

98

ued for several years as the main point of institutional reference in the
city centre for a growing community of artists and, in 1999, the centre
was awarded 10.5 million National Lottery funding and closed for two
years to be redeveloped as a plush new venue with a courtyard caf, bar,
cinema, bookshop and other multi-functional spaces. With the emphasis
on accessibility, it was hoped that CCA would attract new audiences to
contemporary art. However, with the gallery spaces now overwhelmed
by its other functions and the attentions of its administrators directed
towards sustaining the building in the face of huge overheads and the
absence of concomitant funding increases, CCA has run the risk of disenfranchising local artists and audiences.
At the cornerstone of its new programme, CCA forged an association with
Londons Institute of Contemporary Arts through its relaunch curator
Vivienne Gaskin and the annual corporate-sponsored Becks Futures
prize13 which, in its first five years of operation, has seen three Glasgowbased winners, two of whom (Toby Paterson and Rosalind Nashashibi)
have gone on to undertake solo exhibitions at CCA. The current multi-layered exhibition by Michael Fullerton14, one of the most interesting artists
to graduate in the mid 1990s, weaves complexity through the relatively
conventional means of portraiture combined with ephemeral silk screen
prints and strategic objects. Imbued with violence, in barbed references
to Fascism and anti-capitalist rioting, the exhibition resolutely distinguishes itself from the New Formalist debate, notably through the work Who
Keeps the World, Both Old and New, in Pain or Pleasure A 3D mock up
of an illustration from the book Ocular Anatomy and Histology (Figure
39b, rods). Visualising the optical process, mild steel rods hang like a mobile from the high gallery ceiling, patchily coated in BASF Varichrome
Purple Magic which is used to make magnetic tape, uniting sight and
sound. When taken in the context of BASFs dubious connections to the
Nazi party through an American-funded cartel, this work transcends its
formal properties. It is to be hoped that this ostensible commitment to
the development of potentially contentious work by local artists at CCA
will reverse the artistic perception, if not the fortunes, of the centre.
In 1990, Glasgow was awarded the questionable status of European
Capital of Culture and a new venue opened its doors on the under-developed south side of the River Clyde. Established by the city council in a former tram shed, with two theatres and a main visual art space about half
the size of a regulation football pitch, Tramway proudly describes itself as
Scotlands most internationally acclaimed venue for contemporary visual
and performing art. This reputation is founded upon our commitment to
the presentation of the most innovative work by Scottish and international
artists... Tramway is a unique place to produce and experience the best in
contemporary art.15 For a time, this seemed to be true, with exhibitions
by an emerging generation of local artists. Douglas Gordons 24 Hour
Psycho was commissioned by Nicola White in 1993, with Jacqueline
Donachies Part Edit and Christine Borlands From Life staged there the
following year. In 1995, Gordon, Borland, Donachie and Buchanan were
invited to curate the work of artists who had inspired them, which resulted in Trust, an exhibition that included international artists from Vito
Acconci to Lawrence Weiner. In 1998, Tramway received National Lottery
funding, reopening two years later to continue commissioning large-scale
projects from local artists (such as Martin Boyce, Henry VIIIs Wives and
Tatham & OSullivan) alongside international names (such as Pipilotti Rist
and Monica Bonvicini) with budgets that consistently failed to measure up
to its large-scale international ambitions.
In the late summer of 2003, however, the news broke that Glasgow City
Council was supporting a further Lottery bid, for Scottish Ballet to redevelop Tramway as its new private headquarters, leading to its loss as
a public venue for the arts. With hindsight, this move by Glasgow City
Council is hardly surprising if taken together with the fact that those
responsible for overseeing cultural policy in the city have consistently
failed to develop a visual art policy when, by their own admission,
one was needed16 and continued to ignore international successes in the
visual arts, preferring to isolate themselves from the contemporary in
what can only be described as a gesture of anti-intellectualism. Charles
Esche (former Visual Arts Officer of Tramway) recently admitted

scena
Buchanan au fost invitai, n calitate de curatori, s prezinte lucrri ale artitilor care i-au
inspirat, ceea ce a avut ca rezultat Trust [ncredere], o expoziie cuprinznd artiti
internaionali, de la Vito Acconci la Lawrence Weiner. n 1998 Tramway a primit o finanare
din partea Loteriei Naionale, pentru ca doi ani mai trziu s se redeschid spre a continua gzduirea unor proiecte la scar mare ale artitilor locali (cum ar fi Martin Boyce,
Henry VIIIs Wives i Tatham & OSullivan), precum i ale unor nume cu recunoatere
internaional (precum Pipilotti Rist i Monica Bonvicini), cu bugete care nu s-au ridicat deloc la nlimea ambiiilor grandioase, de nivel internaional.
ns la sfritul verii lui 2003 a venit vestea c autoritile locale din Glasgow sprijin un
alt pariu al Loteriei, acela ca Baletul Scoian s transforme Tramway n noul su sediu
privat, ceea ce ar fi dus la pierderea acestuia ca spaiu artistic public. Retrospectiv, aceast
micare a Consiliului Local din Glasgow nu e deloc surprinztoare, dac e corelat cu
faptul c responsabilii cu supravegherea politicii culturale a oraului au euat sistematic n a dezvolta o politic a artei vizuale cnd, dup cum o recunosc ei nii, este nevoie de aa ceva16 i au continuat s ignore succesul internaional din domeniul
artelor vizuale, prefernd s se izoleze de arta contemporan printr-un gest ce nu poate
fi numit dect antiintelectualist. Charles Esche (fost responsabil cu artele vizuale la

Sorcha Dallas Gallery:

Clare Stephenson exhibition
(12 February 19 March, 2005)

Tramway) a recunoscut recent c greeala noastr a fost aceea de a nu ne fi gndit destul

la politica local [] am uitat s invitm oameni precum cei din Consiliul Local i pe
politicieni. Cred c, n calitate de responsabil angajat direct de consiliu, aceasta ar fi trebuit s fie preocuparea mea mai mult dect a oricui altcuiva.17 n ceea ce s-a dovedit
a fi o spectaculoas gaf a Consiliului Local, poteniala pierdere a Tramway ca spaiu
expoziional a provocat furie n snul comunitii artistice i n pres18 i, dup lungi discuii,
s-a ajuns la asigurri c principalul spaiu pentru art vizual nu va fi pierdut, dei termenii viitoarei administrri i activitatea restului cldirii rmn nc de stabilit. Expoziia
curent de la Tramway a lui Graham Fagen, artist care activeaz la Glasgow, un comentariu cultural de-abia instalat, a fost planificat nainte de apariia crizei; rmne de vzut
ce fel de programe se vor ntocmi aici pe viitor i dac neglijabilul buget alocat va crete.
Festivalul Internaional de la Glasgow poate fi vzut ca o ncercare a Consiliului Local
de a mbuna comunitatea artitilor vizuali i a-i recunoate, n sfrit, importana
internaional dup acest dezastru.
La modul general, aceasta rmne principala infrastructur instituional pentru arta contemporan din ora, cu ncercrile tardive ale Galeriei de Art Modern, condus de
un consiliu, de a rectifica omisiunea aproape total din coleciile ei a artitilor contemporani din ora. Aceast situaie i gsete un ecou n structuri similare din Edinburgh
i Dundee, care nclin spre a expune mai muli artiti consacrai ca parte a unui consens internaional. Infrastructura din Glasgow e completat de ncercri, apropiate de

The mistake that we made was not thinking enough about local politics
[...] we forgot to bring in people like the city council and the politicians.
I guess as the one individual in all this directly employed by the council
this was a bigger issue for me than anyone else.17 In what turned out to
be a spectacular misjudgement on the part of the city council, the potential loss of Tramway as a venue provoked outrage amongst the artistic
community and press alike18 and, after much discussion, has led to assurances that the main visual art space will not be lost, although the terms
for its future management and the function of the rest of the building
have yet to be defined. The current exhibition at Tramway, by Glasgowbased artist Graham Fagen, a sparsely installed cultural commentary,
was scheduled before this crisis arose and it remains to be seen what kind
of programming will be in place in the future and whether the negligible
commissioning budget will be increased. The Glasgow International
Festival may be seen as an attempt on the part of the city council to placate the visual art community and latterly acknowledge its international
importance after this debacle.
Broadly speaking, this remains the main institutional infrastructure for contemporary art in the city, with belated attempts being made by the council-run Gallery of Modern Art to rectify its almost total omission of the citys
contemporary artists from its collection. This situation is echoed by similar

Tramway

structures in Edinburgh and Dundee that tend towards showing more

established artists as part of an international consensus. The infrastructure
in Glasgow is supplemented by artist-friendly endeavours such as Project
Room (run by artists), Intermedia (a space provided by Glasgow City
Council for artists to produce work and publicise it themselves) and
StreetLevel Photoworks (specialising in photography and new media).
At a national level, these institutions are presided over by the Scottish
Arts Council (SAC)19, which disburses state funding to the arts on behalf of
the Scottish Executive20, a devolved government responsible for all but
the most important issues, and synonymous with the neo-imperial policies
of New Labour.21 Where once it might have been possible to speak of a
division between public and private interests, within the art microcosm as
elsewhere, there has been a steady erosion of any distinction, with a mesh
of interweaving solidarities ensuring that there is an ongoing symbiosis
between the two realms. Interestingly, in addition to the association with
Becks Bier at CCA, corporate sponsorship has begun to creep into
Tramway, through the high-end insurance company Hiscox funding the
annual Glasgow School of Art Masters of Fine Art exhibition over a threeyear period. While private sponsorship in Glasgow is still much less established practice than in London, it is nonetheless significant that it is being
used as a means of bridging the funding shortfall.22
Furthermore, in the UK, arts funding policy complements central governmental aims by instrumentalising art in ways which dovetail with the corporate world. This has seen public funds increasingly ring-fenced for
priorities like social inclusion, a palliative that does nothing to address the

99

cum ar fi Project Room (condus de artiti), Intermedia (spaiu oferit de Consiliul Local
din Glasgow, unde artitii s produc lucrri pe care s le promoveze ei nii) i
StreetLevel Photoworks (specializat n fotografie i noile media).
La nivel naional, aceste instituii snt prezidate de Consiliul Artistic Scoian (SAC) [Scottish
Arts Council]19, care distribuie fondurile oferite de stat pentru finanarea artelor n
numele executivului scoian20, un guvern local responsabil cu toate problemele (cu excepia
celor mai importante), sinonim cu politicile neoimperialiste ale gruprii noului laburism.21
Acolo unde odat era posibil s vorbim despre o separare ntre interesul public i cel
privat, n cadrul microcosmului artistic ca i n alt parte, s-a produs o erodare continu a oricrei distincii, existnd o reea de legturi ntreesute care face ca ntre cele dou
domenii s se petreac o simbioz nentrerupt. E interesant c, pe lng asocierea CCA
cu Becks Bier, sponsorizarea corporatist a nceput s se strecoare i la Tramway, prin
intermediul selectei companii de asigurri Hiscox, care sponsorizeaz pe o perioad de
trei ani expoziia Glasgow School of Art Masters of Fine Art. Cu toate c sponsorizarea
privat din Glasgow nu este nc o practic la fel de bine nrdcinat ca la Londra, e totui
semnificativ faptul c ea e folosit ca mijloc de depire a crizei de finanare.22
Mai mult, n Marea Britanie, politica de finanare a artei suplinete obiectivele guvernului central, abordnd arta n moduri care coincid perfect cu cele folosite de lumea corporaiilor. Asta a fcut ca fondurile de stat s mearg tot mai mult nspre prioriti cum
ar fi acceptarea social, un paliativ care nu schimb nimic n privina inegalitii sociale,
fapt ce a provocat critici substaniale din partea sectorului artistic, avnd ca premis democratizarea de sus a culturii, un proces ce intete spre includerea unor membri ai
grupurilor excluse n arenele culturale privilegiate istoric. O asemenea politic nici nu
reformeaz cadrul instituional existent al culturii i nici nu anuleaz procesul duntor
al privatizrii. n schimb, ea ncearc s fac artele mai accesibile pentru a pregti publicul-int pentru o pia a muncii tot mai descentralizat.23
E important de observat c acest fapt nu presupune o subordonare complet a statului naional fa de interesele corporaiilor; de fapt, iluzia unui stat vlguit e praf n ochi
aruncat de artizanii noii ordini. Margaret Thatcher a concentrat puterea executiv n
timp ce susinea contrarul; Tony Blair a fcut acelai lucru. Proiectul european nu e altceva dect extinderea granielor unui superstat. China totalitarist a mbriat piaa
liber, n timp ce i fortific vastul aparat de stat.24
Executivul scoian efectueaz n acest moment o reevaluare major a fondurilor destinate culturii, n urma creia e posibil ca acest Consiliu Artistic s fie nlocuit printr-un
control i mai centralizat, iar finanrile n avans s dispar complet.25 ns deocamdat
infrastructura instituional ocup un loc central n cadrul politicii SAC pentru arte vizuale
i n ea investete consiliul majoritatea finanrii sale insuficiente (mai bine de 93% din
fondurile votate); doar un procent minuscul din bugetul pentru arte vizuale e alocat direct
cercetrii i dezvoltrii practicii artistice sau micilor organizaii care fac tot ce le st n putin
pentru a sprijini aceast practic.26 Raiunea acestui fapt e aceea c instituiile i sprijin
indirect pe artiti. n realitate, un studiu recent, comandat de SAC, arta c 82% dintre artitii vizuali scoieni ctig anual din activitatea lor mai puin de 5.000 de lire, iar
28% nu ctig absolut nimic (comparativ cu ctigul mediu din Marea Britanie, care
depete 25.000 de lire).27 Aceast disparitate continu s fie resimit nuntrul microcosmului artistic i a avut importante repercusiuni. n 2001, Uniunea Artitilor Scoieni28
a intrat n rndul sindicatelor tradiionale i urmrete s rezolve aceste inegaliti de venit.
Ca rspuns la ameninarea nchiderii galeriei Tramway i a Comisiei Scoiene Executive
de Cultur, s-au format grupuri de artiti i scriitori care i propun s le ofere creatorilor o voce mai ferm n stabilirea politicilor viitoare i s cear un sprijin mai serios pentru artitii individuali i micile organizaii.29
Glasgow-ul are o istorie ndelungat a artitilor care elimin din sfera lor de preocupri
instituiile ce nu se dovedesc de ajutor, organiznd ei nii proiecte i formnd adesea
organizaii nomade n afara cadrului oferit de instituiile consacrate. Acest gen de prac-

100

inequalities of society, which has received substantial criticism from within

the art sector, premised on the top-down democratisation of culture,
a process aimed at engaging members of excluded groups in historically
privileged cultural arenas. Such a policy neither reforms the existing institutional framework of culture, nor reverses a process of damaging privatisation. Instead, it attempts to make the arts more accessible in order to
adapt its target audiences to an increasingly deregulated labour market.23
It is important to note that this does not entail a nation state entirely subordinate to corporate interests; rather: the illusion of a weakened state is
the smokescreen thrown up by the designers of the new order. Margaret
Thatcher concentrated executive power while claiming the opposite;
Tony Blair has done the same. The European project is all about extending the frontiers of a superstate. Totalitarian China has embraced the
free market while consolidating its vast state apparatus.24
The Scottish Executive is currently undergoing a major review of its
cultural provision that is likely to see the replacement of the Arts Council
with more centralised control and the loss of any semblance of arms
length funding.25 For the moment, though, the institutional infrastructure
is central to SAC visual arts policy and it is here that it invests the majority of its inadequate funding (more than 93% of voted funds) with a tiny
percentage of the visual art budget going directly to the research and
development of artistic practice or to the grassroots organisations that do
the most to support this practice.26 The rationale behind this is that institutions indirectly support artists. However, a recent study, commissioned
by the SAC, showed that 82% of visual artists in Scotland earn less than
5,000 per year from their practice, with 28% earning nothing whatsoever (compared to average annual earnings in the UK in excess of 25,000).27
This disparity continues to be felt within the art microcosm and has had
some significant repercussions. In 2001 the Scottish Artists Union28 was
established along traditional trade union lines and aims to address such
inequalities of income. In response to the threatened closure of Tramway
and the Scottish Executive Cultural Commission, groups of artists and
writers have formed, with the aim of giving creative people more of a
voice in future policy-making and demanding better support for individual practitioners and grassroots organisations.29
There is a long history in Glasgow of artists pushing unsupportive institutions to the periphery of their loyalties, organising projects themselves
and forming often nomadic organisations outside of the established institutions. This kind of practice is essentially social in nature and relies on
close collaboration and solidarity in the face of adversity. Recent
examples have included Switchspace30, Market (both in the east of the
city)31, MaryMary (where art and music evenings are organised in a
private flat, currently moving from city centre to east end)32 and The
Chateau33 (where the Glasgow-based band Franz Ferdinand34 began their
global rise to fame). In 1991, Glasgow-based artist Ross Sinclair noted
that artist-led initiatives defined their own terms for how work should be
made and shown and, particularly when occurring outside London, were
most successful when dealing with a specifically local context rather than
aspiring to adopt the language of the commodified centre.
When the context of art dissolves into the realm of formalism and the art
world exclusively, it has relinquished much of its potential for social function. It loses an important dimension and diminishes from a potentially
rounded, holistic art practice and becomes a two-dimensional veneer.
Then its meaning and location exists primarily for the market and the cultural activity, Art, ceases to have a wider social function other than in
matters of economics.35
Rather than countering the shift towards the private sector through
direct corporate intervention and attempts to fuel the private labour market and rather than lobbying for increased funding to disseminate
directly to artists and shore up flagging institutions, public funding bodies in the UK have responded by unequivocally placing the flourishing private market at the centre of the art system.36 In Scotland, this has seen
Arts Council funding being allocated to art fairs37 and a collecting initiative38 (which has so far seen the production of the How to Buy Art
leaflet to engender a new art-buying public)39 and Glasgow City Council
making the development of an art market one of its main objectives.40

scena
tic are o natur esenialmente social i se bazeaz pe o strns colaborare i solidaritate n faa greutilor. Printre exemplele recente se numr Switchspace30, Market31
(ambele n partea estic a oraului), MaryMary (unde evenimentele artistice i muzicale
snt organizate ntr-un apartament particular, care se mut din centrul oraului n zona
de est)32 i The Chateau33 (unde i-a nceput drumul spre celebritate trupa Franz Ferdinand34, stabilit la Glasgow). Ross Sinclair, artist care activeaz la Glasgow, observa n
1991 c iniiativele conduse de artiti i-au definit propriii termeni n care trebuie fcute
i expuse lucrrile i, n special n afara Londrei, au avut cel mai mare succes atunci cnd
s-au ocupat de un context local specific, i nu cnd au urmrit s adopte limbajul comercial al centrului.
Cnd contextul artei se dizolv exclusiv n sfera formalismului i a lumii artistice, el abandoneaz o mare parte a potenialului su de funcie social. El i pierde o dimensiune
important i se reduce de la o practic artistic mplinit, holistic, la o faad bidimensional. n acest caz, rostul i amplasamentul su exist n principal pentru pia, iar activitatea cultural, Arta, nceteaz a mai avea i o alt funcie social n afara celei economice..35
n loc s se opun trecerii spre sectorul privat prin intervenia direct a corporaiilor
i ncercri de-a alimenta piaa de munc privat i n loc s insiste pentru creterea
finanrii directe a artitilor i s sprijine instituiile care stagneaz, organizaiile publice
de finanare din Marea Britanie au reacionat prin plasarea, fr nici un echivoc, a
nfloritoarei piee private n centrul sistemului artistic.36 n Scoia, asta a fcut ca fondurile
Consiliului Artistic s fie alocate trgurilor de art37 i a dus la o iniiativ de strngere de
fonduri38 (care pn acum s-a materializat prin publicarea unei foi volante, Cum s
cumperi art, menit a genera un nou public cumprtor de art)39, iar Consiliul Local
din Glasgow a fcut din dezvoltarea unei piee de art unul dintre principalele sale obiective.40 Drept consecin direct a acestor politici, Trgul de Art din Glasgow, din 2004,
a cuprins standuri ale mai multor organizaii mici, inclusiv Market i Switchspace.41 Lipsa fondurilor destinate cltoriilor semnific faptul c prezena la trgurile de art e sprijinit de finanatorii publici n cazul acelor iniiative ale artitilor care doresc s-i extind
reelele i a fost menionat ca motiv pentru care Transmission a luat parte la Frieze Art
Fair din Londra, lucru inimaginabil acum civa ani. n acelai timp, cu investiii locale neglijabile n cercetarea i dezvoltarea practicii artistice, organizaiile publice de finanare continu s exploateze renumele internaional al artei vizuale contemporane, prin aciuni
ca Festivalul Internaional Glasgow i Pavilionul Scoian de la Bienala de la Veneia, sprijinite de Consiliul Artistic Scoian i de Consiliul Britanic.42
Poate c cel mai semnificativ efect al acestor politici este apariia a dou galerii care comercializeaz art contemporan. Prima, Modern Institute43, a cunoscut succesul
internaional ntr-un interval de timp relativ scurt i primete finanare continu de la SAC.44
Galeria e sinonim cu noul formalism, reprezentnd artiti precum Jim Lambie i Eva
Rothschild, care au fost implicai n expoziia inovatoare Early One Morning de la
Whitechapel Gallery.45 Cea de-a doua galerie, nfiinat recent de Sorcha Dallas, a dovedit i ea o nclinaie ctre formalism, prin proiecte mai vechi aparinnd lui Craig Mulholland
i Alex Frost.46 Pe lng personalul acestor galerii, care e compus din artiti profesioniti, faptul c Transmission a fost condus de cofondatorii galeriei Modern Institute, Will
Bradley i Toby Webster, i activitatea Sorchei Dallas la Switchspace (ulterior nchis)
dovedesc bunvoina comunitii artistice fa de aceste iniiative esenialmente comerciale i confer activitilor lor un caracter distinct pe pia. Aceste galerii comerciale,
susinute prin iniiative publice de finanare, snt cel mai bine cunoscute n afara Glasgowului i au condus la recunoaterea internaional a oraului pentru predominana actual a lucrrilor formaliste. n timp ce generaiile anterioare de artiti s-au dezvoltat la
Transmission i au ajuns la maturitate n instituii publice locale precum Third Eye
Centre, nainte de a-i face debutul internaional n diferite Kunsthalle i Kunstverein de
prin Europa, pentru artitii din Glasgow e mai probabil s-i fac prima apariie
internaional la trgurile de art, iar opera lor s fie recunoscut potrivit logicii pieei.

As a direct consequence of these policies, the 2004 Glasgow Art Fair

included stands by many local grassroots organisations, including Market
and Switchspace.41 Lack of funding for travel means that attendance at
art fairs is advocated by public funders for those artist-led initiatives wishing to broaden their networks and has been cited as the reason for
Transmission taking part in the Frieze Art Fair in London, something that
would have been unthinkable a few years ago. Meanwhile, with negligible
local investment in the research and development of artistic practice,
public funding bodies continue to harness the international kudos of contemporary visual art, through ventures like the Glasgow International
Festival and the Scottish Pavilion at the Venice Biennale, supported by the
Scottish Arts Council and British Council.42
Perhaps the most significant effect of these policies is the emergence of
two commercial galleries for contemporary art. The first of these, the
Modern Institute43, has become internationally successful in a relatively
short space of time and receives ongoing funding from the SAC.44 The
gallery is synonymous with New Formalism, representing artists like Jim
Lambie and Eva Rothschild who were involved in the seminal Early One
Morning exhibition at the Whitechapel Gallery.45 The second gallery,
recently established by Sorcha Dallas, has also shown a proclivity for formalism, through early projects by Craig Mulholland and Alex Frost.46
In addition to the personnel of these galleries being trained artists,
a Transmission internship by Modern Institute co-founders Will Bradley
and Toby Webster and the running of Switchspace (subsequently closed)
by Sorcha Dallas, accounts for the goodwill of the artistic community
towards these essentially commercial initiatives and lends their activities
an added cachet in the marketplace. It is these commercial galleries,
backed up by public funding initiatives, which have the highest profile
outside Glasgow, and have led to the city being internationally known for
the current predominance of formalist work. Whereas preceding generations of artists gestated at Transmission and matured in local public institutions like the Third Eye Centre before making their international debuts
in kunsthalles and kunstvereins around Europe, artists from Glasgow are
now more likely to make their first international appearance at art fairs,
with their work being adjudged according to the logic of the marketplace. This reversal echoes the situation in America, described by neoconservative Dave Hickey, where hapless public spaces exist to absorb the
effluent of the dominant market.47
With an exponential increase in studio practice devoid of content, there
would seem to be a causal link between an orientation towards the market and formal concerns being prioritised in emerging practice. One of
the major pitfalls of this situation, as identified by both Ross Sinclair and
Nick Evans, is that market-driven formalism generally mitigates against
criticality at a time when it is needed most. This is not to say that public
institutions or state funding, tainted with the ideology of the prevailing
Government, offer artists any greater claim to autonomy than the private
market. But, as seen in the current exhibitions of Michael Fullerton and
Graham Fagen, there is still a greater freedom of form, subject matter
and scope for experimentation and risk in the public realm than is normally permitted by the market.
It is clear that something must be done to address the inability of artists
to generate a living wage from their practice. While a rush towards the
market might appear to provide a short-term solution for a finite number
of artists and a particular genre of work, what happens when the backlash against New Formalism takes hold, as it inevitably will Signs of this
are already visible in EAST, the exhibition of young artists held in Norwich.
Last year, selected by the Modern Institutes Toby Webster and Eva
Rothschild, the exhibition was tightly curated in a way that consolidated
New Formalism as the predominant style in the UK. This year, autodestructive artist Gustav Metzger will select the exhibition according to
the following criteria: EAST 05 will not be object based on principle...
the art exhibition without the art.
EAST 05 is perceived by the selector Gustav Metzger as a vision of the
world formed by artists and artists groups... dealing with crucial economic, political and ethical issues facing us all, artists are asked to look at
the extremes of our world...48

101

Graham Fagen
Clean Hands, Pure Heart, Tramway (11 February 13 March, 2005). Left to right: True Love (Pineapple & Orange);
Nature Morte; Sceptre (After Theatre); Auld Lang Syne c/w The Slaves Lament. All 2005

Graham Fagen
Clean Hands, Pure Heart, Tramway (11 February 13 March, 2005). Left to right: True Love (Pineapple & Orange);
Auld Lang Syne c/w The Slaves Lament; Sceptre (After Theatre); Black Pansy. All 2005

102

scena
The debate about public versus private and the limitations of this bipolar
system are by no means confined to Glasgow. What is clear is that either
system alone, or a combination of the two, is insufficient to safeguard critical artistic practice. A new solution will need to be found that transcends
the city limits.

Notes:
1. For home-grown dissent, see Glasgow Autonomous Project
http://glasgow-autonomy.org/
2. http://www.glasgow.gov.uk/
Michael Fullerton
Suck on Science, Centre for Contemporary Arts (29 January 12 March, 2005)

America, descris de neoconservatorul Dave Hickey, unde nefericitele spaii publice exist pentru a absorbi reziduurile pieei dominante.47
Cu o cretere exponenial a practicii de atelier lipsite de coninut, s-ar prea c exist
o legtur de cauzalitate ntre orientarea nspre pia i preocuprile formale privilegiate
de practica n curs. Unul dintre cele mai mari neajunsuri ale acestei situaii, aa cum a
fost el identificat de ctre Ross Sinclair i Nick Evans, e acela c formalismul practicat
dup regulile pieei atenueaz, n general, spiritul critic, ntr-un moment n care e cea
mai mare nevoie de el. Asta nu nseamn c instituiile publice sau finanarea de stat,
contaminate cu ideologia guvernului aflat la putere, le permit artitilor s aib o mai mare
autonomie dect o face piaa privat. ns, dup cum se vede din expoziiile curente ale
lui Michael Fullerton i Graham Fagen, exist nc o mai mare libertate a formei, a subiectului i a sferei experimentale i de risc n domeniul public dect permite n mod obinuit piaa.
E clar c trebuie fcut ceva n privina incapacitii artitilor de a-i asigura un trai decent
de pe urma activitii lor. Dac un exod nspre pia ar putea fi susceptibil de a oferi o
soluie pe termen scurt pentru un numr limitat de artiti i un anumit gen de lucrri,
ce se va ntmpla n momentul reculului noului formalism, care se va produce n mod
inevitabil Indicii n acest sens snt vizibile deja la EAST, expoziia tinerilor artiti, inut
la Norwich. Anul trecut, expoziia, organizat de Toby Webster i Eva Rothschild de la
Modern Institute, a fost alctuit cu fermitate ntr-un mod care consolida poziia noului
formalism ca stil predominant n Marea Britanie. Anul acesta, artistul autodistructiv Gustav
Metzger va selecta lucrrile potrivit criteriului dup care EAST 05 nu va avea ca principiu obiectul expoziia de art fr art.
EAST 05 e vzut de curatorul Gustav Metzger ca o viziune asupra lumii formate din
artiti i grupri artistice avnd de-a face cu problemele economice, politice i etice
cruciale cu care ne confruntm cu toii, artitilor li se cere s abordeze extremele lumii
noastre48
Dezbaterea public vs. privat i cea despre limitrile acestui sistem bipolar nu se limiteaz
n nici un caz la Glasgow. E clar c nici unul dintre sisteme, singur, i nici o combinaie
a celor dou nu snt suficiente pentru a salva practica artistic critic. Va trebui gsit o
nou soluie care s depeasc limitele oraului.
Traducere de Alex Moldovan

3. Recent attempts to boost the tourist industry in the city have led to an
advertising campaign with the tagline Glasgow: Scotland with Style.
http://www.seeglasgow.com/. For a critique of this approach and
other pertinent issues see Glasgow Letters on Architecture and
Space paper http://www.glas-collective.com/
4. Glasgow International Festival of Contemporary Visual Art.
See http://www.glasgowinternational.org/
5. By 1998, an estimated 978 professional artists were based in the city
according to figures in the Glasgow City Councils Glasgow Cultural
Statistics Framework. According to Scottish Artists Union figures,
approximately 5,000 artists are currently practicing throughout
Scotland.
6. Environmental Art is a department at Glasgow School of Art, with an
emphasis on contextual practice, established in 1986 by David
Harding in close discussion with students.
7. See JJ Charlesworth, Not Neo but New, in Art Monthly, no. 259,
September 2002.
8. See Neil Mulholland, Leaving Glasvegas, in Matters, Summer 2003,
issue 17, pp. 710.
9. Nick Evans, Tired of the Soup du Jour Some Problems with New
Formalism, in Variant, Vol. 2, No. 16, Winter 2002, p. 37.
10. http://www.transmissiongallery.org/
11. See Transmission (London: Black Dog, 2001).
12. http://www.cca-glasgow.com/
13. http://www.becksfutures.co.uk
14. http://www.geocities.com/michaelfullertonuk/
15. http://www.tramway.org
16. See Glasgow City Council Cultural and Leisure Services Visual Arts
Best Value Review of January 2001.
17. Charles Esche in conversation with Sarah Lowndes, in Social Sculpture:
Art, Performance and Music in Glasgow, A Social History of
Independent Practice, Exhibitions and Events since 1971 (Glasgow:
StopStop, 2003), pp. 164165.
18. See http://www.sostramway.org.uk/
19. http://www.scottisharts.org.uk
20. http://www.scottishexecutive.gov.uk
21. Control of the following is reserved by Government in London: constitutional matters, UK foreign policy, UK defence and national security,
fiscal, economic and monetary System, immigration and nationality,
energy: electricity, coal, gas and nuclear energy, common markets,
trade and industry, including competition and customer protection,
some aspects of transport, including railways, transport safety and

103

Note:
1. Pentru nemulumirile locale, vezi Glasgow Autonomous Project [Proiectul Autonom Glasgow]
http://glasgow-autonomy.org

regulation, employment legislation, social security, gambling and the

National Lottery, data protection, abortion, human fertilisation and
embryology, genetics, xenotransplantation and vivisection, equal
opportunities.

2. http://www.glasgow.gov.uk
3. Recentele ncercri de-a impulsiona industria turistic a oraului au dus la o campanie de promovare sub sloganul Glasgow: Scotland with Style [Glasgow: Scoia cu stil] http://www.seeglasgow.com. Pentru o critic a acestei abordri i pentru alte dezbateri pertinente, vezi Glasgow Letters on Architecture and Space paper
http://www.glas-collective.com
4. Glasgow International Festival of Contemporary Visual Art. Vezi http://www.glasgowinternational.org
5. n 1998, numrul artitilor profesioniti care activau n ora era estimat la 978, potrivit cifrelor furnizate de raportul Consiliului Local din Glasgow, Glasgow Cultural Statistics Framework. Potrivit cifrelor furnizate de Uniunea
Artitilor Scoieni, pe cuprinsul Scoiei activeaz n acest moment aproximativ 5.000 de artiti.
6. Environmental Art este un departament al colii de Art din Glasgow, n care accentul se pune pe practicile contextuale; a fost nfiinat n 1986 de David Harding, ntr-o strns colaborare cu studenii.
7. Vezi JJ Charlesworth, Not Neo but New, in Art Monthly, nr. 259, septembrie 2002.
8. Vezi Neil Mulholland, Leaving Glasvegas, in Matters, vara 2003, nr. 17, pp. 710.
9. Nick Evans, Tired of the Soup du Jour Some Problems with New Formalism, in Variant, vol. 2, nr. 16, iarna
lui 2002, p. 37.
10. http://www.transmissiongallery.org

22. Throughout the 1990s, multinational corporations intervened into

public arts institutions in London, through sponsorship programmes
and networking clubs. This move was, by and large, embraced by
institutions whose ambitions had exceeded their budgets. This was
well documented by Anthony Davies and Simon Ford in their trilogy
of texts, Art Capital, Art Futures and Culture Clubs
(see www.infopool.org.uk) and by Chin Tao-wu in her book Privatising
Culture: Corporate Art Intervention since the 1980s (London: Verso,
2002). However, as Anthony Davies recently documented
(Basic Instinct: Trauma and Retrenchment 200004, in Mute, issue
29, Winter 2004), corporate funding has been receding in the wake of
the dot com implosion and global recession, with business investment
in the arts falling from 134 million to 99 million between 1999/01
and 2001/02 and new initiatives will need to be found to fill the shortfall. Figures are taken from a survey by Arts & Business
(see http://www.aandb.org.uk).
23. Cultural Policy Collective, Beyond Social Inclusion: Towards Cultural
Democracy, 2004 (see www.culturaldemocracy.net).

11. Vezi Transmission, London, Black Dog, 2001.

12. http://www.cca-glasgow.com
13. http://www.becksfutures.co.uk
14. http://www.geocities.com/michaelfullertonuk
15. http://www.tramway.org
16. Vezi Glasgow City Council Cultural and Leisure Services Visual Arts Best Value Review, ianuarie 2001.
17. Charles Esche discutnd cu Sarah Lowndes, in Social Sculpture: Art, Performance and Music in Glasgow, A Social History
of Independent Practice, Exhibitions and Events since 1971, Glasgow, StopStop, 2003, pp. 164165.
18. Vezi http://www.sostramway.org.uk
19. http://www.scottisharts.org.uk
20. http://www.scottishexecutive.gov.uk
21. Guvernului de la Londra i este rezervat controlul asupra urmtoarelor chestiuni: problemele constituionale, politica extern a Marii Britanii, aprarea i sigurana naional a Marii Britanii, sistemul fiscal, economic i monetar, imigraia i naionalitile, energia (electricitate, crbune, gaze i energie nuclear), pieele comune, comerul i industria,
inclusiv competiia i protecia consumatorului, anumite aspecte legate de transport, inclusiv cile ferate, regulamentele i sigurana transportului, legislaia privind angajrile, asistena social, jocurile de noroc i Loteria Naional, protejarea datelor, avortul, fertilizarea uman i embriologia, genetica, transplantatul de la alte specii i
vivisecia, ansele egale.
22. Pe parcursul anilor 90, corporaiile multinaionale au intervenit n instituiile publice de art din Londra prin programe de sponsorizare i cluburi de networking. Aceast micare a fost, n general, mbriat de instituii ale
cror ambiii le depiser bugetele. Acest fenomen este bine documentat de Anthony Davies i Simon Ford
n trilogia Art Capital, Art Futures and Culture Clubs [Capitalul artei, viitorul artei i cluburile culturale] (vezi
http://www.infopool. org.uk) i de Chin Tao-wu, n cartea Privatising Culture: Corporate Art Intervention since the
1980s [Privatizarea culturii: intervenia corporatist n art ncepnd cu anii 80] (London, Verso, 2002). Totui,
aa cum arta recent Anthony Davis (Basic Instinct: Trauma and Retrenchment 200004, in Mute, nr. 29, iarna
2004), finanarea oferit de corporaii a sczut n urma imploziei dotcomurilor i a recesiunii globale, investiiile
n art scznd de la 134 de milioane de lire la 99 de milioane ntre 1999/01 i 2001/02; noi soluii vor trebui
s fie gsite pentru a suplini aceast scdere. Cifrele snt luate dintr-o cercetare fcut de Arts & Business (vezi
http://www.aandb.org.uk).
23. Cultural Policy Collective, Beyond Social Inclusion: Towards Cultural Democracy, 2004
(vezi http://www.culturaldemocracy.net).
24. John Pilger, The Great Game, in New Rulers of the World, Londra, Verso, 2002, p. 119.
25. Vezi http://www.culturalcommission.org.uk
26. Vezi http://www.scottisharts.org.uk/1/information/publications/1000358.aspx pentru bugetele pe 20042006. La
momentul scrierii acestor rnduri, circul zvonul c subveniile mici, care pentru artiti constituie una dintre
ultimele sperane, vor fi desfiinate de ctre Consiliul Artistic Scoian din cauza minii de lucru insuficiente din cadrul
departamentului de arte vizuale, o previziune ce se va adeveri nendoielnic. Subveniile de pn la 500 de lire le
snt oferite artitilor individuali de ctre Consiliul Local din Glasgow. Bugetul pentru 20002001 arat c prin acest
sistem li s-au dat artitilor individuali 12.000 de lire.

104

24. John Pilger, The Great Game, in New Rulers of the World
(London: Verso, 2002), p. 119.
25. See www.culturalcommission.org.uk
26. See http://www.scottisharts.org.uk/1/information/publications/
1000358.aspx for 2004-2006 budgets. At the time of writing, rumour
has it that smaller grants forming one of the last remaining lifelines
for artists will be abolished by the Scottish Arts Council due to insufficient manpower in a depleted visual art department, a self-fulfilling
prophecy if ever there was one. Grants to individual artists of up to
500 are made by Glasgow City Council. Budgets for 2000-01 showed
that 12,000 was given to individual artists through this scheme.
27. Bonnar Keenlyside, Making Their Mark: An Audit of Visual Artists in
Scotland (Edinburgh: Scottish Arts Council, 2004). See http://www.
scottisharts.org.uk/1/information/publications/1000328.aspx
28. www.sau.org.uk
29. http://artfutures.net
30. http://www.switchspace.co.uk/
31. http://www.marketgallery.org.uk/
32. http://www.marymarygallery.co.uk/
33. http://www.chateaugateau.co.uk/
34. http://www.franzferdinand.org/
35. Ross Sinclair, Questions, in the catalogue for Windfall, an artist-initiated exhibition at the Seamens Mission in Glasgow, 1991.
36. In England this has seen the publication of Taste Buds: How to
Cultivate the Art Market (London: Arts Council England, October,
2004). This document examines how the art market could be better
exploited, identifying a further 6.1 million potential collectors of contemporary art. In a final assimilation of public into private, the report
identifies subscription [...] the process by which art is filtered and
legitimised whereby: Networks of art world professionals, including
academics, curators, dealers, critics, artists and buyers, provide advocacy and endorsement for an artists work through exhibitions, critical
appraisal and private and public purchases. The value of an artists
work increases in direct proportion to the subscription it attracts
and sustains.

scena
27. Bonnar Keenlyside, Making Their Mark: An Audit of Visual Artists in Scotland, Edinburgh, Scottish Arts Council, 2004.
Vezi http://www.scottisharts.org.uk/1/information/publications/1000328.aspx
28. http://www.sau.org.uk
29. http://www.artfutures.net
30. http://www.switchspace.co.uk
31. http://www.marketgallery.org.uk
32. http://www.marymarygallery.co.uk
33. http://www.chateaugateau.co.uk
34. http://www.franzferdinand.org
35. Ross Sinclair, Questions, n catalogul pentru Windfall, expoziie iniiat de artiti la Seamens Mission, n Glasgow,
1991.
36. n Anglia, aceasta s-a materializat prin publicarea lucrrii Taste Buds: How to cultivate the art market [Mugurii gustului: cum s cultivi piaa de art], London, Arts Council England, octombrie 2004. Acest document examineaz
modul n care piaa de art ar putea fi exploatat mai bine, identificnd alte 6,1 milioane de poteniali colecionari
de art contemporan. ntr-o ultim micare de asimilare a publicului de ctre privat, raportul identific subscripia
[] ca proces prin care arta e filtrat i legitimat astfel: reelele profesionitilor din lumea artei, inclusiv teoreticienii, curatorii, comercianii, criticii, artitii i cumprtorii sprijin i gireaz opera unui artist prin expoziii,
apreciere critic i prin achiziii private i publice. Valoarea operei unui artist crete direct proporional cu
subscripia pe care o atrage i o pstreaz. (Vezi http://www.artscouncil.org.uk/information/publication_detail.php
browse=recent&id=416)
37. 10.000 de lire pe an n urmtorii trei ani.
38. 25.000 de lire pe an n urmtorii trei ani.
39. Vezi http://www.scottisharts.org.uk/1/information/publications/1000408.aspx
40. Vezi Glasgow City Council Cultural and Leisure Services Visual Arts Best Value Review, ianuarie 2001.
41. Glasgow Art Fair (15-18 aprilie, 2004), a crui organizare cost Consiliul Local din Glasgow pn la 85.000 de
lire, i-a cuprins i pe cei de la Collective Gallery, The Embassy, EmergeD, Glasgow Sculpture Studios, Lapland,
Limousine Bull, Market Gallery, Switchspace i Volume.
42. n 2003, anul inaugurrii, Pavilionul Scoian a expus opere ale artitilor Claire Barclay i Jim Lambie, care activeaz
la Glasgow (ambii fiind prezeni n Early One Morning), i Simon Starling. n 2005, Alex Pollard, Tatham & OSullivan
i Cathy Wilkes au fost alei s reprezinte Scoia. n fiecare caz, s-a susinut c lucrarea ar face parte din proiectul
autenticitatea inconfortabil/noul formalism, care n esen coincide cu gustul pieei, doi dintre cei trei artiti/grupri din fiecare an fiind reprezentai de Modern Institute.
43. http://www.themoderninstitute.com. nfiinat n 1998 de Will Bradley, Charles Esche i Toby Webster, ambiia iniial
de a prelua proiecte publice a lsat n mare msur loc unei galerii comerciale mai convenionale, cu Webster ca
director.
44. n prezent 50.000 de lire pe an, crescnd pn la 51.500 de lire n 2006, ceea ce reprezint 1,3% din bugetul
total destinat artelor vizuale (3.975.935 lire n 2006).
45. Early One Morning a avut loc la Whitechapel Gallery, Londra, 6 iulie8 august. Vezi http://www.whitechapel.org/
content485.html.
46. http://www.sorchadallas.com
47. Vezi Dave Hickey, The Birth of the Big, Beautiful Art Market [Naterea marii i frumoasei piee de art], in Air Guitar:
Essays on Art and Democracy, Los Angeles, Art Issues Press, 1997, p. 65: La nceputul anilor 70 ns, n timp ce
aceste noi practici ncepeau s-i piard vigoarea, dup cum era normal s se ntmple [] ele au fost nsuite de
o serie de noi spaii, de muzee, Kunsthalles i spaii alternative de pe cuprinsul rii, pentru nceput ca expoziii la
mod, economice, numai bune pentru provincie, iar apoi ca antiart oficial, necomercial ca parte a unei reacii
instituionale puritane, superior-burgheze fa de tot mai puternica estetizare a comerului american n general.
Pentru o critic a analizei lui Hickey asupra artei contemporane care depinde de o imagine mitic a sistemului
de pia care transform lcomia motorul acumulrii capitaliste n plcere; o component natural i chiar eliberatoare a subiectivitii umane, vezi Grant Kester, The world he has lost: Dave Hickeys beauty treatment, in
Variant, vol. 2, nr. 18, toamna 2003, pp. 1112.

(See http://www.artscouncil.org.uk/information/publication_detail.
phpbrowse=recent&id=416)
37. 10,000 p.a. over the next three years.
38. 25,000 p.a. over the next three years.
39. See http://www.scottisharts.org.uk/1/information/publications/
1000408.aspx
40. See Glasgow City Council Cultural and Leisure Services Visual Arts
Best Value Review of January 2001.
41. Glasgow Art Fair (1518 April, 2004), which costs Glasgow City
Council upwards of 85,000 to stage, included Collective Gallery,
The Embassy, EmergeD, Glasgow Sculpture Studios, Lapland,
Limousine Bull, Market Gallery, Switchspace and Volume.
42. In its inaugural year, 2003, the Scottish Pavilion featured the work of
Glasgow-based artists Claire Barclay and Jim Lambie (both of whom
appeared in Early One Morning) and Simon Starling. In 2005, Alex
Pollard, Tatham & OSullivan and Cathy Wilkes have been selected to
represent Scotland. In each case, the work has been claimed as part
of the awkwardly authentic/New Formalist project, which essentially
concurs with the market, with two of the three artists/groups of each
year being represented by the Modern Institute.
43. http://www.themoderninstitute.com/ Founded in 1998 by Will
Bradley, Charles Esche and Toby Webster the original ambition of
undertaking public projects has largely given way to a more conventional commercial gallery with Webster as Director.
44. Currently 50,000 p.a. rising steadily to 51,500 in 2006, which represents 1.3% of the total visual arts budget (3,975,935 in 2006).
45. Early One Morning was at the Whitechapel Gallery, London 6 July8
August. See http://www.whitechapel.org/content485.html
46. http://www.sorchadallas.com/
47. See Dave Hickey, The Birth of the Big, Beautiful Art Market,
in Air Guitar: Essays on Art and Democracy (Los Angeles: Art Issues
Press, 1997), p. 65: In the early seventies, however, as these new
practices began to lose steam in the natural course of things [...]
they were adopted by a whole new set of venues, by museums, kunsthalles, and alternative spaces across the country, first as trendy, economical exhibitions fodder for the provinces, and then as official,
non-commercial, anti-art as part of a puritanical, haut bourgeois,
institutional reaction to the increasing aesthetification of American
commerce in general.
For a critique of Hickeys analysis of contemporary art [that] hinges
on a mythic image of the market system which transforms the greed
that drives the capitalist accumulation into desire; a natural and even
emancipatory component of human subjectivity, see Grant Kester,
The world he has lost: Dave Hickeys beauty treatment, in Variant,
Vol. 2, No. 18, Autumn 2003, pp. 1112.
48. http://www.norwichgallery.co.uk/

48. http://www.norwichgallery.co.uk/

105

insert

Inima frnt a lui Vakulovski

Alexandru Vakulovski
Snt romn. cu o mic precizare. basarabean. de multe
ori snt ntrebat: eti romn sau basarabean prima
oar rzi, a doua oar rzi, apoi ncepe s te sece.
snt romn, n pula mea, cam aa ceva.
triesc n Romnia. n fiecare an trebuie s merg la
poliie s-mi vizez legitimaia de edere temporar.
mi se d cu degetul n cap i mi se spune de fiecare
dat: strin, strin, strin. strin, blea. i am
nceput s m simt strin.
fratele meu are cetenie romneasc. a primit-o pe la
30 de ani. la 30 de ani a devenit romn. eu trebuie s
mai cresc. s merit s fiu ceea ce snt. deocamdat i
zic lui mihai fratele meu de peste Prut.
iubita mea e romnc. de fapt ar trebui s scriu
romnc-romnc sau mcar romnc-algerianc. ea va
purta o parte a medalionului, eu alta. i vom face
unirea. iar i iar.
snt un fel de romn, n pula mea. gata.

VAKULOVSKIS BREAKING HEART

Alexandru Vakulovski
I am romanian. with one little note. I am bessarabian. many
times Im asked: are you romanian or bessarabian first
time I laugh, the second time I laugh, then it starts to bug me.
I am romanian, fuck it, something like that.
I live in Romania. every year I have to go to the
police to get a visa on my temporary residence permit.
they kick my head and tell me every
time: foreigner, foreigner, foreigner, foreigner, bleah. and I
started to feel like a foreigner.
my brother has Romanian citizenship. He got it when he was
30. at 30 he became Romanian. I still have to
grow up. to deserve to be what I am. now i just
call mihai my brother from over the Prut.
my girlfriend is romanian, in fact I should write
romanian-romanian, or at least romanian-algerian, she will
wear a part of the medalion, I will wear another one. And we will make
the unification. Again and again.
I am a sort of romanian, fuck it. thats it.

Translated by Cosmin Costina

Cristi Pogcean: Inima care se frnge

Breaking Heart
CRISTI POGCEAN was born in 1980 and lives and works in Trgu-Mure, Romania. 2003 Gratuated from the University of Art and Design, Cluj, Romania.
Selected Exhibitions: 2005 On Difference, Wrttembergishe Kunstverein Stuttgart; Cover Story DVD edition, Display Sub:Label, Display Gallery, Prague; Storyboards/Trapped
in the escape, Vector Gallery, Iai. 2004 Formate, Kunsthalle Project Space, Vienna; Romanian Artists (and Not Only) Love Ceauescus Palace! MNAC, Bucharest; Transylvania
Express, Lyon; Shake Night, Kalinderu MediaLab/National Museum of Contemporary Art, Bucharest; Yugoslav Biennial of Young Artists, Vrsac/Belgrade; Shake the limits, Kalinderu
MediaLab, Bucharest; Art for the Masses II, Brukenthal Museum, Sibiu; Art for the Masses I, Protokoll Studio, Cluj; Biennale de Paris. 2003 Re:Location 4, Casino de Luxembourg;
Re:Location 2 Cluj/Linz; Inflexible Clash, Institute of Contemporary Art, Dunajvros; Blood and Honey, Essl Collection, Vienna. 2002 Couleurs Locale, Fortress Gallery, Trgu-Mure;
Supernova, Sindan Cultural Center, Cluj; Supernova, Ata Gallery, Cluj.

ALEXANDRU VAKULOVSKI (born 1978, USSR) is one of the most prominent young writers in Romania. He is the founding editor of the web magazine TIUK!, and the author of the
volumes: Pizde, Oedip the king of Freuds mother, The Rapture, Letopizde.

106

Compliciti de schimb
Bogdan Ghiu

n absena bisericii
n societatea romneasc postcomunist, religiosul i, implicit, biserica snt,
mental, frecventate n mod depresiv. Spre deosebire de Polonia, de pild
(iar exemplul nu este deloc inocent i ntmpltor, problema pe care el o
pune a fost discutat i rsdiscutat, sau cel puin evocat, recunoscut
obsesiv), sub comunism biserica nu i-a jucat, la noi, rolul social, fie i doar
pe acela de loc de azil, de refugiu, i s-a abinut chiar i s-i foloseasc propria putere (tradiional enorm, exersat) de semnificare i de ritualizare
n cheie martirologic a catastrofei la care era supus. Asceza impus i
autoimpus bisericii a fost aproape total, pn la invizibilitate, chiar dac astzi, retroactiv i tardiv, se ncearc a i se spune mai degrab spiritualizare
sau hieratism: Biserica Ortodox Romn nu a putut s reziste istoriei dect
intrnd ntr-un dialog (unii i spun chiar colaboraionism) cu puterea
avansat-secularizant comunist i nereuind, evitnd chiar s transforme amputarea, de ctre aceasta, a propriilor organe ntr-o punere providenial
la ncercare. A ratat, astfel, din comoditate i prin elips de sine, o mare ocazie
istoric. Iar acum ncearc s recupereze, dar tot cu jumtate de gur,
continundu-i concubinajul cu puterea secular i ncasnd dividende publice mici, dar constante. Din evul su mediu glorios, biserica naional nu
a pstrat ns dect un feudalism ngust, boieresc, de fief, i un discurs nu
tradiionalist, ci nvechit. Sinteza subtil, dar deosebit de eficient social i
geopolitic, ntre discursul (laic) al drepturilor omului i dogmele providenei,
realizat de papa Ioan Paul II, a fost i rmne un tip de oper necunoscut
i chiar nedorit pe blndele plaiuri carpatine. Societatea civil romneasc
nu a beneficiat, aadar, de asistena bisericii, nu a fost informat, ca o contraputere consistent, aa cum ar fi putut fi aceasta, de biseric. Iar datoriile se pltesc, ntrzierile istorice adugndu-le, cum este i firesc n logica de
capital (simbolic) a istoriei, dobnzi uriae.
n Romnia, biserica a rmas datoare fa de societate. De aici, desigur, i
compulsivitatea ei n a dori s se achite monumental-simbolic, dar de fapt
scurt, simplu i ieftin, economicos, dar hipercompensatoriu, ncercnd s
astupe o ran, gura unei rni, i s umple un gol de sine printr-o catedral
faraonic, al crei proiect bntuie prefantomatic spaiul public. Fapt (rspuns),
iari, simbolic: dup ce i l-a retras singur prin neocupare i dezerie, biserica ntmpin acum nite dificulti ridicole n a-i gsi un loc fizic precis n
societatea romneasc. n loc s fie primit catedralic i mntuitor de ctre neamul ei, ea este mai curnd alungat, amnat, plimbat de colo, colo,
purtat cu vorba, asemeni unei arce extrateritoriale a credinei. Situaia este
una de carantin. Nelocalizat, biserica bntuie mentalul, discursivitatea i
imaginalul publice. Fora ei a devenit una fantomal-ventriloc. Neaflndu-i
un loc, o poziie i o voce proprii, definibile, localizabile civil (dat fiind c i
le-a refuzat singur), biserica paraziteaz mediile, sursele emitente de discurs social relevant, apare de peste tot (mai ales de unde nu te atepi), n
mod difuz, dar nu e nicieri. i aceasta nu pentru c vreo vigoare strate-

EXCHANGING COMPLICITIES

BOGDAN GHIU este scriitor, jurnalist i critic media, cunoscut traductor al lui Foucault, Derrida,
Deleuze.

BOGDAN GHIU is a writer, journalist and media-critic and has translated Foucault, Derrida, Deleuze.

Bogdan Ghiu
When the Church Is Absent
In Romanian post-communist society, religion and, implicitly, the church
is practiced mentally in a depressive mode. In opposition with Poland for
instance (and the example is not at all innocent or accidental, the issue was discussed and over discussed, obsessively admitted), under the communist regime
the church hasnt played its social role in Romania, not only as much as being
a place of asylum, of refuge and it even refrained from using its own power
(traditionally significant and proved through action) to make sense of and turn
into ritual according to martyrdom criteria the catastrophe it was living.
The asceticism imposed and self-imposed on the church has been almost total
leading to invisibility even if today, retroactively and quite late, people try to
call it spiritualization or hieratic attitude: the Romanian Orthodox Church was
unable to resist history. It accepted the dialog (some call it collaborationism)
with the highly secularized communist power and it was still unable to prevent
the amputation of church institutions submitted to intense hardships. Thus, out
of convenience and lack of self-awareness it missed a historical opportunity.
And now it tries to recover some of that loss but still halfheartedly and still
as a concubine of the lay power cashing in small but constant public dividends.
From its glorious Middle Ages, the national church has only kept a narrow
minded, small scale, boyar-like feudalism, and not a traditionalist but an obsolete discourse. The subtle yet extremely efficient on the social and geopolitical
level synthesis between the (lay) human rights discourse and the dogmas of
providence, made by pope John Paul II, has been and still is a kind of work that
is not only unknown but also unwanted on the sweet Carpathian lands.
The Romanian civil society received no assistance from the church, has never
been informed by the church as the counter power it could have been.
And debts are always paid somehow; the historical delays adding, naturally
in the (symbolic) capital logics of history, huge interests.
In Romania, the church has remained in debt with society. Henceforth its compulsive wish to pay up in monumental-symbolic currency but in fact in a simple
and cheap way, economic yet hyper-compensating, by trying to hide a wound
and patch its own image with a cathedral of Pharaonic dimensions, whose project haunts the public space. Symbolic fact (answer): after giving it up by desertion, the church faces ridiculous difficulties to find a precise physical space
in Romanian society. Instead of being welcomed cathedral like and as
redeemer by its people, the church is rather dismissed, postponed, sent
back and forth like an extra-territorial ship of faith. The situation can be
described as quarantine. With no location, the church haunts the public mind,
discourse and imagery. Its force has become phantom-ventriloquist. Without
a place, a position, and a voice of its own, definable in civil terms (because it

109

gic ori vreo ardoare social ar fi nceput, brusc, s-o anime, ci pentru c,
la rndul ei debil i nefondat, de fapt bastard i uzurpatoare, puterea politic
a anilor 90 o invita la mondenitile ei politice pentru a-i suplini deficitul de
credibilitate, n sperana c din minus i minus ar putea s ias vreun plus.
Mcar unul imaginar, mediatic, ct s mai treac (i s poat fi capitalizat) ceva
timp istoric nefolosit. Aa a fost.
i a mai existat apoi i mai exist i un efect de mod. Pe fondul (abisal)
al absenei bisericii sub teroare, din adncul altei absene, aceea a rezistenei
anticomuniste civile de ast dat, s-a nscut, tot fantomal, ca un abur, o
chemare, o ntrupare, un homuncul pe ct de lipsit de consisten, pe att
de longeviv: moda unei afectri (discrete) a credinei la (o parte din) intelectualii romni (numai generaia 80, cu ironismul ei, n-a participat la acest joc).
Era deopotriv subversiv i de bon ton s mai bai, acolo, o cruce sau s
citezi, la o vodc, din Sfntul Pavel, s faci, n scris, aluzii religioase sau, tot
discursiv, dar n spaiul aa-zis filosofic, s nchipui, fr nsemne canonice, diferite scenarii cu iz metafizic, nici religioase, dar nici laice: uitate n limburile unei neasumri identitare profitabile. Artele plastice s-au lsat i ele,
ca i cinematografia de altfel, invadate discret, neangajant, dar uotitor, de
aparente desfurri christice i de simboluri pe ct de debile, de atent izolate de contextul lor declarat religios, de hiperhieratizate, pe att de insidioase i, ca s spunem lucrurilor pe nume, de plcute. Astfel de comunicri,
discursive i imaginale, creau freamt i faim, dar numai la nivel aluziv. i
uite-aa am fost i continum s fim credincioi din vrful buzelor i rezisteni, oponeni invidioi pe putere, gata s-o reproducem. (Cine mai tie astzi
c pe curajoasele liste de protest ale intelectualilor romni la adresa puterii comuniste care se difuzau la Europa Liber nu putea intra oricine: erau,
ca i azi, nchise.) Puin religie, ceva filocalie, o vorb din printele Stniloae
ici, o plimbare (pelerinaj) la Rohia colo, ne facem c facem, ncercnd s
jucm (i s cntm) la ct mai multe mese deodat. Stare difuz, de indecizie istoric, cadril subire printre semnificaii tari. Simulare. Intelectualul
romn (ortodox) este un epicureu: ine post cu delicatese (dezlegare cu
pstrv!) i, uneori, i scruteaz sever n oglind tietura de sutan a hainei,
neezitnd s-i adauge i cte-o fug ic pe diagonala istoriei.
n Romnia actual nu trebuie s te duci la biseric, n mod concentrat, ci
te scalzi permanent ntr-o religiozitate difuz, eti n biseric, o biseric invizibil, moale, neparticipant, dar nvluitoare, doar falduri, mocnit furibund pe propria-i absen consimit.
Dar poate c n minile capilor bisericii romne, situaia aceasta de criz,
prea trziu pentru a mai putea fi depit, s-a transformat ntr-un avantaj.
Prezena localizabil presupune articularea unui discurs i a unor aciuni coerente, explicite, ceea ce biserica, n mod vdit, nu are i nici nu pare a dori
s aib. E greu s fii subiect i emitor social n spaiul public. Mult mai uor
i mai profitabil, pe nimic (a-i asigura paradisul n mod economic, spunea
profund credinciosul i anticlericalul Baudelaire), se dovedete, iat, s
exiti larvar, metaforic, ca mediu i, mai ales, ca semnificant liber,
flotant, n discursurile aluzive ale celorlali, reprezentani ai puterii i, sinergic, ai societii civile: te poi afirma simbolic de pretutindeni, i fac alii
treaba (falsificnd-o, firete: schimbare a tezaurului n mruni, n moned
curent, aductoare de ncasri mrunte, dar sigure).
De aici mai decurge ns i un alt fapt, traumatic: n loc s fie mediatoare,
cum i e misiunea, biserica, n Romnia, are nevoie s fie ea mediat, de
alte instane sociale. n locul divinului, biserica nsi, cu Golgota ei neasumat.
n locul sacerdoilor, instituiile statului, media i credincioii nii.

110

refused them), the church interferes with media, the main sources of relevant
social discourse, shows up everywhere (especially where you least expect it)
vaguely without being anywhere. And not because some strategic vigor or
some social dedication have come to revive it suddenly but because the political power of the 90s, weak and groundless in its turn, in fact bastard and
usurping, used to invite the church to political society life in order to compensate its credibility deficit in hopes that from minus with minus some plus
might come out. At least an imaginary media promoted plus so that more
unused historical time would go by (and be capitalized). And so it happened.
And then there was and still is a fashion effect. On the (abyssal) background
of church absence under terror, from the heart of another absence that of civil
anti-communist resistance, a homunculus, ghost like as a call, as long-lasting as
inconsistent, was born: the fashion of (discretely) showing off faith with (part of)
the Romanian intellectuals (only the generation of the 80s with its irony has
refused this game). It used to be subversive and trendy to sign a cross or to
quote, a glass of vodka in hand, St. Paul, to make religious allusions in writing
or to imagine, in the so called philosophical area, various plots smelling like
metaphysics, not religious nor lay: forgotten in the limbo of profitable identity
unawareness. The arts, as well as cinema, have indulged in discrete, without
commitment yet whispering, invasion of Christian developments and symbols
as weak as carefully isolated from their religious context, hyper-hieratic, insidious and, to tell the truth, appreciated. Such discursive and visual messages created fuss and fame but only as allusion. And thus we were and still are
believers who barely whisper their faith and opponents envious of the power,
ready to reproduce it. (Who can still remember today that the brave protest
lists of the Romanian intellectuals against communist power that were broadcasted on radio Free Europe were not open to everybody: as today, they were
closed.) A little religion, some Philocalia, a quote from Father Stniloae here,
a trip (pilgrimage) to Rohia there, we pretend doing something while we try
to play (and sing) at as many tables as possible at a time. Diffuse state of historical indecision, square dance through strong meanings. Mock. The Romanian
(Orthodox) intellectual is an Epicurean: he fasts with delicacies (trout on the
menu!) and, sometimes, severely scrutinizes in the mirror the cut of his cassock,
not hesitating to add a chic quick run on the diagonal of history.
In today Romania there is no need to go to church regularly as everyone is permanently bathing in diffuse religiousness. One is in the church, an invisible, soft,
non-participative church, cozy, hiding its anger at its own consented absence.
But maybe in the minds of the Romanian church leaders, this crisis situation has
turned into an advantage because anyway it is too late to overcome. The felt
presence supposes the articulation of coherent and explicit discourse and
action, things that the Church obviously doesnt have and doesnt seem
to want. It is hard to be an actor and social transmitter in the public space.
It proves to be easier and more profitable (to ensure ones paradise in an economic way, said the deeply faithful and the anticlerical Baudelaire), to exist
as a larva, metaphorically, as a medium and mostly as a free signifier,
floating in the allusive discourses of the others, power representatives and,
in synergy, representatives of the civil society: you can manifest symbolically everywhere, others do your job (falsifying it, of course: changing the thesaurus in small change, current cash, which brings in small but sure income).
But there is another traumatic consequence: instead of being a mediator, as its
mission should be, the church in Romania needs mediation itself by other social
instances. Instead of divine, the church itself with a non-assumed Golgotha.

+
Credina, la romni, este grevat, n prezent, de un doliu secund, derivat,
adugat, parazitar, inautentic: doliul dup nsi instituia bisericii ca atare.
Iar n cazul bisericii romne n-a existat un Drum al Crucii, astfel nct ea nu
poate ntruchipa i propune, ritualic i simbolic, marea dramaturgie cretin. n loc s-l plng, drept unic speran, pe Fiul Omului i s-i triasc ascensiunea i darul, credincioii romni se vd nevoii, fie i incontient (dar cu
att mai traumatizant), s triasc drama incomplet a unei instituii bisericeti
care nu a rspuns pn la capt propriei chemri.

Instead of priests, the State institutions, the media and the believers them-

Sacrul profan mondial

De pe urma acestei situaii cu efecte social clinice, i puterea religioas, i
cele seculare, n succesiunea lor de tafet nentrerupt, nu au dect de ctigat. Nu biserica este, azi (i nc de mult vreme), principala surs de religiozitate, ca ton i ca lexic. Nestrnse sever laolalt, religiosul i sacrul au
diseminat n profan, de unde snt cu att mai virulente cu ct mai inautentice. Revoluia Francez nu a fcut dect s transfere sacrul dinspre biseric
nspre stat, prelund fora de iradiere i de chemare a bisericii i profitnd,
pn azi, n mod republican, de ea.
Pstrnd diferenele, se poate spune c biserica, marea comanditar istoric
a artelor vizuale, se afl, azi, n aceeai situaie cu arta nsi: trebuie s-i
reclame teritoriile, s-i decline identitatea de acolo de unde aceasta continu s acioneze sub masc. Marea formul fenomenologic, autentic
profeie, a lui M. Eliade este mai valabil, azi, ca oricnd: sacrul camuflat n
profan. Sacru nseamn, tocmai, delimitare. Azi ns, sacrul supravieuiete
i triumf tocmai prin ne-delimitare, prin omni-prezen difuz, mascat,
nemarcat, prin absorbie. Pericolul l-a constituit tocmai laicizarea sacrului. Care snt, azi, sursele de religiozitate Nu cele explicit religioase. Paradigma bisericeasc respir prin toate ritualurile vieii cotidiene. i tocmai n
complicitate, n nedifereniere, n ventrilocitate st, acum, fora, neleas
ca surs indistinct, cu dubl ramificaie, de putere: biserica profit de
politic, politicul de religios, i ntreaga societate plutete, astfel, n elementul impur, dar triumftor, contaminant cci contaminat, al sacrului profan.
ntreaga planet a trit, de curnd, n ritmul agoniei i funeraliilor papei Ioan
Paul II.1 Geloase pe sursa primordial de sacru care este biserica, media mondiale, mondo-(nu doar mass-)media au negociat strict, la snge, minut cu
minut, sacrul religios, prim, acceptarea lui n snul sacrului laic, a crui surs
eminent snt, permanent, ele nsele. Media, ca bastarzi i fii risipitori ce se
afl, s-au simit concurate de Sfntul Printe. Ele au perceput conflictul intern care constituie nsi tradiia contorsionat a modernitii noastre: sacrul religios este sursa sacrului profan, i d for, dar l poate i periclita,
rechemndu-l la vechea ordine. Media s-au simit, discret, concurate. S-au
pliat pe eveniment, ca surs de audien, dar cu fereal i indispoziie, reticent: nu ca n cazul unui eveniment politic, gata ritualizat, uor de ritualizat. Au simit n acelai timp pericolul i puterea Tradiiei revoluionar, n
mod ocultat preluate i continuate, capitalistic, de la o economie la alta: s
vorbeasc Tatl din fii risipitori i bastarzi, care n nici un caz nu vor s-i mai
recunoasc deschis filiaia pentru a putea, tocmai, s dispun integral de o
motenire mai activ ca oricnd fr s plteasc nimic, nici mcar dobnda sau dividendele marii lor speculaii istorice (taxa de motenire o achit
ramurii seculare a puterii, creia nici nu i se cuvine de fapt). Profanul continu sacrul. Snt complici la marea afacere mondial. Fiecare are de ctigat de pe urma aciunilor celuilalt, pierzndu-i, tocmai, urmele n cellalt.
Situaia romneasc se regsete astfel, modulat particularist-ortodox, n

World Profane Sacred

selves. The faith of the Romanian people is today in a secondary, derived, parasitic, inauthentic mourning: mourning for the church as institution. And in the
case of Romanian church there was no Golgotha, so that it cannot stand for the
great Christian drama in terms of ritual and symbol. Instead of crying over the
Son of Man, its only hope, and live His ascension and gift, the Romanian believers are bound to live, even unconsciously (but all the more traumatizing),
the incomplete drama of a church that hasnt answered its calling.

As a consequence of this situation with socially clinical effects, both religious

and lay power, in their continuous relay run, have only to gain. The church isnt
today (and hasnt been for quite a long time) the main source of religiousness
in terms of tone or vocabulary. Not severely tied together, the religious and the
sacred have spread in the profane wherein they are as virulent as inauthentic.
The French Revolution did nothing but transfer the sacred from the church
to the state, taking over the influence and the calling of the church to turn it
into profit in the republican way.
Keeping the differences, one can say that the church, the great historic commissioner of the visual arts, is today in the same position as art itself: it has to
claim its territories, to decline its identity in places where it acts under a mask.
M. Eliades great phenomenological phrase, authentic prophecy, is today as
valid as ever: sacred camouflaged in profane. Sacred means precisely delimitation. But today, the sacred survives and triumphs precisely through nondelimitation, omni-presence diffuse, masked, unmarked, through absorption.
The danger was precisely the secularization of the sacred. What are today
the sources of religiousness Hardly the explicitly religious ones. The church like
paradigm breathes in all the rituals of day-to-day life. Its force, as indistinct
source and double folded in terms of power, lies in complicity, lack of differentiation, ventriloquism: the church takes advantage of the politics, politics of the
religiousness, and the entire society is thus floating in the impure yet triumphant element of the profane sacred, contaminating because contaminated.
The entire planet has been breathing, not long ago, on the rhythm of pope
John Paul IIs agony and death.1 Jealous of the primary source of sacred which
is church, the world [mondial] media, mondo-(not just mass-)media, have strictly negotiated minute by minute the religious sacred by accepting it within
the lay sacred, which they broadcast around the clock. The media, as illegitimate and prodigal sons, have perceived the Holy Father as competition.
They sensed the internal conflict that represents the contortive tradition
of our modernity: religious sacred is the source of the profane sacred, gives it
force but it can also jeopardize it by calling it back to old order. The media
have felt discretely challenged. They stuck on the event as audience source but
with precautions and indisposed, reticent: not as it is usual with political events,
readily rituals. They have also felt the danger and the power of Tradition as
revolutionary, taken over and continued in hidden forms by capitalist
economies: speaks the Father begotten by prodigal and illegitimate sons who
would never openly admit their lineage in order to be able to dispose globally
of a heritage more active than ever without paying a dime, not even the interests or the dividends of their great historical speculation (the heritage tax is
paid to the lay power that doesnt deserve it anyway). The profane continues
the sacred. They are accomplices in the big world deal. Everyone has to gain
at the expense of the others shares thus wiping out its tracks.

111

cea mondial: religiosul se las parazitat cu plcere i cu folos de laic, care

profit sub pecetea tainei, speculativ (per speculum), de energiile constitutive (de spaiu i timp, de categorii i de scheme) ale sacrului
tradiional. naintea forei mediatice a lumii contemporane a existat temelia
mediologic, geniul politic al bisericii cretine. Tocmai n acest sens spunea
J. Derrida c actuala mondializare este, de fapt, o mondialatinizare.

The Romanian situation thus illustrates in its own Orthodox fashion the world
situation: the religious indulges with pleasure and benefit in the lay interference, which makes profit in its turn under the seal of secrecy, speculatively
(per speculum), out of the constitutive energies (time and space, categories
and patterns) of traditional sacred. Before the media force of the contemporary world there was the foundation of mediology, the politic genius of the
Christian church. In this respect, J. Derrida said that the present globalization

Artele i Biblia ilustrat

S mergem ns i mai departe. De la situaia romneasc am trecut la cea
mondial, iar acum se impune s ajungem la structural.
Delimitarea de sacrul religios este imposibil att timp ct sacrul religios, sacrulsacru este modelul n filigran, paradigma ocultat, dar cu att mai nestingherit activ, a mental-imaginalului (inclusiv mediatic) contemporan. Religiosul,
ca fctor de istorie, este (a devenit) retina pe care se formeaz, astzi,
imaginile. Ca s ieim din sacrul difuz, ncruciat, bastardizat, speculat, ar trebui s ieim, pur i simplu, din imagine. Dar acolo ne pndete i acioneaz
deja islamul, alt/aceeai religie: tot a Crii, dar fr poze. Dumnezeu
pndete, ucis, n subiectul impersonal sau inclus al tuturor evenimentelor (catastrofe, atentate, rzboaie etc.) cu care sntem inui, n flux
mediatic, sub perfuzie: pmntul, natura, omenirea, planeta,
America, barilul de petrol, euro/dolarul etc., toate snt tot mai puin
metafore i tot mai mult metonimii, proteze, fetiuri ale unui divin monoteic consolidat, n puterea sa simbolic, tocmai prin absen. Aa cum din limb,
singurul subiect vorbitor, nu se poate elimina verbul de fiin, a fi, esenial
tocmai prin puterea lui relaional, computaional (deschidere n sistem)
infinit (sntem ntotdeauna ceva, permanent altceva), i deci nici metafizica
rezidual pe care el, nestingherit, o re-genereaz, nici structurile ritualicreligioase ale cotidianului nu pot fi eliminate. Re-ritualizarea i resacralizarea profan a vieii cotidiene vin tocmai de unde ne-am atepta
mai puin, dinspre tehnologia automatizat-revoluionar.
ntre icoan i ecran (cam pe acolo pe unde J.-L. Marion situa tabloul2), acesta e spaiul (strivit) al artei. ntre sacrul-sacru al religiosului (rareori situabil)
i sacrul profan omniprezent al vieii mediatic mediate, arta contemporan,
att sub regimul verbalului, ct i sub cel al imaginilor, al incitrilor la gesturi,
discursuri, gnduri i atitudini, trebuie s produc i s introduc o gradaie
infinit de alteritate n snul unui identic produs, reprodus i consolidat din
dou surse aparent opuse i chiar inamice, care, dup ce, un moment, s-au
succedat istoric, acum i dubleaz, n simultaneitate, efectele. Lumea se propune ca sfer, dar continu s fie o elips, o bul. Heideggerian, sntem
prini ntre metafizicul tradiional i camuflrile lui derivate, tehnologice.
Momentul actual este unul de telescopare a efectelor celor dou surse diseminate (religioas i laic) de sacru. Aici este spaiul dat, impus al artelor
contemporane: n acest identic stereo, n aceast omogenitate, n acest
catolicism i n aceast ortodoxie a economicului deteritorializat (numai
aparent contradictoriu i sfiat) ce ritmeaz viaa mondial-cotidian. Schisma
lor este o comedie: ntreinerea unei dramaturgii cu nite roluri n care poate
juca, democratic, oricine, mainrie atotsacralizant.
Exist, prin urmare, dou modele, dou tipare care astzi se suprapun: cel
al conflictului i al rupturii (avangardist-revoluionare) i cel al coabitrii
(complicitii) profitabile pentru toate prile. Se poate ine un discurs audibil, fie el discursiv sau imaginal, n afara structurilor ritualic-sacralizante ale
vieii contemporane, plin de profanri compulsive, dar lipsit, propriu-zis,
de profan Nu. S fie atunci artele obligate s intre, pentru a ncerca s pro-

112

is in fact a mondialatinization [globalatinization].

Arts and the Illustrated Bible
But let us go further. Weve seen the Romanian statu quo and then the world
situation, now it is time to deal with the structural aspects.
Delimitation from the religious sacred is impossible as long as the religious
sacred, the sacred-sacred is the underlying pattern, the hidden paradigm but
all the more active, of the contemporary mental-imaginary (including the media
imaginary). Religiousness, as history maker, is (has become) the retina
on which images are formed today. In order to get out of the diffuse crossbreed sacred we should get out of image. But there, another religion is watching and is already operating Islam, another/the same religion: of the Book
but without pictures. God is watching, dead, in the impersonal or included
subject of all the events (catastrophes, attacks, wars, etc.) that keeps us under
media perfusion: the Earth, nature, mankind, the planet, America,
oil barrel, euro/dollar rate, etc. They are all becoming more and more
metonymies instead of metaphors, prostheses and fetishes of a consolidated
monotheist divine, strong as symbol precisely because of its absence. Just like
the verb to be cannot be eliminated from language, essential as it is for its
infinite (we are something or the other all the time) relational, computational
(opening in the system) power, or the residual metaphysics it re-generates,
the ritual-religious structures of daily life cannot be eliminated either.
Turning again daily life into profane ritual and sacred comes from where
we least expect it: from the revolutionary technology.
The (crushed) space of art is between icon and screen (about where J.-L.
Marion would put painting2). Between the religious sacred-sacred (rarely localizable) and the omnipresent profane sacred of media mediated life, contemporary art as verb or image, as exhortation to action, discourse, thought and
attitude has to produce and introduce an infinite gradation of otherness
inside an identical produced, reproduced and consolidated by two apparently
opposed, even enemy, sources that, after having followed one another in history, double their effects today in synchrony. The world is still seen as a sphere
but it keeps on being an ellipse, a bubble. In Heideggers terms, we are
caught between the traditional metaphysics and its derivate technological
masks. The present moment is a telescoping of the effects from the two disseminated sources of sacred (the lay and the religious). This is the given, imposed
space of contemporary art: in this identical stereo, in this homogeneity,
in this Catholicism and this Orthodoxy of the de-territorialized economics
(only apparently contradictory and thorn) that give rhythm to the world daily
life. Their schism is a comedy: maintaining a theatre with parts that can be
played, democratically, by anyone, all-sacralizing machinery.
Consequently, there are two models, two patterns that overlap today: that of
conflict and scission (vanguard-revolutionary) and that of cohabitation
(complicity) profitable for all parties. Can one make an audible speech, either
discursive or visual, outside the ritual-sacralizing structures of contemporary

+
duc alteriti graduale, spaieri publice, opriri mcar momentane de flux,
seciuni instabile, n jocul economic al complicitii dintre sacrul religios i sacrul
profan, ntre biserici (confortate de secte) i politico-mediatic O fac deja
i nici nu le prea mai rmne altceva de fcut. i, din pcate pentru puriti
i estetizani, numai parazitnd, mimnd, simulnd, lsndu-se bntuite i bntuind, lsndu-se ventrilocate i ventrilocnd, participnd prin alunecri
metonimice (J. Derrida) la spectralizarea generalizat, la deconstrucia
obiectiv i pozitiv, dar productiv a lumii, la spasmul regularizat al acesteia reuesc ele s se fac auzite, s se comunice. Religiosul a fcut deja jocurile,
adic terenurile sociale de joac, indiferent ce facem acum pe ele. Le-a predat cu acte n regul politico-mediaticului, urmaul su pretins nelegitim, nscut ns prin sciziparitate, vorbete azi mai mult mut i prin alii, alte instane
trimit la el, ceea ce l face mai eficient, simbolic, ca niciodat, tocmai pentru c a acceptat s piard cedndu-i faa. Fluxul transimaginal deconstruiete, s zicem, icoana, dar reintroduce sacrul pe fereastra (ecranul) ritualizrii
temporale, iar dac vrem s avem sens i mesaj, s producem transport de
substan social, nu putem dect lsndu-ne s cdem, acceptnd structura minimal a mesianicului chiar; adaosul meu, B.G.: fr mesianism de
care vorbea, ca orizont indepasabil, acelai J. Derrida ntr-o carte, tocmai,
despre televiziune i, n general, despre teletehnotiinele actuale.3
La urma urmei i acesta este un dat , Biblia, cum spuneam, a fost, spre
deosebire de celelalte dou Cri din aceeai familie, o carte cu poze, o
ediie originar i tradiional ilustrat tocmai de ctre arte, o oper de art
total (pictur, sculptur, muzic, coregrafie), un spectacol cnd mprtiat n spaiu i timp, cnd reunit sintetic. Aa, sub aceast condiie, s-au nscut i au crescut, n regiunea lumii noastre, artele, ca arte minore pentru
minori, i aa am fost i noi crescui, religios, de ctre arte: ca nite pueri,
ca nite minori venici. n-Fiai pentru a ilustra (prin seturi prescrise de moralizatoare arte ale existenei).
Artisticitatea spaiului public
Nu verbal-discursivul joac, azi, rolul pozitiv-critic cel mai important din punct
de vedere strategic, ci, tocmai, artele i practicile spectacular-vizuale. Aanumita cultur vizual contemporan a ucis, de fapt, nu logosul gramofonic, ci, tocmai, imaginea, nlocuind-o cu simulacre. Fotografia, filmul i
televiziunea, video-ul n general, au de luptat i pot s o fac cu publicitatea, filmul de matrice hollywoodian i televiziunea. Verbalul i-a ncheiat
epoca, textul nu mai edific naiunile, scrisul, scripturalul nu mai apar ca atare,
ci s-au resorbit, cinic, n programarea fluxului imaginal care mpiedic,
suprahrnind, vzul i protezeaz imaginarul. [...] Cultura critic, adic bazat pe text, nu (mai) dispune de canale (i aproape nici mcar de galerii) ca
s se fac auzit. Degeaba scriem, adic pentru a fi, nemijlocit, citii: ceea
ce altdat se petrecea n creiere se petrece, astzi, ipostaziat tehnologic,
n general intellect (cum l-a profeit Marx). Trim ntr-o perfect
eteronomie. Este nevoie s ne aliem cu indivizi revoltai, dar din zona vizualului i, mai ales, a spectacolului. Teatrul underground, de exemplu, se
situeaz n propicea zon gri, infinit speculabil, dintre pia i critic. La fel
se ntmpl i cu zona gri a clipului, muzical i publicitar: ideal vorbind, otrava criticii neexplicite, ci productiv-divergente ar trebui ascuns n pinea
simbolic (de extracie sintetic) de zi cu zi a omului contemporan.4
Complicitatea de care trebuie s vorbim azi este cu mult mai vast, total.
Biserica actual e piaa, care nu poate vinde i recupera nsutit nimic fr
a sacraliza profan pe toate canalele i n mod constant. Ieite de sub tute-

life, full of compulsive profanations but lacking profane as such No. Then, are
the arts obliged to come in to attempt producing gradual otherness, public
spacing, stops in the flux, instable sections, in the economic game of complicity
between religious sacred and profane sacred, between churches (comforted by
sects) and political-media They have been doing that already and, in fact, they
dont have much else to do. Unfortunately for the purists and the esthetes, only
through interference, mimic, mock, haunting and being haunted, ventriloquism, participating in metonymical shifts (J. Derrida) to the generalized
spectral environment, to the worlds objective and positive deconstruction yet
productive, to its regular spasms, arts manage to make their voice heard,
to communicate. The religious has already dealt the hand, that is the social
playgrounds regardless of what we are doing on them now. It duly gave them
in to the political-media, its so called illegitimate heir born through scission,
and speaks today through other instances, which makes it more efficient, symbolic as ever precisely because it accepted the loss offering its face. The transvisual flux deconstructs the icon but reintroduces sacred through (the screen of)
lay ritual, and if we want sense and message, transport of social substance, we
can only do so by falling, accepting the minimal structure of the messianic
even; my adding, B.G.: without messianism that the same J. Derrida wrote
about as an impassable horizon in a book exactly about television and, generally, about the present tele-techno-sciences.3
After all, this is also given, the Bible, as I said, was, unlike the other two Books
from the same family, a picture book, an edition initially and traditionally illustrated by the arts, a total work of art (painting, sculpture, music, choreography), a show scattered in time and space and, other times, reunited
in synthesis. In such conditions, the arts have been born and raised in our
world as minor arts for minors, and so were we raised religiously by the arts:
as children, as eternal minors. Adopted in order to illustrate (through prescribed sets of moralizing arts of existence).
The Artistic Quality of Public Space
It is not the verbal-discourse who plays today the main strategic positive-critic
role but, quite on the contrary, it is the arts and the spectacular-visual practices. The so-called contemporary visual culture has killed in fact not he
grammo-phonic logos but the image, replacing it with simulacra. Photo, film
and television, video in general, have to fight and they can do it with advertising, Hollywood like movie and television. Verb era has ended, text doesnt
enlighten nations any more, writing as such is lost, absorbed cynically in the
image flux scheduling that hinders, overfeeding it, the view and provides prosthesis to the imagination. [...] The critic culture, that is the one based on text,
has lost its channels that once made its voice heard. We write for nothing, that
is in order to be read without mediation: what once used to work in the minds
today works in the general intellect (as Marx prophesized) by means of technology. We live in a perfect etheronomy. We need to ally with rebellious individuals but who come from the visual domain and mostly from the performance.
Underground theatre, for example, is in the grey area, infinitely profitable,
between market and criticism. The same is true for the grey area of the clip,
both for music and advertising: ideally speaking, the poison of non-explicit
criticism, but productive-divergent should be hidden in the (synthetic) symbolic
bread of contemporary man.4
The complicity we are supposed to talk about today is far vaster, total.
The church today is the market; it cannot sell and cash in hundredfold unless it

113

la bisericescului, artele fie ele ale textului, ale imaginii, ale sunetului sau
deci ale spectacolului au trit, vreme de aproximativ un secol (XX), n
chermeza unei iluzii: aceea a eliberrii i a posibilitii de a propune, vai, un
sacru propriu. Tocmai aceasta a fost capcana: neabandonarea ideii profitabile
de sacru. Abia ieite de sub tutela religiosului, condiie n care au funcionat
ca simple ilustratoare mediatice de lux, cucerind teritorii ale profanului n
beneficiul sacrului religios, artele se vd, azi, resubordonate (dup ce au fost
lsate s serveasc, drept estetisme de stat, politicul totalitar i, n pauze,
s zburde copilrete prin curte i pe la Curi) mecanismului unificat, mondial, al pieei, susinut inclusiv de ctre biserici i de avatarurile lor fals secularizate (cum ar fi, ntre altele, statele).
Autonomia esteticului a reprezentat o iluzie, aprut din nevoia formulrii
unei utopii proprii pe un teren istoric de existen pe care nu se putea concura dect utopic, vorace, bisericete i ecumenic, delirant-planetar.
Exasperate istoric, artele au vrut s-i fac, i ele, biserica lor.
Dar artele, vrem, nu vrem, ne place sau nu (puin contranarcisism nu stric
niciodat), par fcute pentru a sluji. Artele nu pot exista, am constatat asta
istoric, n afara unor aliane i mpotriva altor aliane. Spune-mi ns cu cine
eti complice ca s-i spun cine eti! Artele au ieit secularizat din aliana
cu biserica i s-au i grbit s-i ofere puterile mediologic-mediatoare, comunitarizante, ncheierii unei noi aliane, la fel de pgubitoare, cu religia pieei,
creznd c (numai) astfel pot lupta mpotriva vechilor aliane, acelea ale propriei lor glorii traumatice.
La fel de subordonate i de folosite azi ca i ieri, artele trebuie s lege, iar,
noi aliane. i, de fapt, acestea se i leag, sub i prin ochii notri. n momentul actual, numai artele pot crea, susine i ntreine un spaiu public autentic. Civilul, laicul, publicul reprezint o ne-lume, un neutru abstract,
cel mult o sfer (Habermas) creia doar magic i se mai spune i spaiu,
un ideal, luminism pur, care nu poate exista nemarcat. nghiit de religia pieei,
spaiul public care i el va trebui, subreptice, s se mondializeze nu poate
fi creat i susinut, n momentul de fa, dect de arte. Cci tocmai arta, n
sens generic, lipsete, fundamental, spaiului public laic, care este complet
ritualizat de comer i economie, susinute discret, dar temeinic, ca soclu
istoric, de teoria economic total care este dogma providenei divine, cu
rscumprrile (sntem nite ostatici!) i capitalizrile ei n off-shore-ul
supracelest n beneficiul unei vieii viitoare n Insulele Fericite, cum le spunea
Nietzsche.
Numai artele pot, azi, civil-iza societatea, infuznd art spaiului public, ncercnd, punctual i divers, s introduc spaieri laice n omogen i caracter public n publicitatea la aciunile Marelui Capitalist care a privatizat, tripartit (afacere
de familie), pmntul. Iar alianele i contraalianele artei presupun i permit inclusiv, dup modelele reunite ale tradiiei i modernitii, a te folosi
de mijloacele i de micrile adversarilor.
n momentul de fa, nghiit, folosit i subordonat cum se afl, spaiul public nu mai poate fi salvat de fapt, re-creat dect de pura invenie i creativitate artistic. Pentru a rezista ca oameni liberi trebuie s devenim,
obligatoriu, artiti: ai existenei descoperite, n Deschis (care se cere permanent re-deschis sau mcar ntre-deschis).5
Civic, astzi, mai este doar arta.

provides profane sacred on the channels constantly. Broken free form the
churchs guardianship, arts be it text, image, sound or performance have
lived for approximately a century (the 20th) inside an illusion: that of freedom
and the possibility to propose, alas, its own kind of sacred. This was the trap:
not giving up the profitable idea of sacred. Barely out of the religious command, a condition that made them mere luxury class media illustrators,
conquering territories of the profane for the benefit of the religious sacred, arts
find themselves today subordinated again (after being left to serve as state aesthetics by the totalitarian politics and, during breaks, to play around in the
courtyard and at Courts) to the global mechanism of market supported by the
churches themselves and by their falsely secularized avatars (such as, among
others, the states).
The autonomy of aesthetics has been an illusion that came along out of the need
to formulate a utopia of its own on a historical field of existence where competition was possible only in utopian fashion, voraciously, church like and ecumenical, delirious-planetary. Historically exasperated, arts wanted to have
their own church.
But arts, whether we like it or not (some counter-narcissism never hurts), seem
made to serve. Arts cannot exist, we have witnessed that in history, outside
alliances and against other alliances. Tell me who your accomplice is and Ill tell
you who you are! Arts have drawn out of their alliance with secularized
church and rushed to offer their community oriented mediating powers to a
new alliance, just as unbeneficial as the previous, with market religion thinking
that it was the (only) way to fight against the old alliances pertaining to their
own traumatic glory.
Equally submissive and used today and yesterday, arts have to make new
alliances. And in fact it is happening right under and through our eyes. At the
present moment, only arts can create, sustain and maintain an authentic public
space. The civil, the lay, the public represent a non-world, an abstract
neutral, a sphere at most (Habermas) who is also called space only through
magic, an ideal that cannot exist unmarked. Submerged by the market religion, public space that would also have to smoothly become global can only
be created and sustained today through arts. For art, in its generic meaning,
lacks fundamentally in the lay public space, which is totally ritualized by commerce and economy, discretely but firmly supported as historical pedestal
by the theory of total economy, which is the dogma of divine providence with
its ransoms (we are hostages!) and capitalizations in the supra celestial offshore for the benefit of a future life in the Happy Islands as Nietzsche used
to call them.
Only the arts can civil-ize today society infusing art in the public space, trying
to introduce lay spacing in the homogenous and public character in the advertising for the Great Capitalist who has privatized land. And arts alliances
and counter-alliances suppose and allow, on the reunited models of tradition
and modernity, even the usage of means and moves of the adversaries.
Today, used and subdued as it is, public space cannot be saved any longer
in fact, re-created but by pure invention and artistic creativity. In order to
resist as free men we have to become, obligatorily, artists: artists of the uncovered existence, in the Open (which should always be re-opened).5
Only art remains civic today.
Translated by Izabella Badiu

114

+
Note:

Notes:

1. Pentru o analiz ceva mai extins, vezi articolul meu Dealul Mitropoliei din Piaa San Marco, rubrica Evul Media, aprilie 2005.

1. For a more extensive analysis see my article Dealul Mitropoliei din Piaa San Marco,
column Evul Media, April 2005.

2. Cf. Jean-Luc Marion, Crucea vizibilului. Tablou, televiziune, icoan o privire fenomenologic, trad.
rom. Mihail Neamu, Sibiu, Deisis, 2000.

2. Cf. Jean-Luc Marion, La Croise du visible, Paris, La Diffrence, 1991 (The Crossing of
the Visible, Stanford University Press, 2004).

3. J. Derrida, B. Stiegler, chographies de la tlvision, Paris, Galile, 1996.

3. J. Derrida, B. Stiegler, chographies de la tlvision, Paris, Galile, 1996.

4. B. Ghiu, Pentru o nou critic terorist (rspuns la o anchet despre cultura critic i cultura de mas), in Luceafrul, nr. 12 (30 martie) 2005.

4. B. Ghiu, Pentru o nou critic terorist (answer to an inquiry about critical culture
and mass culture), in Luceafrul (Bucharest), no. 12 (30 March) 2005.

5. Aa cum mi se ntmplase s scriu nc de prin anii 80: Locul meu n locul tu, aici, deasupra, puin
lateral. Cnd tu nu vii, nu apari, nu te publici, lipseti, absentezi, cnd tu nu exiti eu, aici, ncerc
s-i in locul. Eu, fcut s-i in ie locul, aici, deasupra, de unde tu repede evadezi, fugi, te
refugiezi. Eu, umplnd locul tu plin, gol. Scriitorul ca semn al absenei, al dispariiei omului (de
rnd). Oriunde lipsete un Om apare un Scriitor (Despre locul scriitorului, in Manualul autorului, ediie definitiv, Bucureti, Cartea Romneasc, 2004, p. 182).

5. I had already written in the 80s: My place In your place, right here above, somewhat on the side. When you dont come, dont show up, dont get published, when
you are missing, absent, when you dont exist I try to replace you here. I, made to
replace you, here, above, wherefrom you swiftly escape, run, run away. I, who take
your full, empty place. The writer as a sign of absence, of (ordinary) mans disappearance. Wherever a Man is missing a Writer comes in. (Despre locul scriitorului,
in Manualul autorului, Bucharest, Cartea Romneasc, 2004, p. 182.)

115

Scobitoarea Treimii
Despre facerea, dez-facerea
i refacerea memoriei colective

Alexandru Ghildu
Memorialul Renaterii /
Memorial of the 1989
Revolution, project

Augustin Ioan

Studenii mei subscrii grupului de discuie pta7@yahoogroups.com au pus

la cale i executat un flash-mob la amplasamentul viitorului Memorial al
Revoluiei din 1989, realizat de Alexandru Ghildu. Cum dl Ghildu deine
i monopolul reclamelor de pe signalectica staiilor de autobuz din Bucureti,
cel puin n zona central, este greu s nu aflm nu doar cum arat viitorul
memorial, ci i dramoleta pe care o constituie discursul justificator al acestuia.1 Mucalit, autorul colectiv i anonim cel care a denumit o crcium
de la Costeti-Vlcea, dup trecerea lui Miron Cosma i a ortacilor pe acolo n 1999, La Prefectul Tvlit (e vorba de bietul Curcneanu); cel care
a botezat proiectul avortat pentru hotelul fraternal Star-Lido din capital Sula
lui Punescu, iar monumentului artileritilor (un tun falogocentric cu grmjoare de cte patru ghiulele n coluri, azi reciclate de mult de ntreprinztori, care a nlocuit statuia lui Petru Groza) i-a zis sula cu ccreze a i
gsit deja cea mai exact, nemiloas definiie a noii creaii: ccat n scobitoare. Dar aceast definiie va intra, din punctul de vedere al promotorilor
proiectului adic ex-ul Iliescu i ai si ejusdem farinae , sub specia expoziiei F.A.Q. Stephen the Great, care, criticnd iniiativele pioase ale sferei oficiale, va fi fiind considerat un sacrilegiu. Discursul oficial acapareaz astfel
spaiul public i confisc orice interpretare alternativ a gesturilor sale destinate sau petrecute n respectivul spaiu public.
Dac citim autodescrierea simbolicii puse n act acolo, vom afla c autorul
proiectului s-a gndit nu tocmai la o scobitoare, ci la o piramid (!), dar nu
la una oarecare, ci cu seciune triunghiular, care, firete, ncearc s ne
aminteasc de Sf. Treime. Crucea la intersecia creia se afl obeliscul-eap
st pe jos, spre a fi clcat dup plac, aa cum NU e ngduit n biseric.
Dar aceast deturnare a vocabularului religios pentru a da via unui obiect
de art public (menit s celebreze nu un act de martiraj cretin, ci de
eroic din punctul de vedere al victimelor i urmailor acestora revolt
popular antidictatorial) mi se pare a fi falacioas. De ce Mai nti, pentru
c relaia noastr cu memoria, individual sau colectiv, veche sau recent, pare s nu poat rmne n deschis n absena unei forme ritualizate,
att sub aspectul ceremonialului (care este, aproape obligatoriu, unul de sfinire
& pomenire), ct i al edificrii. Forma acut a unui sindrom postrevoluionar
consider c memoria colectiv trebuie, pe de o parte, cenzurat violent
nc i nc o dat i, pe de alt parte, reedificat n cheie (pseudo)religioas,
cu predilecie de extracie ortodox. Expedierea evenimentului sub protecia
tutelatoare, dar i anonimizant a faptului religios (i a instrumentarului liturgico-senzorial i edificat al nscenrii acestuia) d seama despre o nelmurire a relaiei noastre cu evenimentul i cu victimele comemorate. n
absena unei desluiri caracterizante, care s confere identitate evenimenAUGUSTIN IOAN pred teoria arhitecturii la Universitatea de Arhitectur i Urbanism Ion
Mincu din Bucureti. A scris i a coordonat numeroase volume, printre care: Khora. Teme i dificulti
ale relaiei dintre filosofie i arhitectur (Bucureti, Paideia, 1999), Spaiul sacru (Cluj, Dacia, 2000).

116

HOLY TRINITY TOOTHPICK

COLLECTIVE MEMORY MADE, UN-MADE AND RE-MADE
Augustin Ioan
My students in the pta7@yahoogroups.com group have planned and staged
a flash-mob at the emplacement of the future Memorial of the 1989 Revolution,
created by Alexandru Ghildu. As Mr. Ghildu has a monopoly over the advertisement boards in Bucharest, at least over those in the central area of the capital,
it is quite difficult for us to overlook the future memorial and the dramolette
inherent in its justifying discourse.1 The pawky author, collective and anonymous the one who after the invasion of the place by Miron Cosma and the
miners in 1999 has named a pub near Costeti-Vlcea To the Sloshed Prefect
(implying poor Curcneanu); the one who has baptized the aborted plan for the
brotherly Star-Lido hotel in the capital Punescus Pick, and called the monument of gunners (a phalogocentric cannon with heaps of four balls each in its
corners, which has for some time now been recycled by entrepreneurs but took
the place of Petru Grozas statue then) pick and shite has already found the
sharpest and cruelest definition for the new creation: shit on a toothpick.
Despite all that, this definition will, at least for the supporters of the project
namely Iliescu, the ex, and his ejusdem farinae certainly rank among the
species of the F.A.Q. Stephen the Great exhibition, which, for criticizing the
pious initiatives of the official sphere, was quickly catalogued as a sacrilege.
This is how the official discourse captures public space and confiscates any kind
of alternative interpretation of its gestures destined to or consumed in that
public space.
If we examine the self-presentation of the symbolism involved, we might be
struck by the fact that the author had not a toothpick but a pyramid (!) in mind,
and not just any kind of pyramid but one with a triangular section which obviously tries to direct us towards the Holy Trinity. The cross at the intersection of
which the stake-obelisk stands is on the ground. Nevertheless I find this misappropriation of the religious vocabulary for the creation of a public art object
(meant to celebrate not an act of Christian martyrdom but one of popular antidictatorship revolt, a heroic act from the point of view of its victims and their
successors) fallacious. And why Well, first of all because our relation to memory, be it individual or collective, recent or old, seems unable to stay in the
open in the absence of a ritualized form, both ceremonial (which is, almost
obligatorily one of consecration & remembrance) and edifying. The acute form
of a post-revolution syndrome thinks that collective memory should on the one
hand be periodically and violently censored while it should also be re-edified in
AUGUSTIN IOAN teaches theory of architecture at the University of Achitecture and Urbanism Ion
Mincu Bucharest. He has written and coordinated numerous volumes, among which: Khora. Themes
and Difficulties of the Relationship between Philosophy and Architecture (Bucharest, Paideia, 1999),
and The Sacred Space (Cluj, Dacia, 2000).

+
telor, celebrm i/sau comemorm fondul cel mai comun cu putin al tuturor evenimentelor tragice: moartea unor semeni, care, la fel ca toi morii
notri, trebuie pomenii. Coliva nlocuiete, dar i reprim interpretrile care
s pun n lumin merite i culpe deopotriv; ocolind spovada i ispirea
prealabile, iart la paual. n al doilea rnd, nu impori dintr-un sistem coerent de semnificare simbolic (ai crui administratori l numesc canonic) doar
fragmente aleatorii, manipulndu-le astfel semnificaia i, mai ales, formele
consacrate.
Aa se face c, dup eliminarea ctorva statui, care se putea foarte bine
petrece mult nainte de 1989 (cea a lui Lenin, de pild), i scobirea stelelor
n cinci coluri din decoraia Casei Scnteii, serie ncheiat () cu aproapedemolarea Mausoleului dejist din Parcul Carol, programul de monument
i memorial postcomunist a intrat ntr-o acut criz de expresie.
Memorialele comunismului snt n procesul propriei definiri; nc este controversat, sau insuficient documentat, ipostaza de abator a lagrelor comuniste, n special a Gulagului rusesc. La noi exist cteva exemple notabile
de amenajare memorial/muzeal a fostelor lagre comuniste: Gherla, Aiud,
Jilava sau, mai cu seam, la Sighetul Marmaiei. Memorialele ridicate de ctre
asociaiile fotilor deinui nu merit, din perspectiva textului de fa, o atenie
deosebit. Memorialul victimelor Aiudului, proiectat de Anghel Marcu
(vezi Arhitectura, nr. 12/1999), este o cruce orizontal uria purtat pe
umeri ca i cnd ar fi (i) un mort de un ir dublu, nfrit, de oamenicruce. Dac impresioneaz simbolica obiectului, amplasarea sa i faptul c
soclul conine i un spaiu muzeal, memorialul de la Aiud nu ne spune ns
nimic despre identitatea traumei acelui loc. Memorialul de la Aiud este o
punere n scen sobr, dar poate prea explicit i morbid cristic i nc a
unui Christ dinainte de nviere a temei Marelui Mort purtat fratern de crucile niruite. Abuzul de cruci nu a ocolit, practic, nici un loc al revoluiei sau
al terorii totalitare.
La Sighet exista o ans pentru ca aceast traum a locului s fie cumva pstrat: n curtea interioar exista, n condiii relativ bune, spaiul de plimbare
a deinuilor, cu foioarele lui cu tot spaiu concentraionar n spaiul
concentraionar, panopticon n care cei supravegheai se mic n permanen
sub privirea de sus, de la diferite nlimi i din nou privilegiat, a gardienilor.
Dac a fi fost implicat n desfurarea concursului, fie pentru scrierea
temei, fie pentru jurizare2, a fi insistat pentru intensificarea datelor rele
ale locului, nu pentru muzeificarea lui. Aceast bine intenionat aciune
l-a nfrumuseat i, astfel, i-a atenuat agresivitatea originar. Unele proiecte
propuse n concurs au mizat pe spaiul de plimbare concentraionar sau pe
alegorii ale lui (labirintul). Proiectul ctigtor i executat, al timioreanului
Radu Mihilescu (Arhitectura, nr. 12/1999), inteligent ncrcat cum este
de metafore ale spaiilor sacre/funerare, n descendena ns a celor ale lui
Adalberto Libera i Giuseppe Terragni, nu are nimic al locului i, de aceea,
ca i memorialul pentru Aiud, putea fi amplasat oriunde altundeva.
Crucea apare i n locul de reculegere subteran, sub un gorgan plantat cu
meri, de la Sighetul Marmaiei, al lui Radu Mihilescu: rsufltoarea
sufletelor, din centrul semicalotei scufundate, este cruciform. Cruci de piatr au fost aduse i populeaz intersecia de la Universitate, din Bucureti:
ele au nlocuit (spre binele locului, a aduga) cociugele plantate n prip
dup 1989; oare cine i de ce le-a scos pe acestea, pentru c nu erau din
materiale reciclabile Dup un concurs derulat n 1991, capela sever,
aproape fr denominaie explicit, dedicat strict eroilor de lng Cimitirul
Bellu, proiectat de arhitecii Dan Marin i Zeno Bogdnescu, a fost sab-

a (pseudo)-religious key of preferably orthodox origins. Placing the event under

the nurturing but also blurring protection of the religious fact (and of the liturgico-senzory and edified instrument of its staging) uncovers the obscurity of our
relation to the event and to its commemorated victims. Lacking of a specific
reading which would invest events with a definite identity, we celebrate and/or
commemorate the commonest possible basis of all tragic events: the death of
our fellows, who, as all others who passed away, must be remembered.
The commemorative offering given to those present at such ceremonies, made
of wheat, honey and nuts, replaces but also represses interpretations that
would shed light upon virtue and guilt; it eschews preliminary confession and
expiation by forgiving through estimation. One should never import random
fragments from a coherent system of symbols (identified by those who manage
it as canonic) and manipulate their meaning and established form.
Thus it happens that after having eliminated a few statues, which could have
been done well before 1989 (Lenins, for instance) and having eradicated all
five-point starts from the decoration on Scnteia House, a series concluded ()
by almost demolishing the Dej Mausoleum in Carol (Charles) Park, the postcommunist monument and memorial program experienced an acute crisis of
expression.
The Memorials of Communism are still under self-definition, the slaughterhouse stages of communist work camps and especially of the Russian Gulag
are still obscure and poorly documented. Romanians have a few examples for
past communist work camps turned into museums: Gherla, Aiud, Jilava or
Sighetul Marmaiei. From our point of view the memorials erected by ex-prisoner societies require no special attention. The memorial of victims at Aiud,
designed by Anghel Marcu (Arhitectura, no. 12/1999), is a huge vertical cross
carried as if it were a corpse by a double row of cross-like men on their
shoulders. Even if the symbolic of the object, its placement and the museum
space in the basement impress the viewer, the Aiud memorial says nothing
about the particular trauma of the place. The Aiud memorial is a sober yet perhaps morbidly Christical staging of the topic of the Great Dead brotherly
carried by a row of crosses. No site of the revolution, nor any of the totalitarian
theory is reluctant to abuse the cross.
In Sighet there is a chance for the trauma of the place to be somehow preserved: the walk-space of prisoners is still relatively intact with turrets and all
in the inner yard concentration space within another concentration space, a
panopticon where the watched persons move around under the privileged gaze
of guardians placed at different heights. Had I been involved in organizing the
contest, by writing the theme or being in the jury2 I would have insisted on the
emphasis of evil data, and not on creating an ideal museum space. The wellmeant action has actually decorated the place and reduced its original aggressiveness. Some of the applicant projects were based on the concentration space
or on its allegories (the labyrinth). The winning project by Radu Mihilescu from
Timioara (Arhitectura, no. 12/1999), intelligently loaded with metaphors of
sacred/funerary space yet descending as compared to those of Adalberto Libera
and Giuseppe Terragni, is far from being characteristic of the location and thus,
just as the Aiud memorial, could have been established anywhere else as well.
The cross appears in Radu Mihilescus underground recollection place in Sighetul Marmaiei under a tumulus planted with apples: the form of the station
of souls, in the centre of the sunken half-dome, is cross-like. Stone crosses
populate the University intersection in Bucharest as well: they have replaced
(for the benefit of the place) certain coffins hastily buried in the aftermath of

117

chiar motenitorii celor ucii, cu complicitatea juriului de atunci, deloc

convins de radicalismul demersului celor doi arhiteci. n locul ei s-a ridicat o biseric despre care a spune c e una oarecare ar nsemna un elogiu
nemeritat. E locul unde s-au crucit pios paisprezece ani preedini i primminitri, unul dup altul.
Pe scurt: nu avem memoriale notabile. Arhitectura memoriei postcomuniste pare s nu se poat dezbra de imaginarul religios, la care s-a complcut cu entuziasmul suspect al neofitului. Observaiilor evidente c
i memorialele Holocaustului folosesc din plin toat simbolistica innd de
identitatea etnic i religioas a poporului ales (vezi steaua lui David violent
anamorfozat a planului extinderii Muzeului oraului Berlin, arh. Daniel Libeskind) i c minus dimensiunea monumental-erectil chiar i memorialul lui Jan Palach de la Praga este, de fapt, un trup-cruce ars(), din bronz,
ncastrat() n pavimentul locului unde s-a petrecut jertfa de sine a celui
comemorat, trebuie s le rspundem c, probabil, mai avem de reflectat
asupra acestei arhitecturi. Cnd un singur astfel de element religios predomin, n virtutea asumrii traumei n numele unui grup consistent etnic-religios, probabil c nimeni nu este lezat; cnd ns la Auschwitz a fost ridicat
de ctre catolici o cruce i cnd monumentul din centrul Varoviei ncarc de-a valma, ntr-un omagiu adus corectitudinii politice predate i nvate
la cursul scurt, cruci, pietre de cpti evreieti i musulmane, ntr-un vagon
de bronz aflat la capt de linie, spiritele se pot inflama i chiar o fac. Cu alte
cuvinte, nu (doar) expunerea unui anume nsemn religios, sau a mai multora, pare s fie soluia comemorrii; n anumite circumstane, dimpotriv,
ea pare un soi de ridicare mpotriv, de felul refacerii Ierusalimului de ctre
Neemia.
Deocamdat, muzeele Holocaustului snt singurele care i-au pus cu seriozitate problema i au i propus rezolvri care merit discuii aprofundate;
probabil cel mai bun exemplu n acest sens este cel al Muzeului Evreiesc
din Berlin, al arh. Daniel Libeskind. Aici, pentru a ajunge la exponate, vizitatorul trebuie s confrunte i s traverseze, deloc comod, un vid ntunecat
care strbate muzeul de la un capt la cellalt. Vidul este alegoria pentru
absen a evreilor ndeprtai din Berlin, dar i a celor exterminai n
Holocaust, firete. Vizitatorul este angajat corporal n a face experiena spaiului care i ofer prin conformaia sa special un prim contact cu anxietatea vidului, a ne-firii.
Memorialele interesante snt cele de felul celui proiectat de Louis Kahn, compus din ase prisme de sticl transparent (dispuse n colurile unei stele a
lui David iniial, iar mai apoi, ntr-o variant, n dou iruri paralele), n care
spaiul public este angajat n jocul aducerii-aminte, nefiind doar un loc de
pelerinaj protocolar al efilor de stat care ne viziteaz, ci i un memento
care ar trebui s fie inteligibil i s trezeasc instantaneu respect locuitorilor
i vizitatorilor oraului.3

1989; I wonder who unearthed them, and why, because they were not recyclable As an outcome to a competition organized in 1991, the sober chapel
designed by architects Dan Marin and Zeno Bogdnescu, almost without explicit denomination and dedicated exclusively to the heroes next to Bellu cemetery,
was sabotaged by the very heirs of the victims with the support of a jury which
had not at all been convinced by the two architects way of solving the problem. Instead of the chapel they built a church of which it were an undeserved
overstatement to say it was an average one. It is the location where presidents
and prime ministers have piously crossed themselves for over fourteen years.
To put it bluntly: we have no memorable memorials around. Post-communist
architecture seems to be unable to leave the religious fantasies, in which it has
basked with the false enthusiasm of the trainee, behind. From evident comments
on how Holocaust memorials make complete use of the symbols related to the
religious and ethnic identity of the chosen people (see Davids violently anamorphic star in the design for the extension of the Berlin City Museum, arch.
Daniel Libeskind) and then to that on how disregarding the monumentalerected dimension even Jan Palachs memorial in Prague is nothing but a
bronze cross-body consumed by fire confined to the pavement where the selfsacrifice of the commemorated one took place, we are constrained to answer
that we probably still need to reflect upon this architecture. Presumably
nobody feels offended if only one such religious element predominates in cases
when a memorial assumes the trauma of an entire ethnically and religiously
compact group, nevertheless when a cross is raised in Auschwitz by Catholics
and when in praise of political correctness taught and learnt in brief afternoon
seminars the monument in the centre of Warsaw randomly loads crosses,
Jewish and Muslim tombstones into a bronze railway carriage at the end of the
line, spirits might and certainly will rise. The exhibition of one or more such
religious signs seems in certain situations to be not the solution to commemoration but, on the contrary, it appears as a kind of upheaval, akin to that of
Nehemiah when he rebuilt the walls of Jerusalem.
The problem has for now only been seriously considered by Holocaust museums, which have tried to solve it in a manner entitled to our detailed attention;
probably the best example in this sense is the Jewish Museum in Berlin
designed by architect Daniel Libeskind. Here, to reach the exhibits, visitors
must cross an awkward, dark void from one end of the Museum to the other.
The void is an allegory for absence that of Jews chased out of Berlin but also
that of those exterminated in the Holocaust, of course. Visitors are physically
engaged in experiencing the space which owing to its special mould offers
them a taste of anxiety and non-existence.
Interesting memorials are like the one designed by Louis Kahn and composed
of six transparent glass prisms (originally placed in the corners of Davids star
then in two parallel rows in a second draft), where public space engages in the
play of memory, being not only a protocol place for the pilgrimage of visiting

Domesticirea memorialelor
Impersonalizarea dramei este problema major a memorialelor dedicate
dramelor colective sau naionale. n cazul lagrelor naziste i al pucriilor
politice ale comunismului, trauma este una colectiv, ntruct exterminarea
sau privarea de libertate afecta n chip explicit un grup etnic evrei, igani,
unul social elita politic a regimurilor anterioare i vrfurile claselor
exploatatoare n comunism, opozanii politici n nazism sau pur i simplu pe cellalt, diferitul ca de pild homosexualii n cazul nazismului. Dar
n msur cel puin egal este o dram individual, pe care nsumat i

118

presidents but also a memento intended to be legible and to trigger instant

respect in the inhabitants and visitors of the city.3
Domesticated Memorials
The major problem of memorials consecrated to collective or national tragedies
is that they tend to impersonalize it. In the case of Nazi camps and political
prisons the trauma is a collective one, as extermination or imprisonment explicitly denies the freedom of an ethnical group Jews, Gypsies , a social group
the political elite of previous regimes and the leaders of the exploiting classes

+
tele suportabilitii adeseori abia recent o descoperim i o reinvestim cu
capacitate memorial. Diferena dintre cele ase prisme de sticl transparent ale lui L. Kahn i Memorialul Holocaustului de la Washington este
izbitoare din aceast privin. Dac primul nchidea ntreaga traum n
numr (ase prisme pentru cele aproximativ ase milioane de evrei ucii),
al doilea, dimpotriv, ncearc s o deschid ctre o summa a ipostazelor
individuale.
Memorialul Vietnamului de la Washington (primit cu rezisten de ctre veterani i pentru c nu era monumental i impersonal ndeajuns) era n chip
vdit o astfel de tentativ, n care ns numele scrise continuu se nscriu n
logica neutralitii pe care prea s o cear memorialul colectiv. A da
chip(uri) individual(e) morii pare cumva mai tragic astzi dect ieri Pare a
avea loc oare i un proces de aplatizare4 a capacitii noastre de a abstractiza i esenializa evenimentele curente i pe cele istorice
n orice caz, fenomenul merit observat i comentat. Slujbele oferite la locul
crimelor sau al ntemnirii (Gherla, Aiud, Poarta Alb, Sighet, Jilava etc.) de
ctre familiile unora sau altora dintre disprui reprezint tocmai tentativa
de a individua trauma colectiv, de a-i da chip; procesul nu este diferit de
cel al decalcrii numelui rudei sau prietenului disprut din lista morilor din
Vietnam, ocupaia principal a celor venii acolo s l comemoreze. A-i copia
celui mort numele este un gest de individuare care pare a fi opusul celui
ortodox al pomelnicului. La zidul memorial de la Washington membrii familiei desfac din anonimatul grupului un nume, l reinvestesc cu individualitate prin reproducerea lui, apoi l iau acas. Este, filmat invers, gestul
pomenirii ortodoxe: dimpotriv, tot pe o bucat de hrtie, este trecut exclusiv numele de botez, ncredinat preotului, care l adaug, prin rostire,
mulimii celor potenial drepi, ecclesiei absente.
Acest proces al individurii memorialului este de altfel vizibil i n cimitirele
romneti. Iat bunoar complexul de cimitire Ghencea din Bucureti.
Acesta subntinde, de la vest spre est, diferena dintre cimitire ale eroilor
de diferite etnii din Primul sau Al Doilea Rzboi Mondial, cu irurile lor
impecabile de cruci uniforme, pe care snt scrise sau nu numele celor
ngropai dedesubt, pe de o parte, i cimitirul, tot militar, dar de uz curent,
unde diversitatea de abordri a monumentului funerar este n sine un
exerciiu de pendulare ntre individuare i apartenen la cast, pe de alt
parte. Ca atare, el face figur de spaiu de tranziie ntre anonimitate (cimitirele eroilor) i individualitate (cimitirul civil).
La Ghencea, aceast tranziie este chiar una fizic, ntruct la estul acestor
cimitire militare se gsete unul ortodox5, care este, prin comparaie cu precedentele, un exerciiu de domesticire i de individuare a morii. Memorialul
propriu-zis poate s constea dintr-un soi de palet (de elice)6, dintr-o stea
pentagonal nlat pe un soclu7, dintr-un simplu bloc de piatr cu nscrisuri
i fotografii8, dintr-un bust al celui/celei disprut(e). Cu toate acestea,
opiunile individuale snt sever amendate de numrul limitat de oferte
primite din partea celor care se ocup de pompe funebre i de monumente
funerare. Piaa memorialelor din anii optzeci i nouzeci a fost i este ns
n continuare extrem de limitat ca ofert, fiind totodat limitat la aciunea
unor meteri lipsii de imaginaie i har. O oarecare afluen face ca anii
aptezeci s se remarce printr-un numr mai semnificativ de cavouri, unele
n mod evident proiectate, dar acestea snt nc departe de bisericile miniate ale cavourilor din Bellu, de pild.
Au fost i snt ns extrem de rari cei care apeleaz la un arhitect sau un sculptor, aa cum este cazul cu familiile aristocratice, care au fcut apel la Ion Mincu,

during communist times, political opponents in Nazi states or the different

others homosexuals for instance. Nevertheless it equally is an individual
tragedy, pushed beyond the bearable realm, which we have just started to discover and commemorate. There is a striking difference between L. Kahns six
transparent glass prisms and the Washington Holocaust Museum in this respect.
The first captures the trauma in figures (six prisms for the six million Jewish victims), the second tries to accomplish a summa of individual aspects.
The Vietnam Memorial in Washington (which veterans resented for not being
sufficiently monumental and impersonal) is explicitly designed that way, yet
the continuously written names fit in with the logic of neutrality which a collective memorial seemingly requires. Does it appear under a more tragic light to
give individual face(s) to death today than it did yesterday Has our capacity to
see the abstract essence of current and historical events dwindled away4
The phenomenon is worth a few comments, anyway. The thanksgivings offered
by the families of various victims on the site of crimes or imprisonment (Gherla,
Aiud, Poarta Alb, Sighet, Jilava etc.) is actually an attempt to individuate the
collective trauma; the process is similar to that of copying the name of a lost
friend or relative from the Vietnam death list, the main occupation of visitors at
the Memorial. Copying the name of the dead is a gesture of individuation,
seemingly the opposite of the Orthodox commemoration. Family members
unfold a name from an anonymous group at the Washington memorial wall,
reinvest it with individuality by reproduction and take it home. It is a backward
scenario of the Orthodox commemoration: the Christian name is written on a
paper, given to the priest who utters it and adds it to the crowd of the potentially right, to the absent congregation.
This process of individuating the memorial is apparent in Romanian cemeteries
as well. Let us examine the Bucharest Ghencea cemeteries, for instance. Here,
from the West to the East there spreads a variety of graveyards of ethnically
diverse heroes from the First or Second World War, with their orderly rows of
identical crosses bearing or not the name of those buried, on one hand, and the
military cemetery in use where the diversity of funeral monuments is in itself an
exercise of swaying between individuation and caste membership, on the
other. It is the figure of transition space from anonymity (cemetery of heroes)
and individuality (civilian cemetery).
This transition is quite physical in Ghencea, as East of the military cemeteries
there is an Orthodox one5, a true exercise of domesticated and individuated
death as compared to the previous ones. The memorial itself might appear
in the form of a palette (propeller)6, a five-pointed star on a pedestal7, a simple
stone or marble block with inscription and photography8, a bust of the lost person. Nevertheless individual options are severely limited by the poor variety of
offers from those who deal in funerary pomp and monuments. The memorial
market of the eighties and nineties was and it unfortunately still is limited
in offer and constrained to the activity of certain artisans with a minimum of
imagination and gift. The seventies produced a more significant number of sepulchers, some of them intently designed, nevertheless they are still very far
from the miniature church-like sepulchers in Bellu, for instance.
Very rarely do people employ architects or sculptors the way aristocratic families invited Ion Mincu, Medrea or even Brncui to design their memorials,
as there are very few options for artists and architects willing to dedicate part
of their activity to funeral/commemorative art, the way Anghel Marcu9 did it
with great talent and discretion. Memorial and funeral architecture are neither
theoretically studied, nor applied in Romanian architectural schools.10

119

Medrea sau chiar Brncui, aa dup cum extrem de rare snt nc opiunile
artitilor i arhitecilor nii de a-i oferi i dedica o parte din activitate artei
funerare/comemorative, aa cum a fcut-o la noi, cu miestrie i discreie,
Anghel Marcu.9 Arhitectura de memorial i arhitectura funerar nu snt nici
studiate teoretic, nici aplicate n colile de arhitectur romneti.10
Faptul cel mai interesant mi se pare ns dislocarea memorialului din stabilitatea i materialitatea sa tradiional. Aceast ntmplare recent ine de
fapt pasul cu intrarea n regimul evanescenei, al tranzienei, al efemerului
i al nefixrii, care, n epoca internetului i a realitii virtuale (VR), saboteaz
i permanena pe un loc, asociat cu ideea de ritual amintitor. Zidul abia amintit ne ofer iari prilejul de a exemplifica att dez-locuirea, ct i virtualitatea.
n primul caz este vorba despre The Moving Wall, o replic 1:2 a Vietnam
Memorial de la Washington, D.C., care cltorete prin Statele Unite ntre
martie i decembrie, pentru a da ct mai multor ceteni ansa de a face experiena altundeva, la o alt scar a originalului fix11, aezndu-se n medie
cam o sptmn ntr-un loc. Motivul ne este oferit chiar de iniiator, John
Dewitt, care, n 1982, cnd Vietnam Memorial a fost inaugurat, va fi simit
the positive power of The Wall (www.themovingwall.org).
Cellalt exemplu este The Virtual Wall, care se recomand pe sine drept
a digital legacy project for remembrance [] memorializing the men and
women who gave their lives in Vietnam (www.thevirtualwall.org). Ce ofer
acest memorial virtual O vizit virtual a zidului propriu-zis care este propus imperativ sub titlul experience the wall; motoare de cutare a numelor i de asociere a lor n funcie de diferite criterii (data i locul/btlia
n care au czut); o comunitate care i mprtete opiniile propriilor membri (Chat Live! A new feature of the Virtual Wall Community) sau ale
experilor n chestiune (istorici, politicieni, ziariti etc.), acestea din urm
desprite n texte permanente i rubrici lunare.
n interiorul acestei treceri n virtual a memoriei i memorialelor trebuie consemnat nu doar soarta memorialelor colective, ci i aceea a proiectelor
individuale de ngropare n virtual a semnelor memoriale. ntr-un simplu
exerciiu de verificare, o singur combinaie de nume (i acelea destul de
stranii pentru a fi considerate mai degrab rare!) mi-a oferit nu mai puin
de 66 de pagini de trimiteri i referine. Internetul este, iat, i cimitir adiacent satului global. Dar, spre deosebire de memorialele reale, n virtual fiecare site conine arbori genealogici, fotografii, date personale i alte
informaii relevante pentru amintirea fiinei umane individuale respective,
ntr-un gest al deplierilor succesive ale urmelor respectivei fiine n spaiul
public care este internetul, pe care nici o form cunoscut de memorial real,
substaniat i situat ntr-un loc fizic anume nu l poate realiza.
Aceast colonizare cu memoriale individuale sau colective dar cu toatele
virtuale i/sau ou-topos mi se pare cea mai radical schimbare n destinul acestei forme de condensare a memoriei, una care abandoneaz
mecanismele cunoscute ale obiectului fizic care impresioneaz prin mas,
arhitectur i/sau sculptur, pictur etc. sau prin semnificaia simbolic a
formelor, materialelor, culorilor sale. Memorialul abandoneaz intrnd astfel n regimul virtualitii alegoria, simbolul i metafora, pentru a stoca semne
nemediate, de natur s l recreeze pe cel comemorat.

The most interesting phenomenon is nevertheless a dislocation of memorials

from their traditional stability and materiality. This recent happening is actually
in line with our entering the realm of evanescence and transition, of the
ephemeral and the unregistered, which in this age of internet and virtual reality (VR), dissolves any permanence associated with the idea of the rememorizing
ritual. The wall we have mentioned lends an opportunity to illustrate de-habitation and the virtual phenomenon as well. First we imply The Moving Wall, a 1:2
replica of the Washington Vietnam Memorial which travels across the United
States from March to December and offers the chance of experiencing somewhere else and at another scale the fixed original11 to as many citizens
as possible while it stays for a week on the average in each new location.
The motivation comes from John Dewitt, the initiator, who in 1982 when the
Vietnam Memorial was unveiled, felt the positive power of The Wall
(www.themovingwall.org).
The other example is The Virtual Wall, recommending itself as a digital legacy
project for remembrance [...] memorializing the men and women who gave
their lives in Vietnam (www.thevirtualwall.org). What does this virtual memorial offer A virtual visit of the actual wall under the imperative title experience the wall; search engines for names and for their association according
to various criteria (date and location/battle in which they fell); a community
which feeds on the opinions of its own members (Chat Live! A new feature of
the Virtual Wall Community) or on related experiences (historians, politicians,
journalists etc.), the latter consisting of permanent texts and monthly columns.
Within this transition of memory and memorials towards the virtual realm,
beside the fate of collective memorials we need to record that of individual
projects for burying memorial signs into the virtual. In a simple check, a sole
combination of names (rather awkward and rare ones!) resulted in as much as
66 pages of further links and references. The Internet is among other things
a cemetery attached to the global village. Nevertheless as opposed to real
memorials, in the virtual each site contains family trees, photographs, personal
data and other relevant information for the remembrance of the human individual in question, as a gesture of successive openings of the traces of that person
in the public space of the Internet, something no known version of a real
memorial, substantiated and situated in a physical place, can do.
This colonization with individual or collective yet entirely virtual and/or outopos memorials seems to be the most radical change in the destiny of this
memory-condensing form, an abandon of all known mechanisms of the physical
object which impresses through its size, architecture and/or sculpture, painting
etc., or through the symbolic significance of its form, material, color. Entering
the virtual realm the memorial abandons allegory, symbols and metaphor
in order to store un-mediated signs which, through their nature, re-create the
commemorated person.
A Few Conclusions
The examples discussed above suggest a few ideas on the issue of monuments,
especially memorials as an aesthetic form of collective memory. In lack of the
original martyrion, temple rememorizing architecture, not necessarily
the post-communist memorial, abuses religious symbols when it employs them

n chip de concluzii
Cele cteva exemple pe care le-am comentat mai sus ne sugereaz unele
gnduri cu privire la estetizarea memoriei colective n forma monumentului i, mai ales, a memorialului. n absena originalului martyrion, lca

120

fragmentarily in creating public objects which without a decision for traditional

commemoration should perhaps stay on the lay side. The pseudo-legitimacy
gained with this pastiche constructed from elements of the religious language
is an error under the aspect of preserving the neutrality of the public space

+
de cult , arhitectura rememorant abuzeaz, nu numai n cazul memorialelor postcomuniste, de simbolistica de factur religioas, atunci cnd o
folosete parial, pentru obiecte de for public care, repet, n absena
deciziei pentru comemorarea tradiional, ar trebui, poate, s rmn
laice. Pseudolegitimarea prin pastiarea limbajului religios este o eroare
din perspectiva pstrrii neutralitii spaiului public, care trebuie s pun n
scen ntlnirea nonviolent cu alteritatea radical, s pun n mijlocul neutru al comunitii valorile tuturor (Pantheon) sau pe ale nici unuia. Cu alte
cuvinte, spaiul public este fundat pe o dimensiune sacr (n sensul de topos
al celuilalt n ntregime diferit), dar e de preferat s nu in partea unei pri,
chiar majoritare, chiar copleitor-majoritare, unei fraciuni, aadar, din valorile comunitii. Dac s-a fisurat ntregul, partea nu mai are aici proprieti
hologramice. A nclca neutralitatea fondatoare a locului public, unde se
depun problemele tuturor i care, n chip khoral, nu trebuie s aparin
nimnui n parte, este, mai cu seam n cazul amintirilor traumatice, o decizie
ncrcat. Cnd ea este i inabil rezolvat vizual, ca s folosim un eufemism
enorm ca n cazul Memorialului Revoluiei din 1989 , atunci lucrurile devin
cu adevrat grave. Discuia despre retardarea artistic a obiectului erect nici
nu trebuie dus mai departe, ct vreme el este insulttor n pauperul su
dialog i cu spaiul public, dar i cu simbolurile religioase pe care, creznd
c le nsceneaz, le insult de fapt n perpetuitate.
Note:
1. Vezi, pentru a ntregi memoriul justificativ cu pretenii de eseu (cum caustic l numete Ctlin
Berescu n excelentul su articol Revoluia e din ce n ce mai monumental din A&B Arhitecii
i Bucuretiul, publicaie a Ordinului Arhitecilor din Romnia, Filiala Teritorial Bucureti, nr.
1112/2000, p. 15), site-ul autorului, la www.ghildush.com/events/index_memorial.htm.
2. Am doar modestul merit de a-l fi sugerat n 1995 Anei Blandiana i lui Romulus Rusan, ca o opiune
alternativ la ncredinarea direct.
3. Ctlin Berescu, op. cit.
4. Predilecia pentru tirea fragmentar, minor, local; lipsa de profunzime celebrat de unele filosofii
i tiine socio-umane, faad vs. spaiu, simulacru vs. autenticitate; dezideologizarea vieii sociale,
corectitudinea politic iat doar cteva semne ale minoratului contemporan.
5. Ghencea Civil este faimos din pricina ngroprii (la fel de dubioase ca i execuia care a pricinuit-o) a cuplului Ceauescu.
6. Paleta o elips extrem de alungit pe care snt trecute numele i, nu rareori, funcia; poate i
fotografia a reprezentat, se pare, o form de memorial preferat de piloii de avioane, dar i,
ca la Tulcea, de marinari; trebuie spus ns c aceste dou arme nu snt deintoarele exclusive
ale memorialului-palet, el fiind vzut ca o opiune de preferat att crucii, ct i stelei cu cinci coluri
pentru fostele persoane publice de diferite calibre din vremea comunismului.
7. Steaua roie este proprie mai ales memorialelor anilor cincizeci i aizeci, ulterior practic disprut
din practica civil/privat curent.
8. Maniera predilect pentru asemenea busturi n cazul tinerilor disprui const n a-i nfia n uniform colar, de regul i cu o carte n mn sau sprijinindu-se de un vraf de cri.
9. Am reunit n Arhitectura, nr. 12/1999, o parte important dintre lucrrile comemorative i funerare ale mult prea discretului arhitect. Din nefericire, aceast apariie consistent a devenit ea nsi
un modest act comemorativ: arhitectul ne-a prsit mai nainte de a vedea tiprit grupajul dedicat Domniei sale, la care lucrasem mpreun cu cteva luni nainte.
10. Aceast omisiune este ns proporional mai mic dac o comparm cu lipsa de interes a colilor respective pentru tema spaiilor sacre, ntr-un deceniu cnd arhitectura bisericilor a reprezentat una dintre cele mai importante exclusiv numeric ns, nu i financiar oferte de lucru pentru
o breasl buimac i nepregtit s o ntmpine i s o rezolve decent.
11. Pentru detalii despre facerea memorialului mobil i despre programul deplasrilor sale, a se vedea site-ul www.themovingwall.org.

which should stage a non-violent meeting with radical alterity and place the
values of each (Pantheon) or of none into the neutral centre of the community.
In other words, the public space is based on a sacred dimension (as the topos
of the totally different other), nevertheless it should not take sides with either
of the parties, with the majority, not even with the overwhelming majority,
that is with a fraction of the values of the entire community. After the whole
has cracked, the part loses its hologram-like characteristics. Violating the basic
neutrality of the public space, a deposit for the problems of all sides which
should, in a khora-like way, belong to none of them, is, especially in the case of
traumatic memories, a loaded decision. If on the top of it the visual image is
clumsily constructed, to use this euphemism, like it is for the Memorial of the
1989 Revolution, then things become really aggravated. It is futile to continue
the discussion on the artistic disabilities of the erected object as long as it
maintains its scandalous and pauper dialogue not only with the public space
but also with certain religious symbols it not enacts but, contrary to its belief,
it eternally insults.
Translated by Nomi Lszl

Notes:
1. For a complete view on the justifying chronicle with essayistic aspirations (the acidic
terminology is taken from Ctlin Berescus excellent article Revoluia e din ce n ce
mai monumental [The Revolution becomes more and more monumental], in A&B
Arhitecii i Bucuretiul, publication of the Romanian Order of Architects, Bucharest
Branch, no. 1112/2000, p. 15), access the authors site at www.ghildush.com/events/
index_memorial.htm.
2. My modest merit is that of having suggested it to Ana Blandiana and Romulus Rusan
in 1995, as an alternative to direct investment.
3. Ctlin Berescu, op. cit.
4. A predilection for fragmentary, minor, local news, the lack of depth celebrated
by certain philosophies and social sciences, facade versus space, simulacrum versus
authenticity; de-ideologised social life, politically correctness these are only a few
signs of contemporary minority.
5. The Ghencea civil cemetery is famous for the burial (as obscure as the execution
which had caused it) of the Ceauescu couple.
6. The palette an extremely elongated ellipsis containing the name, often function
and even the photograph of the deceased was favored, so it seems, by airplane
pilots, but, as it happened in Tulcea, by sailors as well; nevertheless these two are not
exclusive owner of the palette-memorial which was frequently chosen over the cross
and the five-pointed star by public actors of various fame during communist times.
7. The red star is mostly attached to memorials from the fifties and sixties. It has practically vanished from civilian/private use.
8. The favored manner for these busts representing disappeared young people was
to envisage them in school uniforms with book in hand or leaning against a pile of
books.
9. We had compiled in Arhitectura (Bucharest), no. 12/1999, an important part of
the commemorative and funerary works of the much too modest architect. This extensive apparition unfortunately turned out to be an equally modest commemoration:
the architect left us without having seen the compilation dedicated to him on which
we had been working together a few months before his death.
10. This omission is nevertheless proportionally small if compared to the lack of interest
in the schools in question for the topic of sacred spaces, in a decade when church
architecture was among the most important job-offers exclusively statistically
and not financially, though for a dazzled guild not yet prepared for decently solving
this problem.
11. For details on the making of the moving memorial and on the schedule of its moves
see www.themovingwall.org.

121

Separarea dintre biseric i stat

sau aporiile complicitii
Gabriel Chindea

1. Virtuile separaiei
Separaia statului de biseric este un principiu clasic al legislaiei moderne i
se ntlnete n cele mai importante i vechi democraii occidentale. Desigur,
sensul acestui principiu variaz i depinde de contextul istoric particular al
apariiei sale sau de practica juridic ce i confer adevratele semnificaii. n
Frana, de pild, legea care stipuleaz caracterul laic al statului i al crei centenar se mplinete anul acesta a fost expresia ideologiei celei de a treia
Republici. n Statele Unite, primul amendament al Constituiei federale, ce
interzice instituirea unei religii oficiale, este i mai vechi i decurge din spiritul legii fundamentale din 1787. De fapt, indiferena religioas a statului federal american provine din ceea ce n Europa s-a numit principiul westfalic:
politica religioas era lsat n seama statelor federate, puse la adpost prin
constituie de ingerinele statului federal. Dar indiferena puterii federale fa
de religios s-a extins apoi asupra ntregului spaiu public american, administrativ sau juridic, central sau local, n spiritul unei laiciti recunoscute ca atare.
Tot aa, dac tolerana i diversitatea religioas la care se gndeau Prinii fondatori erau vzute ca interioare cretinismului, principiul a fost ulterior reinterpretat, spre a-i include pe adepii religiilor necretine sau pe atei.
Totui, un lucru este sigur. Instituirea separaiei dintre politic i religie nu
s-a vrut un act de raionalitate numai practic, ci i teoretic. Dei deseori
denunat ca orice divor , actul separaiei a fost, n realitate, unul de discernmnt. Dac a separat statul de biseric, el a fcut-o pentru a le distinge
mai bine i a le reafirma, pe fiecare, n esena sa. Gndit astfel, separaia
nu trebuia s mutileze, ci s clarifice. De fapt, conform unei strvechi i totui
deloc arhaice tradiii filosofice, orice realitate are nevoie de separaie pentru a fi inteligibil. Oricine este familiarizat cu nceputurile gndirii teoretice
tie astfel c separaia este nc din filosofia greac o condiie fundamental
de inteligibilitate. A dramatiza separaia nseamn, aadar, a nu sesiza n ea
condiia pozitiv, emanciparea de indistinct ori diviziunea productiv. De
fapt, de la procesul muncii pn la organizarea social i administrativ, multiplicarea diferenelor i gestul repetat de separare snt semnul unei sporite
eficiene i contiine de sine. S-ar spune deci c att statul, ct i biserica (sau
bisericile i, n general, orice grupare religioas) ar trebui s se bucure de
un act care i permite fiecruia s se regseasc pe sine.
Teza separaiei este de altfel veche i a fost adesea invocat n mediile religioase. S ne gndim, de pild, la figura pitoreasc a americanului Roger
Williams, privit adesea drept un anarhist cretin, dar a crui teologie nu era
dect o reinterpretare a calvinismului. Fondator la mijlocului secolului al
XVII-lea al unei colonii n Rhode Island, propovduitor al harului liber,
Williams susinea c favoarea divin i deci mntuirea personal snt acordate gratuit, fr legtur cu faptele sau caracterul individului. Nimeni nu
poate pretinde salvarea ca recompens pentru comportamentul su, din

SEPARATION BETWEEN CHURCH AND STATE

GABRIEL CHINDEA este asistent la Facultatea de Filosofie a Universitii Babe-Bolyai din Cluj, unde
pred istoria filosofiei antice i medievale. Traductor n limba romn al unor texte din Porfir i Plotin,
n prezent pregtete un doctorat la Universitatea Paris 1 despre problema transcendenei n gndirea greac.

GABRIEL CHINDEA is an assistant lecturer at the Faculty of Philosophy, Babe-Bolyai University, Cluj.
He teaches History of Ancient and Medieval Philosophy. A translator into Romanian of Plotinus and
Porphyrus works, he is currently working on a PhD at the University Paris 1 upon the question of transcendence in Greek thinking.

122

OR THE APORIA OF COMPLICITY

Gabriel Chindea
1. The Virtues of Separation
Separation between Church and State is a classical principle of modern legislation and has been followed in the major and oldest Western democracies.
Of course, its understanding varies and depends on the historical context
wherein it has appeared, or on the judicial practice that grants its true meanings. In France, for instance, the law stipulating the secularization, whose hundred-year existence is celebrated this year, has been the expression of the third
Republic ideology. In the United States, the first amendment of the federal
constitution, forbidding an official religion, is even older and it is rooted in
the ideas of the 1787 fundamental law. In fact, the religious indifference of the
American federal state comes from what Europe called the Westphalia principle: the religious policy was left in the hands of the federate states as the constitution prevented any intrusion of the federal state. But the indifference of the
federal power in regard to religion matters has then extended over the entire
American public space administration, justice, central or local level in the
spirit of secularism recognized as such. Similarly, if the tolerance and religious
diversity that the founding fathers had in mind were perceived as inherent to
Christianity, the principle has been reinterpreted later on in order to include
the followers of non-Christian religions or the atheists.
However, one thing is certain. To establish the separation between politics and
religion was not only gesture of practical reasoning but also of theoretical reasoning. Although often blamed (as any divorce), the act of separation was really
an act of proper judgment. The separation between Church and State aimed at
a better distinction and reaffirmation of each in its very essence. In these terms,
the separation wasnt supposed to mutilate but to clarify. In fact, according to an
old yet not archaic philosophical tradition, any reality needs separation in order
to be intelligible. Whoever is familiar with the dawns of theoretical thought
knows that since the Greek philosophy separation is a fundamental condition for
understanding. Consequently, to dramatize separation means to fail seeing its
positive condition, the emancipation from the indistinct, or the productive separation. In fact, from work process to social and administrative organization,
the multiplication of differences and the repeated gesture of separation are the
indication of an increased efficiency and self-awareness. One could then say that
both the state and the church (or the churches and, generally, any religious
group) should be glad for an act that enables each party to find itself.
The separation thesis is otherwise old and it has often been alleged in religious
circles. Let us just think for instance about the picturesque image of the

+
moment ce natura uman este corupt de pcatul originar i incapabil de
a ajunge, singur, la bine. Ceea ce face caduc orice lege moral de inspiraie
divin i l ncredineaz pe individ ndurrii sau bunului-plac al lui Dumnezeu.
n consecin, teocraia este inutil, neexistnd o procedur eficient de mntuire, pe care puterea politic s o instituie i la aplicarea creia s vegheze.
Anomismul teologic, care l fcea de altfel pe Williams s opun Vechiul i
Noul Testament, respectiv legea i harul, l-a mpiedicat totodat s accepte
ntemeierea teologic a sistemului juridic i deci edificarea unei teologii politice.
n aceste condiii, vocaia statului nu mai poate fi dect civil: s asigure pacea
intern i prosperitatea membrilor comunitii. Pretenia lui mesianic i recursul la aliana politic cu Dumnezeu care puteau s aib sens n contextul
Vechiului Testament snt depite, susinea Williams, de spiritul evanghelic, care i-ar trda vocaia dac ar nesocoti, printr-o instituie uman, dreptul exclusiv divin de a-i conduce pe oameni spre mntuire. Pe de alt parte,
pentru realizarea obiectivelor sale civile, statul nu trebuie s se bazeze dect
pe competena i pe onestitatea strict ceteneasc a magistrailor i, n general, a membrilor societii. Un asemenea stat, pe lng tolerana pentru
toate confesiunile, trebuie s renune la formele consacrate de amestec al
atribuiilor civile i religioase: biserica oficial, finanarea prin impozit a
clerului sau a construirii edificiilor religioase, jurmntul pe Biblie sau profesiunea de credin n momentul nvestirii magistrailor.
Faptul c att statul, ct i biserica ar funciona mai bine n condiiile separrii
a fost deseori repetat n istoria american. James Madison, care medita n
1833 la deosebirile dintre Europa i Statele Unite, constata c religia ar fi
mai bun i mai pur n America, unde ea aparine domeniului privat i se
alimenteaz din contribuii voluntare, dect n Europa, unde este finanat
de stat i e ridicat la rangul de religie naional. Iar asta n vreme ce, nc
din 1777, Thomas Jefferson observa c obligaia de finanare a clerului suprim bucuria de a-i oferi de bunvoie subveniile necesare, dup cum, n
general, toate principiile religioase se corup, n loc s fie ncurajate, prin
impunerea profesiunilor exterioare de credin n vederea obinerii unor
avantaje publice.1
Separarea religiosului n propriul su profit i diferenierea sacrului de mundan snt ns i mai vechi. ntr-o form nc teoretic, procesul ncepe cu
filosofia greac, ce critic reprezentrile arhaice despre divinitate i i atribuie
acesteia o existen separat de lumea fizic sau politic. O teologie contemplativ ce susine, cum o face Aristotel, c Dumnezeu nu este dect o
gndire care se gndete pe sine nu se poate transforma n postulatul unei
teologii politice. i poate c nimic nu a contribuit mai mult la dispariia treptat a cretinismului din prim-planul vieii tiinifice i apoi publice europene
dect recuperarea medieval a acestei teologii greceti a transcendenei.
Luther a neles-o foarte bine, cnd, reformnd biserica, s-a opus cu vehemen exegezei scolastice de inspiraie antic i a propus lectura biblic individual. Iar faptul c raionalismul i laicitatea iluminist au o tradiie catolic,
iar nu protestant nu e probabil nici el ntmpltor.
Pe de alt parte, n practica social, separaia religiosului de politic era deja
afirmat n interiorul iudaismului. Aliana veterotestamentar dintre
Dumnezeu i poporul su se vroia nemijlocit i nici o structur statal ori
un nsemn iconografic nu trebuia s o intermedieze: de unde i lipsa iniial
de adeziune a poporului lui Israel la structurile politice monumentale ale
Orientului antic, de care a simit n permanen nevoia delimitrii. Apariia
monarhiei iudaice i construcia templului din Ierusalim snt evenimente tr-

American Roger Williams, often taken for a Christian anarchist, but whose
theology was nothing else than a reinterpretation of Calvinism. At the middle
of the 17th century, the founder of a colony in Rhode Island and preacher of the
free grace, Williams affirmed that divine favor and personal redemption were
granted freely, independently from the individuals deeds or character. No one
can wait for redemption in exchange for ones behavior as long as human
nature is corrupted because of the original sin and thus incapable of reaching
Good by itself. Therefore, any moral law of divine inspiration is obsolete and
the individual is left to Gods mercy or good will. Consequently, theocracy is
useless as long as there is no efficient procedure of redemption that the political power could regulate. Theological anomism, which put Williams in a position to oppose the Old and the New Testament, respectively the law and the
grace, has also prevented him from accepting the theological basis of the
justice system and the construction of a political theology.
In these circumstances, the states calling can only be civil: to ensure domestic
peace and the welfare of the community members. The messianic pretension
and the political alliance with God which used to make sense in the context of
the Old Testament are surpassed, according to Williams, by the evangelic spirit, which would betray its role were it to disregard (through a human institution)
the exclusively divine right to lead people to redemption. On the other hand, in
order to achieve its civil objectives, the state needs to rely only on the competence and the righteousness of the magistrates and, in general, of the society
members. Such a state, beside the tolerance for each confession, has to
renounce to all established forms of civil and religious attributions mix: official
church, financing of the clergy or the building of churches through taxes, the
vow hand on the Bible or the profession of faith for magistrates when appointed.
The fact that both state and church function better if separated has been often
repeated in American history. James Madison, who in 1833 was pondering
the differences between Europe and the United States, remarked that religion
is better and more pure in America, where it pertains to the private area and
is fed on voluntary contributions, than in Europe, where it is state financed and
declared national religion. Whilst, ever since 1777, Thomas Jefferson observed
that the obligation to finance the clergy suppressed the joy of offering in good
will the needed subventions just as, in general, all the religious principles are
corrupted instead of being encouraged through the mandatory profession
of faith in order to obtain public advantages.1
However, the separation of religion in its own benefit and the difference
between sacred and mundane are older still. In a theoretic form, the process
starts off with Greek philosophy that criticizes the archaic representations about
divinity and grants it an existence separate from the physical or political world.
A contemplative theology upholding the idea, as Aristotle does, that God is
nothing but a thought thinking itself, which cannot convert into the postulate
of a political theology. And maybe nothing has contributed more to the progressive disappearance of Christianity from the forefront of scientific and then public
European life than the medieval recuperation of this Greek theology of transcendence. Luther had understood it very well when, reformatting the church,
he vehemently opposed the scholastic exegesis inspired from the antiquity and
has proposed individual biblical reading. And the fact that classical rationalism
and secularism have a Catholic tradition instead of Protestant must have its justification.
On the other hand, in social practice, the separation between religion and politics had already been asserted within Judaism. The Old Testament alliance

123

zii, n faa crora curentul profetic a reacionat de altfel cu duritate: n sensul acesta, povestea regalitii lui Saul este exemplar. De aceea, primul exil
care a nsemnat dispariia att a statului evreiesc cu capitala la Ierusalim,
ct i a templului a fost resimit n spiritul ambiguitii profetice: o pedeaps, dar totodat o purificare i deci o ans de salvare. Or, acest spirit profetic reapare n cretinismul primitiv, ca indiferen escatologic fa de
ordinea politic instituit i se menine pn n clipa n care recunoaterea
sa de ctre Imperiul Roman transform cretinismul ntr-o religie oficial.
De acum, situaia devine cea bine cunoscut: statul roman adopt religia
cretin i se angajeaz s o susin i s o apere n formula ei ortodox,
n vreme ce biserica i recunoate acestui stat sau regalitilor germanice
ce l vor nlocui o misiune istoric divin. Cruciadele i nceputul colonizrii
europene a lumii decurg i ele din acest pact trziu.
S nu uitm, apoi, de mai cunoscuta istorie a afirmrii autonomiei politicului i a socialului fa de religios. n epoca modern, ea s-a produs adeseori n tandem cu emanciparea tiinelor naturii, respectiv a naturii nsei, deja
concepute ca separate de divin. Thomas Jefferson susinea, de exemplu,
c drepturile civile depind tot att de mult (sau de puin) de opiniile religioase
ca i tiinele naturii sau ale geometriei i de aceea ele trebuie respectate
ca atare. Lumea fizic, n calitate de sistem autonom ce poate fi neles fr
postulat teologic, devine astfel model i temei pentru ceea ce secolul al XVIIIlea va numi natura uman. Iar omului natural i se afirm acum i drepturile:
universale tocmai pentru c snt naturale. Garant al acestor drepturi, statul, ntemeiat pe contract social, are deci propria lui raiune, pe care discernmntul teoretic tie s o descopere, iar tactul practic trebuie s o
respecte.
n aceste condiii, statul nu mai putea fi opera unei pretinse voine divine,
dup cum el nu mai putea fi, n general, expresia exclusiv a voinei. Desigur, faptul c voina pur nu este suficient pentru a determina aciunea
politic era cunoscut nc de la Platon, pentru care tiranul, incarnare a bunuluiplac, este modelul eecului politic. Cci n lipsa unei tiine politice, de care
s in seama i care s i asigure de fapt reuita, voina conductorului risc
s se afirme necontrolat i s se compromit, ntorcndu-se n cele din urm
mpotriva sa. Dar principiile necesare i deci raionale ale politicii se vor afirma convingtor, cum se ntmpl la Machiavelli, abia o dat ce vor fi separate de orice considerente nu doar personale, dar i morale sau religioase.
Ceea ce s-a numit politica internaional clasic a secolelor XVIXVIII va
incarna exemplar aceast nou art a guvernrii, pe care ideea raiunii de
stat o va prelungi pn n zilele noastre. Alianele nefireti din timpul
Rzboiului de Treizeci de Ani dintre protestanii germani i catolicii francezi
erau primele ei rezultate, ca i principiul stipulat la ncheierea rzboiului, prin
Tratatul din Westfalia: cuius regio eius religio. Se afirm acum indiferena programat a raiunii politice fa de religie, cu convingerea c, pentru a asigura pacea internaional, credina nu mai poate fi pretext de intervenie militar.
Dup un secol i mai bine de rzboaie religioase, Europa recunotea c o
lume mai sigur i o politic mai raional nu se pot obine dect prin separarea afacerilor de stat de cele religioase.
Cele cteva repere istorice evocate acum par, aadar, s susin c att religia, ct i statul sau societatea au numai de ctigat din afirmarea separrii lor,
de vreme ce separaia l prezerv pe fiecare n ceea ce i este propriu i l
ferete astfel de corupere. Totui, n forma ei modern, singura care conteaz pentru noi, separaia nu este doar produsul unei contiine dornice

between God and the chosen people was meant to be unmediated and no state
structure or icon was supposed to intermediate: hence, the initial rejection of
the monumental political structures of the Antic Middle East by the people of
Israel, who constantly felt the need to keep its distance from all that. The Jewish
monarchy or the building of the Jerusalem temple are late events, against which
the prophetic movement has strongly reacted: Sauls kingdom is exemplary in
this respect. This is why the first exile which represented the disappearance of
both the Jewish state with Jerusalem as capital and the temple has been felt,
in the spirit of prophetic ambiguity, as a punishment but also as a purification,
and therefore as a chance for redemption. But, this prophetic spirit appears
again in the primitive Christianity as eschatological indifference to established
political order and goes on until its recognition by the Roman Empire transforms
it into official religion. Henceforth, the situation is well known: the Roman state
adopts the Christian religion and commits to sustain and protect it in its orthodox structure, whilst the church admits the divine historical mission of this state
or of the German kings that would replace it. Crusades and the early European
colonization of the world are also a consequence of this late agreement.
Let us not forget then about the history of political and social autonomy affirmation against religion. In modern times, it often went along with the emancipation of natural sciences, respectively of nature itself, already conceived as
separate from the divine. Thomas Jefferson contended, for example, that civil
rights depend just as much (or not) on religious opinions as natural sciences or
geometry and thats the reason why they should be respected as such.
The physical world, as an autonomous system that can be understood without
theological postulate thus becomes a model and foundation for what the 18th
century would call human nature. And natural man also gets his rights: universal precisely because they are natural. A guarantee for these rights, the State,
founded on the social contract, has its own rationale/ground that theoretic discernment knows how to find and the practical tact has to respect.
In such circumstances, the state couldn no longer be any the work of some divine
will just as it could no longer be, in general, the exclusive expression of will.
Of course, the fact that pure will is not enough in order to determine political
action was also known by Plato, of whom the tyrant, the embodiment of free will,
is the model for political failure. Because lacking a political science to follow
and ensure success, the leaders will would manifest itself beyond control and
get compromised, eventually turning against him. But the necessary and
rational principles of politics would emerge convincingly, as with Machiavelli,
only when they would be separated not only from any personal considerations
but also from moral or religious ones as well.
What would be called the classical international politics of the 16th18th
centuries embodies this new art of governance that would be continued by the
idea of state reason until today. The unnatural alliances during the thirty-year
war between German Protestants and French Catholics were its first outcomes
just as the principle stipulated at the end of the war in the Westphalia treatise:
cuius regio eius religio. Deliberate indifference of political reason towards religion is now stated with the conviction that, in order to ensure international
peace, faith can no longer be a pretext for military intervention. After over
a century of religious wars, Europe recognized that a safer world and more
rational politics can be obtained only through separation between state affairs
and religious affairs.
The few historical landmarks pointed out above seem to uphold the idea that
both religion and state or society have only to gain from separation as long as

124

+
de claritate. Argumente premoderne, dar mai ales practica religioas, social sau politic au devansat sau au fcut acceptabile nite principii care, ca
orice principii, ar fi rmas altminteri simple motive de reflecie. S nu ne
iluzionm. Dreptul e probabil ntotdeauna expresia forei sau, mai precis,
a unui raport (subtil uneori i poate nu ndeajuns de vizibil) de putere: e vorba
de fore politice, dar i economice, demografice etc. ntr-un cuvnt, de
un context istoric. Acesta explic n ce fel separaia a devenit instrumentul
prin care realitile sociale, politice sau religioase nc amestecate i insuficient de distincte au primit o determinaie ferm, fiind ncurajate s se
dezvolte n lumina senin a raiunii. Doar astfel separaia a ajuns, s o spunem
direct, cheia salutar a progresului. Iar dac ea mai poate fi astzi susinut
necondiionat depinde, nc o dat, de starea de fapt a zilei i mai puin de
bunele noastre intenii.

separation keeps the integrity of each party and prevents it from corruption.
However, in its modern form, the only one meaningful for us, separation is not
only the product of a conscience eager for clarity. Premodern arguments, but
mostly religious, social or political practice anticipated or made acceptable
principles that, as any principles, would have otherwise remained simple
motives for reflection. Lets not be fooled. Law is probably always the expression of force or, to be exact, of power rapport (sometimes subtle and maybe
not visible enough): political forces but also economic, demographic etc.
in a word, an historical context. This explains how the separation has become
the instrument for social, political or religious realities insufficiently distinct
yet to be firmly determined and encouraged to develop in the serene light of
reason. Just in this way separation has become, to put it bluntly, the saving key
for progress. And whether it still can be supported unconditionally depends
more, once again, on the present statu quo and less on our good intentions.

2. Deziluziile separaiei
n forma lui modern, principiul laicitii, a crui genealogie conteaz acum
mai puin, s-a vzut confirmat i exprimat n primul rnd prin separaia dintre privat i public: de o parte religia, n calitate de convingere intim, ce
inspir conduita personal a vieii, de cealalt parte aciunea politic sau administrativ, codificat legislativ, care i reprezint pe toi n mod egal, indiferent la opinii i credine.
Exclus, aadar, din spaiul oficial al statului i al instituiilor sale, din coli, tribunale sau de la manifestrile publice, religia ar trebui s i gseasc locul
exclusiv n sfera privat a existenei individuale sau n asociaiile ce pstreaz
acelai caracter privat. Cci, n definitiv, ea nu este dect o afacere de contiin. i totui, orict ar prea de natural, separaia publicului de privat ce
st la baza laicitii moderne corespunde unui moment istoric determinat:
cel burghez. El glorific individul, ca principiu autonom i fundamental de
incarnare a umanitii, ale crui drepturi i posesiuni snt, prin urmare, intangibile i a crui libertate, ca libertate de asociere sau de ntreprindere,
genereaz societatea i economia.
Marx a fost, poate, cel dinti care a sesizat caracterul ficional al individului
gndit ca baz a societii. De fapt, nu individul determin i constituie, alturi de ali indivizi, cu care se poate acorda sau nfrunta, o societate care
ar fi astfel, n mod esenial, una a indivizilor, ci dimpotriv, societatea este
cea care determin n mod nemijlocit individul. Sau, mai exact, pentru a nu
rsturna pur i simplu pretinsul primat natural al individului asupra societii
ntr-un primat la fel de natural al societii asupra individului, Marx adaug
c amndoi, adic societatea neleas ca societate de indivizi, i individul,
ca membru al unei asemenea societi, snt produsul excepional a ceea ce
s-ar putea numi epoca burghez.
Individul i societatea lui nu snt deci figuri eterne ale umanitii, ci fructul
istoriei, i nc unul otrvit. Posibil doar ntr-o anumit societate, care se determin i se nelege pe sine ca societate de indivizi, individul se afirm
datorit societii i, eventual, pe seama ei, dei ca distinct de ea. Autonomia
i este acordat de societate, dei ca autonomie fa de societate. Mai mult,
aceast autonomie nu se poate exprima deplin dect n societate. Acordul
i opoziia fa de societate snt deci amndou expresii ale unei individualiti
impuse social. Chiar i ignorarea societii i refugiul ntr-o existen strict
privat nseamn nc un raport cu societatea. O tim de fapt din povetile
de dragoste: neglijarea este ntotdeauna o form de consideraie.
Motenitor al dialecticii hegeliene, Marx este, aadar, avertizat c separarea
individului de societate, ca i a spaiului privat de cel public, cuprinde

2. Disillusions of Separation
In its modern shape, secularization, whose genealogy now matters less, has
been confirmed and expressed primarily through the separation between private and public: on one hand, religion as intimate conviction, inspiring the personal behavior in life, on the other hand, the political or administrative action,
regulated by law, representing everyone equally regardless of opinion or belief.
Excluded from the states official space with all its institutions, from schools,
courts or public events, religion should find its exclusive place in the private
sphere of individual existence or in associations that preserve the private feature. After all, religion is just a matter of conscience. And yet, however natural
it may seem, the separation between public and private that lays at the foundations of modern secularism pertains to a historically determined moment:
the bourgeois. It glorifies the individual as an autonomous and fundamental
principle embodying mankind, whose rights and properties are intangible and
whose freedom of association or enterprise generates society and economy.
Marx has been maybe the first to grasp the fictional character of the individual
as basis of the society. In fact, it is not the individual who determines and constitutes, with other individuals either in agreement or dispute, a society that
would belong essentially to individuals but, on the contrary, society is the one
to determine directly the individual. Or, to be more exact, in order not to reverse the so called natural primacy of individual over society in a primacy just
as natural of society over the individual, Marx added that both that is society
understood as sum of individuals and individual as a member of such a society
are the exceptional product of what one might call the bourgeois age.
So the individual and his society are not eternal figures of mankind but the outcome of history and, more than that, it is a poisonous one. Viable only in a certain society, self-determined and self-understood as society of individuals,
the individual is promoted thanks to the society although distinct from it.
His autonomy is granted by the society although as an autonomy against society. Moreover, this autonomy can fully manifest only in society. Agreement with
or opposition to society are both expressions of a socially imposed individuality.
Even to ignore society and take refuge in a strictly private existence means yet
another rapport to society. We know it from love stories: neglect is always
a form of consideration.
Inheriting Hegels dialectics, Marx is thus warned that separation between individual and society, just as the one between private and public space, includes
a contradicion and presupposes inevitably two opposed aspects: rejection but

125

n sine o contradicie i presupune inevitabil dou aspecte opuse: respingerea, dar i atracia termenilor separai. Cci, dac societatea i pretinde
individului s se afirme i deci s se delimiteze de ea, aceast delimitare rmne
una social i este astfel contradictorie, genernd, n consecin, o serie de
conflicte. A fi altfel, a fi diferit i a se individua nu nseamn dect a rspunde unei comenzi generale: deci a fi, pn la urm, ca toi ceilali. Iar conflictul nu este doar exterior, ntre dou sfere ale lumii, cea public i cea privat,
ci interior, n msura n care individul, trecnd permanent din una n alta,
triete n el nsui separaia.
Luat n sens general, separaia pare s fie de fapt la rdcina tuturor
nefericirilor burgheze. Ea genereaz o contiin scizionat ntre imperative etice i economice, ntre idealism i realism, ntre interesul de clas i
cel universal sau ntre contiina nsi i subcontientul doar pe jumtate
adormit. Or, n aceste condiii, nu e de mirare c regsirea integritii a putut
i poate nc s fascineze. Iar spiritul religios modern nu a fost nici el scutit
de aceste miraje i peripeii.
Pe de alt parte, n cazul a ceea ce s-a numit criza modern a contiinei
religioase, dei uneori soluia prea s preconizeze o revenire n trecut,
n realitate trecutul evocat era unul imaginar, iar propunerile, n msura n
care veneau dintr-o societate iremediabil modern, reflectau de fapt
aceast modernitate. nsi invocarea antropologic a unui presupus etos
religios, ca dat inevitabil al condiiei umane, ine de o mentalitate care nu
mai are nimic din religiozitatea tradiional. Aceasta era de fapt incarnat
ntotdeauna ntr-unul sau mai multe culte bine determinate i nu ar fi putut
nelege semnificaia intrinsec a religiosului n genere.
Prin urmare, recursul la vechea religiozitate pgn, aa cum se ntmpl, de
pild, la Nietzsche, nu este, n realitate, dect rspunsul modern la o problem modern. Este refuzul de a tri separaia divinului, dar un refuz care
ine totui seama de ea, ntruct nu resuscit, ci constat decesul Dumnezeului transcendent i deci separat de lume i istorie. Acesta nu este invitat s reocupe scena, ci, dimpotriv, este scos definitiv din ea. Abia dup
ce Dumnezeu a murit i ateismul a triumfat este posibil ca zeii s se ntoarc, aceiai, dar n realitate diferii, spre jubilaia poetului profet.
n definitiv, aceast religiozitate regsit este o depire a religiei timpului prezent, tot aa cum ateismul preconizat de Marx seamn numai n parte cu
cel contemporan. n ambele cazuri, divinul sau dispariia lui trimite la o contiin nescizionat, care a scpat de resentiment i se bucur estetic de integritatea ei, plasat n viitor, dar configurabil cu ajutorul antichitii. Iar dac
furoarea religioas nietzscheean nu are a se teme de ateism, cu att mai
puin va evita ateismul marxist reconcilierea cu religia; ceea ce este oricum
altceva dect cretinismul clasic. Eliberat prin revoluie de contradiciile sociale
i de caracterul de clas (fie ea proletar), ntotdeauna limitativ, contiina
final imaginat de Marx poate privi detaat produciile religioase ale timpului de acuma trecut. Cci adevrata semnificaie a religiei, adic cea
istoric, i se va dezvlui abia atunci, n jubilaia umanitii, n sfrit mature,
n faa fanteziilor copilriei sale, cam tot aa cum omul modern se poate
deja bucura cu detaare de mitologia anticilor.
3. Ce este complicitatea
Evident, profeiile nu se mplinesc niciodat, iar ntreinerea speranei
depirii nefericitei contiine moderne este, poate, o prim form de complicitate: complicitatea cu utopia. De fapt, nici religia i nici ateismul nu
s-au emancipat n modul absolut sperat de vizionarii critici moderni. Sau,

126

also attraction between the separated terms. If society demands the affirmation of the individual and thus for him to stand out, this delimitation would
remain a social one and thus contradictory, generating a series of conflicts.
To be different, to become an individual means to answer a general command:
so, in the end, to be like everyone else. And the conflict is not just exterior,
between two spheres of the world the public and the private but also interior insofar as the individual, coming and going between the two, is internalizing
the separation.
In a general meaning, separation seems to be in fact the root of all bourgeois
discontents. It generates a conscience that is split between ethical and economic imperatives, between idealism and realism, between class and universal
interest, or between conscience itself and a half-asleep subconscious. But, in
such circumstances, its no surprise that to find integrity again could have fascinated people and still can. And the modern religious spirit hasnt been spared
from such illusions and distractions.
On the other hand, in the case of the modern crisis of religious conscience,
although sometimes the solution seems to predict a return to the past, in reality, the evoked past was an imaginary one, and the proposals, insofar as they
came from an irreversible modern society, reflected this very modernity.
The anthropological invocation of a supposedly religious ethos, describing
human condition, pertains to a mentality that has nothing to do any longer with
the traditional religiousness. The latter used to be embodied in one or several
well-established cults and wouldnt have understood the intrinsic significance
of religiousness in general.
Consequently, the return to ancient pagan religiousness, as it is the case with
Nietzsche, is nothing but the modern answer to a modern problem. It is the
refusal to live the separation of the divine, but a refusal that takes into account
the separation because the answer is not the resuscitation of God but the notification of the transcendent Gods death, so separated from world and history.
God is not invited to come back on the stage but, on the contrary, all access is
denied. Only after Gods death and atheisms triumph there is a chance for the
gods to return, the same but in fact different, for the prophetic poets jubilation.
After all, this newly found religiousness is a surpassing of the present time religion just like Marxs atheism was only half resembling the contemporary atheism. In both cases, the divine or its disappearance refer to a unified conscience,
which has escaped resentment and can enjoy aesthetically its integrity, future
oriented but traceable with the help of Antiquity. And if the Nietzschean religious furor has nothing to fear from atheism, the Marxist atheism would avoid
just as less the reconciliation with religion, which is something else than classic
Christian religion anyway. Liberation through revolution from the social contradictions and the class character (be it proletarian) is always limitative. The final
conscience imagined by Marx can look with detachment at the religious products of the past times. For the true meaning of religion, the historical one,
will unveil only in humanitys jubilation, at last mature, the fantasies of its childhood, just like the modern man can already enjoy with detachment the antique
mythology.
3. What Is Complicity
Obviously, prophecies never come true and keeping up the hope of overcoming
the unhappy modern conscience is, maybe, a first form of complicity: complicity with utopia. In fact, neither religion nor atheism has emancipated us in the
absolute way that the modern critical visionaries had hoped for. Or, if they did,

+
dac au fcut-o, rezultatul este tocmai contiina dezamgit, nici religioas,
dar nici atee, care constat cu rceal obiectiv nemplinirea promisiunilor
moderne de emancipare. ntr-adevr, e greu de spus cine snt astzi mai
dezorientai: ateii, care vd c umanitatea refuz s ias din ceea ce trebuia
s fie doar preistorie, ori spiritele religioase, care recunosc totui c religia
evolueaz i c ceva durabil, ce afecteaz i substana religiosului, se
schimb n condiia uman pe msur ce tiina i tehnologia se extind la
scar planetar. n aceste condiii ar fi, desigur, extraordinar s evitm noi
compliciti. Dar este oare posibil
De fapt, sciziunea altminteri de nedepit n care ne gsim i astzi e atenuat nencetat de difuziunea, n aparen tot mai contagioas, a religiosului dincolo de hotarele ce i-au fost fixate. S fie acest amestec a doua form
de complicitate, la care, nesocotind desprirea, se dedau tot mai muli dintre contemporanii notri Dar atracia decurge totui din chiar actul separaiei,
care, cum am vzut deja, nu doar desparte, dar i leag termenii desprii.
Este atunci complice sau doar inevitabil contaminarea tot mai accelerat
dintre politic, social i religios, dintre spaiul public i cel privat, ca i tergerea i retrasarea permanent a granielor
n orice caz, confuzia nu privete doar viaa noastr n diviziunea ei tradiional public-privat. Nu e vorba numai de faptul c prin tehnologie sntem
invadai n ceea ce altdat era refugiul cminului sau c, la rndul nostru,
asaltm cminele altora, dispui de altfel s ne primeasc deschis. Cum am
putea evita, de pild, complicitatea crescnd dintre educaie i economie,
care face din coal anexa intereselor profesionale ale pieei, dar i terenul
difuzrii ideologiilor economice i, nu n ultimul rnd, o afacere profitabil
Oare n amestecul de politic, spectacol, economie i ideologie putea lipsi
o doz de credin i miraculos
Desigur, dac n general frontierele spaiului public snt tot mai incerte, am
putea spera ca mcar statul, adic acea zon public organizat politic i centralizat, s i pstreze indiferena religioas. Dar cum s i mai pretinzi aa
ceva unei entiti creia, pe de alt parte, toat lumea i cere s se reformeze sau i proclam iminenta dispariie Nici mcar nou-inventatul stat european nu st mai bine, iar discuia n jurul includerii referinei cretine n
constituia lui dovedete acelai lucru. Cu siguran, cei care au cerut
menionarea constituional a tradiiei cretine reprezentau partide cu o
ideologie social-cretin sau cretin-democrat. Dac ns propunerea a
prut serioas este pentru c Europa e n cutare disperat de simboluri,
hotrt cum este s descopere sau de fapt s fabrice o identitate comun.
Dac avem o pia comun, de ce nu am avea i o tradiie religioas comun
Sau, spre a lua alt exemplu, cum trebuie primit propunerea guvernului
francez de modificare a legii asupra laicitii, care, n prezent, i interzice statului s finaneze din fonduri publice construcia de edificii religioase Biserica
catolic, mulumit de fapt de separaia consfinit n 1905, nu este de acord.
De altfel, raiunea amendrii legii nu este religioas, ci politic: importanta
comunitate musulman din Frana este prea srac pentru a-i finana propriile lcauri de cult. Or, pentru a ntrerupe afluxul suportului financiar din
strintate (n special dinspre rile arabe bogate din zona Golfului), statul
francez ar dori s se implice direct, construind moschei. Va ajuta asta la mai
buna asimilare a musulmanilor francezi Sau le va ntri identitatea particular Poate fi statul indiferent la starea religioas a cetenilor si Iar dac
intervine, cu ce sentimente o face Controleaz el religia sau capituleaz
n faa ei

the result is precisely the disappointed conscience, neither religious nor atheist,
which observed with cold objectivity the failure of the modern promises of
emancipation. It is indeed hard to say who are the most disoriented today:
the atheists who see that human kind refuses to come out of something that
was supposed to be only prehistory, or the religious minds who recognize, however, that religion evolves and that something durable, affecting the very
substance of religiousness, is changing in the human condition as the science
and technology expand at planetary scale. In this context, it would be great if
we could avoid new complicities. But is that possible
In fact, the insurmountable gap that we find ourselves in today is somewhat
leveled by the diffusion, seemingly more and more contagious, of religiousness
beyond its boundaries. Is this interference a second kind of complicity, to which
many of our contemporaries adhere despite the separation The attraction is
rooted however in the very act of separation, which as we have seen not only
separates but also bonds the divided terms. In this case, is the increasing contamination between the political, the social and the religious, between public
and private space, accomplice or merely inevitable
In any case, the confusion doesnt only concern our lives according to the traditional public-private division. Not only technology invades our home, in other
days a harbor of peace, but also we, in our turn, invade the homes of others
who are ready to welcome us. How can we avoid, for instance, the growing
complicity between education and economy, which makes school the annex
of professional market interests and the field for economic ideologies to spread
and, last but not least, a profitable business Is it that the mixture of politics,
show, economy, and ideology couldnt lack some faith and miracle
Of course, if in general the frontiers of public space are more and more uncertain, we should hope that at least the state, in other words, the public area
politically organized and centralized, would keep its religious indifference.
But how can one have such pretense from an entity that is being asked by
everybody to reform its own structures or whose imminent death is predicted
Not even the newly invented European state can find itself in a better position
and the debate around the introduction of the Christian reference in the constitution treaty proves the same thing. Surely those who demanded the Christian
tradition to be put in the constitution were representatives of social-Christian or
Christian-democrat ideology parties. But if the proposition appeared serious it
is because Europe is desperately seeking for symbols, decided, as it is, to discover or, in fact, to produce a common identity. If we have a common market
why wouldnt we also have a common religious tradition
Or, to take another example, how can one perceive the French governments
proposal to amend the law on secularism, which, until today, has forbidden the
state to finance from public money the construction of religious buildings
The Catholic Church, happy with the secularization in force since 1905, doesnt
agree. Besides, the reason for such an amendment is not religious but political:
the major Muslim community in France is too poor to finance its own places of
worship. So, in order to cut the foreign financial support (coming mostly form the
rich Arab countries from the Gulf area), the French state would like to get involved directly in the building of mosques. Will this help the better integration of the
French Muslims Or would it reinforce their particular identity Can the state be
indifferent to the religious beliefs of its citizens And if it does intervene, with
what kind of feelings Does the state control religion or does it surrender to it
We can then wonder whether omission or neglect of the inevitability and rationality of domain contamination, which we would prefer separated, is deriving

127

Ne putem atunci ntreba dac faptul de a omite sau de a neglija caracterul inevitabil i n cele din urm raional al contaminrii domeniilor pe care
le-am dori separate nu deriv el nsui dintr-o a treia form de complicitate.
E vorba, de fapt, de o complicitate mai puin manifest, dar nu mai puin
real, cu iluzia sau, mai exact, cu mistificarea modern. Ea denun complicitatea mult prea evident dintre religie i spaiul public (aceea pe care am
i semnalat-o mai sus), dar uit, la rndul ei, s spun ntregul adevr, care
ar explica, poate, situaia: c separaia este prin esena ei contradictorie i
c incit deci la nclcarea ei. A lua act de faptul acesta ne poate scuti de
naivitatea sau chiar ipocrizia care vede n amestecul tuturor cu toate doar
promiscuitate ori trdare; chiar dac, de aici, se nate apoi o fals dilem.
ntr-adevr, s avem oare de ales doar ntre denunul nencetat al realitii
i nelegerea ei, elabornd strategii publice sau personale care, sub pretextul c in seama de realitate pentru a o influena mai bine, cad de fapt la nvoial cu ea
i cum s evitm atunci cinismul celor care, fr a se iluziona cu virtuile modernitii, profit n cunotin de cauz de defectele ei Pretinsa nelegere
absolut a contradiciilor realului, ca i pragmatismul ce poate decurge din
ea, este, desigur, mrea, cci i concede raiunii capacitatea de a da seama de tot ce se ntmpl, inclusiv de ceea ce ine de conjunctur i, n cazul
de fa, de compromisul tot mai vizibil dintre biseric i stat. Dar aceast
pretenie absolut de nelegere este, oare, la rndul ei raional Oare
acceptarea ndelung cumpnit a ambiguitilor nu nseamn doar proclamarea strii de fapt ca una de drept De ce nu ar fi atunci tocmai acomodarea
la realismul raiunii, care scuz, dar nu ndreptete, adevrata complicitate: complicitatea cu complicitatea nsi i oare doar att s ne rmn:
o raiune deziluzionat i de aceea complice, ce i permite complicitii s
se autosatisfac prezentndu-se pe sine nsi drept raional

from a third form of complicity or not. In fact, it is a less apparent complicity,

but no less real than the modern illusion or, to be precise, the modern mystification. It denounces the far too obvious complicity between religion and public
space (which we highlighted before), but forgets, in its turn, to tell the whole
truth that might explain the situation: that separation is contradictory in its
essence and that it incites to breaking it. To recognize this can prevent us from
being nave or hypocritical and see in the mix of everything just the promiscuous side and the treason or overlook the conflicting truth of separation.
Do we have only the choice between constantly denouncing the reality or
understanding it through the elaboration of public or personal strategies
which, pretending to take reality into account in order to influence it better,
compromise with it
And how should we avoid then the cynicism of those who, without any illusion
about modernitys virtues, knowingly take advantage of its defects The pretended absolute understanding of realitys contradictions, just like the pragmatism that can follow, is great of course because it concedes reason the capacity
to account for everything that is going on, including the circumstantial aspects
and, here, for the more and more visible compromise between Church and
State. But is this pretense of absolute understanding rational itself Doesnt
long deliberated acceptance of ambiguities mean the proclamation of fact
instead of law Isnt the adaptation to reason realism which provides excuse
but no right the true complicity: complicity with complicity itself And we are
only left with this: a disillusioned reason and therefore accomplice, allowing
complicity to self-satisfy by presenting itself as rational
Translated by Izabella Badiu

Note:
Not:
1. Pentru mai multe informaii despre istoria laicitii americane, vezi dosarul dedicat chestiunii n revista
Le Dbat, nr. 127, noiembriedecembrie 2003.

128

1. For more information on the history of secularism in America see also

Le Dbat, no. 127, NovemberDecember 2003.

Educaia public ntre politica

naionalist i aceea a integrrii
europene: un studiu de caz referitor
la reforma nvmntului n Serbia
Jana Bacevic

Caut s analizez din perspectiv antropologic o anumit strategie de

politic [public] a educaiei n Serbia modern a ultimilor ani. n 2000, regimul
represiv al lui Slobodan Milosevic a fost n cele din urm drmat, iar guvernul nou ales a procedat la o reorientare general ctre democratizarea societii, proclamnd integrarea Serbiei n Uniunea European drept elul su
suprem. n domeniul nvmntului, una din primele aciuni ale noilor
autoriti a fost introducerea a dou noi materii n programa colar educaia
religioas i educaia civic. Aceast decizie a strnit un scandal public pe scar
larg, ntruct educaia religioas i principalul susintor al introducerii ei n
nvmnt Biserica Ortodox Srb aveau n spate o ntreag istorie
suprtoare de complicitate cu regimul lui Milosevic n privina sprijinului public acordat politicii naionaliste i expansioniste a acestuia n timpul rzboaielor
de pe teritoriul fostei Iugoslavii. Disputele publice nu au fcut dect s se intensifice atunci cnd factorii de decizie din nvmnt au modificat n anul colar urmtor (20012002) statutul celor dou materii n discuie dintr-unul
facultativ n acela obligatoriu.
Referitor la aceast dezbatere, punctul meu de vedere este acela c accentul ar fi trebuit pus pe analiza politicii nvmntului ca strategie de legitimare
simbolic a noului regim. n acest context, susin c fiecare din cele dou
discipline nou-introduse a vizat asigurarea sprijinului din partea diverselor
pri ale corpului electoral educaia religioas urmnd s atrag bunvoina
pturilor naionaliste, mai tradiionaliste ale populaiei Serbiei, n timp ce educaia civic a fost o form de consolidare a tendinelor democratizante, proeuropene aparinnd unei uoare majoriti a electoratului. La un nivel mai
profund, aceast dihotomie ntrit ntre religie i cetenie, sau ntre tradiie i modernizare, dezvluie o tendin a regimurilor postsocialiste de a
negocia cu tradiiile naionaliste i autoritare, n vreme ce, pe plan public,
ele utilizeaz un discurs al democraiei, al drepturilor omului i al integrrii
europene.

EDUCATIONAL POLICY BETWEEN NATIONALIST

AND EURO-INTEGRATIONIST POLITICS:
A CASE STUDY OF SERBIAN EDUCATIONAL REFORM
Jana Bac evic
This paper attempts to provide an anthropological analysis of a specific educational policy strategy in late modern Serbia. In 2000, the repressive regime
of Slobodan Milos evic was finally brought down and the countrys newly elected government professed a reorientation towards the democratization of society, claiming the integration of Serbia into the EU as its ultimate goal. In the
field of education, one of the first moves of new authorities was to introduce
two new subjects to school curricula Religious Education and Civic Education.
This created a wide public outcry, as religious education, and its primary proponent the Serbian Orthodox Church had a problematic history of involvement with Milos evics regime and public support of nationalist and expansionist
politics during the wars on the territory of former Yugoslavia. Public debates
were further intensified when educational authorities in the following academic
year, 2001/2002, changed the status of choice between two subjects in question from optional to compulsory.
I claim that the emphasis should have been on the analysis of educational policy as a strategy of symbolic legitimation of the new regime. In this context,
I argue that each of the subjects introduced was intended to secure support
from different parts of the voting body Religious Education was to appeal to
the nationalist, more traditionalist population in Serbia, while Civic Education
was a form of public upholding of the democratizing, pro-European tendencies
of a slight majority of voters. On a deeper level, this enforced dichotomy
between religion and citizenship, or tradition and modernization, reveals a tendency of post-socialist regimes to negotiate with nationalist and authoritarian
traditions while publicly utilizing a discourse of democracy, human rights, and

Introducere
Este vorba, aadar, despre o component a reformei nvmntului pe care
guvernul srb i ministerul su al educaiei i sporturilor o desfoar cu
ncepere din 2000 i anume, introducerea a dou noi discipline, educaia
religioas i educaia civic, n nvmntul general obligatoriu, la nivel primar i gimnazial.
Unul din primele gesturi ale noului guvern instalat dup revoluia din Serbia n octombrie 2000 i cderea dictatorului Milosevic a fost acela de a anuna public o reform profund la toate nivelurile societii. n realitate, acest
lucru nsemna n primul rnd curirea societii de rmiele de ancien
JANA BACEVIC este nscut n 1981, antropolog din Belgrad, Serbia i Muntenegru. Lucreaz ca
asistent la Departamentul de Etnologie i Antropologie al Facultii de Filosofie din Belgrad i ca lector invitat la Centrul de tiine Petnica din Valjevo.

European integration.
key words: religious education, civic education, educational policy, political
anthropology, anthropology of education
Introduction
This text deals with an element of the educational reform that the Serbian
Government and its Ministry of Education and Sports have been pursuing since
2000 namely, the introduction of two new subjects, Religious Education (RE)
and Civic Education (CE), to elementary and secondary school curricula.
One of the first gestures of the new government founded after the Serbian
JANA BACEVIC (born 1981) is an anthropologist from Belgrade, Serbia and Montenegro and works as a
Teaching Assistant in Department of Ethnology and Anthropology of the Faculty of Philosophy in Belgrade
and as a Visiting Lecturer at Petnica Science Center in Valjevo.

129

rgime socialist i restructurarea instituiilor n vederea pregtirii rii pentru aderarea la Uniunea European. Aceast platform politic era, cel puin
n principiu, susinut de majoritatea populaiei cu drept de vot din Serbia,
deoarece la sfritul anilor 90 integrarea european era deja acceptat i
recunoscut drept obiectivul cel mai important i mijlocul de a garanta stabilitatea rii n viitorul apropiat.
Totui, pomenita reform europenizant, modernizatoare i democratizant a ajuns s conin i un element susceptibil de o percepie controversat. n 2001, Parlamentul a adoptat o lege care introducea o nou materie
de studiu la ciclul primar i la cel gimnazial: nvmntul religiei; aceeai lege
stipula introducerea unei materii alternative care, un pic mai trziu, a ajuns
s fie intitulat educaie civic.
Unde era problema cu aceste dou materii nvmntul religiei era definit
n termeni i pe baze confesionale. apte culte erau autorizate s organizeze
predarea religiei n coli, respectiv: ortodox srb, romano-catolic, musulman, protestant, mozaic, evanghelic slovac i al bisericii cretine slovace.
nvmntul religios pentru celelalte confesiuni a fost lsat n seama
congregaiilor corespunztoare. Educaia civic, pe de alt parte, a fost definit
ntr-un mod foarte neclar, ea presupunnd o suit de activiti educative
menite s trezeasc n copii o contiin critic n privina diferitelor aspecte
ale participrii la viaa societii civile. n primul an colar de dup introducerea noilor programe, anul 20012002, aceste materii au fost declarate facultative. Adic elevul putea fie alege una dintre cele dou, fie nici una. ns
ncepnd din anul urmtor, 20022003, alegerea uneia din cele dou discipline a devenit obligatorie, ceea ce le-a modificat statutul n acela de opionale. n practic, asta nseamn c elevul trebuie s opteze neaprat pentru
una din ele, fiind obligat s urmeze pn la sfritul anului cursurile la materia corespunztoare deciziei iniiale.
Acest act normativ n-a fcut dect s toarne gaz pe focul dezbaterii publice pornite deja mai dinainte de introducerea oficial a educaiei religioase
n coli. O galerie larg de personaje publice numrnd preoi, ziariti,
politicieni, filosofi, pedagogi, psihologi, sociologi i antropologi au ieit n aren
pentru a apra o gam ntreag de puncte de vedere n chestiune. De la
poziiile net n favoarea introducerii nvmntului religios, pe considerentul c acesta va ntri simul identitii naionale la copii (mai ales ct privete
ntrirea exclusiv a identitii naionale srbe pe calea educaiei ortodoxe),
ori pe acela, alternativ, c educaia religioas poate sluji la dezvoltarea moralitii ntr-o societate dezrdcinat n raport cu valorile ei tradiionale, la
diversele forme de atitudine critic fa de nvmntul religios; printre acestea din urm, cele moderate criticau natura confesional a educaiei religioase, pe motivul c asta ar putea adnci diviziunile interconfesionale i
interetnice n cadrul populaiei Serbiei, i pledau n schimb pentru o abordare mai accentuat multicultural, multiconfesional i/sau neutr (tiinific),
n cadrul unei discipline care s-ar putea chema cultur religioas ori istorie a religiilor, n vreme ce poziiile mai radicale denunau nsi ideea introducerii educaiei religioase n colile publice, n temeiul faptului c aceasta
ar fi o violare grav a principiului separrii bisericii de stat. Destul de interesant este c cealalt materie, educaia civic, a lipsit aproape complet din
aceste dezbateri.1
Cu toate astea, evidenta lips de consens public pe aceste chestiuni, n pofida unei rezistene considerabile, deopotriv din partea unor oficialiti i a
sectorului nonguvernamental (trei dintre cei mai apropiai colaboratori ai
ministrului de atunci al educaiei i sporturilor, Gaso Knezevic, i-au mani-

130

revolution in October 2000 and the downfall of the countrys dictator,

Slobodan Milos evic, was to publicly announce a thorough reform that was
to transcend all levels of society. In reality, this primarily meant purging the
society of the remains of the ancien socialist regime, and restructuring its institutions so as to prepare the country for integration into the European Union.
This political agenda was, at least in principle, supported by the majority of the
voting population in Serbia, since at the end of the 1990s euro-integration was
already accepted and recognized as the most important goal, and means to
guarantee the countrys stability, in the near future.
However, the reportedly Europeanizing, modernizing and democratizing
reform came to include an element to be dubbed somewhat controversial.
In 2001, the Parliament adopted a bill that introduced a new subject to elementary and secondary schools: Religious Education. The bill also introduced
an alternative subject that a bit later came to be named Civic Education.
What was the issue with these two subjects Religious Education was confessionally defined. Seven confessions were authorized to carry out Religious
Education in schools: those were Serbian Orthodox, Roman Catholic, Moslem,
Protestant, Jewish, Slovak Evangelical and Slovak Christian Church. The teaching
of other confessions religious education was left to the corresponding churches.
Civic education was very unclearly defined: it involved series of workshops that
were to raise the pupils critical awareness of different aspects of participation in
the civil society. During the first schoolyear with the reformed curriculum,
2001/2002, these subjects were defined as optional. This meant that a pupil
could choose one, or neither of them. However, in the following schoolyear,
2002/2003, the choice between these two subjects became compulsory, giving
them the status of electives. This, in practice, meant that a pupil had to choose
one of them, and stick to his/her decision throughout the schoolyear.
This act just intensified the heated public debates that started even before RE
was officially introduced to schools. A wide array of public figures, including
(but not limited to) priests, journalists, politicians, philosophers, educationalists,
psychologists, sociologists and anthropologists defended a scale of different
views of this matter. Those ranged from supporting the introduction of RE,
claiming it would strengthen the pupils feeling of national identity (notably,
this referred only to Serbian national identity being reinforced through the
teaching of Serbian Orthodox Religious Education), or, alternatively, claiming
that RE can serve to develop the sense of morality in the society deterred of its
traditional values, to various forms of criticism, of which milder criticized the
confessional nature of RE, claiming it might deepen the inter-religious and
inter-ethnical divides among Serbian population, and advocated a more multicultural, multiconfessional and/or neutral (scientific) approach of a subject that
could be called Religious Culture or History of World Religions, while the
sharper denounced the very idea of introduction of religious education to public schools, claiming it to be a severe violation of the principle of separation
of the Church from the State. Interestingly enough, the other subject, Civic
Education, was almost completely absent from these debates.1
However, the obvious lack of public consensus on these issues, as well as considerable resistance from both governmental and non-governmental sector
(three of then-Minister of Education and Sports Gas o Knezevics closest associates openly disagreed with this act, and one NGO even decided to press
charges against the Republic of Serbia on the grounds of the violation of the
constitutionally guaranteed church-state separation), failed to make an impact
on the policy of the Government. Both Religious and Civic Education remain

+
festat public dezacordul cu legea, iar una din organizaiile nonguvernamentale chiar s-a decis s cheme n judecat Republica Serbia pe baza violrii
separaiei biseric-stat, altminteri garantat constituional), a fcut ca dezbaterea s nu aib nici un impact asupra politicii guvernamentale. Att educaia
religioas, ct i aceea civic rmn, deocamdat, discipline opionale n colile primare i gimnaziale din Serbia.
Cum pot fi judecate atunci reforma educaiei i coninutul su Din punctul meu de vedere, chestiunea trimite mai nti ctre o prim contradicie
fundamental. Bisericile, i n special Biserica Ortodox Srb, au n spate
o istorie considerabil ct privete amestecul n diviziunile religioase, etnice
i regionale care au culminat cu rzboiul civil din anii 90 de pe teritoriul fostei Iugoslavii. Pe planul discursului public, Biserica Ortodox Srb s-a asociat cu i a fost folosit n promovarea unui ntreg ir de valori conservatoare,
retrograde, inclusiv naionalism extrem, ovinism i sexism. De aceea, pare
contradictoriu c Guvernul Serbiei a decis s deschid un culoar ctre coli
pentru o instituie purttoare a unui asemenea capital simbolic problematic, cu att mai mult cu ct asta are loc n cadrul unei reforme presupuse a
marca ruptura decisiv cu perioada ntunecat a anilor 90. Cu alte
cuvinte, contradicia dintre factura general europenizant, democratizant, multicultural a reformei i caracterul ei tradiional i naionalist la acest
nivel particular este ceva ce trebuie rezolvat. Susin ns c aceast contradicie se va dovedi n fapt iluzorie dac ne uitm mai ndeaproape la istoria raporturilor dintre biseric i stat n Serbia.
Istorie
Religia a fost predat n colile din Serbia nc din momentul n care ara
i-a dobndit independena prin desprinderea de Imperiul Otoman, n prima jumtate a secolului al XIX-lea, sub domnia prinului Milos. Dup unificarea n cadrul Regatului Srbilor, Croailor i Slovenilor (ulterior Regatul
Iugoslaviei), religia a rmas o materie colar conceput confesional, n pofida mbririi oficiale a principiului educaiei seculare. Numai dup cel
de-al Doilea Rzboi Mondial i instalarea regimului comunist, Constituia
din 1946 a proclamat separarea bisericii de stat, iar reforma nvmntului din 1951 a interzis n cele din urm orice practic a educaiei religioase
n coli.
Soarta bisericilor sub comunism nu a fost uoar. n timpul acelor ani, vocile
singuratice care aprau educaia religioas veneau de regul din Biserica
Ortodox Srb i, mpreun cu ideile acesteia de orice alt ordin, erau complet marginalizate.
Abia la sfritul anilor 80 i nceputul anilor 90, o dat cu destrmarea Republicii Socialiste Federative Iugoslavia, cu rzboaiele civile care au rezultat de
aici n Slovenia, Croaia, Bosnia i Heregovina i cu ascuirea conflictului n
Kosovo, au nceput s ias din nou la iveal i s ctige teren ideologiile naionaliste. Religia i Biserica Ortodox au recptat greutate ca element important al identitii naionale srbe, fiind primite cu braele deschise de ctre
regimul la putere.2 Acest fapt a fost urmat de ceea ce analitii sociali au descris
ca o tendin de retradiionalizare i de desecularizare n toate sferele
vieii sociale.
Dar n a doua jumtate a anilor 90 situaia s-a mai modificat o dat. Protestele civile i studeneti din Serbia anilor 1996 i 1997 au fcut vizibil o
opoziie pn atunci nemaintlnit fa de regimul Milosevic. ara era virtual mprit n dou Serbii: una care susinea ceea ce mai rmsese din
ordinea socialist i din cauzele ei naionaliste i expansioniste; i cealalt,

elective courses in primary and secondary schools in Serbia to this day.

How, then, are the educational reform and its elements to be viewed From my
viewpoint, the issue boils down first to one key contradiction. Churches, and
Serbian Orthodox Church in particular, had a considerable history of involvement in religious, ethnic and regional divides that culminated in the civil war
in the territory of former Yugoslavia in the 1990s. In public discourse, Serbian
Orthodox Church was frequently connected to, and used in, advocating a series
of conservative, backward values, including extreme nationalism, chauvinism
and sexism. Therefore, it seems contradictory that the Government of Serbia
decided to open a gateway for an institution that carries such problematic
symbolic capital to schools, and furthermore, no less than amidst the very
reform that was supposed to mark the final separation from the dark ages
of the 1990s. In other words, the contradiction between the Europeanizing,
democratizing, multicultural reform on the general level and its traditional and
nationalist character on the particular level has to be resolved. I claim that this
contradiction will in fact prove illusional if we take a deeper look at the history
of relationship between the Church and the State in Serbia.
History
Religious Education was taught in schools in Serbia ever since it gained independence from the Ottoman Empire, in the first half of the 19th century, under
Prince Milos. After the unification into the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and
Slovenes (later the Kingdom of Yugoslavia) it remained as a confessionallydefined subject in schools despite the official endorsement of the principle of
secular education. It was only after the WWII and the establishment of communist reign that the Constitution of 1946 proclaimed the official separation of the
Church from the State, and the educational reform in 1951 finally forbade all
practice of religious education in schools.
The fate of church under communism has not been easy. During these years,
lonely voices that advocated religious education usually came from the Serbian
Orthodox Church, and, alongside its other ideas, were completely marginalized.
It was only at the end of the 1980s and beginning of 1990s, with the breakingapart of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the resulting civil wars in
Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and the sharpening of the conflict in
Kosovo that nationalist ideologies started to gain foothold again. Religion and
Serbian Orthodox Church re-gained significance as an important element of
national identity, after almost fifty years being embraced by the ruling regime.2
This was followed by what social analysts described as a trend of retraditionalization and desecularization in all areas of social life.
However, in the second half of the 1990s, the situation changed once more.
The civil and student protest in Serbia in 1996 and 1997 displayed a yet-unprecedented opposition to Milos evics regime. The country was virtually divided
into two Serbias: one that supported the remainders of socialist rule and its
nationalist and expansionist causes; and the other, that publicly embraced
peace, citizenship, democracy and European identity as political cornerstones.3
It was at this point that the Serbian Orthodox Church joined the latter, with
Patriarch Pavle (head of Serbian Orthodox Church) leading the procession
on January 27th, 1997 that mostly comprised of participants in the protest,
and influencing the removal of the police barrier that blocked the free movement of protesters in preceding days.4
The support of Serbian Orthodox Church to the opposition remained somewhat
constant, if not uniform, until Milos evic was finally overthrown in 2000.

131

care n mod public miza pe pace, pe cetenie, democraie i identitate european ca pe nite pietre unghiulare din punct de vedere politic.3 Acesta a
fost momentul n care Biserica Ortodox Srb s-a alturat acesteia din urm,
cu patriarhul Pavle (capul Bisericii Ortodoxe Srbe) n fruntea demonstraiei
ntregii opoziii din 27 ianuarie 1997, fapt care a fost decisiv n nlturarea
cordoanelor de poliie ce blocaser micarea liber a protestatarilor n zilele
precedente.4
Sprijinul acordat opoziiei de Biserica Ortodox Srb a rmas oarecum constant, dei nu chiar uniform, pn ce Milosevic a fost n cele din urm rsturnat n 2000. Din acest moment ncepnd, lucrurile apar prin urmare
ca i cum regimul care i-a succedat aceluia al lui Milosevic a introdus educaia
religioas n coli ca un gest de gratitudine simbolic fa de partizanii acesteia, care au fost i principalii propuntori ai msurii, clerul ortodox srb.
Totui, aceast concluzie pare oarecum unilateral. Pe de o parte, ea supraestimeaz importana politic a Bisericii Ortodoxe Srbe; pe de alta, ea
nu ne explic de ce educaia religioas i educaia civic au fost introduse
simultan. Cu alte cuvinte, ea uit c atunci cnd vine vorba de politicile [publice n domeniul] nvmntului [educational policy], nu trebuie pierdut din
vedere elementul propriu-zis politic al acestora.5 Ceea ce ne aduce pe terenul
politicului [politics].
Politic
Antropologia politic a societilor contemporane se intereseaz de registrele de ordinul nonspusului sau cele iraionale ale vieii politice.6 Ea
se preocup de strategiile simbolice pe care actorii politici le utilizeaz pentru a manipula, a guverna i a face alegeri att n domeniul public, ct i n
cel privat. De aceea m-am hotrt la o analiz din unghiul de atac al
antropologiei politice pentru a putea discerne logica subiacent introducerii concomitente a educaiei religioase i a celei civice, ca elemente ale
reformei nvmntului public. Aceast plasare n raport cu chestiunea ne
ofer cteva concluzii interesante.
Pe de o parte, este posibil ca introducerea educaiei religioase la ciclurile
primar i gimnazial s fi fost, n parte, o form de recompens din partea
noului guvern acordat Bisericii Ortodoxe Srbe pentru sprijinul primit de
la ea n a doua jumtate a anilor 90. Dar ea a slujit de asemenea i altor
scopuri. La nivel simbolic, introducerea educaiei religioase a fost menit
s marcheze o legtur simbolic cu monarhia care a precedat Iugoslavia
comunist. Monarhia iugoslav a fost astfel resemnificat, n retorica majoritii partidelor politice care i se opuseser lui Milosevic, vzut ca o continuare a comunismului/socialismului, prin construcia imaginii acesteia ca
un stat providen, reprezentativ pentru vremurile de aur de dinaintea
domniei comunismului. Aceast perioad a fost vzut, n imaginarul politic,
ca o epoc panic n care Iugoslavia fusese o parte recunoscut a Europei,
un stat modern i dezvoltat. De aceea, (re)introducerea educaiei religioase
n coli dup aproape cincizeci de ani de la eradicarea ei trebuia s marcheze o continuitate simbolic ntre regimul succesor lui Milosevic i Iugoslavia
interbelic. Era o ncercare de a nega interimatul de jumtate de secol n
timpul cruia imaginea politic a Iugoslaviei se deteriorase, perioad culminnd
cu o profund criz economic i politic n anii 80 i nceputul rzboaielor
civile n anii 90.7 Astfel, noul guvern se identifica pe sine cu tendinele/elementele pozitive ale monarhiei i se distana n raport cu motenirea ideologic a comunismului i socialismului. Aceast dubl strategie este, de fapt,

From this point, it appears then as if the regime that succeeded Milos evic introduced Religious Education to schools as a gesture of symbolic gratitude to its
supporters, and main proponents of the idea, Serbian Orthodox clergy.
However, this conclusion seems somewhat one-sided. For one thing, it overestimates the political significance of Serbian Orthodox Church; for another, it fails
to explain why RE and CE were introduced simultaneously. In other words, it
forgets that when speaking about educational policy, we have to mind the policy part.5 This brings us to politics.
Politics
Political anthropology of contemporary societies takes an interest in the unspoken, irrational domains of political life.6 It is concerned with the symbolic
strategies that political actors use to manipulate, govern and make choices in
the public as well as private domains. This is why I decided to apply an analysis
that relies on political anthropology in order to discern the logic underlying the
introduction of religious and civic education as parts of the educational reform.
This stance brings us to a couple of interesting conclusions.
For one thing, it is possible that the introduction of religious education to
primary and secondary schools was, in part, a thank-you note from the new
government to Serbian Orthodox Church for the support it had received in the
second half of the 1990s. But, it also served a series of other purposes. On the
symbolic level, the introduction of RE was to mark a symbolic connection with
the monarchy that preceded communist Yugoslavia. The Yugoslav monarchy
was, in the rhetoric of most political parties that opposed Milos evic and communism/socialism alike, constructed as welfare state, a representative of the
Golden age before the rule of communism. This period was, in the political
imagery, viewed as a peaceful age in which Yugoslavia was a recognized part
of Europe, a modern, developed state. Therefore, introduction of religious education to schools almost fifty years after it was banned was to mark a symbolic
continuum between the regime that succeeded Milos evic and the pre-WWII
Yugoslavia. It was an attempt to negate the fifty-year interim period during
which Yugoslavias political image deteriorated, culminating in a profound economic and political crisis in the 1980s and the beginning of civil wars in the
1990s.7 Thus, the new government simultaneously identified itself with the
positive tendencies of the monarchy and distanced itself from the ideological
heritage of communism and socialism. This two-fold strategy is, in fact, a combination of what Hobsbawm and Ranger termed the invention of tradition8
and the need for distancing from the past that characterizes societies in transition.9
Still, this does not explain why RE and CE were introduced at the same time.
Here we have to look at the indicators of public opinion in the 1990s.
During Milos evics reign, attitudes toward Europe and its institutions ranged
from very negative to somewhat positive. This was understandable as Yugoslavia experienced a sort of ostracism from the international community as
result of Milos evics expansionist politics. But, as the new millennium started to
dawn, attitudes towards the European Union and the international community
became dominantly positive, with EU integration being defined as an unquestionable political goal. At this point, even most of the radical, right-wing,
nationalist parties embraced euro-integration, at least on the discursive level.10
In this sense, introduction of CE by the new regime can be seen as an attempt
to definitely identify with the dominant pro-European attitudes of the public.
The values said to be supported by programs for Civic Education and the

132

+
o combinaie ntre ceea ce Hobsbawm i Ranger au botezat ca invenie
a tradiiei8 i nevoia de distanare fa de trecut caracteristic societilor
n tranziie.9
i totui, acest lucru nu explic de ce educaia religioas i aceea civic au
fost introduse concomitent. Aici devine necesar s privim la indicatorii
opiniei publice din timpul anilor 90. Pe vremea domniei lui Milosevic,
atitudinile fa de Europa i instituiile ei erau distribuite pe o scal mergnd
de la foarte negative pn la pozitive ntr-o oarecare msur. Era ceva de
neles n condiiile n care Iugoslavia se confrunta cu un soi de ostracizare
pe planul relaiilor internaionale, ca urmare a politicii expansioniste a lui
Milosevic. ns pe msur ce avansm spre zorii noului mileniu, atitudinile
fa de Uniunea European i comunitatea internaional devin predominant pozitive, concomitent cu definirea integrrii n UE drept un obiectiv
politic n afara oricrei discuii. Din acest moment ncepnd, chiar i partidele
naionaliste cele mai radical de dreapta au mbriat ideea integrrii n Europa,
cel puin la nivelul discursului.10
n sensul acesta, introducerea unei discipline precum educaia civic poate
fi vzut ca o ncercare de identificare fr echivoc cu atitudinile proeuropene dominante ale publicului. Valorile pe care se presupune c le-ar forma
i susine programele de educaie civic i valorile vzute ca fiind n mod
clar europene sau moderne se suprapun ntr-un mod semnificativ: democraie, drepturi ale omului, toleran, pace i multiculturalism.
Concluzie
Putem conchide de aceea c reforma educaiei coninut n introducerea
acestor dou materii de studiu a fost o ncercare din partea noului guvern
de a se lega de i de a-i asigura sprijinul att din partea votanilor care se
identific cu valori tradiionale i naionale, ct i a acelora care prefer garnitura de valori moderne i europene. n tot cazul, acest fapt este n sine
o contradicie. Aceste atitudini nu snt nici separate, nici reciproc exclusive.
Dar se pare c Guvernul Serbiei le-a vzut ca fiind aa i, mai ales prin impunerea unei obligaii de a opta fie pentru educaia religioas naionalist,
fie pentru educaia civic modern, a ales s perpetueze o dihotomie
ntre naiune i Europa, tradiie i modernitate, o alegere care probabil va
influena (i a influenat deja) multe decizii politice (bunoar chestiunea
extrdrilor ctre Haga) i va face integrarea n Uniunea European i mai
complex nc dect prea ea n 2000.
Traducere din englez de Adrian T. Srbu

Note:
1. Bojan Aleksov, Veronauka u Srbiji, www.ceu.hu/papers/aleksov.htm, 2004, ofer o bun trecere
n revist a acestor dezbateri.
2. Desigur, ar fi factual incorect s susinem c n timpul acelor ani ntreaga Biseric Ortodox Srb
a sprijinit regimul socialist i cauzele sale militare i politice; totui, majoritatea figurilor sale radicale
i prezente pe plan public au fcut-o, de regul nvemntnd pledoaria pentru participarea la rzboaiele
regionale n nevoia de a apra interesele naionale srbeti.

values seen as distinctively European or modern significantly overlap: democracy, human rights, tolerance, peace and multiculturalism.
Conclusion
Therefore, we can conclude that the educational reform comprised of introduction of these two subjects was an attempt of the new government to relate to,
and secure support from, both the voters who identify with traditional and
national values and those who prefer the modern and European set. However,
this in itself is a contradiction. These attitudes are neither separate nor mutually exclusive. But, it seems that the Serbian Government viewed them as such,
and, especially by enforcing a choice between the nationalist Religious
Education OR the modern Civic Education, chose to perpetuate a dichotomy
between nation and Europe, tradition and modernity, a choice that will
(and did) probably influence many political decisions (for example, the issue
of extraditions to the Hague), and will make integration into European Union
even more complex than it seemed in 2000.

Notes:
1. Bojan Aleksov, Veronauka u Srbiji, www.ceu.hu/papers/aleksov.htm, 2004, provides
a good overview of these debates.
2. Of course, it would be factually incorrect to claim that during these years the entire
Serbian Orthodox Church supported the socialist regime and its military and political
causes; however, most of its radical and publicly present figures did, usually wrapping the advocation of participation in regional wars into the need to defend
Serbian national interests.
3. See Mirjana Prosic -Dvornic Enough Student Protest 92: The Youth of Belgrade
in Quest of Another Serbia, in The Anthropology of East-Europe Review, Special
Issue: War among the Yugoslavs (eds. J. M. Halpern and D. A. Kideckel), Vol. 11,
No. 12, 1993, pp. 127137; and id., The Topsy Turvy Days Were There Again.
Student and Civil Protest in Belgrade and Serbia, 1996/1997, in The Anthropology
of East-Europe Review, Vol. 16, No. 1, spring 1998, pp. 7798.
4. Olivera Pavlovic and Milica Bogdanovic, The Chronology of Protests in Serbia
November 96 March 97, in Sociologija, XXXIX/1, 1997.
5. See for example Michael Apple, Creating Difference: Neo-Liberalism, NeoConservatism and the Politics of Educational Reform, in Educational Policy, Vol. 18,
No. 1, 2004, pp. 1244.
6. See for example Ted Lewellen, Political Anthropology: An Introduction, South
Hadley, Bergin & Garvey, 1983.
7. For an exhaustive overview of the period and the corresponding role of Serbian intellectuals, especially anthropologists, see Slobodan Naumovic, Identity Creator in
Identity Crisis: Reflections on the Politics of Serbian Ethnology, in Anthropological
Journal of European Cultures, 8, 2, 1999, pp. 39128.
8. See Eric J. Hobsbawm, and Terence Ranger (eds.), The Invention of Tradition,
Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1992.
9. The work of French anthropologist Maurice Godelier is especially instructive in studying societies in transition.
10. See Ljiljana Bacevic, Srbi i Evropa: javno-mnjenjske pretpostavke integrisanja Srbije u
evropsku zajednicu, Belgrade, Centar za antiratnu akciju, 2001.

3. Vezi Mirjana Prosic-Dvornic, Enough Student Protest 92: The Youth of Belgrade in Quest of
Another Serbia, in The Anthropology of East-Europe Review, Special Issue: War among the
Yugoslavs (eds. J. M. Halpern i D. A. Kideckel), vol. 11, nr. 12, 1993, pp. 127137; i id., The
Topsy Turvy Days Were There Again. Student and Civil Protest in Belgrade and Serbia, 1996/1997,
in The Anthropology of East-Europe Review, vol. 16, nr. 1, primvara 1998, pp. 7798.
4. Olivera Pavlovic i Milica Bogdanovic, The Chronology of Protests in Serbia November 96 March
97, in Sociologija, XXXIX/1, 1997.

133

5. Vezi, de exemplu, Michael Apple, Creating Difference: Neo-Liberalism, Neo-Conservatism and

the Politics of Educational Reform, in Educational Policy, vol. 18, nr. 1, 2004, pp. 1244.
6. Vezi, de exemplu, Ted Lewellen, Political Anthropology: An Introduction, South Hadley, Bergin &
Garvey, 1983.
7. Pentru o trecere n revist exhaustiv a perioadei i rolurile corespunztoare ale intelectualitii
srbe, n special antropologii, vezi Slobodan Naumovic, Identity Creator in Identity Crisis:
Reflections on the Politics of Serbian Ethnology, in Anthropological Journal of European Cultures,
8, 2, 1999, pp. 39128.
8. Vezi Eric J. Hobsbawm i Terence Ranger (eds.), The Invention of Tradition, Cambridge, Cambridge
University Press, 1992.
9. Lucrrile antropologului francez Maurice Godelier snt n mod deosebit instructive pentru studiul societilor n tranziie.
10. Vezi Ljiljana Bacevic, Srbi i Evropa: javno-mnjenjske pretpostavke integrisanja Srbije u evropsku
zajednicu, Belgrad, Centar za antiratnu akciju, 2001.

134

Topologia locului gol.

Laicitatea ca form de rezisten
Emilian Cioc

Dsormais, depuis leffacement de Dieu.

Jean-Christophe Bailly

TOPOLOGY OF THE EMPTY PLACE. SECULARISM AS RESISTANCE

Cum se face c o noiune att de simpl, n definitiv, precum laicitatea

provoac attea dificulti, anim attea pasiuni Pentru c, ntr-adevr,
suprtor de frecvent, lurile de poziie publice pe aceast tem snt nite
pasionale (dar nu neaprat pasionante) convulsii retorice, frenezii misionare i mai puin nite discuii cu o oarecare ntemeiere argumentativ.
Asistm din cnd n cnd la luri de poziie exprimate cu o violen pe care
nu o concureaz dect ngustimea lor i n care rsun strident o lips de
cultur deopotriv filosofic, politic i teologic. Printre carenele care
afecteaz discuiile privitoare la laicitate, poate cea mai surprinztoare
ndeosebi la cei care revendic anumite competene, dac nu de-a dreptul misiuni ecleziastice este absena referinelor la marii teologi moderni.
Mrturia unor autori precum Bonhoeffer, Barth, Gogarten este adesea complet ignorat. Pe scen se agit i se nfrunt zgomotos i ridicol nchipuii
soldai ai mntuirii universale, miliii ortodoxiste sau catoliciste, fundamentaliti ce se ignor, libertini i anticlericali ntrziai cu vreo dou secole.
Una din posibilele explicaii pentru aspectul belicos al discuiilor este aceea
c, din raiuni care in de constituia istoriei occidentale, afirmarea unei sfere
nonclericale a trecut obligatoriu prin faza conflictual de anticlericalism.
Pstrarea acestui ton conflictual evideniaz caracterul adesea anacronic al
dezbaterilor privitoare la laicitate i aceasta deopotriv n ceea ce-i privete
pe clerici i n ceea ce-i privete pe laici. Faptul c acest anticlericalism
este logic nonnecesar i istoric vetust ar trebui s conduc la abandonarea
lui; aceasta nu pentru o reabilitare a clerului, ci pur i simplu pentru a putea
avea acces la miza real a problemei.
Teza susinut aici este urmtoarea: laicitatea nu poate fi gndit dect n raport
cu secularizarea. Laicitatea, n acest sens, constituie o ocuren juridico-politic
a secularizrii. Prin urmare, adevrata discuie despre laicitate se poart pe
terenul i n termenii specifici problematicii secularizrii. La rndul ei ns, dezbaterea privind secularizarea trebuie reformulat n msura n care o retoric a pierderii, a uzurprii, a pcatului sau chiar a dezvrjirii mai spune
prea puin, dac nu de-a dreptul nimic. Pentru a nu repeta ceea ce oricum
e bine cunoscut, domeniul discursiv al secularizrii va fi reorganizat n
funcie de dou axe majore: o analitic a propriului, pe de o parte, i, de
pe de alta, o topologie a locului gol.
Fr a putea intra aici ntr-o analiz detaliat, vom reafirma c momentul
hegelian este decisiv sau cel puin strategic n elaborarea conceptului de secularizare aa cum l-au motenit tiinele sociale ale secolelor XIX i XX.1
Ambivalena nscris n noiunea de secularizare (Skularisierung i Verweltichung, expropriere a bisericii n vederea reaproprierii umanitii i efectua-

Dsormais, depuis leffacement de Dieu.

valence of the notion (Skularisierung and Verweltichung, expropriation of the

EMILIAN CIOC este doctorand n filosofie la Universitatea din Nisa i la Universitatea din Cluj cu o tez
despre mplinirea nihilismului n modernitate.

EMILIAN CIOC is a PhD candidate in Philosophy at the University of Nice and at the University of Cluj with
a thesis on the achievement of nihilism in modernity.

Emilian Cioc

Jean-Christophe Bailly
How is it possible that a notion as simple as secularism can beget so many
problems and stir so many passions Indeed, frequently enough, the public
stands on this topic are passionate (yet not fascinating) rhetorical convulsions,
missionary frenzies and much less discussions based on argumentation. Once in
a while, one can witness positions asserted with a violence that is matched only
by their narrow-mindedness and that echoes the lack of philosophical, political
and theological culture. Among the flaws affecting the debates on secularism,
the most surprising one especially with those who claim certain competences
if not ecclesiastic missions is the lack of any reference to the great modern
theologians. The work of authors such as Bonhoeffer, Barth, Gogarten is more
often than not completely ignored. The scene is occupied with fuss and quarrel
by ridiculous and self-imagined soldiers of universal redemption, Orthodox or
Catholic militias, unconscious fundamentalists, two centuries late libertines and
anticlericals.
One of the possible explanations for the pugnacious appearance of such discussions is that, for reasons pertaining to western history, the assertion of a nonclerical sphere obligatorily went through the conflicting anti-clerical phase.
The continuation of this conflicting tone underlines the anachronism of the
debates around secularism for both clerics and laymen. The fact that this
anti-clericalism is non-necessary and historically obsolete should lead to its rejection and not in order to rehabilitate the clergy but merely to gain access to
the real stakes of the issue.
The thesis we uphold here is the following: secularism can only be thought in
relation to the secularization process. In these terms, secularism is a judicialpolitical occurrence of the secularization. Consequently, the real discussion
about secularism is to be lead on the field and with the concepts of secularization. However, the debate around secularization needs to be rephrased in its
turn at the extent the rhetoric of loss, usurpation, sin or even disenchantment
says very little or nothing. In order to avoid repeating the obvious, the discursive area of secularization will be reorganized in two major axes: analytics
of the proper, on one hand and topology of the empty place, on the other.
Without going here into detailed analysis, we shall reaffirm that Hegels work is
crucial or strategic to say the least in the elaboration of secularization as a concept inherited by the social sciences of the 19th and 20th centuries.1 The ambi-

135

re a dimensiunii eterogene n orizontul lumii) reprezint piatra de ncercare

a oricrei teorii generalizate a semnificaiei sale. n argumentaia noastr,
laicitatea este nainte de toate traducerea pentru Skularisierung.
Echivocul n chestiune ar putea fi formalizat prin tema restului, de care discursul despre secularizare afirmativ sau critic nu face aproape niciodat
economie. ntr-adevr, secularizarea manifest un caracter rezidual, fie c
nelegem prin acesta faptul c unele coninuturi religioase au rmas precum nite relicve sau precum nite corpuri strine n modernitate sau c
n corpul modernitii au rmas active anumite scheme i reprezentri considerate dezactivate sau neutralizate. C este vorba despre orizontul escatologic, despre ncrederea n providen sau de sperana unei rsturnri
radicale a strii actuale a lumii, n discursurile secularizrii este de fiecare dat
vorba despre un rest. Valoarea explicativ pe care o presupune simpla afirmare a acestor remanene nu este totui evident n sine. Ceea ce nseamn c raiunile pentru care exist aceste remanene i modalitatea n care
ele persist trebuie s fac obiectul unei analize amnunite. Un demers precum cel al lui Hans Blumenberg2 const, metodologic cel puin, tocmai n
reevaluarea critic a acestei pretenii explicative.
Chestiunea restului se dovedete problematic ndeosebi n perspectiva
reprezentrii pe care modernitatea o are despre sine ca noutate radical.
Dac exist remanene ale unor sisteme teologice de comprehensiune i
de practic, n ce fel mai poate persista modernitatea n afirmarea de sine
ca noutate absolut Este atunci modernitatea un proiect nemplinit i n sensul n care secularizarea nu este i probabil nu poate fi desvrit Prima contestare a preteniilor de autonomie ale modernitii vine, aadar, din partea
acestor remanene problematice. Fenomenul pe care ambiguu l numim rentoarcere la religie este n egal msur o astfel de contestare, cu att mai dificil de aceptat astzi cnd, n loc de celebrarea mplinirii lor, programele de
emancipare se vd sleite de experienele politice ale secolului XX.
Unul din efectele raportului indecidabil dintre Verweltichung i Skularisierung
este i ezitarea n faa relaiei dintre retragere i rest. De altfel, am putea
considera binomul rest-retragere ca fiind determinant pentru chestiunea
aflat aici n dezbatere. i aceasta cu att mai mult cu ct tipul cel mai curent
de formulare a tezei secularizrii poate fi notat astfel: retragerea religiei ca
sfer dominant a vieii sociale, reorientarea ctre o societate structurat
pe baze laice cu pretenie de raionalitate, avnd drept corolar o problem
tot att de masiv, aceea a transformrii sau a dispariiei reprezentrilor religioase.3
Tema locului vacant, a poziiei rmase neocupate, pe care o dezvolt Blumenberg, nu numai c permite aezarea secularizrii n raport cu retragerea
transcendenei, ci o face de-a dreptul necesar. n aceast perspectiv, nu
mai este vorba despre un simplu transfer, ci despre solicitarea de a ocupa
locul rmas gol n urma retragerii a ceea ce constituia certitudinea salvrii
sau ateptarea unei mpliniri a timpurilor. Ceea ce se arat de acum nainte
determinant nu mai este elementul secularizat care se reproduce fie i numai
parial n elementul generat prin secularizare, ci funcia pe care el nu o mai
satureaz. Originalitatea elementului modern pare a se sustrage astfel
contestrii pe care o formuleaz existena prealabil a unui element presupus a fi generator. n acest fel, critica teoremei secularizrii dispune de
mijloacele de a elibera modernitatea de situaia de dependen fa de paradigma religioas i, n cele din urm, de a elibera secularizarea de o interpretare n sensul unui transfer generativ, dar i degenerativ de coninuturi
din sfera religioas n sfere emancipate sau independente fa de aceasta.

136

church for the re-appropriation of mankind and performing the heterogeneous

dimension in the world horizon) is the challenge for any generalized theory of
its significance. In our demonstration, secularism is first and foremost the translation of Skularisierung.
This equivoque could be formalized with the theme of the remains, which the
discourse on secularization never spares be it affirmatively or critically. It is
true that secularization has a residual character, either we understand that
some religious content have remained in modernity as relics or stranger bodies,
or we understand that in the body of modernity some patterns and representations have remained active despite being considered deactivated or neutralized. Whether it is about the eschatological horizon, the trust in the Providence
or the hope for a radical reversal of present statu quo in the world, in the discourses of secularization there is always something about remains. However,
the explicative value that the mere affirmation of such remnants supposes is
not obvious in itself. This means that the reasons for these remnants to exist
and the way in which they persist have to become the object of a detailed analysis. Hans Blumenbergs2 approach for instance consists of, at least methodologically speaking, the critical reevaluation of this explicative pretense.
The issue of the remains proves problematic especially for the representation
that modernity has about itself as radical novelty. If there are remnants of theological systems of comprehension and practice, how can modernity still persist
in defining itself as absolute novelty Is then modernity an unfulfilled project
also in the sense that secularization is not and probably cannot be accomplished The first contestation of autonomy pretense that modernity has comes
from these problematic remnants. The phenomenon that we ambiguously call
return to religion is also such a contestation; all the more difficult to accept
today when, instead of celebrating their fulfillment, the emancipation programs are exhausted by the political experiences of the 20th century.
Another effect of the undecided relation between Verweltichung and Skularisierung is the hesitation when confronted with the relation between withdrawal
and remains. Besides, we could consider the binomial remains-retreat determinant for the matter under discussion here. And even more so that the most
current kind of phrasing the thesis of secularization can be put like this:
the withdrawal of religion as dominant sphere of the social life, the reorientation towards a society based on lay structures having the pretense of rationality, with as corollary an equally large issue, namely that of the transformation
or the disappearance of religious representations.3
The theme of the vacant place, of the unoccupied position, which Blumenberg
develops, not only enables the positioning of secularization according to the retreat of transcendence but it also makes it necessary. From this perspective, it is
no longer a question of simple transfer, but of the demand to occupy the place
left empty after the retreat of what used to be the certitude of redemption or the
wait for the end of times. From now on, the determinant element is not the secularized one that is reproduced at least partially in the element generated through
secularization, but the function that it doesnt fulfill anymore. The originality of
the modern element seems to avoid contestation from the pre-existing element
which supposedly generated it. Thus, the criticism of the secularization theorem
has means to free modernity of its dependence on the religious paradigm and,
eventually, to free secularization of an interpretation in the sense of a both generative and degenerative transfer of contents from the religious sphere to emancipated or independent spheres. Then, instead of dealing with a deviated or
mediated origin of lay contents, we can speak of an independent origin.

+
Atunci, n loc s avem de-a face cu o origine deviat sau mediat a coninuturilor seculare, putem vorbi despre o origine independent.
Ceea ce, n procesul interpretat ca secularizare, s-a ntmplat cel mai adesea, sau cel puin cu foarte rare excepii care pot fi recunoscute i specificate, nu poate fi descris ca mutaie a unor coninuturi autentic teologice
care, alienndu-se n raport cu sine, ar fi devenit seculare, ci ca renvestire
a unor poziii de rspunsuri devenite vacante i ale cror ntrebri corespunztoare nu puteau fi eliminate.4 Distana care separ poziia lui Blumemberg de formulrile consacrate ale teoremei secularizrii nu poate fi
mai limpede precizat. Unei prime deplasri a accentului dinspre autenticitate nspre renvestire vine s i se adauge a doua deplasare, de aceast dat
dinspre identitate nspre originalitate. Cu toate acestea, modul n care
aceste poziii de rspuns au devenit vacante nu e cu nimic mai limpede. Ceea
ce rmne de fiecare dat mai puin explicit este acest eveniment al
retragerii, att la Blumenberg, ct i la Lwith. Tocmai de aceea ar fi poate
oportun s radicalizm destabilizarea formalismului hermeneutic al cuplului ntrebare-rspuns, spunnd c o dat cu rspunsurile dispar i ntrebrile.
n acest sens, nu mai rmne nimic sau, cu o rsturnare frecvent n filosofia
contemporan, rmne nimic. Experiena istoric a acestei urme a nimicului astfel indicat nu este cu nimic mai puin paradoxal dect notaia ei.
Presiunea cea mai redutabil nu o exerseaz att ntrebrile remanente, ct
un indeterminat loc gol.
Aceasta se ntmpl la nivelul raionalitii istorice sau, mai larg, n orizontul
teoretic al contiinei de sine a modernitii. ns analiza ar rmne incomplet fr o analitic a orizontului de experien n care aceast presiune a
locului gol se manifest. ntreaga experien modern a divinului este marcat de sentimentul absenei, al retragerii, al ndeprtrii ce abandoneaz.
ns, cel puin n cazul Occidentului, n ciuda ntrzierii instituiilor, a forei
de inerie a obiceiurilor i a presiunii revenirilor, n ciuda militantismului papal
i a vicleniilor ecumenice, absena lui Dumnezeu i dezafectarea cultelor
snt unitatea cu care se msoar astzi raportul omului cu divinul.5 Motenirea modernitii const n parte i n atestrile acestei experiene, fie c
e vorba de literatur, filosofie, teologie, poezie sau pictur. Mai mult, faptul c anumite coninuturi eterogene i locale snt renvestite sau reapropriate de ctre un orizont teologico-metafizic nseamn c el se manifest
n genul unui orizont de predeterminare. Astfel, dac e s reamintim de intenia lui Hegel de a constitui o teologie a Dumnezeului mort, aceast intenie
nu este generat i justificat de o serie de ntrebri specifice teologiei cretine medievale i care s-ar fi transmis filosofiei idealiste moderne, ci de sentimentul (Gefhl) morii lui Dumnezeu. n aceast perspectiv, am putea
afirma c secularizarea vine ca o ncercare de a gndi lumea modern ca
lume n care a survenit moartea lui Dumnezeu. Demersul lui Hegel este,
nc o dat, ambivalent i, la limit, indecidabil. Este oare gndirea secularizrii o teologie a Dumnezeului mort, o amenajare a locului gol, sau referina la sentimentul morii lui Dumnezeu nu este dect o marc inactiv
n discursul secularizrii
Retragerea transcendenei nseamn la nivel istoric pierderea de ctre
cretinism a puterii configuratoare de istorie. Laicizarea, neleas ca separare a bisericilor de stat, este tocmai consecina necesar a acestei pierderi de ctre religie a puterii configuratoare a istoriei. Urmare a acestei
destrmri, sarcina configurrii istoriei revine instituiilor civile. n loc s gndeasc aceast retragere a divinului, sfera clerical nu vede cauza secularizrii dect n tabra celor pe care ea i damneaz, excomunic, repudiaz.

What has often happened, or at least with very few exceptions that can be recognized and named, in the process interpreted as secularization, can hardly be
described as mutation of authentically theological contents that, alienating
in themselves, would have become lay, but rather as reinvestment of answer
positions that had became vacant and whose respective questions couldnt be
eliminated.4 The distance between Blumembergs position and the consecrated formulations of the secularization theorem cannot be put in clearer words.
To the first shift of accent from authenticity to reinvestment we can add a second shift of accent from identity to originality. However, the way in which these
answer positions have become vacant is not at all clearer. Each time, what
remains the least explicit is the event of the withdrawal with both Blumenberg
and Lwith. This is the reason why it is maybe opportune for us to radicalize the
destabilization of the hermeneutic formalism in the question-answer couple by
saying that along with the answers the questions disappear as well. In this sense,
nothing remains. The historical experience of this trace of nothing is no less
paradoxical than its phrasing. The most important pressure comes less from
the remaining questions and more from an undetermined empty place.
This happens on the level of historical rationality or, more generally, in the theoretic horizon of modernitys self-consciousness. But the analysis would be
incomplete without the analytics of the experience horizon wherein the pressure of the empty place manifests. The entire modern experience of the divine
is marked by the feeling of absence, of withdrawal, of abandonment. But, at
least in the case of Western world, despite the late institutions, the inertia of
habits and the pressure of returns, despite the papal militantism and the ecumenical cunning, the absence of God and the cult desertion are the units by
which we measure today the relation between man and divine.5 The heritage
of the modernity also consists of the testimonies of this experience either it is
through literature or philosophy, theology or painting. Moreover, the fact that
certain heterogeneous and local contents are reinvested or re-appropriated by
a theological-metaphysical horizon means that it manifests as a predetermining
horizon. Thus, if we are to remind Hegels intention of building a theology of
the dead God, this intention is not generated and justified by a series of questions specific to the medieval Christian theology that would have been transmitted to the modern idealist philosophy, but by the feeling (Gefhl) of the
death of God. In this perspective, we could argue that secularization is an
attempt to think the modern world as the world wherein Gods death occurred.
Hegels approach is, once again, ambivalent and impossible to settle.
Is the philosophy of secularization a theology of the dead God, an organization
of the empty place, or is the reference to the feeling of Gods death an inactive
mark in the discourse of secularization
The withdrawal of transcendence means, at historical level, the loss of history
making force by the Christian religion. Secularization, understood as separation
between church and state, is precisely the necessary consequence of this loss.
As a consequence, the task of building history falls now on the shoulders of the
civil institutions. Instead of thinking the withdrawal of the divine, the clergy
sees the cause of secularization only in the camp of those whom it blames,
excommunicates, repudiates. The flaw of this position is in the identification of
faith with the influence of church within the state, which sends to the assertion
of coincidence between the history of redemption and the political history of
modern societies.
Following a truly modern logic, which modernity has never ceased however to
repress, it is not religion that should return, it is not mankind that shouldnt

137

acestei poziii st n identificarea experienei credinei cu influena bisericii

n stat, ceea ce trimite n ultim instan la postularea unei coincidene ntre
istoria mntuirii i istoria politic a societilor moderne.
ntr-o logic ntr-adevr modern, pe care modernitatea nu nceteaz s
o reprime ns, nu religia ar trebui s se ntoarc, nu umanitatea nu ar mai
trebui s se ntoarc la religie. Ambele reveniri reprezint figuri ale neasumrii experienei a ceea ce s-a retras (Dumnezeu, zei, temei, Lege, Spirit,
transcenden, alteritate radical). Ceea ce s-a numit teorema secularizrii
este probabil una din manierele cele mai elaborate n care modernitatea
s-a strduit s se asigure, ntr-un fel sau altul, de prezena a ceea ce s-a retras.
Ultima experien religioas este ns reinerea6 n faa locului gol, ethos-ul
modernitii stnd n grija care pstreaz gol locul din care s-a retras transcendena. n fenomenologia propriului modernitii pe care o face rescriind ntrebarea kantian privitoarea la (i)luminare, Foucault reia n cheie
baudelaireean ceea ce s-a numit atitudinea de modernitate. Dificultile
pe care modernitatea le are n a se asuma ne-ar ndrepti ns s vorbim
i despre o aptitudine de modernitate. Criticile negativiste aduse modernitii
se dovedesc astfel a fi semnele unei inaptitudini n raport cu modernitatea.
Pentru Biserica Ortodox, lucrurile se complic i mai mult n msura n care
experiena modern a Estului este att de precar, lipsindu-i de asemenea
momentul Reformei. De aceea, n societile postcomuniste, reaciile mpotriva laicitii snt n primul rnd o atitudine antimodern. Cum poate fi
eliberat, pregtit i asumat o astfel de aptitudine de a fi modern Gsirea
unui gest de gndire care s ia n grij retragerea i care s se arate demn
de generozitatea ei ar putea fi un prim pas.
Pentru a explica fenomenul revenirii (n snul) religiei, s-a fcut adesea recurs
la schema unei ntoarceri a refulatului. Este ns ntr-adevr vorba despre
un reprimat sau despre un refulat i dac da, n ce condiii Sau este
vorba despre un retras, ndeprtat, suspendat Iar, n acest caz, ceea ce este
refulat, tgduit este tocmai retragerea. Perspectiva unei rentoarceri a
refulatului este constitutiv legat de motenirea Revoluiei Franceze, tradiie
n care secularizarea a avut n primul rnd o semnificaie juridico-politic legat
mai ales de exproprierea bisericii. Din raiuni ce s-ar cuveni elucidate, tradiia
teologiei secularizrii a avut ntotdeauna o poziie marginal. Cum trebuie
atunci gndit plecarea religiosului, retragerea sa Pornit pe calea francez
(juridico-politic, revoluionar) a secularizrii ca rdcin a laicitii, modernitatea istoric (i) disimuleaz i deturneaz tocmai acest sens eterogen
(politic i teologic, protestant) al secularizrii. Incapacitatea contemporan
a Occidentului de a da seama de rentoarcerea (n snul) religiei i gsete,
parial cel puin, o explicaie n aceast tgduire. Rentoarcerea (n snul)
religiei este atestarea sau consecina incapacitii modernitii de a-i asuma libertatea/eliberarea din care provine, inaptitudinea de a face o experien (radical) nou, alta.
Dac religia se retrage, asta se ntmpl nainte de toate pentru c se va fi
retras (dintotdeauna deja) tocmai ceea ce religia revendic drept propriul su, proprietatea sa. Iar pentru c alteritatea radical este inapropriabil,
n registru teo-logic, prima expropriere a bisericii este operat de transcendena nsi. Dac este asumat experiena acestei retrageri, decisiv pentru modernitate, atunci pretenia de a impune o Lege mai presus de legi,
un Adevr ultim i nenegociabil este lipsit de pertinen. De acum nainte,
de la retragerea divinului ncoace, faptul de a purta rspunderea (politic
sau teologic, politic i teologic) pentru lume cade n sarcina unei umaniti
pentru care snt terse posibilitatea, efectivitatea i legitimitatea unei

138

return to religion. Both returns represent hypostases of non assumed experience of that which has withdrawn (God, gods, foundation, Law, Spirit, transcendence, radical otherness). What has been called the theorem of secularization is
probably one of the most elaborate ways in which modernity has strived to
ensure somehow the presence of what has withdrawn. The ultimate religious
experience is the containment6 in front of the empty place, the modern ethos
being the care in keeping the empty place wherefrom transcendence has withdrawn. In the phenomenology of modernity proper that he is developing
by rewriting Kants question about Enlightenment, Foucault takes up
la Baudelaire what has been called the modernist attitude. The difficulties
that modernity undergoes in assuming itself would justify also the idea of
an aptitude for modernity. The negativist criticisms of modernity prove to be
the signs of an inaptitude for modernity. For the Orthodox Church, the things
are even more complicated to extent the modern experience of East is so precarious lacking the moment of Reform. This is why in post-communist societies
the reaction against secularism is first and foremost an anti-modern attitude.
How can we free, prepare and assume such an aptitude for being modern
Finding that act of thinking that would care for the withdrawal and prove worthy of its generosity could be a first step in that direction.
In order to explain the phenomenon of return to (the bosom of) religion,
it has been often made use of the return of the repressed pattern. But is it really a repressed or a reserved Or is it rather a retired, withdrawn, suspended
And, in this case, the thing which is repressed, denied, is precisely the withdrawal. The idea of a return of the repressed is constitutively linked to the heritage of the French Revolution, a tradition wherein secularization has had
mainly a judicial-political significance connected especially to church expropriation. For reasons that need to be elucidated, the tradition of a secularization
theology has always had a marginal position. How can we then think the withdrawal of the religious Once on the French road (judicial-political,
revolutionary) to secularization as root of secularism, the historical modernity
hides and misleads this heterogeneous meaning (political and theological,
protestant) of secularization. The contemporary incapacity of the Western
world to account for the return to (the bosom of) religion finds, at least partially, an explanation in this denial. Return to (the bosom of) religion is the proof
or the consequence of modernitys incapacity to assume the freedom/freeing
that has originated it, inaptitude to live a (radically) new, other, experience.
If religion withdraws it is because we have already withdrawn (since always) to
religion its proper, its property. And because radical otherness is impossible to
appropriate, on a theo-logical level, the first expropriation of church is operated by transcendence itself. If the experience of this withdrawal, decisive for the
modernity, is assumed, then the pretense to impose a Law above all laws and
an ultimate Truth is not pertinent. From now on, from the withdrawal of the
divine onward, the fact of bearing the (political or theological, political and theological) responsibility for the world is the task of mankind for whom the possibility, the effectiveness and the legitimacy of heterogeneous norms in the
political, public or civil area are erased. On a certain level, however, the autonomy of modernity is, paradoxically, a heteronomy. And this is true at the extent
it is founded on the anomy of its origin. The whole issue of legitimacy turns
around the aporia of nomos: in order for the modernity to reach autonomy,
it must have made already the experience of law suspension, here, of heteronomy. The emancipation program is not enough in order to explain the emergence of an autonomous normative sphere. This is why modernity eludes itself

+
normativiti eterogene n raport cu sfera politic sau, n genere, public ori
civil. ntr-un anumit registru ns, autonomia modernitii este, paradoxal,
o heteronomie. i aceasta n msura precis n care ea se ntemeiaz pe
aceast a-nomie care este originea ei. ntreaga chestiune a legitimitii se
nvrte n jurul acestei aporii a nomicului: pentru ca modernitatea s poat
ajunge la autonomie, ea trebuie s fi fcut deja experiena suspendrii
legii, n ocuren, a heteronomiei. Programul emanciprii nu este suficient
pentru a explica emergena unei sfere normative autonome. De aceea, modernitatea se deturneaz de la sine atunci cnd nu mai recunoate c
autonomia sa se ntemeiaz (imposibil) pe o lips de temei (anomia).
Prin urmare, n ciuda aprtorilor cu ct mai nechemai cu att mai feroce
ai bisericii i spre deziluzia lor (o misiune mai puin), n laicitate nu este vorba
despre eliminarea divinului, despre deicid, despre ateism etc. Fiindc
retragerea radical eterogenului se va fi consumat deja atunci cnd s-a propus i nfptuit separarea politicului, a sferei publice de sfera reprezentrilor
i practicilor religioase. n loc s gndeasc faptul c umanitatea, o dat cu
modernitatea, devine responsabil de soarta lumii; n loc s gndeasc
pozitiv raportul dintre divin i modernitate, tagma popilor n sutan sau
n costume la mod nu se preocup dect de soarta puterii i influenei
pe care biserica le dorete i le pstreaz n treburile statului.
Acestea fiind spuse, ne ntrebm dac dumanii jurai ai laicitii tiu ce vor
i ce revendic de fapt. Putem adesea constata efectele dezastruoase ale
manageriatului sacral practicat de funcionari bigoi, unii convertii dup nevoile
momentului. nelegnd prin asta un amestec insuportabil i discriminatoriu de obiective legate de funcionarea instituional i eluri eterogene, calcule ale salvrii care fac din strategiile manageriale nite lamentabile
performane aritmologice. Ordonat de principiul toleranei, laicizarea
este o excludere a excluderii, a discriminrii: dac la primrie, spre exemplu, unul din semnele dominante afiate este, de exemplu, crucea, ce trebuie s neleag din asta un cetean evreu sau musulman Ce poate nsemna
ntr-o instituie o decizie luat n funcie de alte reguli dect cele de organizare i funcionare n definitiv, aspectul cel mai delicat n raportul laicitatedemocraie este incapacitatea dispozitivului de nonexcludere care se
pretinde a fi democraia de a evita interdicia, precum n cazul afacerii vlului n Frana.
Ce ar putea nsemna acum un stat cretin sau, la nivel european, un suprastat cretin i n ce fel o astfel de pretenie poate fi distins de aceea care
vizeaz un stat islamic Fundamentalismul, n ciuda unei false evidene
ncetenite de discursul mediatic occidental, nu este atributul exclusiv al islamului. Statele Unite reprezint n prezent, pe lng o parte a lumii arabe,
scena pe care se joac mizele laicitii i, mai mult, ale secularizrii, ale religiei
politice. Autoatribuirea unei misiuni, a unei sarcini mesianice n istoria
politic este ceea ce face problem n primul rnd. Ar fi aici locul unei relecturi a lui Benjamin, care scria: Nici o realitate istoric nu se poate raporta pe sine i de la sine la mesianic. De aceea mpria lui Dumnezeu nu
este telos-ul dynamis-ului istoric; ea nu poate fi stabilit ca el. Din perspectiv istoric, ea nu este el, ci sfrit. De aceea, ordinea profanului nu se poate
cldi pe ideea mpriei lui Dumnezeu, de aceea teocraia nu are un sens
politic, ci numai unul religios.7 Una dintre mizele politice decisive ale secularizrii const n ntreruperea violenei teologice i, n definitiv, a violenei
eterogenitii n genere. Or, noile rzboaie religioase infirm n chipul cel
mai dramatic posibil aceast dezactivare, lund forma unor reveniri brutale
ale transcendenei n orizontul raionalitii imanente a politicului.

when it doesnt admit that autonomy is (impossibly) built on a lack of foundation (anomy).
Consequently, despite the defenders of church and to their disillusion (one mission less), secularism is not about eliminating the divine, deicide, atheism etc.
Because the withdrawal of the radically heterogeneous would have been consumed when the proposition to separate the political and public sphere from
the religious representations and practices first occurred. Instead of thinking
over the fact that mankind in modernity becomes responsible for the fate of the
world, instead of thinking positively the relation between divine and modernity,
the clergy either dressed in cassocks or fashionable suits is exclusively preoccupied with the fate of power and influence that church covets and keeps
interfering with state affairs.
That being said, we ask ourselves whether the sworn enemies of secularism
know what they want and what they are actually claiming. One can often note
the disastrous effects of sacred management that bigot clerks practice, some
of them converted according to the needs of the moment. Understanding here
an insupportable and discriminatory mix of objectives connected to the functioning of institutions and heterogeneous goals, calculus of redemption that
turns the management strategies into lame arithmetic. Guided by the principle
of tolerance, secularization is an exclusion of exclusion, of discrimination:
if, for example, at city hall one of the dominant emblems is the cross, what
should a Jewish or Muslim citizen understand What does it mean for an institution that decision is made according to other rules than those of organization
After all, the most delicate aspect in the relation secularism-democracy is the
incapacity of the non-exclusion mechanism that democracy pretends to be to
avoid interdiction as it is the case in France with the Muslim veil.
What could a Christian state mean today or, at European level, a Christian
supra-state And how such a pretense can be distinguished from the one that
aims at a Muslim state Fundamentalism, despite a false obviousness accredited by the western media speech, is not the exclusive attribute of Islam.
The United States represent currently, alongside with a part of the Arab world
the stage where the stakes of secularism are played on and, moreover, the
stakes of secularization, of political religion. Self-attribution of a mission,
of a messianic task in the political history is the main problem. We should read
again Walter Benjamin who wrote: No historical reality can tell itself and from
itself messianic. This is why the kingdom of God is not the telos of a historic
dynamis; it cannot be established as goal. From a historical perspective, it is not
goal but end. Therefore, the order of the profane cannot be built on the idea of
the kingdom of God; therefore, the theocracy has no political meaning, merely
a religious one.7 One of the decisive political stakes of secularization consists of
the suppression of theological violence and of heterogeneous violence in general. But the new religious wars deny in the most dramatic possible way this
deactivation as they take the shape of brutal returns of transcendence in the
horizon of immanent political rationality.
Secularization is an issue connected to the division, distribution and sharing of
(public, worship, etc.) space wherein there is a political community functioning
as a principle of transparency. Secularism doesnt mean here neither undermining nor forbidding the tradition, the transmission of the inspired word, but the
delimitation of areas wherein the transmission of the message is pertinent
by the law and other areas with or without other qualities, whose role is that
of welcoming modern people, men without qualities themselves. But there is
yet another problem under discussion even more hidden as compared to the

139

Laicizarea este o chestiune legat de mprirea, distribuirea i mprtirea

locurilor (publice, de cult etc.) n care exist comunitatea politic, funcionnd
ca un principiu de nonpromiscuitate. Laicitatea nu nseamn nici subminarea i nici interzicerea tradiiei, a transmiterii cuvntului inspirat, ci
delimitarea unor spaii n care transmiterea mesajului este pertinent din
punctul de vedere al legii i a altor spaii cu alte caliti sau fr caliti i a
cror virtute este de a-i primi pe oamenii modernitii, ei nii fr nsuiri. Dar n discuie mai este i o alt problem, nc i mai n retragere fa
de vizibilitatea i redundana poziiilor ordinare: ntrebarea cum poate fi pstrat un loc pentru ceva diferit sau, cu numele pe care modernitatea i-l d,
ceva radical diferit Radicalitatea alteritii nu vine, nici aici, dect din retragerea ei.
Cnd i n ce condiii, aadar, complexitatea raporturilor dintre religie i politic
devine o complicaie i o complicitate Media-mondo-capitalul are nevoie
de exhibarea umbrei zeului mort, suferind sau retras al modernitii occidentale. n impudica i nemiloasa exploatare mediatic a suferinelor papei
transpare hruirea lui Dumnezeu nsui. Moartea papei Ioan Paul al II-lea
a fost n mare msur un reality show, un spectacol de nchidere n logica
mediatic pe care Sfntul Scaun a ntrebuinat-o programatic n ultimele decenii
ntru propirea Bisericii Catolice. Nzuina ctre cele nevzute este de acum
inseparabil de tele-viziune, iar nevzutul nsui devine, din exces al vizibilului, un nc nevzut, un nedifuzat, cenzur temporar a televiziunii. Interesul
puterii de stat a vizat de bun seam creditul de imagine pe care l-a putut
aduce omniprezena mediatic a evenimentului. La un nivel mai profund
ns, este vorba despre ingineria unei promisiuni de sens, de certitudine care
s rentemeieze un flux integral virtual al valorilor, adic al evalurilor. Abia
aici relaia complex dintre politic i religios devine o complicitate, n
msura n care este n definitiv vorba despre amenajarea fantasmatic a unui
loc rmas gol dup retragerea divinului. De aceea, complicitatea dintre politic
i religie nu e doar local, accidental, prestaie lamentabil a vreunui
obscur sobor cu aspect de taraf, ci ea se nscrie structural, capital, n practica public din epoca devalorizrii universale. Laicizarea este un proces continuu n msura n care locul rmas gol n fundaia modernitii va exercita
n permanen o presiune n vederea umplerii, recuperrii i consolidrii
sale. Laicizarea este de aceea o form de rezisten la reaproprierile multiple ale locului lsat gol de retragerea transcendenei, retragere care
promite modernitii o experien diferit a alteritii, a eterogenitii i deci
a autonomiei i responsabilitii de sine.

visibility and redundancy of ordinary positions: the question is how can a place

Note:

6. Jacques Derrida, Foi et Savoir suivi de Le Sicle et le Pardon, Paris, Seuil, 2000.

1. Jean-Claude Monod, La querelle de la scularisation. Thologie politique et philosophies de lhistoire

de Hegel Blumenberg, Paris, Vrin, 2002.

7. Walter Benjamin, Fragment teologico-politic, in Iluminri [Illuminations], trans.,

Cluj, Idea, 2002, p. 203.

be kept for something different or, with its modern name, something radically
different The radical character of otherness comes only from its withdrawal.
When and how the complexity of relations between religion and politics
becomes a complication and complicity The world media capital needs the
exhibition of the dead gods shadow, the suffering or retreated god of western
modernity. In the impudent and merciless media exploitation of the Popes sufferings the harassment of God himself is present. The death of Pope John Paul
II has been a reality show, a broadcast that complied with the media logic that
the Holy See has used programmatically in the past decades for the benefit of
the Catholic Church. The aspiration toward the unseen is inseparable now from
tele-vision, and the unseen itself becomes, from an excess of visibility, just a yet
unseen, not broadcasted, temporary censoring of the television. The interest of
state power has aimed at the image credit that the media omnipresence of the
event could bring. At a deeper level however, it is all about the scheme of a
meaning promise, of certitude that could found again a totally virtual flux of
values that is evaluations. Only here the complex relation between politic and
religious becomes complicity at the extent it is definitely about the imaginary
organization of place left empty after the withdrawal of the divine. This is why
the complicity between politics and religion is not just local, accidental, but it is
structurally and capitally a part of the public practice in the times of universal
devaluation. Secularization is an ongoing process at the extent the empty place
at the foundation of modernity will always put a pressure on its replacement,
recuperation and consolidation. The secularization is therefore a form of resistance to the multiple re-appropriations of the empty place after the withdrawal
of transcendence, a retreat that promises to the modernity a different experience of the otherness, of the heterogeneousness, hence of autonomy and selfresponsibility.
Translated by Izabella Badiu

Notes:
1. Jean-Claude Monod, La querelle de la scularisation. Thologie politique et philosophies de lhistoire de Hegel Blumenberg, Paris, Vrin, 2002.
2. Hans Blumenberg, La lgitimit des Temps Modernes, trans., Paris, Gallimard, 1999.
3. Jean-Claude Monod, op. cit., pp. 1415.
4. Hans Blumenberg, op. cit., p. 75.
5. Jean-Christophe Bailly, Adieu. Essai sur la mort des dieux, Paris, Aube, 1993, p. 9.

2. Hans Blumenberg, La lgitimit des Temps Modernes, traduit de lallemand par Marc Sagnol, JeanLouis Schlegel et Denis Trierweiler avec la collaboration de Marianne Dautrey, Paris, Gallimard,
1999.
3. Jean-Claude Monod, op. cit., pp. 1415.
4. Hans Blumenberg, op. cit., p. 75.
5. Jean-Christophe Bailly, Adieu. Essai sur la mort des dieux, Paris, Aube, 1993, p. 9.
6. Jacques Derrida, Credin i cunoatere. Veacul i iertarea, trad. rom. de Emilian Cioc, BucuretiPiteti, Paralela 45, 2004.
7. Walter Benjamin, Fragment teologico-politic, in Iluminri, trad. rom. de Catrinel Pleu, Cluj, Idea,
2002, p. 203.

140

Noua tiin
Mihail Rklin

Pe 14 ianuarie 2003 am participat la inaugurarea expoziiei Atenie, religia!

n Sala de Expoziii a Muzeului A. D. Saharov. Curatorul Arutun Zulumean
a selectat pentru aceast expoziie lucrrile a 39 de pictori i a dou grupuri
de art; n-au fost doar pictori moscovii, ci i din Armenia, SUA, Japonia,
Bulgaria, Cehia i alte ri. Au fost prezeni att pictori cunoscui, ct i
debutani, lucrri expuse de mai multe ori (ndeosebi cele ale pictorilor
cunoscui, pentru care aceast expoziie era de trecere), dar i exponate
pe care le-am putut vedea pentru prima oar.
Peste patru zile expoziia Atenie, religia! a fost distrus de ase brbai care
susineau c snt credincioi ortodoci i c vd n majoritatea lucrrilor din
expoziie o batjocur fa de credina lor. O parte a exponatelor au fost mprocate cu pulverizatorul cu vopsea, altele smulse de pe perei i aruncate pe podea, celelalte fiind distruse. Supraveghetoarea a reuit s cheme
miliia, rufctorii au fost arestai, nvinovii de huliganism i eliberai pe
cauiune.
n august 2003, cei care au distrus expoziia au fost declarai de ctre judectorie nevinovai n schimb, la cererea Dumei de Stat, mpotriva organizatorilor expoziiei procuratura a deschis proces penal n baza articolului
Instigare la vrajb naional i religioas. n cadrul procesului, anchetatorii
au comandat o expertiz tiinific a lucrrilor prezentate la expoziie.1
Aproape toate lucrrile din aceast expoziie snt declarate de ctre experi
ca profanatoare i blasfematorii, iar expoziia drept un act de propagand,
ndreptat intenionat mpotriva credinei i spre distrugerea ortodoxiei
ruseti multimilenare. Apoi snt expuse i motivele tiinifice, care demonstreaz necesitatea fiziologic de distrugere a expoziiei. Oamenii care au
devastat expoziia, ne asigur experii, au reacionat absolut normal la ce
au vzut n faa ochilor, distrugnd lucrrile profanatoare din expoziie. Una
dintre experte i nvinuiete cu toat seriozitatea pe pictori de decretinare;
ca i cum cetenilor Rusiei contemporane atei, buditi i musulmani li
s-ar impune prin lege trecerea la ortodoxie. Avem de-a face, n cel mai bun
caz, cu un exemplu de liric ortodox-fundamentalist, ai crei autori nu neleg
absolut nimic din sistemul juridic al societii n care triesc. Lucrrile pictorilor snt supuse unei interpretri clericale agresive; mai nti se autodefinete unicul adevr, micarea imediat urmtoare fiind numirea lucrrilor
drept crime ideatice mpotriva credinei ortodoxe. Incredibila coeziune
religioas a experilor i mpinge pe acetia s impute pictorilor ceva de genul:
dintr-un grup rzle, cum erau n ziua vernisajului aceti 40 de artiti care
s-au ntlnit pentru prima dat n aceast componen, prin eforturile i strduina experilor ei aproape c se transform n membri ai unei secte antiortodoxe totalitare. Pentru experi, imaginarul chip al dumanului e inseparabil
de respingerea din principiu a ntregii culturi contemporane (inclusiv
suprarealismul, dadaismul, expresionismul, conceptualismul etc.); el nu
exist n afara proieciei acestei respingeri n lucrrile artei con-

THE NEW SCIENCE

MIHAIL RKLIN s-a nscut n 1948 la Leningrad. Doctor n filosofie, membru al Academiei de tiine din New York. ine cursuri de filosofie n Rusia, SUA, Frana i Germania. Public: Terrorologhica
(Tartu, 1992), Derrida la Moscova (Moscova,1993), Paris foutte (n curs de apariie n Frana). Traduce autori precum J. Derrida, G. Deleuze, R. Barthes.

MIKHAIL RYKLIN was born in 1948 in Leningrad. PhD in philosophy, member of the Academy
of Science, New York. Teaches philosophy at universities in Russia, USA, France and Germany.
Publications: Terrorologic (Tartu, 1992), Derrida in Moscow (Moscow, 1993), Paris foutte (to be published in France). Translations (among others): J. Derrida, G. Deleuze, R. Barthes.

Mikhail Ryklin
On January 14, 2003, I attended the opening of the exhibition Beware, religion!
at the the A. D. Sakharov Museum Exhibition Hall. For this exhibition, the
curator Arutun Zulumean selected the works of 39 painters and two art groups;
there were not just Muscovite painters, but also from Armenia, USA, Japan,
Bulgaria, Czech Republic, etc. There were well-known painters, as well as
beginners; works exposed for many times (especially those of the well-known
painters, for which this exhibition was just a passing by), as well as works we
saw for the first time.
After four days, the exhibition Beware, religion! was destroyed by six men
claiming to be Orthodox believers and that what they saw in most of the exhibition works was a mockery of their faith. Part of the exposed works were splattered with a pait sprayer, others torn off the walls and dropped on the floor,
and the rest, destroyed. The supervisor managed to call the militia, the malefactors were arrested, charged with hooliganism and released on bail.
In August 2003, those who destroyed the exhibition were declared innocent by
the court, instead, the prosecution at the request of the State Duma filed a
criminal complaint against the exhibition organisers under article Instigation
to national and religious hatred. Within the trial, the investigators demanded
that the works shown at the exhibition be subjected to a scientific expertise.1
Almost every work in this exhibition was declared by the experts profanatory
and blasphemous, and the exhibition an act of propaganda, purposely
directed against faith and the multi-millenial Russian Orthodoxy. Then come
the scientific reasons, which demonstate the physiological need to destroy
the exhibition. The people who vandalized the exhibition the experts assure
us reacted perfectly normal to what they saw, by destroying the profanatory works in the exhibition. One of the experts blames the painters, in all
earnest, of de-Christianization; as if the citizens of contemporary Russia
atheist, Buddhists and Moslems were compeled by law to become
Christians. What we are dealing with is at best an example of fundamentalist-Orthodox lyricism, whose authors do not understand at all the juridic system
of the society they live in. The works of the painters are being subjected to
an aggressive clerical interpretation; first of all we are given a self-definition of
the sole truth, the very next step is calling the works ideatic crimes against
the Orthodox faith. The incredible religious cohesion of the experts makes
them impute to the painters something like this: from a motley crue, as they
were in the opening night, these 40 artists, who met in such a formation for
the first time, are about to become members of a totalitarian anti-Orthodox
sect, by the efforts and exertion of the experts. To the experts, the enemys
imaginary image is inseparable from denying on principle the whole contempo-

141

temporane adunate la expoziia Atenie, religia!. Experii propun naiv proieciile lor ca pe ceva obiectiv care exist independent de dorina lor i care
le atac subcontientul cumva din afar. Uimitor este c anume pe acest
chip exterior se bazeaz nvinuirea penal n urma creia organizatorii i participanii la expoziie snt ameninai cu pn la 5 ani de lipsire de libertate.
Practic, nvinuiii trebuie s rspund n faa tribunalului exclusiv pentru
puternicele triri emoionale, provocate mai nti de devastatori, apoi de
aciunile experilor.
Evenimentele din jurul expoziiei se dezvolt dup scenariul psihopatic obinuit pentru Rusia contemporan. Specificul acestei psihoze const n faptul c nuntrul ei construciile imaginare (ortodoxia strveche neatins de
pcat, nevoia cultului icoanelor i al sfinilor) se evideniaz printr-o activitate intens, care devine mai real dect orice realitate normal. Din punctul de vedere al logicii acestei psihoze, nu are nici o importan c religia
e independent fa de stat i c a distruge expoziiile e la fel de interzis ca
i distrugerea bisericilor, pagodelor i moscheilor. Psihopatul e periculos tocmai prin faptul c triete dup regulile sale imaginare, pentru el evlavia fiind
incomparabil mai important dect legea.
Conform legii, subnelegerea instigrii la vrajb naional i religioas nu poate
fi rezultatul interpretrilor distrugtorilor i ale experilor; n lege se au n
vedere instigrile evidente pentru orice om i din aceast cauz interpretrile snt de prisos. Bineneles c la expoziie n-au existat sloganuri de tipul: S distrugem ortodoxia!; dar cu ajutorul unor astfel de interpretri,
destul de radicale, cum e cea a experilor, se poate demonstra orice. Tocmai pentru c n Rusia contemporan au loc mult prea multe acte care cad
direct sub incidena infraciunii de instigare la vrajb naional i religioas
i fiindc toate acestea snt nepedepsite, apare necesitatea de a conferi un
temei pseudotiinific distrugerii. Experii au neglijat complet statutul lor tiinific
n legtur cu operele de art: ei le-au dat o interpretare pur fundamentalist, lipsind arta de caracteristica ei principal polisemantismul. Ei apeleaz
la autoritatea tiinei doar cnd au nevoie s ndrepteasc aciunea oamenilor care au masacrat expoziia, interveniile acestora din urm fiind interpretate de ctre ei ca legate nemijlocit de necesitile fiziologice.
Aici e vorba, evident, de masacrologia aplicat. Dac unui ateu i-ar veni n
gnd s repete aceleai aciuni ntr-o biseric ortodox sau un budist ar face
acelai lucru ntr-o moschee, fcnd referin la noua lege fiziologic introdus de experi, ei cu siguran vor fi nvinuii de instigare la vrajb religioas, distrugere de bunuri i huliganism. Exact aa cum Lsenko a creat
tiina sa bazndu-se pe legile speciale ale gospodriilor steti socialiste,
astfel i noua tiin se formeaz dup regulile comportamentului ortodox (i nimic altceva).
Pentru recunoaterea sloganurilor care instig la nvrjbire naional i religioas repet nu este nevoie de expertiz; coninutul sloganului de acest
tip trebuie s fie clar pentru fiecare cetean. Cu toate acestea, experii i
cerceteaz pe pictori ca pe o sect, ai crei membri ar fi unii de aceeai
ur fa de ortodoxie precum cea pe care o triesc aceste dame de tiin
fa de cultura contemporan; n fond, pictorii trebuie s rspund pentru
sentimentele dumnoase a cror int snt chiar ei, pentru teoriile celor
care-i nvinovesc mpotriva credinei adevrate. Nou i fr precedent n
acest caz e faptul c un asemenea atac psihiatric are loc n cadrul unui proces penal. Trebuie s menionm c societatea care a provocat acest proces nu este una clerical, ci secular. Att oamenii care au distrus expoziia,
ct i experii pretind la monopolizarea dreptului de a fi urt; fiind evident

142

rary culture (including superealism, dadaism, expressionism, conceptualism,

etc); it does not exist outside the projection of this rejection in the contemporary artworks gathered for the exhibition Beware, religion! The experts naively
hold their projections as something objective, existing independently from their
wishes and which somehow attack their subconscious from outside. The amazing fact is that the criminal charges brought against the organisers and participants in the show are based on this exterior image, and they are facing up
to 5 years in prison. In actual fact, the defendants must answer before justice
exclusively for the strong emotional feelings, first induced by the vandals,
then by the experts actions.
The events surrounding the exhibition develop according to a psychopathic
scenario typical of contemporary Russia. The characteristic of this psychosis
consists in the fact that within its framework, the imaginary constructions
(the archaic Orthodoxy, untouched by sin, the need for the cult of icons and
saints) distinguish themselves by an intense activity, which becomes more real
than any normal reality. In terms of the logic of this psychosis, it doesnt matter
that religion is independent from the state and that destroying exhibitions is
prohibited as well as destroying churches, pagotas and mosques. The psychopath is dangerous exactly because he lives by his own imaginary rules,
the religiousness being far more important for him than the law.
According to the law, the implicit meaning of instigating national and religious
hatred cannot result from the interpretation given by vandals and experts;
the law envisages instigations which are obvious for everyone and that is why
the interpretations are meaningless. Naturally, the exhibition did not feature
slogans like Lets destroy Orthodoxy; although one can prove anything by
means of such radical interpretations, like those of the experts. It is just
because there are too many actions, which are directly to be considered instigations of national and religious hatred and which are not punished, that it is
necessary to give destruction a pseudoscientific foundation. The experts neglected one hundred percent their scientific position with repect to the artworks:
their interpretation was a purely fundamentalist one, divesting art of its very
characteristic polysemy. They only refer to the authority of science when they
need to legitimate the action of those who massacrated the exhibition;
their actions were directly associated by them with the physiological needs.
Obviously, what we have here is applied massacrology. Should an atheist feel
like doing the same things in a Orthodox church, or a Buddhist do the same
thing in a mosque, he is certainly to be accused, according to the new physiological law introduced by experts, of instigating to religious hatred, destroying
assets and hooliganism. Just the way Lysenko created his science based on
the special laws of the socialist country households, the new science is forming according to the rules of the Orthodox behaviour (and nothing else).
There is no need for an expertise in order to recognize the slogans calling to
national and religious hatred I repeat there is no need for an expertise;
the content of such a slogan should be clear to every citizen. Nevertheless,
the experts analyse the painters as if they were a sect, whose members are
united by the same hate towards Orthodoxy that these science dames feel for
the contemporary culture; in fact, the painters must answer for the hostile feelings whose target is they themselves, for the theories that blame them for
being against true faith. What is new and unprecedented in this case is the fact
that this psychiatric attack is taking place within a criminal case; note that
the society which started this trial is not a clecical, but a secular one. Not only
those who destroyed the exhibition, but also the experts claim to have a mono-

+
partea puterii, ei fac pe victimele unei agresiuni incredibil de violente,
transformnd astfel victimele n cli i clii n victime. Nu ncerc s judec,
pentru c o asemenea atitudine nu e permis de credina cretin, dar e
limpede c ceea ce se ntmpl este n contradicie cu legislaia care apr
libertatea contiinei. E inutil s vorbim despre bezna juridic n care vom
intra dac organizatorii i participanii la expoziia Atenie, religia! vor fi condamnai, chiar i cu eliberare condiionat. Atunci poate c n Tataria se va
dori s se apere islamismul prin aceleai metode, n Kalmkia budismul,
iar n alte locuri alte confesiuni. n acelai timp, nenumratele instigri directe
la violen vor rmne n continuare nepedepsite. Nu tiu dac perspectiva vieii ntr-o astfel de societate le va prea atrgtoare fie i acelora care,
nedorind s-i complice viaa, nchid ochii la distrugerea expoziiei Atenie,
religia!, care a avut loc cu un an n urm, considerndu-l drept un episod
minor, o excepie fr nici o importan.
De fapt, aa i prea acea zi de 18 ianuarie 2003, dar dup numai un an
avem o situaie cu totul diferit.
Primul semnal de schimbare a situaiei a venit din partea creatorilor de art,
de tiin i de cultur: expoziia pe care nici unul dintre ei n-a vzut-o
era nvinuit de faptul c a adus culturii ruse daune mai mari dect toate
nedreptile la care a fost supus biserica n timpul sistemului bolevic. Unul
dintre capii ierarhiei ortodoxe a anunat, la fel, c expoziia pe care nu a
onorat-o vreodat cu vizita sa a fost o crim. Dup o lun de la distrugerea expoziiei, Duma a luat o hotrre pe care a trimis-o procurorului general i care practic coninea acuzaia fa de organizatorii expoziiei i pictorii
care au participat la ea: Expoziia despre care e vorba a avut drept scop
instigarea la vrajb religioas, njosirea sentimentelor credincioilor i jignirea
Bisericii Ortodoxe Ruse. Nu e de mirare c, ntr-o astfel de atmosfer, n
august 2003 judectoria practic a dat dreptate oamenilor care au distrus
expoziia.
Experii au fcut ultimul pas, nvinuindu-i pe cei care au fost victimele campaniei urii c tocmai ei ar fi instigatorii care au fcut s vin la expoziie sute
de mii de oameni; acum vor trebui s rspund n faa legii pentru ce au
fcut cei care de fapt i-au gonit.
Numind interpretarea lor canonic, experii se adreseaz artei contemporane intenionat ntr-o limb strin pentru ea, n limba n care societatea
secular face s existe i spaiile religioase. Muzeul nu este un spaiu al lui
Dumnezeu. Faptul c distrugtorii i experii i-au vzut pe pictori ca pe nite
reprezentani ai unei confesiuni religioase concurente caracterizeaz cum
nu se poate mai bine nivelul lor religios de dezvoltare. Lista interdiciilor
impuse de experi o depete cu mult pe cea din Imperiul Rus de dinainte
de revoluie, ntr-o societate care era oficial ortodox. Pictorului i se ngduie s fac sacrilegii n apartamentul sau n atelierul su, dar n nici un caz
ntr-un loc public. Un expert a hotrt c ntreaga art contemporan e o
activitate creativ de orientare nihilist. Introducnd nihilismul n definiia artei
contemporane, ei o descifreaz fr greutate din unele lucrri: o cruce fcut
de pictor este definit ca Dttoare de Via, tunica Mantaua Sfnt,
petele simbolul lui Hristos, iar oia clonat Dolly nsui Iisus Hristos.
n concluzie, pictorii apar ca nite cunosctori extraordinari ai ritualurilor ortodoxe, care-i creeaz lucrrile cu un singur scop: s jigneasc sentimentele vizitatorilor Bisericii Ortodoxe Ruse. Dar, chipurile, nu e interzis
doar pictarea de simboluri religioase (sau orice altceva ce-ar putea fi
descifrat n mod asemntor); e interzis s pictezi oameni cu nfiare slav
n situaii obinuite; e interzis s combini naltul cu cotidianul (lucru pe

poly on being hated; evidently taking the side of the power, they play the victims of an incredible strong aggression, thus turning the victims into executioners. Im not trying to be judgemental, because such a conduct is not allowed by
Christian faith, but its obvious that what is happening contradicts the legislation defending the freedom of conscience. Its useless to talk about the juridic
darkness we are about to enter, if the organisers and the participants to the
exhibition Beware, religion! are convicted, even if they are released on parole.
Then maybe the people in Tartaria will consider protecting Islam by the same
means, those in Kalmykia Buddhism, and in other places other confessions.
At the same time, the numerous direct instigations to violence will still remain
unpunished. I dont know if the perspective of leading a life in such a society
will seem too attractive, not even for those who, unwilling to complicate their
lives, connive at the destruction of the exhibition Beware, religion! from a year
ago, regarding it as a minor event, as an insignificant exception.
In fact, so it looked on that day of January 18, 2003, but after a year the situation changed completely. The first sign of change came from the part of
creators of art, science and culture: the exhibition which none of them has
seen was blamed for bringing upon the Russian culture a destruction bigger
than any of the wrongs that the church was subjected to during the Bolshevik
system. One of the heads of the Orthodox hierarchy, too, announced that the
exhibition which he has not once hounoured with his presence was a crime.
A month after the destruction of the exhibition, the Duma made a decision
which was sent to the general attorney, which in fact incriminated the exhibition organisers and those who took part in it: The purpose of the exhibition in
question was to instigate to religious hatred, to humiliate the believers feelings
and to offend the Russian Orthodox Church. No wonder that in such a climate in August 2003 the court ruled in favour of those who destroyed the
exhibition.
The experts took the first step, blaming the victims of the hatred campaign that
they themselves did it an purpose, thus inviting hundreds of thousands of people to the exhibition; now they will have to answer before the law for what
their persecutors did.
By calling their interpretation canonic, the experts deliberately adress to contemporary art into a language alien to it, the language in which the secular society makes it possible for the religious spaces to exist. The museum is not a space
of God. The fact that the vandals and the experts regarded the painters as a
rival religious confession defines to the best their religious level. The experts
list of restraints exceeds by far those of the Russian Empire before the revolution, an officially Orthodox society. The painter is generously allowed to create
sacrileges in his apartment or studio, but under no circumstances in a public
space. An expert decided that the entire contemporary art is a creative activity with a nihilistic orientation. By bringing nihilism into the definition of contemporary art, they easily decipher it in some artworks: a cross made by the
painter is defined a Life-Giving, a tunic is the Holy Cloak, the fish symbolises
Christ, and Dolly, the little cloned sheep Jesus Christ himself. In conclusion,
the painters seem to be excellent experts in Orthodox rituals, creating their artworks with only one purpose in mind: to hurt the feelings of those who visit the
Russian Orthodox Church. Apparently, not only that is forbbiden to paint religious symbols (or anything that could be deciphered as resembling one);
its forbbiden to paint paint Slavonian-looking people in everyday situations;
its forbbiden to mix the above with the ordinary (a fact which, according to
Mikhail Bakhtin, the entire oral popular culture was built on); all painters have

143

pe Mihail Bahtin, s-a construit ntreaga cultur popular oral); toi pictorii
snt obligai s participe la cretinarea Rusiei etc. Pentru pictorii contemporani aceast list este egal cu interzicerea exercitrii profesiei lor.
Expoziia Atenie, religia! a devenit un obiectiv pentru proiectarea celor mai
ascunse i mai distructive dorine: poi s-o urti de la deprtare, cu cuvinte
strine i foarte aprinse. n cadrul expoziiei nimeni nu i-a btut joc de divinitate i de sfini, n-a jignit tatl i mama nimnui; toate aceste sentimente puternice au fost atribuite pictorilor post factum, mai nti de ctre distrugtorii
expoziiei, apoi de ctre experi. ntr-o form plastic, mai mult sau mai puin
reuit, s-au fcut mai multe interpretri care, n principiu, n-aveau nici o
legtur una cu cealalt. Bineneles c fiecare are libertatea s-i aleag interpretarea care i se potrivete, dar e cu totul altceva cnd pe baza uneia dintre aceste interpretri i nc una destul de fantezist cineva poate s
fie condamnat i lipsit de libertate.
Recunoaterea libertii de exprimare din partea experilor sun ipocrit.
Trebuie s menionez, scrie una dintre experte, c absolut toi participanii
la actul-performance nvinovit aveau dreptul la exprimarea propriului
Eu fr a fi mpiedicai de nici o interdicie religioas. Altfel spus, pn cnd
acest grup de pictori conceptualiti n-a avut intenia s organizeze o aciune
antiortodox, toate blasfemiile lor artistice izolate i dezarticulate se dezvoltau ca o aciune autonom a exprimrii personalitilor artistice ale pictorilor, independente de orice prere
public (Concluzia experilor n legtur cu aciunea penal nr. 4616, p. 38).
O asemenea interpretare a libertii de
exprimare conine practic interdicia
exercitrii profesiei, prin aceea c, n
primul rnd, arta este rejudecat conform termenilor fundamentalismului religios ca blasfemie artistic, iar n al doilea rnd prin faptul c pictorilor nu
li se recunoate dreptul de a expune n public rezultatele creaiei lor. Organizarea unei expoziii devine astfel pur i simplu o crim tainic (blasfemie)
i totodat evident (care poate fi deci judecat penal).
Aproape c ar trebui s ne ndoim dac libertatea de exprimare i libertatea
contiinei snt preferabile cenzurii. Dar nu e mai puin evident c ntr-o
societate n care distrugtorii snt ndreptii, iar victimele lor snt chemate
n judecat, referindu-se la inevitabila reacie fiziologic a vandalilor, libertatea de creaie este negat chiar mai radical dect acolo unde e ngrdit
de cenzur. Avem de-a face cu o nclcare a legii mult mai grosolan dect
cenzura. Libertatea creaiei, care e definit drept blasfemie, sun a batjocur fa de aceast nelegere, mai ales din partea unor oameni care demonstreaz necesitatea distrugerii rezultatelor libertii de creaie n cazul
unor demonstraii publice. Apologeilor devastrii nu le e suficient s prezinte distrugerea expoziiei ca pe o aciune procretin (exist o mulime
de asemenea exemple n istoria religiilor); ei ndreptesc devastarea pe cale
tiinific, referindu-se la marele oc pe care l-au trit cei care au comis
vandalismul. Percepia obiectelor care trezesc n individ frustrarea, se spune n verdictul ultimului dintre experi, duce la excitarea sistemului nervos
central, din care rezult o reacie haotic, un comportament agresiv de
aprare. Pentru comportamentul masculin n aceste cazuri este caracteristic o reacie activ de aprare (ceea ce s-a putut observa pe 14 ianuarie 2003 n Sala de Expoziii a Muzeului A. D. Saharov), pentru
comportamentul feminin n aceste situaii fiind caracteristice de obicei

144

the obligation to take part in the Christianisation of Russia etc. For the contemporary painters, this list means the forbbidance of practicing their
profession.
The exhibition Beware, religion! became a target for the projection of ones
innermost destructive desires: one can hate it from afar, using alien and ardent
words. No one within the exhibition mocked divinity or the saints, neither offended ones father or mother; all these strong feelings were ascribed to the
painters post factum first by those who destroyed the exhibition, then by
the experts.
In a more or less successful expressive form, there were more interpretations
which, in fact, had nothing to do one with each other. Sure, everyone has the
liberty to choose the proper interpretation, but the situation changes when
based on one of these interpretations and quite a phantasmal one someone
could be convicted and deprived of liberty.
The expertss recognition of the freedom of expression sounds hypocritical.
I have to say one of the experts writes that absolutely all of the participants to the blamed performance act had the right to express their own Ego
without being obstructed by any religious restraint. In other words, until the
moment this group of conceptualist painters decided to organise an antiOrthodox action, all their isolated and stray artistic blasphemies grew as an
autonomous action of the painters expressing their artistic personalities, apart
from any public appreciation
(The expertss conclusion regarding
the criminal suit no. 4616, p. 38).
Such interpretation of the freedom
of expression practically contains the forbbidance of practicing their profession,
as long as, in the first place, art is reinterpreted according to religious fundamentalist terms as artistic blasphemy
and, secondly, the painters are denied the right to show in public the results
of their creativity. Organising such an exhibition simply becomes a crime
veiled (blasphemy) and at the same time manifest (and actional, too).
We should almost doubt that freedom of expression and freedom of conscience
are preferable to censorship. But it is nonetheless obvious that in a society
wherein the vandals are right and their victims are being sued, with refference
to the physiological need of the vandals reaction, freedom of creation is denied in a more radical way than wherever it is restricted by censorship. We are
facing a much grosser law-breaking than censorship.
The freedom of creation, which is defined as blasphemy sounds like a mockery
to this way of understanding, especially when coming from those who demonstrate the need to destroy the results of the freedom of creation in the event
of a public show. Its not enough for the apologists of devastation to present
the destruction of the exhibition as a pro-Christian action (there are many
such examples in the history of religion); they scientifically legitimate devastation, reffering to the big shock experienced by the vandals. The sight of the
objects that rouse frustration in an individual says the verdict of the last
expert leads to the excitation of the central nervous system, followed by
a chaotic reaction, an aggressive defensive behaviour. The male behaviour
in this case is caractherised by an active defensive reaction (that could be
observed on January 14 2003, at the A. D. Sakharov Museum Exhibition Hall),
and the female behaviour in these circumstances is usually caractherized
by passive and depressive reactions on the part of the victim (The experts

+
pasive i depresive ale victimei (Concluzia experilor, p. 66). Dac
tiina nou masacrologia va nvinge ntr-o societate autointitulat drept
secular, dac datorit ei va fi posibil s condamni oameni, introducerea cenzurii va prea o aciune progresist. ntr-o asemenea societate cenzura va
prea un act preventiv mpotriva huliganismului care va triumfa (s nu se
cread c snt pentru introducerea cenzurii n societatea democratic).
Dac e s judeci arta contemporan cu criterii strine ei, dac e s-i priveti
pe pictori ca membri ai unei secte religioase concurente (experii i numesc
fi sataniti), unele lucrri chiar vor prea blasfemii. Aproape toate textele care susin i apr masacrul snt scrise pe o tonalitate isteric; ele cer
cu insisten ca pictorii s fie trai la rspundere, pictori ale cror lucrri autorii
acestor texte nici nu s-au obosit s le vad. Unicul lucru pe care ei l
recunosc uneori e c ura lor ieit din comun slujete propagandei cu orice
pre mpotriva celor pe care i atac. Nu introducei ura voastr n aceste lucrri a dori s le spun acestor scriitori i ele vor deveni ceea ce
erau n ziua deschiderii vernisajului pe 14 ianuarie 2003, adic lucrri n stiluri diferite adunate pentru o expoziie pe o anumit tem. ns dac i atribui
pictorului posibilitatea de a jigni spiritualitatea rus milenar nu vei reui
s evii demonstrarea contrarului. Nu poi s provoci n acelai timp reacii
emoionale att de intense i s vrei ca nimeni s nu observe rezultatul acestor reacii.
Voi aduce un singur exemplu. Autorul lucrrii Coca-Cola, Alexandru
Kosolapov, un sotartist cunoscut, locuiete n SUA de mai bine de 15 ani
i lucreaz de mult vreme cu sloganurile din reclamele diferitor firme, inclusiv Coca-Cola. n descifrarea expertului, lucrarea lui Alexandru Kosolapov
este reinterpretat brutal i pus n cu totul alt context: Este evident c
expozantul mizeaz anume pe percepia cretinilor care frecventeaz biserica, fiindc un om cruia nu-i snt familiare obiceiurile i tainele bisericeti
nu ar putea s neleag aluziile lucrrii, care astfel ar pierde orice sens. Cu
toate acestea, exponatul este ndreptat chiar mpotriva bisericii cretine (Concluzia, p. 11). n afara imaginaiei fundamentaliste a expertului, n aceast
lucrare nu exist nimic evident; n afara transferului psihiatric aici nu exist
nici nsui Hristos, nici Liturghia Dumnezeiasc, nici jignirea sentimentelor nimnui. Bineneles c nu poi s interzici oamenilor s aib fantezii, dar poi i trebuie s-i atenionezi asupra convenionalitii i artificialitii
acestor fantezii pe care le au, mai ales n cazul n care acestea snt adunate
ca nvinuiri penale. E clar c, murdrind mai nti lucrarea cu vopsea i dndu-i apoi o interpretare ortodox neateptat, dumanii artei contemporane au mrit capitalul simbolic atribuit lucrrii, dar e ciudat s-l nvinoveti
pe pictor pentru asta.
La nceputul lunii mai 2003 am participat la deschiderea expoziiei Phantom
der Lust. Visionen des Masochismus in der Kunst din Graz. Aproape orice
lucrare din expoziie era mai radical dect cea mai blasfemic lucrare a
expoziiei Atenie, religia!; nici acolo nu lipseau lucrrile pe teme religioase
(erau i cruci, i rstigniri, iar un ciclu de lucrri se numea chiar Les Sataniques). N-a distrus ns nimeni expoziia. S nsemne asta c n Graz nu
exist catolici zeloi pe care s-i fi enervat multe lucruri din aceast expoziie
Bineneles c asemenea oameni nu lipsesc nici acolo, dar ei tiu foarte bine
c societatea n care triesc apr expoziia, aa cum apr i biserica n care
ei se duc s se roage.
n Moscova s-a ajuns att de departe nu din cauza numeroilor extremiti
religioi (ei snt peste tot), ci pentru c Biserica Ortodox Rus este pe fa
sub aripa statului, n ciuda propriei legislaii i n ciuda Constituiei. i n Rusia,

conclusion..., p. 66). If the new science massacrology succeeds in a society

which calls itself secular, if it makes it possible to convict people through it,
introducing censorship will seem like a progressive action. In such a society,
censorship will seem a preventive action that will triumph against hooliganism
(one should not believe that I support the introduction of censorship in a democratic society).
If you judge contemporary art using criteria alien to it, if you look at the
painters as if they were members of a rival religious sect (the experts openly
call them satanists), some of the works here will seem blasphemous. Almost
every text supporting and defending the massacre is written in a hysterical
tone; they demand insistently that the painters should be held responsibile,
the painters whose works the authors of these texts didnt bother to see.
The only thing they admit sometimes is that their unusual hatred serves the
advertising at any cost, against which their phillipics are directed. Do not
bring your hatred into these works Id like to say to these writers and they
will become what they were on the opening day, on January 14, 2003, that is
works belonging to different styles, gathered for a thematic exhibition.
But if you assign to the painter the possibility to offend the millennial Russian
spirituality, you wont be able to avoid demonstrating the opposite. Its not
possible to make such deep emotional investments and at the same time wish
that nobody notices the result of these investments.
I will give you just one exemple. The author of the work Coca-Cola, Alexander
Kosolapov, a well-known sotartist, has lived in the USA for more than 15 years
and has been working for a long time with slogans used for advertising by different companies, including Coca-Cola. In the translation of the expert, the
work of Alexander Kosolapov is brutally reinterpreted and put into a whole new
framework: It is obvious that the work appeals purposely to the perception
of church-going Christians, because someone unfamiliar with the church habits
and mysteries would not understand the allusions of the work, otherwise meaningless. Nevertheless, the work is directed against the Christian church itself
(Conclusion..., p. 11). Except for the fundamentalist imagination of the expert,
theres nothing obvious in this work, except for the psychiatric transfer, there
is no Christ Himself, nor Holy Mass nor any other offence to ones feelings.
You certainly cannot forbid people to have fantasies, but you can and you must
warn them about the conventionality and artificiality of his fantesies, especially
when they are brought against him as criminal charges. Its obvious that the
enemies of contemporary art have increased the symbolic capital assigned
to the work, first, by staining it with ink, then by interpreting it in an unexpected way, but its peculiar to blame that on the painter.
In early May 2003 I went to the opening of the expozition Phantom der Lust.
Visionen des Masochismus in der Kunst in Graz. Almost every work in the exhibition was more radical than the most blasphemous work in the exhibition
Beware, religion!; the works using religious motifs were present there too
(there were crosses and crucifixations, even a series of works called
Les Sataniques). But nobody destroyed the exhibition. Could this mean that
there are no zealous Catholics in Graz vexed by many things from this exhibition Certainly, people like this live there too, but they know very well that
the exhibition is protected by the society they live in, as well as the Churh
to which they go to pray.
The things have gone so far in Moscow not because of the numerous religious
extremists (they live everywhere), but due to the fact that the Russian Orthodox
Church is openly held under the states wing, despite its own legislation and

145

i n strintate s-a scris mult despre fundamentalismul ortodox, a crui existen este negat de experi. Pe acest fond, prerile critice ale pictorilor la
adresa clerului nu par deloc radicale, iar faptul c experii nu au gsit nici
un atac mpotriva credinei ortodoxe se explic foarte simplu: n-au gsit aa
ceva fiindc aa ceva lipsete pur i simplu din aceast expoziie. Respectul
fa de credin nu exclude deloc critica fundamentalismului religios.
Existena credincioilor n rndul pictorilor, inclusiv a credincioilor ortodoci,
poate s-i mire doar pe cei pentru care credina este sinonim cu intolerana,
iar cuvntul ecumenic cu sudalma.

despite the Constitution. There has been much writing, in Russia, as well as
abroad, about the orthodox fundamentalism, whose existence is denied by
experts. Against this background, the critic views of the painters on clergy
dont seem radical at all, and the fact that the experts have found no evidence
of an attack against the Orthodox faith has a very simple explanation:
they have found no such thing, because simply there is not such thing in this
exhibition. Respecting faith doesnt exclude at all the critique of the religious
fundamentalism. The presence of believers, including Orthodox believers,
among painters may come as a shock only for those who believe that faith
equals intolerance, and the word ecumenic a curse.

S trec la concluzii. Tocmai din cauz c n Rusia contemporan au loc

nenumrate cazuri de instigare la vrajb naional i religioas, ele snt evidente i, cu toate acestea, din diverse motive rmn nepedepsite. Experilor
n legtur cu cazul Atenie, religia! nu le rmne altceva de fcut dect s caute
rzvrtirea din lucrrile de art i s declare distrugerea lor o reacie normal a sistemului nervos supus la ocul vederii lucrrilor. Dar acesta nu e
un sistem nervos oarecare, ci sistemul nervos ortodox; dac un ateu, din
timpul socialismului, s-ar purta asemntor n biseric, el cu siguran ar fi
judecat conform mai multor articole din Codul penal al Federaiei Ruse.
Acelai lucru s-ar ntmpla i cu un musulman, budist sau catolic, dac le-ar
veni n cap s-i imite pe purttorii valorilor tradiionale.
Orice psihopat vrea, nclcnd legea, s fug nu doar de pedeaps, ci i de
autopedeaps, el umbl dup dezvinoviri clare, chiar dup un fel de
sanctitate. El triete ntr-o lume imaginar pe care o crede unica lume
real. Lumea lupttorilor cu arta contemporan i a experilor e o lume n
care ortodoxia deja s-a contopit cu statul (de aceea ei numesc simbolurile
acestei religii simboluri religioase i de stat). Numai c spre ce schimbri
radicale se ndreapt acesta n loc s se lupte cu extremitii i s apere legea,
o parte important a aparatului de stat i a mijloacelor de comunicare n
mas iau, din contr, aprarea extremitilor i ncalc legea, dndu-i o interpretare arbitrar. Ei se lupt acum pentru ortodoxie cu aceleai metode
cu care n timpul comunismului se luptau mpotriva ei.
Apariia pe internet a expertizei a provocat foarte multe reacii. Muli au neles
abia acum ce va nsemna pentru ei victoria devastatorilor asupra pictorilor
i a aprtorilor legii, ce gaur juridic imens va aprea n acest caz i cine
se va mai putea folosi de masacrologie. Site-ul www.globalrus.ru a gzduit
o critic ampl a expertizei din punctul de vedere al societii civile i al culturii laice. Aceasta a provocat o ripost nervoas a unui jurnalist care
ndeplinea comanda de stat, cu titlul simptomatic Slujii masele ntunecate
n localurile cluburilor. Bineneles c el n-a vzut expoziia, dar n-are nici
o ndoial c acolo cineva i-a btut joc de mama cuiva, i a propus ca n
viitor aceste expoziii s nu fie organizate public, ci n cluburi cu paz special. Dar i mai bine ar fi s nu fie nicieri.
Pe site a nceput s funcioneze un forum, unde fiecare putea s-i spun
prerile, moment n care s-a declanat o orgie a xenofobiei, antisemitismului, homofobiei i rasismului. Participanii la expoziie i aprtorii lor erau
numii liberali (mai mult: liberali i pederati) i reprezentani ai unei
credine (se avea n vedere iudaismul). Observ, scria un participant de
pe forum, c evreii-liberali nu pot suporta ortodoxia i-i ursc pe aprtorii ei. Toi pictorii din expoziie au fost declarai reprezentani ai unei religii
naionale, se analizau coninutul sngelui participanilor (aproape toi evrei)
i orientrile lor sexuale (homosexuali). Unde dispruser meniunile despre Hristosul njurat, discuiile experilor despre felul n care poporul sim-

146

Lets get to the conclusions. It is just because in todays Russia there are numberless obvious cases of instigation to national and religious hatred and, for
various reasons, still unpunished, that the experts called for in the case of
Beware, religion! cannot but look for the rebbellion in the artworks and declare
that their destruction is a normal reaction of a nervous system exposed to the
shock of seeing the works. Not just any nervous system, but the Orthodox nervous system; should an atheist, as it happened during communism, behave like
this in a church, the new science doesnt include him. He would surely be
judged according to many articles of the Penal Code of the Russian Federation.
The same thing would happen to a Moslem, Buddhist or a Catholic, should they
feel like imitating a bearer of the traditional values.
Any psychopath who, after breaking the law, wants to escape not just punishment, bur also self-punishment, seeks clear exculpations, even some kind of
sanctity. He lives in an imaginary world, which he thinks it is the only real
world. The world of the fighters against contemporary art and of the experts is
a world wherein Orthodoxy already merged with the state (thats why they call
the symbols of this religion religious and state symbols). The danger and the
paradox from todays Russia come from the fact that the state institutions are
protecting this essentially revolutionary awakening. But where this radical
change it aims at. Instead of fighting the extremists and protecting the law,
a large part of the state aparatus and media stands up for the extremists and
breaks the law, by arbitrarily interpreting it. Now they fight for Orthodoxy
using the same means they used to fight against it during communism.
Posting the expertise on the internet gave rise to many publications. Many people have just understood what the victory of the vandals over the painters
and the defenders of the law will mean to them, what a juridic gap will come
out in this case and who will make use again of massacrology. The site
www.globalrus.ru hosted a large critique of the expertise from the point
of view of the civil society and the laic culture. This generated a rasped reply
from a journalist who was carrying out a state order, bearing the name
of Serve the dark masses in club venues. Of course he hadnt seen the exhibition, but he had no doubt that someones mother was being mocked there
and he suggested that in the future such exhibitions should not be held in public, but in clubs with proper security. It would be for the best, though, not to be
held anywhere.
A forum became operational on the site, where everyone could express his oe
her opinions; that started an orgy of xenophobia, antisemitism, homophobia
and racism. The participants in the exhibition and their defendents were called
nothing but liberals (liberals and pederasts, too) and representing a certain
faith (they were referring to Judaism). I can see a participant on the Forum
wrote that all liberals-Jews cant stand Orthodoxy and hate its defenders.

+
plu ine la icoane, cruci, ngeri i peti n calitate de simboluri ortodoxe!
Ce-a rmas din comptimirile naturilor umane sensibile ale distrugtorilor
expoziiei, care au fost ocai de ce-au putut s le vad ochii! Imediat ce
aceti oameni au nceput s vorbeasc, n vocea lor n-a rmas nimic altceva dect ura animalic fa de orice apariie a Celuilalt, respingerea oricrui
drept al lui la existen. Bineneles c aceste porniri nu snt compatibile nici
cu drepturile omului, nici cu arta contemporan n general. Totul devine
limpede cnd aprtorii credinei ajung, n sfrit, s vorbeasc pe limba lor.
Traducere de Mihai Vakulovski

They declared all painters as representing a national religion, they analysed

the quality of the participants blood (almost all of them Jews) and sexual preferences (homosexuals). Where were the references to the cursed Christ,
the experts discussions about how the simple people care about icons, crosses,
angels and fish, as Orthodox symbols What has become of the compassion
for the sensible nature of the destroyers of the exhibition, who were shocked by
what they saw The moment these people started talking their own language,
there was nothing left but beastly hatred towards every appearance of the
Other, the rejection of any of his rights to exist. Its obvious that these fumes
are neither compatible with human rights, nor with contemporary art in general. Everything becomes clear when the defenders of faith finally start talking

Not:

their own language.

1. La sfritul lui martie 2005, organizatorii expoziiei au fost condamnai i amendai cu suma de 100.000
de ruble (aproximativ 3.500 USD), conform articolului 282 din Codul penal, pentru instigarea la
ur i nvrjbire religioas.

Traducere de Alex Moldovan

Note:
1. At the end of March 2005, the organisers of the exhibition were convicted and fined
the sum of 100,000 roubles (about 3,500 USD), according to the article 282 from
the Penal Code for instigation to national and religious hatred.

147

 Piotr Piotrowski, 2004

Cenzura crucificrii:
art, politic i democraie n Polonia*

Erazm Ciolek
The flower cross in the front of St. Anna
Church in Warsaw, photo, 1983

Piotr Piotrowski

n vara lui 2004 am participat la Colocviul The Post-Communist Condition.

Kunst und Kultur nach dem Ende des Ostblocks din Berlin. Subiectul n sine, precum i lista participanilor figuri-cheie ale studiului perioadei postcomuniste i politologi remarcabili erau extrem de promitoare. A fost
cu adevrat unul dintre cele mai importante evenimente legate de acest
subiect, n special n privina sintetizrii condiiei culturale de dup 1989 a
ntregii regiuni, la aproape cincisprezece ani de la drmarea Zidului Berlinului. i mai important, colocviul a constituit rodul unui proiect academic vast, internaional, centrat pe dezvoltarea cultural, politic i social a rilor
fostului bloc estic. Am fost uimit ns de absena cercettorilor polonezi din
grupul de studiu i dintre participanii care au inut discursuri de-a lungul celor
trei zile de colocviu. Dei nu m voi plnge n privina asta, m ntreb care
snt motivele nu cele accidentale, ci mai degrab cele cu un solid fundament istoric capabile s explice o atare situaie. Mi-am pus ntrebarea: ce
face ca Polonia s se deosebeasc de restul fostelor ri comuniste Ce face
ca experiena cultural i politic a Poloniei s fie ntr-att de deosebit n
aceast regiune, nct s nu se potriveasc n tabloul general al condiiei majoritii rilor fostului bloc estic Altfel spus: dac tendinele populiste reprezint provocri majore ale tuturor sistemelor democratice i cu
precdere ale noilor democraii instaurate n fostele ri comuniste, care
snt factorii ce explic poziia Poloniei n acest context
Ceea ce deosebete Polonia de alte foste ri comuniste are rdcini
adnci n istoria ei politic i artistic, recent i trecut. Vorbind despre comunismul trziu, trebuie s remarcm c ceea ce s-a ntmplat n Polonia la nceputul anilor 80 a fost i este nc recunoscut drept un moment crucial,
de cotitur, n politic i n art sau altfel spus n contextul politic al artei.
Asta n timp ce n multe ri comuniste, inclusiv n Uniunea Sovietic, trecerea de la anii 70 la anii 80 e vzut ntr-o mai mic sau mai mare msur
ca o tranziie de la o situaie la alta, n special pentru c n-au existat schimbri politice dramatice (excepia ar putea-o constitui aici fosta Iugoslavie, unde
situaia s-a schimbat puin dup moartea lui Tito). Spre deosebire de asta,
revolta Sindicatului Solidaritatea din Polonia, urmat de instituirea legii mariale, a fost o piatr de hotar pe drumul spre dispariia comunismului din
regiune i a creat tensiuni foarte puternice n cultur i n politic. Cel mai
important punct de referin n aceast privin a fost puterea politic, cultural i moral deosebit de mare a Bisericii Romano-Catolice din Polonia.
Aceasta nu era doar o consecin a situaiei de la nceputul anilor 80, ci avea
rdcini istorice, datnd din secolul al nousprezecelea. Trebuie remarcat
c biserica nu a disprut n perioada comunismului; dimpotriv, ea a fost
foarte puternic, i chiar mai puternic n cursul anilor 80 (n anii legii mariale) dect n orice alt perioad. Cei care demonstrau mpotriva regimului comunist foloseau simbolurile religioase ca pe o expresie a revendicrilor

TO CENSOR THE CRUCIFIXION: ART, POLITICS, AND DEMOCRACY IN POLAND

PIOTR PIOTROWSKI este profesor i ef al Departamentului de istoria artei al Universitii Adam

Mickiewicz din Poznan, Polonia, i editor al anuarului Artium Quaestiones. ntre 1992 i 1997 a fost
curator senior de art contemporan al Muzeului Naional din Poznan.

PIOTR PIOTROWSKI is Professor and Chair of the Department of Art History at Adam Mickiewicz
University in Poznan, Poland, as well as the editor of the annual journal Artium Quaestiones. Between
1992 and 1997, he was Senior Curator of Contemporary Art at the National Museum in Poznan.

148

Piotr Piotrowski
In spring 2004, I attended the conference The Post-Communist Condition. Kunst
und Kultur nach dem Ende des Ostblocks in Berlin. The topic itself, as well as the
list of participants key figures in post-communist studies and outstanding political scholars were very promising. It was indeed one of the most important events
related to the issue, particularly in terms of summarising the post-1989 cultural
condition of the whole region nearly fifteen years after demolition of the Berlin

Lukasz Korolkiewicz
Cross on the Earth, 1983

Erazm Ciolek
The Sign of the Cross exhibition,
Warsaw, photo, 1983 (in the apse
Teresa Muraks cross in lady-smock)

Witalis Wolny
The exhibition in the Holy Trinity Church
and the Warsaw Archbishop Museum,
photo, 1987

Wall. Even more significant, the conference was the result of an extensive, international scholarly project that focussed on cultural, political and social development
in the former Eastern bloc countries. I was struck, however by the lack of Polish
scholars in the research group, and among the participants giving talks during
three day conference. While I will not complain about this, I wonder about the

+
de libertate naional. Spre exemplu, gestul aproprierii crucii era foarte popular n acest context. Oamenii obinuiau adesea s fac o cruce din flori pe
strad (cum ar fi crucea floral din faa Bisericii Sf. Ana din Varovia). Astfel
de metode de rezisten au fost interpretate n cultura vizual ca reprezentnd un protest naional mpotriva comunismului (vezi Lukasz Korolkiewicz,
Cruce pe pmnt, 1983) i ca expresie a identitii naionale. Att micarea
subteran Solidaritatea, ct i biserica nsi sprijineau astfel de producii artistice. S-au organizat multe expoziii n spaiile bisericilor, n care se expunea
arta ce folosea iconografia naional i religioas (vezi expoziia Semnul
crucii, 1983 [de interes deosebit: crucea Teresei Murak pe un or, care
n Polonia e un simbol al Patilor] sau expoziia de la Biserica Sfnta Treime
i de la Muzeul Arhiepiscopal din Varovia, n 1987).
Arta expus de obicei n aceste spaii era adesea destul de conservatoare,
dac nu chiar reacionar, fiind totui foarte interesant pentru c satisfcea
o necesitate social, aceea de renatere a simbolurilor naionale ce fuseser reprimate de ctre comuniti. Simbolurile acelea erau legate de motenirea revoltelor poloneze din secolul al
nousprezecelea, pe cnd Polonia nu
avea suveranitate naional; astfel de
necesiti i sperane au scos la iveal o
asemnare ntre situaia istoric din secolul al nousprezecelea i cea din perioada anilor 80, a legii mariale, ambele fiind
elemente-cheie n procesul de creare a
unei identiti naionale. n cadrul acestei moteniri, unul dintre cele mai importante simboluri era iconografia martiriului
naional, cum ar fi motivul Polonia, legat
de imaginarul naional al secolului al noTeresa Rudowicz
usprezecelea i care a reaprut n anii The Crucifixion, 1983
80 la artiti precum Leszek Sobocki.
Aceast trimitere prea s sugereze c,
sub legea marial, Polonia, nfiat ca
o femeie nlnuit sau legat, se afla n
aceeai situaie ca i cu mai bine de un
secol n urm. Popularitatea motivelor
religioase era att de mare, nct unii artiti mai tineri, influenai de noua expresie aflat la mod, neoexpresionismul, le
foloseau adesea n opera lor (de exemplu Teresa Rudowicz, Crucificarea, 1983,
Andrzej Bielawski, Umbra, 1985). A
spune c arta care recurgea la motive
religioase a constituit n anii 80 un soi de
cultur vizual underground oficial, i
Andrzej Bielawski
nc una foarte puternic i influent, The Shadow, 1985
innd cont c religia, n special Biserica
Romano-Catolic, a avut un rol politic foarte important i a prut s ofere
un refugiu pentru sentimentele naionale n perioada legii mariale. Un alt
fel de art produceau artitii mai tineri, care erau uneori foarte critici la adresa
omnipotenei iconografiei religioase n cultur i la adresa puterii bisericii (vezi
Ryszard Wozniak, Exorcisme, 1984, sau Adam Rzepecki [membru al
Grupului Ldz Kaliska], Imaginea Maicii Domnului cu musta, 1982).

particular reasons not accidental, but rather deeply historical which could
explain such a situation. I have asked myself what makes Poland different from
the rest of post-communist countries What makes the Polish cultural and political
experience so unique in the region that it does not fit to the general picture of the
post-communist condition in the majority of former Eastern bloc countries
Put in another way: if populist tendencies are major challenges within all democratic systems, particularly within the new democracies in post-communist countries, what factors explain Polands specific position in this context
What distinguishes Poland from other post-communist countries is rooted both in
its recent and past political and art history. Speaking about late communism, lets
note that what happened in Poland in the beginning of the 1980s was and is still
recognised as a crucial turning point in politics and art, or in other words in the
political framework of art. While in many East European countries, including the
Soviet Union, the shift from the 1970s to the 1980s is more or less seen as the continuation of one position to another, particularly because there were no dramatic
political changes (the exception here may be of the former Yugoslavia, where the
situation after the death of Tito was a little
bit different). By contrast, the Solidarity
Trade Union rebellion in Poland, followed by
the establishment of martial law was actually
a milestone on the road to the end of communism in the region, and produced very
strong tensions in culture and politics.
The most important point of reference in that
issue was the very strong political, cultural
and moral power of the Roman Catholic
Church in Poland. This was not only a product of the situation in the early 1980s but had
historical roots dating back to the nineteenth
Leszek Sobocki
Polonia, 1982

century. It has to be noted that the Church

did not vanish during communism; on the

contrary it was very powerful, and even more powerful over the course of the
1980s (during the years of martial law) than in any other period. People demonstrating against the communist regime used religious symbols as an expression of
their demands for national freedom. For example, it was very popular to appropriate the cross in this context. People very often used to form a cross made of flowers on the street (i.e. the flower cross in the front of St. Anna Church in Warsaw).
Such practices of resistance have been interpreted in visual culture as a representation of national protest against communism (see Lukasz Korolkiewicz, Cross
on the Earth, 1983) and an expression of national identity. Both the underground
Solidarity movement, as well as the Church itself, supported such art production.
There were many exhibitions organised in church spaces, where art that employed
both national and religious iconography was shown (see: The Sign of the Cross
exhibition, 1983 [of particular note: Teresa Muraks cross in a ladys smock, which
is one of the symbols of Easter in Poland], or the exhibition in the Holy Trinity
Church and the Warsaw Archbishopric Museum, 1987).
The art typically exhibited in these spaces was often quite conservative, if not
reactionary although it was also very interesting because it fulfilled a social
demand for the revival of national symbols that were repressed by the communists. Those symbols were connected with the heritage of the Polish uprisings in
the nineteenth century, when Poland had no national sovereignty; such demands
and expectations revealed a sort of comparison between the historical situation
in the nineteenth century and the martial law period in the 1980s, both key issues
in the process of creating a national identity. Given this heritage, one of the most

149

artiti erau de prere c o asemenea dominaie ideologic asupra artei i

discursului politic, chiar dac satisfcea necesitatea social de eliberare naional, nu ar fi ajutat neaprat libertatea de expresie individual i ar fi putut
chiar crea un totalitarism rebours. Temerile acestea s-au adeverit mai curnd
dect era de ateptat, i anume chiar dup 1989, iar noua democraie aprut
n urma cderii regimului comunist s-a confruntat tocmai cu aceast problem.
n mod evident, Biserica Romano-Catolic a nlocuit comunismul ca instituie public, bucurndu-se de cele mai mari beneficii, iar catolicismul a ajuns
ideologia dominant n Polonia. Aici i au rdcinile cele mai periculoase
tendine populiste din Polonia contemporan. A putea spune chiar c acum
el e un fel de ideologie a puterii, dac definim puterea nu ca pe un lan de
instituii, ci mai degrab ca pe un sistem de valori i relaii sociale i politice.
Asta nseamn c n-are importan cine guverneaz ara partidele de dreapta sau aa-numitele partide de stnga, adic fotii comuniti (n Polonia nu
exist nc o stng politic serioas) , catolicismul, n special n cea mai
populist ipostaz a sa, a fost dintotdeauna i rmne nc principala ideologie. Consecinele acestui fapt snt foarte vizibile att n sfera public, ct i n
art. Tocmai aceasta este situaia deosebit a Poloniei ntre fostele ri
comuniste, care definete o situaie postcomunist foarte special, incomparabil cu cea n care se afl celelalte ri ale fostului bloc estic. Asta nu nseamn totui c nu exist o opoziie la ideologia dominant sau cel puin
nu nseamn c n Polonia nu exist o critic la adresa acestei situaii. Dimpotriv: exist muli artiti i intelectuali implicai n elaborarea acestei critici, ns ei snt inta unor critici severe nu doar din partea politicienilor i a
presei de dreapta, ci i a bisericii i a instituiilor ei politice i sociale satelit, iar uneori chiar din partea statului.
Pentru nceput, permitei-mi s recapitulez cteva fapte care rezum tensiunea
legat de folosirea imagisticii religioase n cultura vizual polonez. Un excelent exemp
l
u
l-a constituit dezbaterea declanat ca
rspuns la o imagine publicat de sptmnalul Wprost. n august 1994, ziarul a publicat un reportaj despre poluarea mediului
nconjurtor din Polonia, ilustrat cu o imagine a Maicii Domnului din Czestochowa The Wprost weekly cover
purtnd o masc de gaze. Reacia ostil a 1994, No. 34 (August 21, 1994)
episcopilor i a politicienilor apropiai bisericii i-a surprins pe redactori. Redactorul-ef i-a cerut de ndat scuze episcopilor pentru folosirea imaginii sacre a Fecioarei Maria, fr mcar a
ncerca s pun n discuie subiectul sau s analizeze critic semnificaia i consecinele situaiei. Miezul problemei este c jurnalitii experimentai de la Wprost
nu realizaser c biserica socotea simbolurile naionale i religioase ca pe
o proprietate a sa. n alte cazuri care au provocat conflicte spectaculoase
n jurul folosirii unor simboluri religioase, provocatorii au intuit probabil
cu o mai mare precizie reacia publicului. Este cazul, de pild, al Liniilor de
snge ale Katarzynei Kozyra, expuse pe panourile de la AMS Outdoor
Gallery, care combinau motivul sacru al crucii cu nuduri feminine. Ca
urmare a presiunilor, AMS una dintre cele mai mari companii poloneze
de publicitate, care i face reclam sprijinind proiecte artistice controver-

150

Ryszard Wozniak
Exorcism, 1984

Adam Rzepecki
Our Lady of Cze stochowa with Painted
Moustache, a postcard, 1982

important symbols was national martyrdom

iconography, such as the motif of Polonia, connected to the national imaginary of the
nineteenth century, which was repeated in the
1980s by artists such as Leszek Sobocki. This
reference seemed to suggest that Poland under
martial law, depicted as a chained or tied up
woman, was in the same situation as it was over
one hundred years ago. The popularity of religious motifs was so strong that younger artists,
influenced by very fashionable new expression,
or neo-expressionism, used them often in their
work (e.g. Teresa Rudowicz, The Crucifixion,
1983, Andrzej Bielawski The Shadow, 1985). I would say that art that referred to
religious motifs was a sort of official underground visual culture in the 1980s,
and a very powerful and influential one since religion, particularly the Roman
Catholic Church, played a very important political role and seemed provide
a refuge for national feelings during the martial law period. A different kind of art
was produced by mostly young artists who were sometimes very critical of the
omnipotence of religious iconography in culture and of the power of the Church
(see Ryszard Wozniaks Exorcisms, 1984, or Adam Rzepeckis [a member of the
Ldz Kaliska Group] image of Our Lady with a moustache, 1982). Those artists felt
that such ideological domination of art and political discourse, even if it fulfilled
social demands for national freedom, would not necessarily support the freedom
of individual expression, and could actually create totalitarianism rebours.
Sooner than later, i.e. just after 1989, such fears came true, and the new democracy that emerged after the failure of the communist regime faced this very
a question.

Katarzyna Kozyra
Bloodlines on the billboard of the AMS
Outdoor Gallery, 1999

Katarzyna Kozyra
Bloodlines with covered female nudity
by the organizers, the AMS Outdoor
Gallery, 1999

Marek Sobczyk
Whipping of Christ, 1987, National Museum, Warsaw

lui Kozyra, dup care a dat jos controversatele panouri. Trebuie remarcat c galeria n aer liber urmrea promovarea serviciilor oferite de AMS
i, n consecin, creterea profiturilor. Proiectele artistice controversate pot
sluji acestui scop, dar numai atunci cnd nu snt prea controversate. n cazul
de fa, reacia negativ a autoritilor care controleaz distribuia panourilor
comerciale n oraele poloneze ar fi putut afecta compania, aa nct
folosirea artei n scopuri comerciale s-ar fi putut dovedi contraproductiv.
Conducerea AMS i-a amintit cu siguran de celebrele cuvinte ale lui
George Weissman, fost preedinte al Philip Morris Inc., care nu e doar unul
dintre cei mai mari productori de igarete, ci i un important susintor al
artei, i care la nceputul anilor 80 a spus: Un lucru trebuie s fie foarte
clar: principalul motiv al interesului nostru pentru art este propria noastr afacere.1
Cellalt exemplu l constituie Biciuirea lui Christos, de Marek Sobczyk
(1987). Cazul acesta e puintel mai complicat, ntruct pictura chiar dac
se afl n colecia Muzeului Naional din Varovia a fost expus pentru prima
dat ntr-o expoziie de la Bruxelles dedicat artei poloneze a secolului
douzeci (Ireligiozitate, 20012002) i a provocat critici dure din partea presei de dreapta i chiar a bisericii din Polonia. Dei aproape nimeni nu a vzut
pictura, aproape fiecare jurnalist, politician i episcop a trebuit s ia parte
la dezbaterea de proporii naionale. Pe scurt, Sobczyk a fost atacat din cauz
c unora li s-a prut c bicele folosite de clii lui Christos sugerau c ei ar
urina pe Mntuitor. Drept rezultat al acestei critici, unul dintre curatorii expoziiei, apoi directorul Muzeului de Sculptur din Varovia au fost destituii.
Merit spuse cteva cuvinte despre semnificaia politic a expoziiei
Ireligiozitate. Morfologia nonsacrului n arta polonez a secolului douzeci,
prezentat n 20012002 la Bruxelles i gzduit n mai multe locuri simultan, inclusiv n dou biserici (dintre care una era nc loca de cult, iar cealalt
nu mai ndeplinea funcia de aezmnt religios). ntruct expoziia coincidea
cu un fel de festival al culturii poloneze din capitala birocratic a Europei
unite eveniment numit Europalia i fcnd parte dintr-o serie nfind arta
din perspectiva statelor membre ale Uniunii Europene , expoziia ar fi putut
deveni o parte a acestuia, ns responsabilii care au reprezentat oficialitatea
polonez au refuzat s includ Ireligiozitate ntr-o prezentare oficial a culturii artistice poloneze. Statutul neoficial al expoziiei a declanat un conflict deschis cu dreapta polonez, ai crei reprezentani susineau c ara lor
ar putea intra n Europa doar sub auspiciile catolicismului, protejndu-i
identitatea naional i religioas. Aa c atunci cnd organizatorii expoziiei
au pus sub semnul ntrebrii dreptul bisericii de a controla simbolurile religioase, acest fapt a fost interpretat ca un atac, ceea ce a fost n sine o strategie politic din partea lor una deosebit de pervers, cci ea s-a desfurat
nu pe terenul de acas, ci n chiar inima Europei unite. n consecin,
expoziia a devenit centrul unui conflict politic a crui miz era statutul public al culturii vizuale disidente i accesul la o via public garantat celor ce
nu mprtesc prerile majoritii catolice.
Exist multe alte exemple care justific tensiunile puternice din politica artelor vizuale din Polonia, una foarte distinct pe harta fostei lumi comuniste.
Printre acestea se numr scandalul internaional n jurul lucrrii La Nona
Ora a lui Maurizio Cattelan, prezentat la finele lui 2000 ntr-o expoziie la
Galeria Zacheta din Varovia sub semntura curatorial a lui Harald
Szeemann. Sculptura n cauz nfia o reprezentare a lui Ioan Paul al IIlea zdrobit de un imens meteorit. Prin expunerea lucrrii lui Cattelan,
Szeemann inteniona probabil s pun n discuie perspectiva stereotip asu-

Maurizio Cattelan
The Ninth Hour with the removed meteorite by a group of Polish
MPs, Zacheta Gallery, Warsaw, 2000

Obviously, the Roman Catholic Church

replaced communism as the most profitable
public institution, and Catholicism emerged as
the dominant ideology in Poland. The most
dangerous populist tendencies in contemporary Poland are rooted here. I would even say
that right now it is a sort of ideology of power,
if we define the power not as a chain of institutions, but rather as a system of values and social and political relations. It means
that it doesnt matter who governs the country the right wing parties or the
socalled left ones, i.e. the post-communists (in Poland there is no significant real
political left so far) Catholicism, particularly in its populist version, always was
and still is the mainstream ideology. The consequences of this in both in the public
sphere and in art are very visible. This is exactly Polands unique situation among
post-communist countries, which defines a very particular post-communist condition hardly comparable to the other countries in the former Eastern bloc. This does
not mean, however, that there is no opposition to the dominant ideology, or at
least it does not mean that critique of the situation does not exist in Poland.
Quite the reverse: there are many artists and intellectuals engaged in making this
critique, however, they suffer from heavy criticism not only from the right wing
politicians and press, as well as from the Church and its satellite political and
social institutions, but sometimes also from the state itself.
To begin with, let me recapitulate a few facts epitomising the tension related to
the use of the religious imagery in Polish visual culture. A good example of this
was a debate that occurred in response to an image published in the weekly
Wprost. In August 1994, the paper published a report on the pollution of the
Polish natural environment illustrated with a picture of Our Lady of Czestochowa
wearing a gas mask. The hostile reaction of the bishops and politicians close to the
Church was a surprise to the editors. The editor-in-chief immediately apologised
to the bishops for using the sacred image of the Holy Mary without even trying to
discuss the issue or critically analyse the meaning and consequences of the situation... The heart of the matter is that the experienced journalists of the Wprost did
not realise that the Church considered national and religious symbols its property.
In other cases involving spectacular conflicts around the use of the religious symbols, the provocateurs probably more accurately predicted the reaction of the
public. This pertains, for instance, to Katarzyna Kozyras Bloodlines shown on the
billboards of the AMS Outdoor Gallery, combining the sacred motif of the cross
with nude female bodies. As a result of the pressure, AMS one of the biggest
Polish advertising companies promoting itself by means of supporting controversial artistic projects first eliminated nudity from Kozyras work, and then took
down the controversial billboards. It should be noted that the outdoor gallery was
intended to promote AMSs services and consequently to increase its profits.
Controversial artistic projects may serve that goal, but only if they are not too controversial. In the case under scrutiny, the negative reaction of the authorities controlling the distribution of commercial billboards in Polish cities might have
harmed the company, so that the effect of using art for commercial purposes
could have been counterproductive. The AMS management surely recalled the
famous words of George Weissman, once president of Philip Morrris Inc., which is
not only one of the largest manufacturers of cigarettes, but also a major supporter
of art, who in the early 1980s said: One thing must be absolutely clear: the main
reason for our interest in art is our own business.1
The other example is the Whipping of Christ by Marek Sobczyk (1987). This case is
a little bit more complicated
since the picture even if it is in

151

pra papei, mprtit de majoritatea polonezilor. Nu e nici cea mai mic

ndoial c papa a fost venerat n mod deosebit n Polonia i c polonezii
s-au obinuit s-l aeze foarte sus n admiraia lor, ca i cum el s-ar afla pe
un fel de piedestal, eroic i monumental. O sculptur care l nfieaz zcnd
la podea, neajutorat, lovit, exprimnd o suferin aproape fizic sub povara
bolovanului ce l-ar fi izbit ca din ntmplare, trebuie s fi nsemnat un veritabil oc vizual. Obiectul analizei critice a artistului era, oricum, nu att persoana lui Ioan Paul al II-lea, ct s-o repet i eu obinuinele noastre de
a privi. Cattelan inteniona s ne fac s contientizm modul n care-l vedem
pe pap i s disloce automatismul privirii noastre. Deci Szeemann i-a atins
scopul ntr-o oarecare msur, dei, pe de alt parte, a euat, din moment
ce opinia public din Polonia a respins mesajul deconstructivist al lucrrii
La Nona Ora. Mai muli parlamentari ai partidelor de extrem dreapt sau dus la galerie i au distrus sculptura, nlturnd meteoritul. Apoi, unul dintre parlamentari, Witold Tomczak, a publicat o scrisoare deschis n care
cerea ca directorul de la Zacheta s fie concediat de ndat. Apelul su
a fost susinut de aproximativ un sfert dintre membrii parlamentului. Dup
o serie de atacuri murdare publicate mai ales n presa de dreapta, Anda
Rottenberg, pe atunci directoare a galeriei, a demisionat imediat. Dup un
act similar de amestec [al forelor politice], n 2002 Poster Museum din Wilanw a scos din expoziie dou lucrri premiate cu medalii de bronz la
Bienala Internaional de Postere. Una dintre ele i aparine lui Dominika
Rzanska i nfieaz dou sticle de Coca-Cola, una cu mult mai mic dect
cealalt, ntr-o manier nchipuind motivul Madonei cu pruncul (cu o diferen semnificativ, avnd n vedere c sticlei mai mici, reprezentnd pruncul, i lipsete aura); cealalt, Henri. Hommage Lautrec de Alan LeQuernec, l nfieaz pe Toulouse-Lautrec crucificat.
Ca urmare a presiunii exercitate de
extrema dreapt i de activitii populiti,
directorul muzeului, care organiza bienala
de zeci de ani, a hotrt s nlture posterul.
Poate c exemplul cel mai elocvent pentru relaia dintre art i populism n privina
trasrii unei hri a Europei postcomuniste
i a locului Poloniei pe ea i care e i cea
mai drastic poveste n materie de cenzur n noua Europ pe care o cunosc l
constituie cazul Dorotei Nieznalska i al lu- Dominika Rzanska
crrii ei Patim (2001). Controversata ei Madonna with Child, 2002
instalaie const din dou elemente: un
material video nfind un om la un centru de fitness trgnd din greu, ptima, la
ntrirea muchilor si, i o fotografie nfind organe genitale masculine pe fundalul unei cruci. Dup expoziia de la Galeria
Wyspa din Gdan
sk, artista a fost dat n
judecat pentru ofens adus sentimentelor religioase, iar galeria, aparinnd Academiei de Arte Frumoase, a fost nchis.
Cazul acesta este n mod deosebit grav nu
doar pentru c procurorul public a iniiat o
investigaie bazndu-se pe plngerea nainAlan LeQuernec
Henri. Hommage Lautrec, 2002

152

the National Museum collection in Warsaw was first shown in an exhibition of

twentieth-century Polish art in Brussels (Irreligion, 20012002), and provoked
heavy criticism from the right wing press and the Church itself in Poland. Though
almost no one saw the picture, almost every journalist, politician and bishop had
to take part in the nationwide discussion. In a word, Sobczyk was attacked
because some people were of the opinion that the whips used by Christs tormentors suggested that they were urinating on the Saviour. As a result of such a criticism, one of the exhibition curators, then the director of the Museum of Sculpture
in Warsaw, was dismissed from his position.
It is worth saying a few words about the political meaning of the exhibition
Irreligion. The Morphology of the Non-Sacred in the Polish Art of the 20th
Century, shown in Brussels simultaneously at several locations, including two
churches (one still a place of worship, the other no longer functioning as a centre
of religious cult) in 20012002. Since the exhibition overlapped with a kind of a
festival of Polish culture in the bureaucratic capital of United Europe an event
in a series presenting art from the prospective European Union member states,
called Europalia the exhibition could have become a part of it, but the supervisors representing the Polish administration refused to include Irreligion in an
official presentation of Polish artistic culture. The shows non-official status implied
an open conflict with the Polish right who claimed that their country could enter
Europe only under the banner of Catholicism, protecting its national and religious
identity. Thus when the exhibition organisers questioned the right of the Church
to control religious symbols it was interpreted as an attack this a political strategy
a particularly vicious one since it occurred not at home, but in the very heart of
United Europe. As a result, the exhibition became the focus of a political conflict in
which the public status of dissident visual culture and the access to public life
granted to those who do not share the views of the Catholic majority was at stake.
There are many other examples justifying the strong tensions in visual art policy
in Poland, very unique on the map of post-communism. These include the international scandal over Maurizio Cattelans Ninth Hour shown in an exhibition curated by Harald Szeemann in the Zacheta Gallery in Warsaw at the end of 2000.
The sculpture in question depicted the figure of John Paul II crushed by a huge
meteorite. In displaying Cattelans work, Szeemann likely intended to a pose a
question about the stereotyped view of the Pope shared by most Poles. There is no
doubt that the Pope has been worshipped quite uniquely in Poland and Poles are
used to looking at him from below, as he stands high on some pedestal, heroic and
monumental. A sculpture showing him lying on the floor, helpless, stricken, expressing an almost physical suffering under the burden, which implied the possibility
of just passing by or even accidentally touching the Popes figure must have been
a genuine visual shock. The object of the artists critical analysis was, however, not
so much John Paul II himself, but to repeat once more
our habits of viewing. Cattelan meant to make us aware
how we see the Pope and to break the automatism of our
vision. To a certain extent, then, Szeemann achieved his
goal. Though on the other hand, he failed, since the Polish
public opinion rejected the deconstructive message of the
Ninth Hour. A group of members of Parliament from the
extremist right-wing parties entered the gallery and
destroyed the sculpture, removing the meteorite. Next,
one of the MPs, Witold Tomczak, wrote an open letter
in which he demanded that the director of the Zacheta
be immediately fired. His appeal was supported by about
one fourth of all Parliament members. After a series of
vicious attacks published mostly in the right wing press,
Dorota Nieznalska
The Passion, a fragment
of the artists installation
at the Wyspa Gallery, Gdansk,
20012002

+
tat de un partid politic de dreapta (Liga Familiilor Poloneze), ci, de asemenea, i n primul rnd, fiindc tribunalul a condamnat-o pe artist la ase luni
de restrngere a libertii, nsemnnd ceva n genul muncii n folosul comunitii.
ntr-un asemenea context, e cu deosebire important s observm c, nti
i-nti, procurorul public ar fi putut s resping plngerea Ligii, ceea ce ar fi
deplasat chemarea n judecat a lui Nieznalska pe teren privat, civil, iar n
al doilea rnd, sentina a creat un precedent foarte periculos, primul de acest
fel n Polonia i, dup tiina mea, n ntreaga fost Europ comunist. Desigur
c oricine are dreptul, ntr-o societate democratic, s protesteze mpotriva a orice nu i convine sau mpotriva a orice l (sau o) ofenseaz. Oricui,
ntr-o atare situaie, i se permite ntr-o societate democratic s depun
mpotriva altcuiva o plngere legal, adic o aciune civil sau privat. n schimb,
procurorul public este dimpotriv obligat s apere ceva mai important, i
anume libertatea de expresie, ceea ce ar trebui s-i gseasc aplicare n
special n cazul minoritilor care au nevoie de protecia special a legii.
n acest caz, pn i contextul aa-zisei ofense aduse sentimentelor religioase
e problematic. nainte de a vizita galeria, activitii partidelor de dreapta tiau
ce conine ea. Mai mult, ei au ajuns trziu, cnd expoziia fusese nchis, iar
lucrarea nlturat de pe perete. Ei le-au cerut organizatorilor s le-o arate
i n timp ce o priveau i-au dat seama c erau ofensai Desigur c voiau
s fie ofensai, din moment ce ei voiau s conteste libertatea de expresie ca practic democratic. Una peste alta, dup cum am consemnat
deja, tribunalul nu a ales n favoarea libertii de expresie prevzute n mod
constituional, ci a cenzurii politice, iar artista a fost pn la urm condamnat. n plus, ncercri de a organiza expoziii ale artistei i n alte orae
ale Poloniei s-au confruntat cu critici dure naintea vernisajelor, n cele din
urm multe galerii de art fiind astfel mpiedicate s expun lucrrile lui
Nieznalska (inclusiv alte lucrri dect Patim). O asemenea situaie a avut
loc ntr-un orel de lng Poznan, n Ostrw Wielkopolski. Proprietarul unei
galerii particulare, care a dorit s organizeze o expoziie cu lucrarea lui Nieznalska, a fost evacuat din spaiul nchiriat, iar preotul parohiei locale i-a scris
procurorului public afirmnd c sentimentele sale religioase au fost ofensate,
nemaicontnd dac a vzut sau nu lucrarea artistei sau dac expoziia a avut
loc ntr-adevr
Problema depete cu mult domeniul culturii artistice. Verdictul tribunalului din Gdansk, unde a avut loc procesul Nieznalska, ridic un semn de ntrebare cu privire la ordinea constituional a statului n care constituia
garanteaz libertatea de expresie nu doar a artitilor, ci, desigur, a oricrui
cetean. N-a contat c, n aprarea sa, Dorota Nieznalska a susinut c nu
a intenionat s jigneasc sentimentele religioase ale nimnui. Critica ei era
ndreptat mai degrab mpotriva culturii slii de sport, a idealului masculin de corp. Cu alte cuvinte, Patima lui Nieznalska aa cum a explicat
ea a fost o ncercare de a pune n chestiune cultul masculin al corpului.
Crucea (s observm c e vorba despre o cruce greceasc) era neleas
ca o form ideal, o figur a simbolului idealizat al masculinitii. Dac exist
aici posibilitatea unor asocieri cu patimile lui Christos, n contextul cultului
masculin pentru fitness ele devin pur ironice. Ce e cu adevrat relevant aici
e problema puterii sau a sistemului puterii din Polonia de dup 1989, precum i situaia deosebit din aceast ar dup cderea comunismului.
Cazul Nieznalska constituie cu siguran o problem politic; mai precis
implic chestiunea democraiei i nu are, bineneles, nimic de-a face cu sentimente religioase luate n sens metafizic, ci mai degrab cu puterea ideologiei cretine populiste i cu contestarea ei n cadrul unui sistem

Anda Rottenberg, then the director of the Gallery, soon resigned. After a similar
act of interference, in 2002 the Poster Museum in Wilanw removed two works
awarded with gold medals at the International Poster Biennale from display.
One of them, by Dominika Rzanska, shows two bottles of Coca-Cola, one much
smaller than the other, in a way that imitates the motif of the Madonna with Child
(with a major difference since the smaller bottle, representing the Child, has no
halo); the other, Henri. Hommage Lautrec by Alan LeQuernec, shows ToulouseLautrec crucified. In result of the pressure exerted by extremely right wing
and populist activists, the director of the Museum, which had been organising the
Biennale for decades, decided to remove the prize-winning posters.
Perhaps the most interesting example of the relationship between art and populism in terms of drawing a map of post-communist Europe and the place of
Poland on it which is at the same time the most drastic story in terms of censorship in New Europe that I know of is the case of Dorota Nieznalska, and her work
Passion (2001). Her controversial installation consists of two elements: a video film
presenting a man in a fitness centre, actually working very hard building his muscles with great passion, and a photograph showing male genitals against the
background of the cross. After her show at the Wyspa Gallery in Gdan sk, the artist
was sued for offending religious sentiments, and the Gallery, which belonged to
the Academy of Fine Arts, shut down. This case is particularly drastic not only
because the public prosecutor started an investigation based on the motion of a
right wing political party (the League of the Polish Families), but also, and primarily, because the court sentenced the artist to six months under restriction of liberty,
what means something like free public work for the city. It is particularly important in such a context to note that, first, the public prosecutor could have rejected
the Leagues motion, which would have made the party sue Nieznalska on private,
civil grounds, and second, the sentence created a very dangerous precedent, the
first such instance Poland, and, to my knowledge, in the whole of post-communist
Europe. Of course, anyone has his or her right in a democratic society to protest
against anything he or she doesnt like, or against anything that offends him or
her. Anyone in such a situation is allowed in democratic society to introduce a
legal motion against another which would be a civil, or private lawsuit. The public
prosecutor, on the contrary, is obliged to uphold something more fundamental,
namely the freedom of expression, which should especially be applied to minorities who need particular protection under the law.
In this case even the background of the so-called offending religious sentiments is
problematic. Prior to their visit to the gallery, the activists from the right wing parties knew what was inside. Whats more, they arrived late when the exhibition was
closed and the artwork removed from the wall. They asked the organisers to show
it them, and while watching they realised they are offended... Of course they
wanted to be offended since they wanted to challenge freedom of expression as
a democratic praxis. In the end, as I have already noted, the court did not choose
constitutionally approved freedom of expression but political censorship, and the
artist was finally sentenced. Further, some attempts to organise the artists shows
in other cities in Poland have met with heavy criticism before the exhibition openings, finally preventing many art galleries from showing Nieznalskas art works
(including works other than the Passion). One such situation took place in a small
city near Poznan , in Ostrw Wielkopolski. The owner of a private gallery who wanted to organise an exhibition of Nieznalskas work was evicted from a rented space,
and the local parish-priest wrote a letter to the public prosecutor stating that his
religious sentiments were offended, regardless of whether he saw the artists work
or not, or whether the exhibition took place at all.
The problem reaches far beyond the domain of artistic culture. The verdict of the
court in Gdan sk, where the Nieznalska trial took place, raises a questions about

153

n privina democraiei, am putea trage unele concluzii din scrierile unor autori politici cum ar fi Claude Lefort.2 Potrivit acestuia, democraia n-ar trebui
s aib o baz ideologic sau un temei substanial, care s joace rolul unei
autoriti sociale sau ideologice. Cu alte cuvinte, cine dorete s justifice democraia nu o poate lega de o ideologie extern. Nici Dumnezeu, nici Istoria,
nici binele comun universal i nici clasa conductoare, tradiia naional
etc. n-ar putea funciona ca temei substanial al democraiei. Dac asta
se ntmpl totui, nu mai putem vorbi despre democraie, cel puin nu despre
o democraie deplin, ci mai degrab despre un fel de sistem autoritar.
Elementul-cheie l constituie aici raportul dintre majoritate i minoritate.
Majoritatea obinuia adesea s-i justifice propriile interese printr-o ideologie cu rol de autoritate. Temeiul substanial al democraiilor occidentale
este tradiia iluminismului, cu conceptele sale universaliste ale omenirii i
ale binelui comun. Un asemenea temei absolut i exclude din spaiul public pe unii membri ai comunitii, mpingndu-i la periferia vieii publice, de
vreme ce statutul lor nu se potrivete cu definiiile universaliste ale societii.
Asta se ntmpl mai ales cu diferitele minoriti, care snt reprimate de politica dominant a majoritii pretinznd s reprezint binele comun. Putem
numi aceast form exclusiv de democraie, bazat pe dictatura majoritii,
autoritar. Dimpotriv, democraia radical, aceea care nu exclude, ar trebui s ia n vizor problematica temeiului, chipurile comun i universal. Cu
alte cuvinte, n Occident, conceptul modernist-iluminist al aa-numitului universalism, opernd cu valori ca binele comun, este temeiul sistemului.
Din moment ce e limpede c nu exist un asemenea lucru precum un interes universal mprtit de ctre toi dimpotriv, exist multe interese, exprimate de grupuri sociale diferite , o atare situaie se transform n teroare
sau ntr-o dictatur a majoritii asupra minoritilor (care, n cazul cel mai
fericit, snt tolerate). O asemenea toleran dezvluie de obicei ierarhia;
majoritatea e cea care tolereaz minoritile ea poate s fac asta sau nu,
ns ntotdeauna majoritatea hotrte ce i cine poate fi tolerat (sau nu).
Pn la urm, vocea minoritilor nu se prea face auzit i de foarte multe
ori ele n-au nici mcar dreptul de a vorbi.
Polonia nu aparine Occidentului sau, mai precis, nu aparine pe de-a-ntregul Occidentului. n consecin, nu discursul modernist-iluminist e cel ce
guverneaz practica politic de aici; ci mai degrab catolicismul combinat
cu naionalism. Acesta e un temei substanial, o autoritate social plasat
n afara structurii, un fel de baz ideologic a sistemului politic actual. Asta
se regsete i n legea polonez, inclusiv n preambulul la Constituie, precum i n practicile sociale. Dintr-o perspectiv istoric, prealabilul imediat al acestui temei al sistemului politic polonez este motenirea opoziiei
anticomuniste sprijinite de Biserica Romano-Catolic, nrdcinat n experiena secolului al nousprezecelea, cnd Polonia era mprit ntre Prusia,
Rusia i Imperiul Habsburgic. Trebuie ns remarcat c aceast ideologie a
fost folosit n secolul al nousprezecelea pentru prezervarea identitii
naionale a Poloniei, iar n secolul douzeci ca opoziie la comunism. Prin
adoptarea acesteia ca fundament ideologic comun al ntregii opoziii anticomuniste, s-a furnizat o paradigm pentru sistemul politic polonez de dup
1989, fapt ce s-a transformat ntr-un fel de pcat originar al democraiei
poloneze. Discursul despre interesul naional, fundamentat pe valori cretine, elimin n mod explicit disidenii din sfera public i face din caracterul
democratic al noului sistem ceva mai degrab problematic.
Pe lng asta, practica i funcionarea sferei publice din Polonia difer ntructva de cele predominante n Occident. Ele nu snt legate nici de retorica

154

the constitutional order of the state in which the constitution guarantees freedom
of expression not only to the artist, but of course to every citizen. It didnt matter
that in her defence, Dorota Nieznalska argued that she did not intend to offend
anyones religious sentiments. Rather, her critique was directed against the culture of gym, the male ideal of the body. In other words, Nieznalskas Passion
as she explained was an attempt to make the male cult of the body problematic. The cross (lets note that it is a Greek cross), understood to be an ideal form,
a frame of the idealised symbol of masculinity. If any associations with
the Passion of Christ are possible here, they are purely ironic in the context
of the male cult of fitness. What really matters here, is the question of power, or
the power system in post-1989 Poland and the particular post-communist condition in this country.
The Nieznalska case is, certainly, a political problem; to be precise it involves the
question of democracy, and of course has nothing to do with religious sentiments understood on their metaphysical background, rather it has to do with
the power of populist, Christian ideology, and its challenge within a democratic
system. In terms of democracy, we could draw some conclusions from political
writers such as Claude Lefort.2 According to him, democracy should not have any
ideological foundation, or substantial basis, which would play the role of social or
ideological authority. In other words anyone who wants to justify democracy cannot relate it to external ideology. Neither God, nor History, universal common
good, the ruling class, national tradition etc., could work as the substantial
basis of democracy. If it does, we cannot say this is democracy, at least not full
democracy, but rather a sort of authoritarian system.
The key issue here is the relationship between the majority and the minority.
The majority very often used to justify they own interests through some ideology
that plays a role of the authority. The substantial basis of Western democracies
is the tradition of the Enlightenment with its universalistic concepts of mankind
and common good. Such an absolute basis expels some members of the community from the public space, pushing them into the margin of public life, since their
status does not fit into the universalistic definitions of society. This pertains mainly
to various minorities, which are repressed by the dominant politics of the majority
claiming to represent the common good. We can call such an exclusive form
of democracy, based upon the dictatorship of the majority, authoritarian.
By contrast, radical democracy, which is not exclusive, should aim at the problematic of the allegedly common and universal basis. In other words, in the West the
Enlightenment-modernist concept of the so-called universalism operating with
such values as common goods is the basis of the system. Since there is obviously no such a thing as a universal interest shared by everyone on the contrary
there are many interests expressed by different social groups such a situation
turns into terror or a dictatorship of the majority over minorities (who are tolerated, at best). Such tolerance usually reveals the hierarchy; it is the majority that tolerates the minorities it may choose to do so or not, but the majority always
decides what and who can be tolerated (or not). In the end, minorities do not have
an equal voice and very often dont even have the right to speak.
Poland does not belong to the West, or more precisely does not belong fully to the
West. As a consequence there is no Enlightenment-modernist discourse that governs political practice here; it is more Catholicism combining with nationalism.
This is a substantial basis, social authority located outside the structure, a sort of
ideological foundation of the present political system. This can be seen in Polish law,
including the preamble to the Constitution, as well as in social practices. Historically,
the immediate background of this ideological basis of the Polish political system is
the heritage of the anti-communist opposition supported by the Roman Catholic
Church, which stemmed from the experience of the nineteenth century, when

+
neutralitii, nici de impersonalitate, care snt caracteristice discursului modernist-iluminist i care, c veni vorba, n-au nici o legtur cu realitatea. ntr-o asemenea tradiie, politica i interesele ei politice particulare se afl dincolo
de discursul despre neutralitatea sferei publice. Aceasta din urm pur i simplu voaleaz privatizarea sferei publice de ctre putere, dup cum ar spune
Rosalyn Deutsche.3 De multe ori autoritile din Polonia nici mcar nu-i
ascund strategia de apropriere [a sferei publice], afirmnd c spaiul public
le revine n proprietate, din moment ce au fost votate de o majoritate. Atunci
cnd un grup de politicieni snt alei n funcii locale sau naionale, ei presupun,
ca s spun aa, c snt ndreptii s-i nsueasc spaiul public n numele
(i chipurile n beneficiul) electoratului lor. Acest argument este, n realitate,
foarte populist. Ca urmare, spaiul public i pierde pn i caracterul neutru formal. Din fericire, n multe cazuri majoritatea tolereaz minoritile,
dar asta nu nseamn egalitate sau respect ci doar un cadou sau o
favoare acordat mrinimos unei minoriti. Totui, n unele cazuri iar
aceasta e o adevrat problem a spaiului public din Polonia , vocea
minoritilor e nbuit i reprimat: nu doar c i lipsete un statut egal cu
al majoritii, dar nici nu este tolerat defel. Este n general cazul, dei nu
exclusiv, al criticilor catolicismului polonez i ai Bisericii Romano-Catolice.
Desigur, biserica nu are o putere nemijlocit i nu le poate interzice efectiv disidenilor s se exprime, ns declaraiile sale, dup cum a demonstrat-o n mod frecvent practica politic, au valoare de lege i se transform cu uurin n decizii practice ale politicienilor, procurorilor, managerilor diferitelor instituii culturale etc., doar pentru c deciziile acelea se
refer n mod direct la ceea ce n Polonia e considerat binele comun, temei
al ordinii politice, i anume sistemul de valori naional-catolic.
Permitei-mi s afirm c dac cultura vizual este barometrul unui sistem
politic, ea este n acelai timp i un test al libertii i democraiei din fosta
lume comunist, n special n privina provocrilor ridicate de populism. Aa
cum am vzut mai sus, un asemenea sistem, cel puin n Polonia, e departe
de ceea ce am putea numi o democraie radical. n ncheiere, concluzia
mea ar fi c aceast complex problem social i politic confer unicitate
situaiei din Polonia postcomunist i c ea nu se potrivete cu tabloul comun,
generat ntr-o mai mic sau mai mare msur de experiena postsovietic,
i prezentat n discuii precum cele din cadrul conferinei de la Berlin de care
aminteam la nceputul eseului. Aceste diferene fac din tabloul general al lumii
postcomuniste unul foarte problematic, n special n privina populismului
i a provocrilor lui din cadrul noilor democraii.
Traducere de Alex Moldovan
Note:
* Textul este un extras din Visual Art Policy in Poland, publicat n The Populism Reader, Lukas & Sternberg,
New York, 2005. www.lukas-sternberg.com

Poland was divided among Prussia, Russia and the Austrian empire. It should be
noted, though, that this ideology was used in the nineteenth century to preserve
Polish national identity, and in the twentieth century to oppose communism.
However, adopting this as a common ideological basis for all anti-communist opposition provided a paradigm for the Polish political system after 1989, turning it
into a kind of primordial sin of Polish democracy. The discourse of national interest,
founded on Christian values, explicitly eliminates dissenters from the public sphere,
and makes the democratic character of the new system rather problematic.
In addition, the practice and functioning of the public sphere in Poland is somewhat different from what prevails in the West. It is related neither to the rhetoric
of neutrality, nor to the impersonality, which is typical of Enlightenment-modernist
discourse, and which, by the way, has nothing to do with reality. In such a tradition, power and its particular political interests, is beyond the discourse of the
neutrality of the public sphere. The latter simply conceals the privatisation of the
public sphere by power, as Rosalyn Deutsche would say.3 In Poland the authorities
quite often do not even conceal their strategy of appropriation, declaring that
public space is their own property, since a majority voted for them. When a certain
group of politicians has been elected to local or national power organs, it assumes,
as it were, that it is entitled to appropriate the public space in the name (and
allegedly for the benefit) of its electorate. This is, actually, a quite populist argument. Consequently, public space loses even its formally neutral character.
Fortunately, in many cases the majority tolerates minorities, but this does not
mean equality or respect it is just a kind of a gift or favour which a given
minority may be generously granted. In some cases however and this is a real
problem of Polish public space the voice of minorities is muffled and repressed:
not only does it lack a status equal to that of the majority, but it is not tolerated at
all. This refers mostly, yet not exclusively, to the critique of the Polish Catholicism
and the Roman Catholic Church. Of course, the Church has no immediate power
and cannot practically forbid dissidents from speaking out, but its statements,
as political practice has frequently proved, have a performative value and are easily translated into the practical decisions of politicians, prosecutors, managers of
various cultural institutions, etc. just because those decisions refer directly to what
is considered in Poland the common good, the basis of the political order, i.e.
the national-Catholic system of values.
Let me say that if visual culture is the barometer of a political system, it is at the
same time a sort of a test of freedom and democracy in the post-communist
world, particularly in terms of challenges posed by populism. As we have seen
above, such a system, at least in Poland, is far from what we could call a radical
democracy. Finally, I would conclude, that this complex social and political issue
makes the Polish post-communist condition very unique, and that it does not fit
to the common picture, generated more or less by the post-Soviet experience,
and expressed in discussions such as those during the Berlin conference that
I mentioned at the beginning of this essay. These differences make the general
picture of New Europe as a part of post-communist world very problematic, parti-

1. Sursa citatului este Helmsboro, expoziia lui Hans Haacke de la John Webere Gallery, New York
(1990).

cularly in terms of populism and its challenge within new democracies.

2. Claude Lefort, Democracy and Political Theory, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 1988.

Notes:

3. Rosalyn Deutsche, Agoraphobia, in Evictions. Art and Spatial Politics, Cambridge, MA, The MIT
Press, 1996, pp. 269327.

* This text is an excerpt from the text Visual Art Policy in Poland published in
The Populism Reader, by Lukas & Sternberg, New York, 2005. www.lukas-sternberg.com
1. The quotation comes from Helmsboro, Hans Haackes exhibition in John Webere Gallery in New
York (1990).
2. Claude Lefort, Democracy and Political Theory, Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, 1988.
3. Rosalyn Deutsche, Agoraphobia, in Evictions. Art and Spatial Politics, Cambridge, MA,
The MIT Press, 1996, pp. 269327.

155

Mit i complicitate: ce refuleaz

mistica libertii n capitalism
Ovidiu ichindeleanu

Tema propus de redacia revistei IDEA art+societate, Laicitate i complicitate, privete reactivarea prezenei publice a religiei n Romnia de dup
1989 i influenele sale asupra diferitelor sfere civile, n politic, justiie, educaie sau art. n acest articol vizez reactivarea adevrurilor absolute n cmpul discursiv n care coexist toate aceste sfere civice, urmrind, mai degrab
dect specia discursului religios, genul formaiunilor de sens mitic, purttoare
ale unor valori absolute, care devalueaz toate celelalte valori posibile, finite.
Ofensiva religiei este nsoit de o ofensiv a teoriilor pragmatice laice care
mbrieaz simbolurile dominante ale zilei. Laicitatea, neleas ca perspectiv finit asupra finitudinii, are de suferit tocmai n urma rspndirii unor formaiuni de sens absolut n interiorul discursivitii domeniilor tradiionale laice.
n acest sens, argumentul meu dezvolt o genealogie a miturilor fundamentale care domin cmpul discursiv al Romniei de dup 1989, oferind n acelai
timp principii critice pentru deconstrucia lor.
Unde se duc energiile adoratoare o dat ce idolii au fost ucii i unde se
duc energiile urii, o dat ce idolii blestemai snt executai
Cum se face c ntr-o ar dominat aproape o jumtate de secol de o doctrin materialist-tiinific, discursul intelectualilor referitor la Marx ori la marxism lipsete cu desvrire ori, atunci cnd apare, e pur i simplu nul Cum
se face c lurile de poziii referitoare la stnga politic snt plasate permanent sub suspiciunea de a fi motivate de dorina rentoarcerii la trecut, ca
i cum acesta ar putea irupe pe neateptate n prezent Cum se face c vasta
majoritate a teoriilor liberale n care am cutat explicaii asupra a ceea ce
s-a ntmplat vreme de 45 de ani n Estul Europei se rezum la a marca lecia
istoriei comunismul s-a dovedit falimentar fr a dezvolta o concepie
dincolo de acceptarea pioas a datului proniei Dac liberalismul a nvins,
pe cine i ce a nvins Cum se face c nvingtorul istoric nu a ieit din victoria sa cu o filosofie a istoriei, ci cu simpla sa negaie, nicidecum hegelian
aceasta s-a terminat Cum se face c stnga n general i marxismul
n special snt automat integrate ntr-o retoric inchizitorial, deja convins de rutatea inerent a acestora fr a intra defel n vreun dialog conceptual adevrat
Rspunsurile la toate aceste ntrebri snt simple i snt legate de trauma nerezolvat provocat de trecutul de dinainte de 1989, ca i de confruntarea
cu realitatea amar a prezentului. Dac realitatea trecut a traumei e uor
de neles, nerezolvarea ei n prezent e o problem curioas cu care ne
confruntm. n acest articol nu propun o rezolvare, ci doresc doar s
deschid cteva modaliti inedite de raportare constructiv fa de trecut i
prezent, pornind de la un enun ct se poate de banal: cmpul cultural romnesc e dominat de formaiuni de sens mitologic, ce ocup posibilitile de exprimare n dauna raionalitii critice, iar aceast stare de fapt se agraveaz o
dat cu dominaia strii de negaie a propriului trecut i prezent. Accesul la
OVIDIU ICHINDELEANU este doctorand n filosofie la SUNY Binghamton cu o tez despre mediile moderne i arheologia cunoaterii la 1900.

156

MYTH AND COMPLICITY:

THE MYSTICISM OF POST-COMMUNIST FREEDOM AND ITS DENIALS
Ovidiu ichindeleanu
Where do the worshipping energies go after the idols are killed And where do
the hating energies go after the execution of the accursed idols
How come, in a country dominated for about half a century by a scientificmaterialist doctrine, the discourse on Marx or Marxism is completely inexistent, or when it comes to surface, its just about null How come any leftist
opinion is immediately placed under the suspicion of being motivated by the
nostalgic desire to bring back the past, as if the past could suddenly burst
into presence And how come, most of the liberal theories where I looked for
explanations are content just with stressing the lesson of history the failure
of communism without developing much of a conception beyond the almost
religious acceptance of this natural destiny If liberalism was the winner,
who or what was the loser How come the winner does not come out of its
historical win with a philosophy of history but with nullifying history (it has
ended) And how come not only Communism, but Leftism and particularly
Marxism are approached by default with inquisitorial rhetorics, looking for the
inherent evil within
The answers to all these questions are simple, and they have to do with the
unresolved trauma of the past before 1989. If the past of the trauma is easily
understandable, its dwelling into the present is a curious problem we are
facing. In this article I dont attempt to bring a solution, but I intend to open
towards atypical ways of dealing with the past and the present that are made
possible by the following commonplace enunciation: the Romanian cultural field
is dominated by formations of mythical meaning, that are occupying the possibilities of expression at the expense of critical rationality; this state of affairs escalates with the domination of the state of denial regarding the communist past.
The access to such banal ideas is repressed in our days by the theological radiance of a few ultimate truths, which will constitute the object of our following
considerations. The very basic methodological principle we are following is that
the transformations underwent by a culture gods and religious experiences,
or people, things and secular technologies alike can be approached synthetically with view to the economy of its discursive field. By discursive field, I understand here that which arrives to discourse and is archived in a certain culture,
thanks to the limitations of the current technologies of reproduction. By its economy, I understand here the ratios between different formations of meaning
that populate (but do not exhaust) the discursive field.
We are beginning thus with a commonplace observation that has never arrived
to discourse: the Romanian cultural field is dominated by symbols, by formations of total or full meaning; these are the focus of the worshipping and hating

OVIDIU ICHINDELEANU is a doctoral student at SUNY Binghamton with a thesis on modern

media and the archeology of knowledge at 1900.

+
e reprimat ns n zilele noastre de strlucirea teologal a unor adevruri
supreme, ctre care ne vom ndrepta atenia n cele ce urmeaz. C e vorba
de zei i de experiene religioase ori de oameni, lucruri i tehnologii seculare, transformrile prin care trece o cultur pot fi privite prin prisma
economiei cmpului su discursiv. Prin cmp discursiv nelegem aici ceea ce
se exprim i este arhivat ntr-o anumit cultur, datorit limitelor i limitrilor
mediilor i tehnologiilor de reproducere. Prin economia sa nelegem aici
raportul dintre diferitele formaiuni de sens care populeaz (dar nu
epuizeaz) spaiul cmpului discursiv.
Pornim, aadar, de la o observaie banal, dar care nu a ajuns la discurs, lipsind
cu desvrire din enunurile vehiculate pn n prezent: cmpul cultural
romnesc e dominat de simboluri, de formaiuni de sens total care concentreaz impulsurile de adoraie i ur. Religia poate c a rmas n continuare opiumul poporului dac includem n popor i intelectualii de prim
vizibilitate , ns nu tiu dac astzi e att de influent precum alte vehicule,
laice, ce transport n continuare formaiuni de sens total n societate.
Reprimarea trecutului menine hegemonia n cmpul cultural a unor forme
de sens total, adevruri autosuficiente care scutesc subiectul de efortul de
anamnez i interpretare l scutesc de gndire. n msura n care asemenea forme de sens constituie principii dincolo de orice discurs, putem spune
c totalitarismul a supravieuit n ultimii cincisprezece ani, i anume tocmai
n sfera gndirii, fiind alimentat de simbolurile circulare ale zilei, produse n ritm
accelerat de industria cultural a unei societi n plin dezvoltare capitalist.
Romnia de dup 1989, ca de altfel ntreg spaiul intelectual al fostului bloc
socialist, e marcat, aadar, de o stare de negaie fa de propriul trecut care
nu a fcut dect s se accentueze o dat cu trecerea timpului i care
traseaz n continuare limitele gndirii ce poate fi articulat n acest cmp discursiv, referitor la trecut, precum i la realitatea prezentului. Abundena cantitativ a produselor culturale nu poate ascunde anumite limitri structurale,
calitative, ale enunurilor care au fost produse pn n prezent n cultura liber
de dup 1989. Hegemonia orizonturilor de sens totalitare, a cror proliferare e ncurajat (dar nu determinat exclusiv) de meninerea strii de negaie, se manifest n realitatea cultural prin existena unor cuvinte de ordine,
parole de trecere n afara oricrei chestiuni, ce dispun toate semnele i discursurile posibile n subordinea lor i determin ce trece i ce nu, ce poate
fi gndit i ce nu are sens. Cuvintele de ordine nu snt o categorie particular de enunuri explicite (ca de exemplu cele la imperativ), ci raportul
oricrui cuvnt sau al oricrui enun ce apare ntr-un cmp discursiv cu presupoziii implicite, care se leag de substana concret a enunului datorit
unei obligaii sociale.1 Vehicule ale unor asemenea orizonturi de sens snt
la nivel molar puterile politice ale statului, instituiile religioase, mass-media
i companiile capitalului, iar la nivel molecular consumismul i credina
efectiv n noile metanarative ale zilei. n cele ce urmeaz, nu ne intereseaz att trauma trecutului, originea acestei stri de negaie, ct cauzele accenturii ori ale meninerii ei ca principiu superior oricrei judeci. Aceste cauze
trebuie cutate direct n prezent, n mecanismele concrete de producie
cultural din jurul cuvintelor de ordine, care permit slbirea puterii critice
a individului i denigrarea responsabilitii critice a fiecruia, n favoarea
obligaiilor programului social impus de puterile momentului.

drives. Religion might still be the opium of the people if we include here
also the intellectuals of prime time visibility but I dont know if it is still as efficient as other secular vehicles specialized in the transport of total meaning
in society. The denial of the past maintains the hegemony in the cultural field of
certain formations of total meaning, self-sufficient truths that do not require any
process of anamnesis or interpretation in order to be comprehended. They are
literally doing the thinking for the subject. The measure in which such formations are providing rules beyond any possible discourse is the measure in which
totalitarianism has survived over the past fifteen years, precisely in the
domain of thought, being fostered by the symbols of the day, produced in an
accelerated rhythm by the cultural industry of a society in full capitalist development.
Post-communist Romania as well as the entire intellectual space of the former
socialist block lingers in a state of denial towards its own communist past.
The denial has only deepened with time, and its censorship of consciousness
has determined the limits of the thinking that can be articulated in this discursive field, about past as well as about the present. The quantitative abundance
of cultural products cannot hide the qualitative, structural limitations of enunciations that have been produced thus far in the free culture after 1989.
The hegemony of totalitarian sense horizons, whose proliferation is fostered
(but not exclusively determined) by waiting upon the state of denial, is evinced
in the cultural reality by the existence of words of command, passwords beyond
any questioning. All the possible signs and discourses that could come to expression are underlings to such words of command, that are determining what
passes and what does not, what can be thought and what is meaningless.
The words of command are not a particular category of explicit enunciations
(such as the ones at imperative), but the relation of any word or enunciation
that surfaces in a discursive field to certain implicit assumptions. The latter are
knotted to the concrete substance of enunciation due to a social obligation.1
Vehicles of such sense horizons are, at a molar level, the political powers of the
state, the religious institutions, mass-media and the capital companies; at the
molecular level consumerism and the faith in the meta-narratives of the day.
We will not focus here as much on the trauma of the past, the origin of denial,
as on the causes of its persistence as a principle trumping any rational doubt.
These causes have to be looked for in the present, in the material mechanisms
of cultural production around words of command that are allowing the withering of the critical judgment of individuals, in favor of the obligations of the
social program imposed by the powers that be.
The Imperative of Fragmentation
All too little has changed in the structure of the discursive field after 1989.
The relation of the subjects to their present reality is dominated by projections
of the imaginary: the Occident, civilization, integration, democracy
all these are not concepts, they have the role of words of command that have
subordinated in the recent past the most different political and cultural conceptions. They are sporting an excess of meaning that has to be compensated
through a continuous production of legitimatory narratives, which constitute
at their turn the bread and butter of all the intellectuals willing to perform the
work of self-colonization in the Romanian culture. Everybody has agreed on

Imperativul fragmentrii
Prea puine s-au schimbat n structura cmpului discursiv dup 1989 raportul cu realitatea prezentului e dominat de proieciile imaginarului:

their subject, and precisely this theological concord filters out with its symbolic
grid all the problematic details of reality. At the other end, ideology, communism, communists, the Securitate people, Iliescu are pressing for equally

157

Occidentul, civilizaia, integrarea, democraia, economia de pia

toate acestea nu snt concepte, ci joac rolul de cuvinte de ordine care
s-au dovedit apte a-i subordona culori politice ori concepii culturale dintre cele mai diferite n istoria recent. Aceste simboluri snt ncrcate cu un
exces de sens care trebuie compensat printr-o producie continu de narative legitimatoare, care ofer la rndul lor pinea de toate zilele intelectualilor dornici s ndeplineasc sarcina autocolonizrii. Toat lumea cade de
acord asupra lor i tocmai aceast universalitate teologal este cea care elimin prin filtrul su simbolic detaliile problematice ale realului la care se
refer. La polul cellalt, ideologia, comunismul, comunitii, securitii,
Iliescu, amestecul statului solicit la fel de imperativ forme de nelegere
instantanee, reacii afective, n dauna clarificrilor ori a elaborrilor ideologice sau doctrinare. Pentru alte grupuri subiective, tipuri analoage de cmpuri discursive snt gestionate de cuvinte de ordine precum naiunea,
romnismul, tradiia, Dumnezeul ortodox, opuse altora precum
ungurii, iganii, homosexualii, evreii, [altul]. Indiferent de subcmpul
discursiv, valoarea de adevr a enunurilor emise n aceste structuri este disproporionat fa de imperativul absolut pe care l pretind. Iar dialogul ntre
asemenea orizonturi de sens e viciat iremediabil de ataamentul
necondiionat pentru simbolurile totale. n fine, acestea din urm guverneaz
gndirea flatnd dispoziia egocentric a subiecilor, n aceeai msur intelectuali sau plebei.
Asemenea cuvinte de ordine sperie pur i simplu subiectul receptor, l determin s pun distan fa de orice semne nu doar concepte ori opinii
ce aduc cumva cu atmosfera polului negativ. Un exemplu l furnizeaz o
specie stilistic ce s-a impus ca o adevrat norm a probitii i atitudinii
critice n spaiul cultural romnesc: satira politic practicat de numeroase
apariii, ns n care exceleaz jurnalul Academia Caavencu. Exemplele individuale snt adesea mustoase, ns ce fel de norm critic fac ele posibil
Dac din diverse motive, care nu in n mod necesar de productorii ei,
satirele snt private de informaia-surs, de coninutul la care fac referire,
atunci devin dominate de forma lor stilistic, iar aluziile, denunurile, umorul
brutal se autolegitimeaz ca forme de judecat critic. Or, acestea, ca
forme discursive, snt jumti de argumente care acioneaz la nivel afectiv, alimentnd umorile deja formate pentru c, n fond, tim noi despre
ce e vorba.
Un efect direct al impunerii simbolice i economice a jurnalului pe piaa cultural romneasc este suspendarea chestionrii punctului din care se
arunc bolovanul: forma judecii satirice devine atunci pentru cititori, ca
i pentru scriitori, un scop n sine, dincolo de orice referin, un joc pe ct
de egoist pe att de limitat. tim deja c Academia este de partea bun,
ceea ce permite ca ironiile sau complimentele s i fie autosuficiente i s
fie repetate n locul unei critici construite. Fr a ngroa aici vreo comparaie,
alte grupuri subiective tiu c Romnia Mare este de partea bun i se
bucur de repetiia epitetelor fr a mai sesiza carena n substantive. O dat
impus instituional i economic pe piaa cultural, forma i subordoneaz
coninutul posibil. Un exemplu concret l-a furnizat publicarea de ctre
Academia Caavencu, n ajunul alegerilor din 2004, a suplimentului Scnteia:
oricare ar fi fost coninutul materialelor publicate, el a fost subordonat imperativului la care fcea aluzie gestul; forma de expresie i-a subordonat
posibilitile coninutului de expresie; pe lng mobilizarea moral destinat
evenimentului concret al alegerilor, gestul a permis, de exemplu, expedierea
n derizoriu, pe o perioad indefinit, a unor noiuni cu relevan contem-

158

imperative forms of instant comprehension, for affective reactions expressed

at the expense of ideological clarifications or constructions. For other groups
of subjects, not that different though, analogous types of discursive fields are
ruled by words of command such as the nation, the Romanianhood,
the tradition, the orthodox God, opposed to others such as Hungarians,
gypsies, homosexuals, Jews, [others]. For all these discursive fields alike,
the truth value of the enunciations pronounced within these structures is incommensurate to the absolute imperative they are claiming. The dialogue between
such sense horizons is irrevocably vitiated by the immediate, unconditional
attachment-to or rejection-of the total symbols. The latter are governing thought
by means of blandishing the egocentric mindset of its subjects of enunciation
intellectuals and plebeians alike.
Such words of command are simply scaring the subjects, making them take distance from any signs let alone concepts or opinions that garb a faint similarity with the atmosphere of the negative pole. An example in this sense will be
offered by a stylistic genre that has become a veritable norm of uprightness and
critical attitude in the Romanian cultural space: the political satire, sported
by many journals, but in which the weekly Academia Caavencu excels.
The individual examples are often juicy, but what kind of model of critique are
they instituting If, say, for different reasons, not necessarily because of its producers, the satire is received without the source information (the content they
are referring to), then the stylistic form trumps the content, and the allusions,
denunciations, the brutal humor become self-legitimatory forms of
critical judgment. The latter, as discursive forms, are half-arguments that act
at the affective level, nourishing already formed dispositions on the principle
that anyway we know what is this all about.
A direct effect of the symbolic and economic establishment of the journal on the
Romanian cultural scene is the suspension of the point wherefrom the stone is
thrown: the satirical form becomes for readers and writers alike an end in itself,
beyond any reference, a simple game, limited and egotistic. We know that
Academia is on the good side, so the insults and the compliments are self-sufficient and they can be repeated instead of building another critique. Without
drawing to close this comparison, other subjective groups know that Romnia
Mare is on the good side and they enjoy the repetition of attributive adjectives without noticing the lack of nouns. Once its institutionally and economically established on the cultural market, the form subordinates any possible
content. A concrete example was the publication, before the general elections
of 2004, of several issues of the former communist journal Scnteia, as an ironic
supplement to Academia: whatever would have represented the content of
expression of those materials, it was subordinated to the moral imperative
alluded by the gesture; the form of expression subordinated the content of
expression; aside the moral mobilization with view to the approaching elections,
destined to summon anti-communist energies, the gesture allowed, for
instance, the devaluation of notions with direct contemporary relevance, such
as the imperialism, or the growing gap between the rich and the poor,
and their regimentation to a side they do not actually belong to.
The belittlement of communism offers but a transient healing. Communism,
the left are treated in the civilized press mostly as no-brainers, that is:
through forms of non-thinking. We do not think when it comes to communism:
we accuse, we swear, we point, we run from any conceptual confrontation.
We know what this is all about, so we can just spoof it, spit on it and condemn
it. It is important to notice, in this sense, the usage of purely negative refer-

+
dintre bogai i sraci nregimentate astfel de partea unei tabere creia
nu i aparin.
Refugiul n injurii la adresa comunismului poate fi o alinare, ns doar una
de moment nicidecum structural. Comunismul, stnga snt n mod
copleitor tratate n presa civilizat din Romnia ca nongndiri i prin
nongndire. Nu se gndete, cnd e vorba de comunism: se acuz, se njur,
se arat cu degetul, se fuge cu orice pre de gndire. tim despre ce e vorba,
nu ne rmne dect s lum n derdere, s anatemizm i s condamnm.
Recursul la referine pur negative, cel mai adesea legate de personaje, nume
i fee concrete (Iliescu), n loc de idei i concepte, este ns n primul rnd
un refuz comod de a face efortul de gndire, de a reflecta asupra a ceea
ce a fost, asupra a ceea ce poate nsemna ceea ce a fost. Condamnare i
uitare n loc de reflecie i anamnez. Aceast stare de negaie dominant
explic nevoia permanent de a gsi un CORP ispitor: un individ, o fa,
un nume, asupra cruia deversrile de imprecaii ori adulaii constituie o art
de la sine neleas i acceptat. Corporalizarea nu e n acest caz dect agarea de un suport material care menine sperana inerii la distan a ideii
vtmtoare; poi ine un corp la distan, ns o idee te bntuie de niciunde;
aceste corpuri snt literalmente corpuri de transfer afectiv, care devin rezervoare tranchilizante pentru subiectul confuz. Momentul i msura n
care astfel de forme se impun ca norme argumentative ntr-un cmp cultural snt simptomatice pentru acutizarea problemei originare i pentru
carena ideatic. Condamnarea e valorizat atunci ca modalitate fundamental de raport cu trecutul, care se petrece vdit n dauna gndirii i a raportului cu realitatea prezentului. n cuvintele tranante ale lui
Freud: condamnarea este substitutul intelectual al refulrii.2 Iar alinarea temporar a traumei ce a declanat mecanismele refulrii se petrece prin consumul nentrerupt al simbolurilor zilei, al cror flux e asigurat de mijloacele
industriei culturale ce produce atmosfera dorit de puterile momentului.

ences, more often than not knotted to concrete characters, names and faces

Imperativul totalizrii
Locul privilegiat al condamnrii nu a fost creat doar prin formaiuni de sens
fragmentar, incomplet, cum e cazul aluziilor, ci i prin metanarative supracomplete, al cror exces de sens e o expresie direct a puterii politice i
economice care le susine i promoveaz. n primii ani dup 1989, am fost
martorii publicrii unei cantiti enorme de studii care i ofereau contribuia
la nmormntarea simbolic a comunismului i la integrarea sa n seria de
accidente istorice catastrofale ale secolului al douzecilea. Multe dintre aceste studii au fost motivate de dorina de a gsi i demonstra rdcinile totalitare comune ale fascismului i comunismului, dorin ce depete de la
bun nceput condiiile simple i necesare ale unei investigaii asupra formei
de totalitarism la care a condus comunismul n spaiile est-europene.
Momentul cel mai vizibil l-a constituit probabil publicarea n 1997 a Crii
negre a comunismului, editat sub ngrijirea lui Stphane Courtois. n scopul de a nscrie comunismul i fascismul n acelai dosar istoric i cu preul
unor inconsecvene majore, care au fost taxate de nenumrai istorici la
momentul respectiv, Courtois i echipa lui s-au dedicat marelui efort de a
proiecta o linie direct ce traversase istoria, de la Marx i Engels la Lenin,
Stalin i Gulag. Metodologia acestui veritabil dosar inchizitorial reproducea
de fapt argumentaia lui Ernst Nolte asupra lungului rzboi civil european.
n masiva sa carte Der europische Brgerkrieg 19171947. Nationalsozialismus und Bolschewismus (Berlin, Propylen, 1987), Ernst Nolte reunise

1989 we have witnessed the emergence of a host of studies that tried to ensure

(Iliescu), instead of ideas and concepts. Such forms are convenient excuses to
refuse the thinking, the effort of anamnesis and reflection on the significance of
the past. Condemnation and forgetting instead of reflection and anamnesis.
The dominant state of denial explains the permanent need to find a scape-body:
an individual, a face, a name; judging, insulting or extolling these repositories
constitutes a self-explanatory and self-sufficient art. The embodiment of ideas is
in this case the material support that maintains the hope of keeping a distance
from the traumatizing non-corporeal idea; you can keep a body at a distance
but an idea will haunt you from nowhere. These bodies are literally bodies of
affective transfer, sedative repositories for the confused and unstable subject.
When such forms become norms of argumentation in a cultural field, then the
original problem has likely deepened and the easily accumulating paucity of
ideas has come to prevail over the infrequent creation. Condemnation becomes
the fundamental mode of relating to the past, at the expense of thought itself,
and with direct consequences on the mode of relating to the present reality.
In Freuds own clear-cut words: condemnation is the intellectual substitute of
repression.2 The trauma that has caused the mechanisms of repression is temporarily healed through the continuous consumption of the symbols of the day.
The flux of the latter is ensured by the means of production of the cultural
industry.
The Imperative of Totalization
The privileged position of condemnation was not ensured only through formations of fragmentary meaning. The allusion sports a deficit of meaning in its
substance of content, which is compensated through the institutionalization of
that particular form of expression within a subjective group. Phenomena analogous to the bitty allusion have been carried out also by means of overflowing
meta-narratives, which are sporting an excess of meaning a direct expression
of the political and economical power that supports them. In the years after
the symbolic burial of communism and its integration in the series of catastrophic accidents of the twentieth century. Some of these studies have been
motivated by the desire to find and prove the common totalitarian roots of fascism and communism. It can be argued that such a desire already goes
beyond the simple and necessary principles of an investigation of the forms
of totalitarianism of East-European communism. The most visible moment was
probably the publication in 1997 of the Black Book of Communism, edited by
Stphane Courtois. In order to put together fascism and communism under the
same historical file, and with the price of misjudgments that have been noticed
at the time by lots of reviewers, Courtois and his team have put up the effort to
build a continuous line traversing history, from Marx and Engels, to Lenin, Stalin
and the Gulag. The methodology of this goodhearted but truly inquisitorial
study has actually reproduced Ernst Noltes argumentation on the
Long European Civil War. In his massive book Der europische Brgerkrieg
19171947. Nationalsozialismus und Bolschewismus (Berlin, Propylen, 1987),
Nolte had united the wars from 1914 to 1945 into a single conceptual entity
(wherefrom the title). This allowed him, among other things, to legitimize the
Nazi strategy as a European defense against the bigger evil, Stalinism and
communism. Ten years after Nolte3, Courtois had in common with the German
historian the construction of a continous line traversing history, but also its bottom-line principle: communism is worse than fascism. In the meantime the

159

Aceasta i permisese istoricului german justificarea pozitiv a politicii naziste,

ea avnd rolul de a apra Europa mpotriva rului i mai mare, stalinismul
i comunismul. Zece ani dup Nolte3, Courtois a avut n comun cu acesta construcia unei linii continue ce traverseaz istoria, dar i principiul
ultim explicit al acesteia: comunismul e mai ru dect fascismul. ntre timp,
confuzia generalizrilor a devenit att de dominant, nct lucrurile au fost
amestecate complet, discutndu-se uneori de ideologia fascist a comunismului. Asemenea detalii de istorie cultural i conceptual au fost ns
necate sub succesul comercial i ideologic al crii, care a fost lansat pe o
pia deja pregtit pentru acceptarea deciziei tribunalului din Vest cu
privire la ororile trecute ale Estului: cartea a fost tradus imediat n toate
rile foste socialiste i a fost ntmpinat en fanfare i reprodus poate fr
prea multe precauii intelectuale de ctre elitele intelectuale ale revoluiilor
din 1989. La un an de la publicare, aceast carte masiv fusese tradus i
distribuit, sau pe cale de a fi, n 26 de limbi strine. Nu e vorba, desigur,
de a nega ororile totalitarismului comunist, ns aceasta nu ne mpiedic s
observm c astzi funcia ideologic a acestor interpelri inchizitoriale, a
acestor metanaraiuni se dovedete a fi cea de a repune n actualitate
filosofiile conservator-revoluionare practicate de puterile momentului i de
a reprima avansul gndirii critice sub imperiul modelului suprem al gndirii
ca tribunal, obedient Legii momentului. Iar gndirea ca tribunal este modul
de gndire prin excelen n care s-au complcut redactorii principalelor
reviste culturale i de informaie din Romnia postdecembrist, aceiai care,
n loc de a gndi, i-au asumat astzi rolul de a fi paznicii benevoli din Romnia ai ideologiei puterii globale a momentului. n acest context, simbolurile
zilei ofer substana mitologic ce domin a priori discursivitatea, iar discursurile construite n sprijinul lor snt instanele ce ocup spaiul su experienial,
domeniul lrgit al teo-logiei contemporane.
NEA, Mitul Mare: Nu-Exist-Alternative
De la micro la macro, de la molecular la molar, de la aluzia fragmentar la
metanarativa totalizatoare ori evoluionist, puterea de convingere a unor
asemenea formaiuni de sens imperative, legate de anumite obligaii sociale
impuse de sus n jos, se datoreaz meninerii prejudecii monstruoase c
nu-exist-alternativ. Comunismul e una, capitalismul e alta, iar comunismul
a fost nfrnt, deci singura soluie alternativ e capitalismul. Comunismul i stnga au adus totalitarismul, capitalismul i dreapta aduc democraia.
E semnificativ faptul c e nevoie s subliniez o banalitate att de zdrobitoare: marxismul a dat natere la cele mai multe i diferite teorii critice;
social-democraiile occidentale invidiate de tot restul lumii civilizate a
omului alb au fost fcute posibile de asemenea teorii. Dincolo de acestea,
exist ns modele economice alternative att capitalismului, ct i comunismului modelele neomarxiste att de diferite propuse de Alex Callinicos,
Stephen Cullenberg ori Wolff i Resnick, ori proiectul economiei participative, iniiat de Michael Albert (parecon), ori multitudinea de proiecte
i aplicaii concrete anarhiste, care funcioneaz foarte bine de ani buni, n
ciuda eforturilor nteite de a le reprima. Nu doar c exist multe variante
de socialism care i-au dovedit eficiena, dar exist opiuni alternative dincolo de comunism i capitalism. Nimeni nu e obligat s intre n dihotomia ai lui Iliescu/mpotriva lui Iliescu, nimeni nu e obligat s rspund
la aceast interpelare. Nu e ciudat c e nevoie s afirm cu voce tare
asemenea banaliti Ce anume mpiedic apariia ntr-un cmp discursiv liber
a unor asemenea enunuri

160

production of inquisitorial works has reached such quotas that confusion reigns
supreme, and one can hear talks about the fascist ideology of communism.
Such details of conceptual history were however flooded by the commercial and
ideological success of the book, which was launched on an already baked market, ready to accept the verdict of the Western tribunal regarding the past horrors of the East. The book was immediately translated in all the former socialist
countries, kicked upstairs and reproduced without too many precautions precisely by the intellectual elites of the 1989 revolutions. A year after publication,
this massive book had been translated and distributed, or about to be, in 26
languages. Emphasizing this does not amount to denying the horrors of communist totalitarianism but these details of cultural history help us nevertheless
notice the ideological function of such inquisitorial interpellations, which has
become rather obvious in our present days: to reactualize the conservative-revolutionary philosophies preached by the powers of the moment, and to repress
critical thinking and self-determination by instituting the supreme model of the
tribunal-thought, obedient to the Law of the moment. The tribunal-thought has
been perhaps the most authoritative mode of thinking in the main medias of
culture and information in post-decembrist Romania, practiced by the same
intellectuals who have assumed today the role of being the voluntary guardians
in Romania of the ideology of the global powers of the moment. In this context,
the symbols of the day are constituting the mythological substance that dominates a priori the discursivity, and the discourses in their support are the
instances that are occupying its experiential space: the contemporary, enlarged
domain of theo-logy.
TINA the Myth : There-Is-No-Alternative
From small to big, from fragmentary allusions to totalizing or evolutionary
meta-narratives, such commanding formations of meaning, linked to certain
social obligations, are owing their power to the maintenance in these cultural
fields of the monstruous assumption that there-is-no-alternative. Communism is
one thing, capitalism is the other one, and communism was a historical failure,
so the only alternative is capitalism. Communism and the left have brought
totalitarianism, capitalism and the right have brought democracy.
Its symptomatic that I have to emphasize such a banality: Marxism has given
birth to lots of useful and important critical theories; the Western social-democracies envied by the rest of the civilised, white-mans world, were made possible by such theories. Beyond all these, there are however economical models
alternative both to capitalism and communism say, the neo-marxist models
proposed by Alex Callinicos, Stephen Cullenberg, Wolff and Resnick, or the participatory economy (parecon) of Michael Albert, or the multitude of real-world
anarchist projects and applications that have been working just fine for years,
in spite of all the increasing efforts to suppress them. Not only are there variants of socialism that proved their efficience over time, but there actually are
alternatives beyond communism and capitalism. Nobody is forced to enter
the dichotomy Iliescu/anti-Iliescu, nobody is obliged to answer to such
interpellations. Isnt it strange that I have to loudly state such banalities
What prevents the materialization of such enunciations in a free culture
Banality is forgotten when the so called free-market is dominated by all-encompassing symbols and imperatives of repression, of diving into the present without negotiating the past. The assumption that helps to deny the existence
of alternatives to capitalism/communism is based on the ignorance created
and maintained through the cultural production of the new capitalist society.

+
ta pia liber snt n primul rnd simboluri lucitoare i imperative ale refulrii,
ale plonjrii n prezent fr urm de negociere a trecutului. Prejudecata ce
neag existena alternativei la capitalism/comunism se bazeaz pe ignorana
ntreinut de producia cultural a noii societi capitaliste, pe refularea trecutului i raportarea fa de acesta exclusiv prin condamnare i prin ataamentul sau respingerea necondiionate a termenilor i simbolurilor zilei,
furnizate n ritm accelerat de adevraii factori ai puterii. Dorina de a refula trecutul determin producia cultural a formaiunilor de sens care introduc mereu distan fa de trecut, fie prin formele ironiei, fie prin cele ale
condamnrii. Cum s nu accepi c nu exist alt soluie alternativ, dac
termenii n care aceasta este oferit snt pure forme, private de orice coninut, simple semne de ordine pentru 0 i 1, minus i plus, ru i
bun Refuzul angajrii ntr-o confruntare conceptual propriu-zis cu trecutul, refularea nu fac ns dect s menin comunismul prezent tocmai
n nespusul tot mai traumatic al acestei dihotomii.
n limita spaiului disponibil i pentru a evita alte norme i imperative
absolute, voi ilustra pe scurt faptul att de banal c putem nelege prezentul n lumina trecutului, putem nelege trecutul i putem dezvolta o critic de stnga fr a uita ororile comunismului. Exist opiuni alternative,
iar dou dintre acestea le voi ilustra prin nite istorii minore, ale cror detalii
snt rezervate unor publicaii ulterioare mai largi i care nu i propun s produc vreun adevr absolut, ci doar sensuri a cror exprimare nu a fost posibil n economia discursiv a libertii postrevoluionare.
Capitalul, opium al revoluiei
n primul su numr n aceast formul (14), Idea art + societate publica sub form de supliment minirevista Superstar, realizat de Mircea Cantor cnd avea 12 ani, mai precis n vara lui 1989. Iat ce ocupa fantezia unui
copil de 12 ani, crescut ntr-o ar totalitar, sub un regim comunist: Puma
i Iron Maiden, indieni ri i cowboys justiiari, mine de aur, maini noi i
superstaruri. Dac, pentru a mprumuta o fraz a lui Louis Althusser, experimentul politic romnesc a fost o tentativ de acumulare primitiv politic
n orizontul de sens al comunismului, putem cel puin constata c n aceast
ar, la nivelul anului 1989, imaginarul (unui copil) era populat n mod profund de simboluri aparinnd cu totul lumii capitaliste. Cel puin n imaginarul
acestuia, Romnia nu era comunist, ori izolat n orizontul su de sens,
n anul 1989. Mrturia singular a lui Mircea Cantor la 12 ani, pe 12 pagini de caiet, e n stare s ridice o ipotez care concureaz cu miile de pagini ale dosarului inchizitorial la adresa comunismului. Iat ipoteza noastr
minor: anii de experiment socialist, controlul statului asupra circulaiei libere
a mrfurilor, privarea de consumul real doar au nteit valoarea real a consumului simbolic. Dup cum remarca cineva, uneori era mai important s
poi spune c ai vzut ultimul film cu Arnold dect s l fi vzut cu adevrat.
Partidul Comunist Romn nu a luat deloc n considerare cealalt jumtate
a mrfii, aa cum fusese ea conceptualizat nc de Marx: partea sa mistic, sacr, dincolo de valoarea sa de consum ori financiar fetiismul
mrfii.
Abia ieii cu bine din iarna lui 1989, dup penurie, foamete, frig i violen,
cu apetitul real i simbolic lansat acum la realitate, oamenii au dat s se nfrupte
direct nu doar din adevraii adidai, ci i din pinea ngerilor iar intelectuali educai au purces s teoretizeze prezenele suprareale. Brusc, din primvara lui 1990, o cantitate enorm de fenomene paranormale au invadat
societatea romneasc i mass-media n formare, de la OZN-urile din

The need to repress the past gives way to the cultural production of meaning
formations that help putting distance from the threatening past, through forms
such as irony or condemnation. How could one not acknowledge that there is no
alternative, when the terms in which the alternative is offered are pure forms,
deprived of any content, simple signs for 0 and 1, minus and plus, evil
and good The refusal to engage in a conceptual dialogue with the past, its
repression, can only help maintaining the presence of communism, precisely
as the ghastly, traumatic un-spoken of this ever present dichotomy.
In the limits of this space, and in order to avoid other norms and absolute
truths, I will shortly illustrate the commonplace idea that we can develop an
understanding of the present in the light of the past, that we can comprehend
the past and develop a leftist critique without forgetting the horrors of communism. There are alternatives, and two of these will be illustrated in the following by means of introducing them as minor narratives, whose details are
reserved for further publications. They do not have the power of producing absolute truths, but they have the ability of bringing into discourse meanings
whose expressing never was possible in the discoursive economy of post-revolutionary cultural freedom.
The Capital The Opium of the Revolution
Idea arts + society published in its 14th issue, as a supplement, the mini-journal
Superstar, designed by Mircea Cantor when he was 12, in the summer of 1989.
Here is what populated the imaginary of a 12-year old kid, raised and educated
in a totalitarian country, under a communist regime: Puma and Iron Maiden,
bad indians and good cowboys, golden mines, new cars, brand new things and
superstars. To borrow a phrase from Louis Althusser, if the Romanian political
experiment was a tentative of political primitive accumulation in the sense horizon of communism, we can at least notice that in this country, at the level
of 1989, the imaginary (of a child) was deeply populated by symbols belonging
entirely to the capitalist world. By 1989, at least in its imaginary, Romania was
not communist, or isolated in this sense horizon. This singular testimony of the
then 12 year-old Mircea Cantor, on 12 pages of a school notebook, is able to
bring about a hypothesis that is worthy of comparison with the ideas proposed
by the thousand-page inquisitorial file on communism. This is our minor hypothesis: the years of socialist experiment, the state control over the free production and circulation of the goods have deprived the real consume, only
to intensify the real value of the symbolic consume. Somebody once noticed
it was often more important to be able to say that youve seen the last Arnold
movie than actually seeing it. The Romanian Communist Party did not take into
consideration a whole half of the commodity as it has been conceived already
by Marx: its mystical, fantastic side, beyond its utility or money value: the
fetishism of commodities.
Barely gotten out from the winter of 1989, after paucity, famine, cold and violence, with the real as well as the symbolic appetite launched now into reality,
people attempted to get a taste not only of the real Adidas, but also of the
angel food and educated intellectuals have begun theorizing the over-real
presences. Suddenly, in the spring of 1990, a host of paranormal phenomena
invaded Romanian society and its reborn mass-media, from the UFOs of the
Baciu woods and the proofs of the satanism of the sinister Ceauescu couple, to
the vivid water, the miraculous panacea discovered by the soon future presidential candidate Mnzatu and of course the cow with five legs that was seen
as a sign of abundance of the times to come probably because the legs were

161

descoperit de viitorul candidat prezidenial Mnzatu i vaca cu cinci picioare

vzut atunci ca simbol al prosperitii, c erau mai multe Am putut
s redescoperim natura aleas, binecuvntat a poporului romn ortodox
care ne plasa de-a dreptul n centrul universului ori s ne bucurm cu
toii de multiplele teorii ale conspiraiei care plasau dintr-o dat Romnia
n centrul lumii (Pavel Coru, alt candidat la preedinie) i , firete, am avut
ocazia s renvm din valorile perene rafinate ale adevratei culturi
romne, n mod special datorit intelectualilor romno-francezi ai deja fabuloasei perioade interbelice ceea ce ne plasa direct n centrul culturii Occidentului. Momentul culminant al acestei avalane de realiti simbolice i
egocentrice a venit se putea altfel din domeniul economic, o dat cu
escrocheria Caritas i colapsul su care a lsat atia oameni fr economiile
de-o via i fr acoperi. Caritas s-a bucurat de publicitate la televiziunea
naional, aceeai care transmisese n direct revoluia, fiind prezentat la
momentul respectiv ca miracol economic, ce garanta multiplicarea investiiei reale de opt ori, graie formulei matematice secrete descoperite i
cunoscute doar de proprietarul schemei. Aici trebuie subliniat, fr a emite
alte concluzii, faptul c avalana formaiunilor de sens simbolice, care strng
ntr-un sens absolut ntregul univers n jurul subiectului, fie el religios, naionalist, intelectual ori pur i simplu srac, a coincis cu penetrarea capitalului pe
piaa romneasc i cu impunerea mitului constitutiv al noii societi romneti:
capitalismul nseamn democraie.
Totalitarismul, ori ataamentul pentru formaiuni de sens totalitare, dublu
caracterizate de excesul de sens proiectat asupra realului i de dispunerea
tuturor semnelor n jurul subiectului, pare s fi supravieuit pn astzi la un
nivel microsubiectiv tocmai datorit accelerrii nentrerupte a fluxului de realiti simbolice pe piaa romneasc, o dat cu acumularea capitalului.
Procese similare s-au rspndit ntr-o societate dominat de srcie, de la
piaa regimurilor discursive i a expresiilor, dominat de forme simbolice
i enunuri paranoide, la enunurile istorice purificatoare ori mesianice, la
fel de egocentrice. Acelai mod sacral, mai real dect realul, pare a fi dominat i percepia asupra pieei economice: piaa romneasc a dezvoltat n
primul rnd instrumente de credit, dedicate unor dorine mai mari dect realitatea. De la mprumuturile obinute cu succes de la FMI sau Banca
Mondial, la platele n rate pentru orice, de la transparena creditului privat bancar la aleile obscure ale cmtarilor, aceste instrumente nu produc
o realitate mai bun, nu o mbuntesc i nu o transform. Funcia lor,
n cuvintele mereu actuale ale lui Althusser, e s asigure reproducerea acelorai mijloace de producie, reproducerea aceluiai mod fundamental de
raportare la realitate: consumul. A avea, n dauna lui a fi: acumularea capitalului n aceeai formul, n care inegalitile rmn structurale, n ciuda progreselor n cazuri individuale. Iar formaiunile de sens simbolice snt
instrumentele materiale care plaseaz propriul ego al consumatorului sub
o lup imaginar, care asigur perpetuarea raportului imaginar al indivizilor
fa de condiiile lor reale de existen. Mulumit lor, romnii au visat dup
1989 c vor fi ca Occidentul, fr s realizeze c se vor trezi n situaia rilor
din America Central.
Sub forme culturale poate mai puin evidente, aceeai fascinaie mistic pentru consum se observ i astzi, iar sub drapelul su s-au strns laolalt proletarii, noua burghezie i intelectualitatea, ca i cum ntregul Est european
s-ar constitui ntr-o uria expoziie pe tema fetiismului mrfii. Nu doar
cei mai puin favorizai, dar chiar intelectuali cu vizibilitate de or de vrf au
fost prini n logica mitic a industriei culturale capitaliste, ale crei produ-

162

so many. We were able to rediscover the chosen, blessed, nature, of the

Romanian Orthodox-Christian people which placed us directly into the center
of the universe; we were able to enjoy the multiple best-selling conspiracy theories that suddenly placed Romania in the center of the world (Pavel Coru,
another future presidential candidate), and of course, we have been able to
learn about the universal and refined values of the true Romanian culture,
especially thanks to the French-Romanian intellectuals of the already fabulous
period between the World Wars which has placed us directly into the center
of the Occidental culture. The climax of this avalanche of egocentric symbolic
realities has come could it have been otherwise from the economic domain,
with the Caritas pyramidal scam and its collapse that has left so many people
without their life economies and even without a roof. Caritas enjoyed publicity
on national television, the same one that had broadcasted live the Revolution,
and it was presented at the time as an economic miracle, that guaranteed
the multiplication over eight-times of the real investment, thanks to the secret
mathematical formula, discovered and known only by the owner of the schema.
Without further due, and without driving other conclusions at this point, we will
have to emphasize here the fact that the avalanche of symbolic formations of
meaning that were jellying in a sign the whole universe around the subject
be it religious, nationalist, intellectual or just poor coincided with the penetration of the capital on the Romanian market, and with the establishment of the
constitutive myth of the new Romanian society: capitalism means democracy.
Totalitarianism, or the attachment to totalitarian formations of meaning, characterized both by the excess of meaning projected over the real and by the production of cultural signs around the central figure of the subject, seems to have
survived today at a microsubjective level, precisely because of the continuous
intensification of the flux of symbolic realities on the Romanian market, together
with the accumulation of capital. Strikingly similar processes spread out in a
society dominated by poverty, from the market of discourses and expressions,
to the purifying or messianic historic enunciations, just as egocentric as the former. The same sacramental mode, more real than the real, seems to have dominated also the perception of the economic market: the Romanian market
developed and responded firstly to credit instruments, destined for desires bigger than reality. From the IMF or the Word Bank loans, triumphantly celebrated
in the media (the government succeeded in gaining the loan), to installments
for everything, from the transparent credit of private banks to the dark alleys of
loan sharks, these instruments do not produce a better reality, they are not here
to improve or transform reality. Their function, in Althussers ever actual words,
is to ensure the reproduction of the same means of production, the reproduction of the same fundamental mode of relating to reality: consumerism.
To have, at the expense of to be: the accumulation of the capital in the same
formula, in which inequities remain structural, and the progresses remain individual exceptions. In this context, the symbolic formations of meaning are the
material instruments provided by the culture industry that are situating the ego
under imaginary magnifying lens, ensuring thus the perpetuation of the imaginary relation of the individuals to their real conditions of existence. Thanks to
these symbols, the Romanians dreamt they will be in the Occident after 1989,
without realizing they will find themselves in the situation of Central America.
Perhaps in less obvious cultural forms, the same mystical fascination for consuming endures to our days. The proletarians, the nouveaux riches, the new
bourgeoisie and the intellectuals have gathered under the flag of consumerism,
as if all the East-European societies would constitute a huge exhibition on the

+
se ncep i se sfresc n jurul propriului ego: unii chiar au ajuns s afirme c
situarea lor personal ntr-o ar, ntr-un cmp cultural, ntr-un context
politic, toate acestea snt irelevante pentru producia lor cultural i nu influeneaz funcia social a propriului lor discurs, propria activitate i propriile preferine care snt dincolo de mizeriile cotidianului. Pentru asemenea
intelectuali, dincolo de auctorialitate nu exist nimic, aidoma copilului pentru care ntreaga lume e organizat n jurul su cultura i artele snt ornamente ale societii, fr funcie ori relevan social. Desigur, pentru
asemenea subieci, doar paradigmele dominante ale zilei au o funcie social mai mult, ele au o misiune. n mod previzibil, singura modalitate
de trecere de la gndire la aciune pentru asemenea teoreticieni e cea a consumismului: ultimele concepte snt relevante pentru vnarea ultimelor
tendine, pentru adoptarea modelor zilei.
Aceast minigenealogie, narat n cheie minor, evideniaz, aadar, cteva segmente de continuitate care permit nelegerea trecutului mpreun
cu prezentul, fr a uita ororile totalitarismului i fr ca aceast perspectiv s fie motivat de nostalgii regresive. Anul 1989 poate fi vzut n acest
sens ca anul n care condiiile precare ale realitii nu au mai fcut fa imaginarului populaiei, saturat de simboluri capitaliste: anul revoluiei este anul
n care capitalul a penetrat piee pn atunci inaccesibile. i nimeni nu se supr
numai pentru atta.
Comunismul, factor al modernizrii
Dintr-o asemenea situare, putem s observm c n ceea ce privete sfera
politic, n Romnia, spre deosebire de (fostele) ri vecine i prietene Ungaria
i Iugoslavia, nu a existat nici o tentativ intern de confruntare cu doctrina marxist, nici un revizionism de talia noii stngi umaniste din Iugoslavia
ori din Ungaria anilor 60 care au constituit focare de rezisten organizat la totalitarism. n analiza sa de anvergur asupra istoriei PCR, Vladimir
Tismneanu a artat c, de-a lungul ntregii sale istorii, nici o tentativ semnificativ nu a fost fcut pentru a formula o versiune revizionist a unui marxism romnesc: istoria PCR este cea a stabilirii unei dictaturi personaliste,
bazat pe o ideologie naionalist combinat cu cteva elemente reziduale
de marxism, chiar fr importan.4 Stabilirea unei dictaturi centrate n jurul
egoului conductorului i retorica naionalist au constituit, aadar, baza ideologiei PCR, ns acest model, raporturi interumane feudale (de tip cast)
ntr-un cmp social naionalist, nu a fost urmat doar de protipendada comunist de dinainte ori de dup 1989, ci i de elita cultural postrevoluionar.
Anume, un model analog a definit o politic cultural central n Romnia:
cultivarea maetrilor spirituali fie ei laici ori teologali , la care s-a adugat doar o retoric elitist i aristocrat. Formula general a acestei retorici, care domin nc ntr-o anumit msur spaiul cultural romnesc,
poate fi rezumat astfel: atenie i respect pentru excepional i suprareal, ironie
superioar sau indiferen aneantizant pentru ordinar.
Ct privete elementele fr importan ale doctrinei marxiste ce rmseser prezente n ideologia PCR, le putem identifica fr greutate: snt reziduurile diamatului stalinist: materialismul dialectic i istoric (diamat) este tiina
universal promovat de sus n jos de partidul care tie de ce au nevoie masele, tiin ce propovduiete unitatea dintre istoria uman i cea natural:
dialectica se aplic att naturii (biologiei, geografiei etc.), ct i istoriei umane
(artelor, filosofiei, tiinelor sociale etc.). Or, pn i n ceea ce privete diamatul, deconstruit de critica marxist nc din anii 50, observm un
fenomen de continuitate n actualitatea cultural romn: attea cte snt,

fetishism of commodities. Not only the less privileged, but intellectuals of

prime time visibility have been caught in the mythical logic of capitalist culture
industry, whose products begin and end around their ego. Some even came to
the point of stating that their cultural production, their activity and their own
preferences are not influenced by the fact that they live in a certain country,
in a certain finite cultural field, in a certain finite political context. For such intellectuals, like the child who believes the whole world to be organized around
him/herself, there is nothing beyond the author, and culture and the arts are
the ornaments of society, without any social function or relevance whatsoever.
Of course, for such subjects, only the dominant paradigms of the day have
a social function and more of it, a mission, larger than life. Predictably,
the only modality of making the passage from thought to practice for such theoreticians is the one of the consumerism: the last concepts are hunted in order to
get a grasp of the last trends, in order to adopt the fashion of the day.
This mini-genealogy, narrated in a minor key, emphasizes thus a few segments
of continuity that allow the understanding of the past together with the present,
without forgetting the horrors of totalitarianism and without feeding regressive
nostalgias. 1989 can thus be seen as the year in which the real paucity was not
able to bare anymore the imaginary of the population, which was saturated by
capitalist symbols: the year of the revolution marks the moment in which the
capital penetrated markets inaccessible beforehand. And nobody is pissed just
because of that.
Communism Factor of Modernization
Viewing the political sphere, we can notice that in Romania, as opposed to the
(former) neighbor and friendly states of Hungary and Yugoslavia, there has
never been a serious attempt to engage with Marxism. There has been no
attempt to develop a local theory such as the Praxis group from Yugoslavia or
the Hungarian New Left from the 1960s which have evolved into organized
networks of resistance to totalitarianism. In his major analysis of the history of
the Romanian Communist Party (RCP), Vladimir Tismneanu has shown that all
along its history, there has been no significant attempt to elaborate a revisionist
version of a Romanian Marxism: the history of the RCP equates with the establishment of a personalistic dictatorship based on nationalist ideology, combined with some residual, even perfunctory, elements of Marxism.4
The establishment of a dictatorship centered around the ego of the leader and
the nationalist rhetoric constituted without doubt the RCPs core ideology, but
this model, feudal inter-human relations (of the cast type) in a nationalist social
field, was not carried out only by the communist nomenklatura before or after
1989, but also by the cultural democratic post-revolutionary elite. Namely,
an analogous model defined a dominant cultural policy in Romania: the cultivation of spirituals masters secular or non-secular alike with the new coda of
an elitist and aristocratic rhetoric. The general formula of the rhetoric that still
dominates the Romanian cultural field can be thus summed up: attention and
respect for the exceptional and the sur-real, superior irony or annihilating indifference for the ordinary.
Regarding the perfunctory elements of the Marxist doctrine still present in
the RCPs ideology, we can easily identify them: they are the residues of the
Stalinist diamat: the universal science of dialectical materialism, promoted from
up to bottom by the Party who knows what the masses need. The diamat is the
science that preaches the essential unity of human and natural history: material
dialectics are applied both to nature (biology, geography etc), and to human

163

intelectuale despre stnga ori despre marxism le consider pe acestea

intelectuale despre stnga ori despre marxism le consider pe acestea
ca fiind o ideologie-monolit, care impune idealisme de sus n jos i crede
n teleologia dialecticii universale. Cu alte cuvinte, nu doar c nainte de 1989
nu a existat n Romnia vreo tentativ de confruntare conceptual cu ideologia puterii, dar i dup 1989, discuia elitei intelectuale referitoare la
marxism rmne ancorat tot n termenii anilor 50 cei impui ca referin
de puterea comunist. Aceast situaie ironic e efectul direct al refuzului
ncrncenat de a se angaja ntr-un dialog conceptual cu trecutul; succesul tuturor instituiilor culturale responsabile cu inerea la distan a trecutului, prin
condamnare ori ironie, nu va putea nlocui niciodat gndirea propriuzis. n ce privete stnga sau marxismul, tot restul secolului al XX-lea
e pur i simplu refulat, ascuns contiinei: ele nu ajung la discurs dect sub
forma negaiei. Lucrurile astfel lmurite, mirarea rmne i mai mare: cine
mai crede n rentoarcerea diamatului!
Dincolo de asemenea incapaciti conceptuale, rmne s ntrim aceast
tez, pe ct de banal, pe att de imposibil de rostit n spaiul cultural al Romniei de azi: e posibil s nelegem trecutul i s fim de stnga fr a-i uita
ororile ori a-i repeta greelile. Ideologia PCR a avut prea puin de a face cu
orice gndire critic; sub atotputernicia diamatului, necontestat de intelectuali, muncitorii au continuat s fie exploatai, de data aceasta mpreun cu
tot restul societii, de ctre un stat-patron i o clas privilegiat tragicomic
(Partidul Care tie, precum i toi cei care beneficiau de accesul direct la distribuia bunurilor). Dup cum a artat Gspr Mikls Tams5, nu ntmpltor ealoanele secunde ale aparatelor comuniste snt cele care au luat
puterea i care snt responsabile pentru capitalizarea masiv a rilor blocului est-european dup 1989: ele au fost i au rmas factorii dominani ai modernizrii n aceste spaii. rile est-europene nu fcuser nainte de
comunism trecerea de la societatea de cast la societatea de clas burghez
i nu cunoscuser, am aduga, nici acumularea primitiv de capital industrial la nivel naional. n spaiul est-european, societile interbelice fuseser stabilizate n relaii de tip medieval, de cast. Experimentul comunist, cu toate
ororile sale, crime i dezrdcinri, la fel ca procesele analoage din Occidentul
secolelor XVXVIII, am aduga, a artat n toate aceste spaii, fr urm de
ndoial, c nici o ierarhie social nu e natural, c subiecii snt o funcie
a ansamblului social; de la o societate de cast, s-a trecut la o societate de
clas, n care agentul exploatator nu au mai fost aristocratul i regele, dar nici
burghezul, ci aparatul represiv al statului, protipendada de partid i vnztoarea de la mezelrie. Nu din ntmplare a reprodus PCR n suprastructura sa modelul personalistic medieval. Comunitii, dup cum i numim
noi, s-au ntmplat s fie agenii dominani ai modernizrii n spaiile esteuropene i tot ei au fost dup 1989 i cei mai brutali ageni ai capitalizrii,
alt modernizare. (S nu uitm c nu mai departe de anul trecut, 2004, personaje centrale ale principalului partid social-democrat din Romnia, Adrian
Nstase i Mircea Geoan, se pronunaser n favoarea ideii neoliberale a
taxei unice.) Baronii locali ai PSD snt doar o dovad n plus ei snt cei
care practic ceea ce G. M. Tams a numit un capitalism pur i simplu: oportunism capitalist brutal, pe fa, i formarea unei clase dominante pe criterii
pure de capital. Nu pot dect s adaug la aceasta propriile observaii mai vechi,
dup care acumularea de capital din Romnia post-89 se petrece mai
rapid i mai fluid ca niciodat n istoria sa i c urmeaz n continuare liniile majore descrise de Marx n capitolul VII din Capitalul I jaf, extorcare,
crim.

164

history (the arts, philosophy, social sciences etc). The metaphysical core of the
diamat was deconstructed by Marxist critiques already in the 1950s, but in the
Romanian cultural present we notice an ironic phenomenon of continuation:
few as they are, the intellectual discussions about the Left (or about Marxism)
considers it to be a monolith-ideology that forces idealisms from top to bottom
and believes in the teleology of the universal dialectics. In other words, not only
was there no attempt before 1989 to lay out a conceptual confrontation with
the ideology of the political power, but even after 1989, the discussion of the
intellectual elite on Marxism is confined to the same terms of the 1950s
the ones imposed once by the communist power. This ironic situation is the
direct result of the refusal or denial to engage in a conceptual dialogue with the
past. And the work of thinking cannot be replaced by all the established cultural
institutions whose business is to maintain the distance to the past by condemning or ridiculing it. When it comes to Leftism or Marxism, whatever comes
after the 1950s is repressed, hidden to consciousness: it arrives to discourse
only under the form of negation. This said, one couldnt but wonder: who is still
believing in the coming back of the diamat!
Leaving aside such conceptual incapacities, remains to emphasize this commonplace idea, that nevertheless can hardly be pronounced in the cultural space of
todays Romania: it is possible to understand the past and still be leftist without forgetting its horrors and without being doomed to repeat its mistakes.
The RCPs ideology had nothing to do with critical thinking; under the supremacy of the diamat, un-resisted by intellectuals, the workers continued to be
exploited, together with all the rest of the society, by a state-owner and a privileged class (The Party as well as all the ones who had direct access to the distribution of goods). As Gspr Mikls Tams has shown5, it is not a mere accident
that the second row echelons of the communist apparatus were the ones who
took the power and are responsible for the massive capitalization of the EastEuropean countries after 1989: they had been and had remained the dominant
factors of modernization in these spaces. The East-European countries have
never made before communism the passage from a caste society to a bourgeois class society. We can add, they did not experience the primitive accumulation of industrial capital on a national scale. In the East-European space the
societies had been stabilized between the World Wars in medieval structures,
of caste systems. The communist experiment, with all its horrors, crimes and
uprooting like the analogous processes in the Western world of the fifteen to
the eighteenth centuries has proved in all these spaces, without a doubt, that
there is no such thing as a natural social hierarchy, and that subjects are a
function of the social. From a caste society, communism has made the passage
towards a class society, in which the exploiting agent, the one who owned the
means of production, was not the aristocrat and the king, and neither the bourgeois, but the repressive apparatus of the state, the party nomenklatura and the
salespeople from the grocery. It is no accident, we might add, that the RCP
itself reproduced in its superstructure the medieval personalistic model.
The communists, as we call them, happened to be the dominant agents of
modernization in the East-European space, and after 1989 they have been too
the most brutal agents of capitalization another modernization. Let us
mention in passage that just last year, 2004, main figures of the SocialDemocrat Party, Adrian Nstase and Mircea Geoan, were openly embracing
the neoliberal idea of the flat tax. The famous local barons that constitute the
regional core of the current Social-Democrat Party are just the most visible
proof they are the ones practicing what G. M. Tams has called a capitalism

+
maetrilor spirituali ori coagularea opiniilor posibile n jurul grupurilor de
prestigiu de care a vorbit Sorin Adam Matei, al boierilor minii, pot fi nelese
n acest context ca adevratele revirimente ale nostalgiei, melancolia etern
pentru vremurile premoderne cnd fiecare boier era zeu pe moia sa, prin
nscare. Caracterul noninocent al acestor fascinaii i eforturile lor de zgzuire a pieei libere au nceput s fie evidente n vremurile recente, n care
formele violenei ce au nevoie de asemenea melancolii regresive au cunoscut o nou recrudescen. Mult vreme, egocentrismul i elucubraiile
misticoide ori elitiste ale unor intelectuali din Romnia ce aveau rostiri n
strintate au fost, n cel mai bun caz, surs de amuzament uor perplex,
iar n cel mai obinuit, ocazii de confirmare a imaginii despre Estul mistic
i deci de orientalizare a Romniei. Occidentul are ntotdeauna nevoie de
mandarini orientali mistici pentru a-i alimenta propria imagine de raionalitate. Dar cnd circumstanele politicii internaionale au nceput s favorizeze
retorici simbolice violente, n numele democraiei i al Dumnezeului
cretin deopotriv, aceiai intelectuali i-au dat msura concret a calitii lor
culturale, atunci cnd s-au grbit s se alinieze acelor retorici i s ntreprind
munca de legitimare a noilor simboluri, oferindu-i astfel aportul benevol,
mai degrab incontient, la autocolonizarea n numele ideologiilor mondiale dominante i al capitalului global. Nu e deloc de mirare, aadar, c aceiai
intelectuali, o dat ajuni n coabitare cu puterea, au pus n funciune n primul
rnd proceduri de excludere i de reducere la tcere.
Laicitate i ortodoxism n noua democraie
Democraia este singurul regim valabil n interiorul Bisericii. Astfel
ncepe un articol recent semnat de un tnr filosof romn. Sfritul aceluiai
text: Biserica cretin este, din punctul de vedere al oricrui credincios autentic, singura instituie democratic posibil pe pmnt, ntruct numai n
interiorul Bisericii i n raza harului sntem cu toii realmente i deplin egali
unul cu altul, supui aceluiai Dumnezeu transcendent.6 De la enunul iniial,
un apel pentru reformarea democratic a bisericii, autorul ajunge din cteva paragrafe la enunarea faptului istoric evident c biserica e oricum prototipul i cauza originar a democraiei. Undeva la mijloc, autorul romn
nu uit s arunce obinuitul croeu Bisericii Catolice, a crei structur ierarhic vertical nu se compar cu democratismul propriu Bisericii Ortodoxe.
Democraia este, aadar, integrat de Bdili n interiorul sferei de
competen a bisericii, al razei sale de aciune, pentru c biserica e singura instituie care implementeaz singura egalitate fundamental a tuturor oamenilor, cea n faa divinitii. Desigur, cu un optimism teleologic mai
rezervat, putem observa c argumentul capt o cu totul alt greutate dac
ne referim la singura certitudine final asupra creia putem cdea chiar
toi de acord: dac egalitatea fundamental a tuturor oamenilor este cea
n faa morii, atunci instituia democratic fundamental este cea a pompelor funebre. O plimbare printre moviliele, crucile, cavourile i monumentele oricrui cimitir ne demonstreaz ns c pn i aceast din urm
egalitate e iluzorie, privit dinspre aceast parte a universului.
Teza autorului romn dobndete ns o importan deosebit n contextul actual, pentru c activeaz un principiu al relegitimrii bisericii care s-a
dovedit a fi foarte eficient n timpurile moderne. E vorba de teoria secularizrii, care a fost enunat n cea mai clar formul de Carl Schmitt n 1922,
n a sa Teologie politic: Toate conceptele semnificative ale teoriei moderne
a statului snt concepte teologice secularizate.7 n contextul triumfului
actual al filosofiei neoliberale n Romnia, teze precum cea a lui Bdili, ce

pure and simple: brutal capitalist opportunism, and the formation of a dominant class on the pure criteria of capital. To this I can only add my own previous
observations that the accumulation of capital in post-1989 Romania undergoes
faster and more fluid than anytime in its history, and that it still follows the
major lines described by Marx in Chapter VII of Capital I theft, extortion,
crime.
The current fascination for monarchy or aristocracy, the cult of the spiritual
masters, or the clotting of possible opinions around prestige groups, in Sorin
Adam Mateis terms, can be understood in this context as the true nostalgias,
the eternal melancholy for pre-modern times when every boyar was by right of
birth god on his property. The non-innocent character of these fascinations and
their obstructing efforts against the free market has become obvious in recent
times, with the recrudescence of violence propellers that need such regressive
melancholies. For a long time, the egocentrism and the mystic or elitist
Romanian intellectuals that had public appearances abroad have been the
source, in the best case, for a bemused amusement, and more often than not,
opportunities to confirm the image of the mystic East and thus to orientalize
Romania. The Occident always needs oriental mystics in order to cultivate its
own image of rationality. But when the international circumstances have begun
to broadcast violent rhetorics in the name of democracy and the Christian god
alike, the same intellectuals proved the real-world value of their cultural quality,
when they hurried to align themselves and do the work of legitimating the new
symbols. By doing so, they have willingly given their share to the political selfcolonization of culture in the name of the dominant global ideologies and capital. No wonder that once arrived in cohabitation with the power at the end of
2004, they have put in function firstly mechanisms of exclusion and of silencing.
Secularity and Orthodoxy in the New Democracy
Democracy is the only valid regime inside the Church. Thus begins a recent
article signed by a young Romanian philosopher. The end of the same text
reads: The Christian Church is, from the point of view of any authentic believer, the only possible democratic institution on earth, since only inside the
Church and within its range we are truthfully equals to each other, underlings
of the same transcendent God.6 From the initial statement, calling for the democratic reformation of the church, the author manages to jump in a few paragraphs to stating the obvious historical fact that the church is anyway the
prototype and original cause of democracy. Somewhere in the middle of the
text, the Romanian author does not forget to throw the usual jab at the Catholic
Church, whose vertical hierarchy cannot be compared with the democratism of
the Orthodox Christian Church. Democracy is thus integrated in the sphere of
competence of the Church, within its range, because the Church is the only
institution that implements the only fundamental equality of all people, their
position in front of divinity. Of course, with a much tempered teleological optimism, we could notice that the weight of the argument will change quite a bit if
we will refer to the only equality we can all agree on: if the fundamental equality of people is us all facing death, then the fundamental democratic institution
is the funeral service. The variety of monuments, crosses, and conspicuous
mounds from any cemetery shows however that even this equality is quite illusory, seen of course from this side of the universe.
The thesis of the Romanian author is nevertheless very important in the current
context, because it activates a principle of relegitimation of the Church that has
proved to be very efficient in modern times. Namely, its the theory of seculari-

165

leag teologia cu politicul, confirm o important previziune a lui Schmitt:

dac gndirea economic ar avea succes n realizarea scopului su utopic,
n dezvoltarea unei condiii absolut apolitice a societii umane, biserica ar
rmne unicul instrument de gndire i form politic. Teoria secularizrii reactiveaz ns simbolurile i adevrurile absolute ale credinei religioase, care devalueaz n economia discursiv orice adevruri posibile finite ale laicitii.
Iat cteva exemple de genealogii ale secularizrii, ntr-o selecie mai larg,
dincolo de conceptul egalitii invocat de Bdili: conceptul modern al
suveranitii politice i are originea n cel al suveranitii divinitii asupra lumii
laice; problema adevrului, central n epistemologia modern, i are
originea n problema cretin a certitudinii redempiunii; etica modern a
muncii, n sfinenia cretin; pn i privatizarea e un concept teologic secularizat, cci primul drept individual, prima libertate pronunat i afirmat
n noua ordine social modern, alturi de cea a contiinei, de asociere,
a presei etc., a fost libertatea confesional. Cel mai important, teoriile
secularizrii vizeaz concepia modern asupra progresului imanent al istoriei, care e vzut ca motenitoare direct, n form laic, a escatologiei iudeocretine. Principala consecin politic a adoptrii teoriei secularizrii este
devaluarea valorilor laice. i anume: din moment ce toate aceste concepte
de baz ale modernitii laice i au originea n teologia iudeo-cretin, metanarativele moderne, incluznd aici cea care i se atribuie n mod curent lui
Marx, comunismul, dau dovad de fals contiin: dei pretind c snt
expresia autenticei raionaliti umane, modalitatea n care concep progresul e derivat direct din dogmele combtute. n consecin, o dat ce neam dezvrjit de sub imperiul acestor idei, putem fie s ne ntoarcem la
adevrata lor substan spiritual, fie s proiectm tot acest proces ca o
evoluie natural a crei culminaie o reprezint, desigur, economismul
apolitic.
Exist ns variant alternativ, att pentru rentoarcerea la trecut, ct i
pentru plonjarea n viitorul adus de mna invizibil a economiei de pia.
M voi referi aici pe scurt la Hans Blumenberg, filosof care a elaborat teoria legitimitii timpurilor moderne, ca o contrapondere a modului de
nelegere a modernitii oferit de teoriile secularizrii. Iat unul dintre
contraargumentele lui Blumenberg: a afirma faptul c valorile i conceptele
moderne au suferit o transformare, trecnd de la o form teologal la una
laic, implic a sugera faptul c o substan comun a suferit schimbarea de
la forma cretin la cea secularizat i deci c aceast substan aparine
de fapt concepiei cretine, cea originar. La o analiz mai aproape de detaliul conceptual, observm ns c nu exist o asemenea substan; de pild,
exist diferene fundamentale chiar n ceea ce privete ideea de progres:
pentru modernitatea laic, progresul e imanent, survine din interiorul istoriei, n timp ce escatologia iudeo-cretin propune un eveniment care sfrete
din exterior istoria mundan. Blumenberg mai arat c, spre deosebire
de mitul decderii, prezent din cele mai vechi timpuri i culturi, tema progresului este o idee modern, aprnd n Europa abia n secolele XVIXVII,
o dat cu progresele realizate de cteva generaii succesive de astronomi,
prin Copernic, Galilei i Kepler; pornind de aceste contribuii, ideea de progres s-a rspndit apoi n fiecare dintre domeniile care s-au afirmat ca discipline ale cunoaterii n modernitate. Ideea modern de progres nu a
avut iniial nimic de-a face cu escatologia iudeo-cretin: pn s fie recuperat de marile metanarative din secolele XVIIIXIX, ale lui Condorcet,
Comte, Hegel, Marx, progresul nu a fost un concept ce explica sensul istoriei, desemnnd doar o experien inedit, de cunoatere a faptului finit,

166

zation, which was perhaps put in its clearest formula by Carl Schmitt in 1922, in
the Political Theology: All the significant concepts of the modern theory of
state are secularized theological concepts.7 In the context of the current
triumph of neoliberal philosophy in Romania, a thesis such as the one proposed
by Bdili, which connects the theology with the political, confirms an important prediction of Schmitt: if the economical thinking would succeed in achieving its utopic goal, an absolute apolitical condition of the human society,
then the Church will remain the only instrument of political thought and form.
The theory of secularization reactivates the symbols and absolute truths of the
religious faith, which are devaluing in the discursive economy any possible finite
truths of secularity.
Here are a few examples, genealogies of secularization, beyond the one of
equality invoked by Bdili: the modern concept of political sovereignty
originates in the one of the divine sovereignty over the mundane world; the
question of truth, central to modern epistemology, originates in the Christian
problem of the certitude of salvation; the modern work ethic originates in the
Christian asceticism; even privatization is a secularized theological concept,
since the first individual right, the first type of freedom pronounced in the modern social order was the freedom of religious confession. Most importantly, the
theories of secularization aim at the modern conception of the immanent progress of history, which is conceived as the direct inheritor, in secular form,
of the Judeo-Christian eschatology. This said, the main political consequence
of adopting the theory of secularization is the devaluation of secular values.
Namely: since all of these modern concepts are originated in the compound of
Judeo-Christian theology, then all the modern meta-narratives, including here
the one commonly attributed to Marx, communism, are being tainted by their
false consciousness: although they claim to express the authentic human
rationality, they way they conceive progress is derived directly from the contested dogmas. So once we have been disenchanted from the spell of these ideas,
we can either return to their true spiritual substance, or project all this process
in the image of a natural evolution whose apex is, of course, the apolitical
economism.
However, there is an alternative, both to the return to the past and to the escape
in the future brought by the invisible hand of market economy. I will refer here
shortly to Hans Blumenberg, the German philosopher who elaborated the theory of the legitimacy of modern times as a counter-balance to the conceptions
of modernity based on theories of secularization. One of Blumenbergs arguments reads: to state that the modern concepts and values have suffered a
change, from the Christian form to the secular form, means to imply that there
is a common substance that underwent the alteration and that this substance
actually belongs to the original Christian conception. A closer discourse analysis
will show however that there is no such substance; for instance, there are fundamental differences in the idea of progress itself: whereas for the secular
modernity the progress is immanent, from within history, the Judeo-Christian
eschatology proposes an event that ends from outside the history of the world.
Blumenberg also shows that the theme of progress is essentially a modern idea
(as opposed to the myths of decay, which are present in the oldest times and
cultures). The idea of progress has appeared in Europe only in the 16th-17th
centuries, with the progresses made by several successive generations of astronomers, Copernicus, Galilei and Kepler. The idea of progress spread thereafter
in each of the domains that have been formed as disciplines of knowledge in
Western modernity. The modern idea of progress had initially nothing to do

+
gresul rmne, aadar, n primul rnd, fenomenul autoafirmrii discursurilor
moderne. Aceasta constituie caracteristica fundamental a epocii moderne
ori, n cuvintele lui Blumenberg, legitimitatea timpurilor moderne.8
Modernitatea, mult dorit i n Romnia, nu este un fenomen generalizat
de secularizare a formelor cretine, ci dobndirea puterii finite de autolegitimare, n discursuri minore, care nu devalueaz toate celelalte discursuri i
care nu rspund neaprat ntrebrilor sau energiilor motenite din istoria
cretinismului.
Autolegitimarea discursurilor regionale i chiar dorina de autodeterminare
a indivizilor, a fiecruia, nu pot surveni ns ntr-un cmp cultural dominat
de simboluri i mituri care transcend toate micile discursuri locale. Pentru
c am auzit attea lucruri pozitive despre ortodoxismul romnesc, merit
s spunem aici cteva cuvinte n rspr, despre ortodoxism ca fenomen discursiv, dincolo de orice experien religioas. M voi referi, aadar, doar la
contribuia sa direct la reprimarea gndirii critice. n primul rnd, ca tradiie
discursiv, ortodoxia nu a transmis o tradiie critic: bisericile ortodoxe
caut mereu spiritul primelor concilii ecumenice i nu ezit s ofere din
start formulri i interpretri noi; nu exist nici o practic susinut de critic pe baza textului. Recunoatem tradiia aceasta n lurile de opinie cotidiene, bazate pe cutarea spiritului adevrului (adic inventarea lui pe cont
propriu), i nu pe dezvoltarea criticii pornind de la litera ori suportul politicilor sau teoriilor. Preocuparea pentru stabilirea unui criteriu exterior pentru adevr cum ar fi hrtia scris, pentru producia de cunoatere i de relaii
economice e minim. Adevrul e vzut n ortodoxism ca adevr trit, i
anume n comuniune cu biserica. Cu alte cuvinte, instituia nsi e existenializat; statutul adevrului e de aceea instituional, nu e legat de limb i de
elemente scripturale asupra crora fiecare poate decide; poate c fiecare
ntlnete semne care poart ctre adevr, ns acesta nu e confirmat dect
de instituie, de biseric. Adevruri regionale ori definiii de detaliu nu snt
dorite dect pentru calitatea lor de a exclude eroarea, nu pentru cea de a
delimita adevrul, care nu e deinut dect de biseric. Adevrul n general
e un mister (mysterion). (Poate de aici i sensibilitatea oamenilor pentru articole ori politici care exploreaz aspecte negative, mai degrab dect cele
care definesc coninutul ideologic, politic etc.) Pe scurt, ortodoxismul las
scripta pe mna bisericii ori a instituiei respective, iar interpretarea i e
necunoscut. n bisericile ortodoxe, doar popii pun mna pe evanghelii; n
lumea lrgit a capitalului, doar popii i colecionarii privai.
n msura n care nu e bazat pe o tradiie critic, ortodoxismul ndeplinete
foarte bine funcia de a mpca lumea cu simbolurile impuse de puterile
momentului. Iar pentru intelectualii care se in departe de experiena religioas, teoriile secularizrii ndeplinesc foarte bine funcia de excludere n
bloc a erorilor ideologice fr a ntreprinde efortul de a elabora ceva n
loc, plonjnd pur i simplu n consumul egoist i n fetiismul mrfii. n contextul Romniei anilor 1990, faptul c penetrarea capitalului pe piaa
romneasc a coincis cu redescoperirea adevrurilor absolute determin
n mod exact limitele libertii de exprimare postcomuniste. Explozia publicaiilor i a cldirilor religioase n spaiul public de dup 1989 e n perfect armonie cu puterea capitalului de a produce simboluri absolute i de a
devalua criticismul. Ofensiva religiei e corelativ cu ofensiva teoriilor seculare evoluioniste i faptul c subieci aparent incompatibili, precum credincioii i gnditorii pragmatici ai secularizrii, snt aliai de facto n spaiul
cultural romnesc demonstreaz faptul c aceast form de cultur e
determinat de o alt instan, exterioar politicul sau noua ordine eco-

with the Judeo-Christian eschatology: up until it was recuperated in the grand

meta-narratives of the 18th and 19th centuries (Condorcet, Comte, Hegel, Marx),
progress had never been a concept meant to explain the meaning of history;
it just designated a novel experience of comprehending the finite fact, with
regional validity, in each of the emerging disciplines of knowledge.
The progress is thus the phenomenon of the self-affirmation of modern discourses. This constitutes the fundamental characteristic of the modern age, or,
in Blumenbergs words, the legitimacy of modern times.8 Modernity, a central
object of desire in Romania, is not a generalized phenomenon of secularization
of the Christian forms. It represents the finite power of self-legitimation, in minor
discourses that do not attempt to devalue all the other discourses, and that are
not necessarily answering to Christian questions or energies. The self-legitimation of regional discourses, or even the desire of self-determination of the individual people can not come about, however, in a cultural field dominated by
symbols and myths that are transcending all the small and local discourses.
Because I have heard so many good things about the Romanian Orthodoxy,
I think it is worth to say here a few words with a bad faith about Orthodoxy as
a discursive phenomenon. I will refer to the direct contribution of Christian
Orthodoxy to the repression of critical thinking. Namely, Christian Orthodoxy
has not transmitted a critical tradition: the Orthodox churches are always on the
look for the spirit of the first ecumenical councils, and do not hesitate to offer
new formulas and interpretations; there is no consistent critical practice with
the texts. We can recognize the effects of this tradition in the modality of popular opinions: one looks for the true spirit (that is, invents it on its own, from
scratch), one does not develop a critique based on the letter of ideas or theories. There is a minimal care to establish an external criterion for truth such
as written paper, for the production of knowledge and business relations.
The truth is conceived in the Orthodox faith as a lived, existential truth, in communion with the Church. That is: the institution itself is existentialized; the status of truth is institutional, not related to language or to scriptural elements or
to anything somebody could decide on his or her own; even if anybody could
experience signs leading to the truth, the latter is confirmed only by the institution, the Church. Also, regional truths or definitions are valued only in so far as
they are excluding the error. The only truthful content is detained by the
Church, one does not build something else. For the commoner, the truth is generally a mystery (mysterion). Perhaps this is also a reason why people prefer
articles or policies that deal with negative aspects to the ones that define the
ideological or political content. Shortly put, the orthodoxism leaves the scripts
in the hands of the church, or of the institution that be: its does not interprete
it. In the Orthodox churches, only the priest puts his hand on the Book; in the
enlarged world of the capital, only priests and private collectors. In so far as it is
not based on a critical tradition, Orthodoxism functions very well in the sense
of making people do with the symbols imposed by the powers that be. And for
intellectuals, the theories of secularization function very well in the sense of
excluding all the ideological errors, without making any effort to build something else in place; it is more comfortable to accept it all as a natural evolution and to enjoy the egotist consumerism and the fetishism of commodities.
In the context of Romania in the 1990s, the fact that the penetration of the capital in the Romanian market coincided with the rediscovery of absolute truths
determines precisely the limits of the post-communist freedom of speech.
The explosion of religious publications and buildings in the public space after
1989 fits right on the logic of the capital, its capacity of producing absolute

167

ia e astzi doar numele de ordine al noii instane, al noului adevr deinut

de instituiile de ncredere, acceptat deopotriv de credincioi i de anumii
intelectuali laici care, sub care influena simbolurilor ce reduc capacitatea
de gndire critic, au ajuns s cread c apolitismul ideologiei economismului neoliberal e soluia final a dezideologizrii. Poate c e, ntr-adevr.
De aceea, din 1989, credincioii i gnditorii laici dezvrjii s-au aflat ntr-o alian
tcut i care reduce la tcere.

symbols and its need to devalue criticism. The offensive of religion is correlative
with the offensive of the evolutionist secular theories, and the fact that seemingly incompatible subjects, such as the believers and the pragmatists of secularization are de facto allies in the Romanian cultural field, proves that this form of
culture is determined by another, exterior instance the political, or the new
economic order. Democracy is today just the word of command of the new
instance, of the new truth detained by the trusted institutions and accepted
both by believers and by certain secular thinkers who, being under the influen-

Dezvrjirea dezvrjirii
Aceste mici genealogii snt doar cteva exemple subiective care arat ntr-un limbaj simplu i n linii foarte ngroate banalitatea tezei noastre: alternativa fatalist i fals comunism/capitalism nu este dect principiul originar
al respingerii gndirii critice n spaiul cultural romnesc. Trauma nerezolvat
a trecutului ntreine hegemonia formaiunilor de sens absolut, alimentate
prin simboluri produse de fluxul industriei culturale. Iar fondul natural fals
care susine aceste simboluri e ideologia liberal mbriat de cei mai puternici ageni de producie cultural din Romnia postdecembrist. Dac
filosofia este disciplina care se confrunt cu ceea ce nu este conceptualizat,
cu preconceptualul, n cuvintele lui Blumenberg, sau cu nonfilosofia, n cuvintele lui Deleuze i Guattari, atunci este tocmai sarcina noastr s evideniem aceste principii sau prejudeci absolute care determin limitele
spaiului n care ne adresm unii altora i care mpiedic apariia unor
enunuri altfel de o banalitate covritoare. Universalitatea cuvintelor de ordine
ca integrare, UE, civilizaie, indiferent de culoarea politic a celor ce
le-au vehiculat, mi pare, mai degrab dect un consens, un indiciu pentru
faptul c, dincolo de argumente raionale i de doctrine conceptuale, ceea
ce domin spaiul cultural romnesc snt investiii incontiente i simboluri
absolute. Psihicul traumatizat trebuie ferit de ndoieli, de raiocinri, pentru a nu ajunge la fisurile profunde, iar pentru aceast misiune unitatea teologal dintre form i coninut a simbolului e perfect. Dup cum artaser
att Benjamin, ct i Kracauer, simbolul ofer plenitudinea sensului, i nc
dintr-o dat, scutind de ncetineala refleciei. Prin luciul i mreia lor, dincolo de statura subiectului, simbolurile populeaz cu autoritate percepia
individului, oferind psihicului acestuia posibilitatea unei alunecri la suprafa
continue, la zi, ferit de trauma fisurilor profunde. Ca urmare, e nevoie de
meninerea la zi a simbolurilor, prin producia industriei culturale, pentru
a face posibil un flux continuu n care gndirea s poat fi livrat instanelor
i instantaneului, pentru a nu permite agarea subiecilor, prin ncetineala
refleciei, de un realism ce ar fi n stare s trezeasc durerea ascuns.
1989 e interpretat adesea ca anul trezirii la realitate, anul dezvrjirii de
blestemul comunist. Exemplele i genealogiile de mai sus, fr pretenii de
istorii absolute, au puterea s ne arate ceva ce nu a fost nici mcar ntrezrit
vreme de cincisprezece ani de intelectualii fostelor spaii comuniste. E vorba
de un principiu filosofic elementar, dar a crui enunare a fost imposibil n
cmpul cultural liber al unei societi n plin integrare capitalist. l voi ntri
cu toat claritatea conceptual i tipografic pe care mi-o permite acest spaiu:
ORICE DEZVRJIRE E O FUNCIE A CIRCUMSTANELOR ISTORICE
CARE AU FCUT-O POSIBIL. Marea majoritate a intelectualilor care au
trecut prin dezvrjirea istoric a momentului 1989 par s fi abandonat imediatul aparatul critic, mbrind bucuroi simbolurile nvingtoare ale
zilei i dedicndu-se legitimrii lor; am vzut cam n ce consta substana acelor
simboluri. Capacitatea lor critic, altdat n plin vigoare, pare s fi fost pur
i simplu epuizat de intensitatea evenimentu-

168

ce of the critical-thought-numbing symbols, have come to believe that the

apolitism of the economist neoliberal ideology is the final solution of de-ideologization. Maybe it is, indeed. This is why, ever since 1989, the believers and
the disenchanted secular thinkers are in a silent and silencing alliance.
The Disenchantment of Disenchantment
We have seen a few subjective examples that illustrate in thick lines and in very
simple words the banality of our thesis: the false alternative communism/
capitalism is the original principle of the rejection of critical thinking in the
Romanian cultural space. The unresolved trauma of the past maintains the hegemony of formations of absolute meaning, whose material basis are the symbols
produced by the culture industry. These symbols are being set on the natural
milieu of the liberal ideology, which has been embraced by the most powerful
agents of cultural production in post-revolutionary Romania. If philosophy is the
discipline that engages with that which is not conceptualized, the pre-conceptual, in Hans Blumenbergs words, or the non-philosophy, in Deleuze and
Guattaris, then it is our task to emphasize these unquestioned principles that
determine the limits of the space in which we address to each other, the assumptions that are blocking the appearance of such banal enunciations.
The universality of such words of command as integration, EU, civilization,
no matter the political color of their bearers, is not a con-sensus, but a sign that
beyond the rational argumentation and conceptual doctrines, the Romanian cultural space is dominated by subconscious investments and absolute symbols.
The traumatized psyche has to be spared of doubts, of rationalizing, in order
to avoid getting into the profound fissures. For this mission the theologal unity
between form and content of the symbol is perfect. As both Benjamin and
Kracauer have shown, the symbol offers the plenitude of meaning, and all of
a sudden, at once, eliminating the slowness of reflection. Due to their luster and
grandiloquence, beyond the stature of the subject, the symbols are populating
authoritatively the perception of the individual. The job of the cultural industry
is thus to provide a continuous supply of symbols, in order to ensure a continuous and up-to-date slippage at the surface of the psyche. Thinking can be delivered thus to the instant and to the instances that be, and the subjects are able
to avoid hanging to a realism that would be able to awake the hidden pain.
1989 is often seen as the year of awakening to reality, the year of the disenchantment from the communist curse. The examples and genealogies from
above, articulated from a subjective point of view, have the power to show us
something that was not even envisaged for fifteen years by the intellectuals of
the former communist spaces. It is an elementary philosophical principle
whose enunciation has been, nevertheless, impossible in the free cultural field
of a society in full capitalist integration. I will phrase it here with all the conceptual and typographical clarity allowed by this space: ANY DISENCHANTMENT
IS A FUNCTION OF THE HISTORICAL CIRCUMSTANCES THAT HAVE MADE IT
POSSIBLE. The vast majority of the intellectuals that have gone through the his-

+
lui prin care au trecut. Singurele reflexe critice rmase s-au ncordat mpotriva trecutului de care vrem s ne distanm cu orice pre. Stnga idealist a murit, triasc noul adevr liberal, pragmatic! Experiena rului s-a
transformat n autolegitimare, pur moral, care nu a ezitat s se serveasc la rndul su de instrumentele inchizitoriale produse curnd de industria cultural.
Ideologia liberal mbriat de vasta majoritate a intelectualilor dup 1989
nu constituie fondul natural al istoriei, care a ieit la suprafa n mod miraculos o dat cu revoluia, ci e o prelungire a ideologiei puterii care domina
lumea n conjunctura istoric a anului 1989. Nu doar c liberalismul nu
reprezint normalitatea democraiei, dar o extrem a sa, care e prezentat zilele acestea n Romnia n hainele unei noi retorici a normalitii, i
arat caracteristicile sinistre la scar mondial. Capitalismul nu este i nu a
fost niciodat n istoria umanitii sinonim cu democraia iar a enuna
aceasta nu echivaleaz cu a cere ntoarcerea comunitilor sau a lui
Iliescu. Mai mult, capitalismul nu este i nu a fost niciodat sinonim cu piaa
liber de la apariia sa la mijlocul mileniului precedent, acesta a mpiedicat existena pieelor libere, coagulnd civa proprietari i cteva simboluri
n jurul unor puteri oligarhice globale i cuvinte de ordine absolute. De fapt,
capitalismul nu a mpiedicat doar existena pieelor libere, ci a oricrui sistem economic diferit, fiind articulat de la bun nceput de o logic a unui sistem global, dup cum au artat magistral nc din anii 70 att Fernand
Braudel, ct i, mai ales, Immanuel Wallerstein.
Pentru alte grupuri subiective, aliate i compatibile, de altfel, cu primele,
dar care doresc i mai abitir s purifice cotidianul de apsarea istoriei,
1989 a nsemnat dezvrjirea definitiv de sub blestemul diavolesc ateu al
comunismului i rentoarcerea la dimensiunea spiritual (ortodox etc.).
Nu doar pentru c rentoarcerea divinitii pe plaiurile mioritice a coincis
cu penetrarea capitalului pe piaa romneasc, ci mai ales pentru c
monoteismul i capitalul mprtesc apetena pentru globalitate i simboluri
atotcuprinztoare, nu e ntmpltor c noii oameni de afaceri i factorii politici democratici dau mereu dovad de smerenie, credin ortodox, nal
biserici i ntind cruciulie. Discursul religios, form tradiional de vehiculare a adevrurilor absolute, asigur evadarea subiectului n dimensiunea
esenial a existenei, care e corelativ cu refuzul de a contientiza finitudinea
prezentului n numele unor simboluri a cror strlucire acoper tot universul i al unor valori al cror absolutism devalorizeaz toate celelalte valori
posibile. Iar aliana monstruoas dintre credina nondiscursiv i pragmatismul secular mult prea discursiv nu poate dect s ntreasc incapacitatea
de autodeterminare favorizat de apolitismul economic neoliberal.
Fiecare dezvrjire este epocal tocmai n sensul n care limitele sale snt determinate de circumstanele istorice care au fcut-o posibil. Dou minigenealogii, n cuvinte simple, au avut puterea de a evidenia limite ale libertii
de exprimare postcomuniste care au fost trasate cu plugul mare de sistemul
capitalist ce a fost instalat dup revoluie i adnc brzdate de starea dominant de negaie a propriului trecut comunist n care s-au complcut intelectualii nvingtori. Negaia, refuzul de a gndi trecutul, de a stabili o relaie
conceptual cu comunismul, Verneinung care a fost transpus n ultimii cincisprezece ani n instrumentarea unui ntreg aparat represiv, de plasare sub
prezumia de vinovie a tot ceea ce ine de stnga, se ntoarce astzi ntr-un efect de bumerang: tocmai intelectualii-de-o-dezvrjire, adepi convertii ai ideologiei neoliberale, reuesc s reactualizeze un he-

torical disenchantment of 1989 seem to have immediately abandoned the critical apparatus, happily embracing the symbols of the winners of the day and
dedicating their best efforts to legitimizing them. It seems that their critical
powers, once vivid and acerb, were exhausted by the intensity of the event they
have experienced. The only critical reflexes left were concentrated against the
past from which we want to distance ourselves at any price. The idealist left
has died, long live the new liberal and pragmatic truth! The experience of evil
has turned into a moral self-legitimation, and the new moral masters did not
hesitate to use the inquisitorial instruments soon produced by the cultural
industry.
The liberal ideology embraced by the vast majority of intellectuals in the EastEuropean countries after 1989 does not constitute the natural background of
history that has come miraculously to surface with the revolutions. It is a prolongation of the ideology of the power that was dominating the world in the historical conjecture of the year 1989. Liberalism is not the normalcy of democracy;
one of its extremes, presented today in Romania with a refurbished image of
normalcy, shows its sinister characteristics on the global scale. Capitalism is
not and has never been in the history of humankind synonymous with democracy
and enouncing this does not amount to asking the return of the communists
or of Iliescu. Moreover, capitalism is not and has never been synonymous with
the free market from its emergence in the mid of the last millennium it has
hindered the formation of free markets, coalescing a few owners and symbols
around global oligarchic powers and absolute words of command. Actually, not
only that capitalism has hindered the existence of free markets, but it has deterred the existence of any other type of economic system, because it was articulated from the beginning as the logic of a world-system, as it was brilliantly
shown since the 1970s both by Fernand Braudel and Immanuel Wallerstein.
For different subjective groups not very different though with a powerful
desire to purify the daily life from the pressure of history, 1989 meant the
ultimate disenchantment from the atheist and devilish curse of communism,
and the return to the spiritual dimension (Christian-Orthodox etc.) that preserves the special spot of the subject in the center of the universe. The return of
divinity on the Romanian realm coincided however with the penetration of the
capital on the Romanian market, and as it is known, monotheism and capitalism
share a global appetence. And so it is not by accident that the nouveaux riches
as well as the democratic political factors always have to show off their
Christian-Orthodox faith and golden crosses. Religious discourse, the traditional
form of transporting absolute truths in society, ensures the escape of the subject into the essential dimension of existence, which is correlative with the
refusal to become aware of the finitude of the present, in the name of symbols
whose luster covers the whole universe, and in the name of values whose absolutism devalues all the other possible values. The monstruous alliance between
the non-discursive faith and the all-too-discursive secular pragmatism can only
enforce the incapacity of self-determination obliged by the neoliberal economic
apolitism.
Any disenchantment is epochal, in the sense that its limits are determined by
the historical circumstances that have made it possible from the first place.
Two mini-genealogies, in simple words, have had the power of emphasizing
limits of the post-revolutionary freedom of expression that have been traced
with the grand plough by the capitalist system installed after revolution, and
well furrowed by the dominant state of denial of the communist past embraced
by the winning intellectuals. Verneinung the denial, the refusal to think,

169

gelianism e drept, antietatist al unor teze marxiste de mult depite de

gndirea critic de stnga i se angajeaz la promovarea valorilor fundamentale ale capitalului n toate straturile societii inclusiv n cultur. Starea
de negaie face n continuare posibil o nonraportare fa de propriul trecut i o incapacitate de autodeterminare normativ, i solicit un exces de
sens, compensator, al prezentului, care justific proliferarea retoricilor violente n societate (dac nu nelegi de vorb bun). Aceasta mpiedic
att enunarea alternativelor, ct i clarificarea doctrinar, prin mutarea axului de msurare a tuturor paradigmelor la dreapta i prin edificarea unui fals
fond al problemelor. Pe ct de suprareale i excesive snt simbolurile, pe att
de actual e trauma pe care ncearc s o compenseze. Pe ct de abundente snt simbolurile culturale, pe att cresc ansele de deviere a ateniei de
la propria ta persoan, de la propriul tu prezent, de la ceea ce poi face
chiar tu.

about the past, to establish a conceptual relation with communism, has been
transposed in the last fifteen years in the instrumentation of an entire cultural
repressive apparatus, placing under the presumption of guiltiness anything that
belongs to the left. As it happens, this comes back today in a boomerang
effect: precisely the one-disenchantment intellectuals, converted preachers of
the neoliberal ideology, have managed today to reactualize a Hegelianism of
certain Marxist thesis that has long been overcome by critical leftist thinking
they are committing today to promote the essential values of capitalism in all
the strata of society, including culture. The state of denial institutes a non-relation to ones own past and a normative lack of self-determination, and demands
a reparatory excess of meaning from the present, to the point of justifying the
proliferation of violent rhetorics in society (if you do not understand my words,
then...). This blocks both the enunciation of alternatives and the ideological
clarification, by moving the axis of measurement axis of all the paradigms to
the right and edifying thus a false setting of all problems. The more sur-real and

Fontenelle se mira teribil c miturile grecilor nu dispruser din lume n plin

epoc a Luminilor: cu tot triumful secular al raionalitii tiinifice, vechile
mituri nu doar c nu se evaporaser, dar i sporiser influena asupra
imaginaiilor literare. Ca atare, Fontenelle se vedea pe sine ca pe un fel de
agent al dezvrjirii timpului su, fiind dominat de ideea de a reocupa genurile
discursive. Explicaia tiinific a curcubeului prin teoria fizic ar fi trebuit s
elimine semnificaia acestuia pentru om de unde perplexitatea lui Fontenelle n faa unor picturi romantice. Istoria ne nva: dezvrjirea nu e o
operaie romantic prin care tiina se pogoar i nlocuiete mitul. Capitalismul nu a venit s vindece Estul de comunism, ci a venit ca s se acumuleze mai departe i s formeze noi oligarhii. Iar comunismul nu a fost
un fel de faz infantil, prelogic, preraional a societii, ci un factor de modernizare. Stnga nu este adolescena, iar liberalismul nu este maturitatea
metaforele corporale snt de regul invocate tocmai atunci cnd subiectul individual pierde controlul ori puterea de a pstra o perspectiv nonegocentric. Trecerea de la mythos la logos nu ajunge niciodat. Nu ajunge
la nici un capt al tunelului, la nici un capt al mitului. Capitalismul nu a venit
s dezideologizeze n fine societatea, ci a adus propriile sale ideologii i
formaiuni mistice, care compenseaz n continuare ceea ce Hans
Blumenberg a numit absolutismul realitii: situaia n care oamenii snt pe
cale s piard controlul asupra propriilor condiii de existen i, ceea ce e
i mai important, n care ajung s cread c le-au pierdut deja.9 Indivizii au
n continuare puterea de a realiza schimbarea, doar c strlucirea simbolurilor
absolute din jurul lor sterilizeaz dorina nsi de realitate ori de a fi semnificativ. Ca orice pretenie de a termina cu miturile, afirmaia despre falimentul comunismului a venit s propun un nou, ultim mit: capitalismul
ar fi fondul natural al democraiei i al economiei de pia. La rndul su, ca
orice ultim mit, acesta se dovedete a fi dominat de fascinaia care st la
originea sa i care l conduce ineluctabil ctre imitarea modelului iniial10, ns
ntr-o form i mai perfect, dttoare de violene i mai rafinate arme
inteligente.
De fiecare dat cnd aud la ce bun filosofia, ntind mna dup pistol, pentru a realiza imediat c nu dein nici unul.11 Parafraza ironic a lui Hans Blumenberg la cuvintele sinistre ale lui Goebbels joac rolul unui avertiment: nu
e suficient s nelegi. Distana fa de mituri nu e stabilit atunci cnd
ne-am convins de falsitatea lor; distana apare n miturile nsele, tocmai
ca acceptare a puterii lor de semnificare. La acel moment ns, ultimul mit
e deja parte integrant din percepie.

170

excessive are the symbols, the more actual is the trauma they attempt to compensate. The more abundant the cultural symbols, the bigger the chances of
deviating the focus from your own being, from your own present, from what
you yourself are able to do.
Fontenelle was flabbergasted by the fact that the myths of the Greeks had not
disappeared in the flourishing age of Enlightenment: with all the secular
triumph of scientific rationality, the old myths not only did not evaporate, but
had augmented their influence upon literary imaginations. Fontenelle was seeing himself as a sort of an agent of the disenchantment of his time, being
obsessed with the idea of reoccupying the discursive genres. The scientific
explanation of the rainbow by the theoretical physics was supposed to eliminate
its signification for the human and so we understand Fontenelles perplexity
in front of his Romantic contemporaries paintings. History teaches us: the disenchantment is not a romantic operation in which science replaces myth.
Capitalism did not arrive to heal the East from communism, but to further accumulate, and to form new oligarchies. And communism was not a sort of an
infantile stage, a pre-logic, pre-rational phase of society, but a factor of modernization. Left does not represent adolescence, and liberalism does not represent maturity bodily metaphors are usually invoked precisely when the
individual subject loses the control or the power to maintain a non-egocentric
perspective. The passage from mythos to logos never arrives. It never arrives to
any end of the tunnel; there is no end to myth. Capitalism did not arrive to finally de-ideologize society, but it has brought its own ideologies and mystical formations, that are still compensating that which Hans Blumenberg has called the
absolutism of reality: the situation in which humans are about to lose control
over the conditions of their own existence, and more important, in which they
have come to believe they have already lost them.9 The individuals still have the
power of bringing the change, but the luster of the absolute symbols surrounding them sterilizes their very desire of reality, or the very desire to signify something. Like any claim to bring the myth to an end, the statement about the
failure of communism has come to propose a new, last, myth: capitalism
would be the natural background of democracy and of the free markets. At its
turn, like any ultimate myth, this one proves to be dominated by the fascination that stands at its origin10, that leads it ineluctably to imitating the initial model, but in a more perfect form, capable of more refined violence smart
weapons, perhaps.

+
n loc de epilog: Tristee venic i politic cu moarte
Dac este att de persistent, nu are cumva starea de negaie ea nsi o
funcie politic, dincolo de ncrctura i limitrile specifice simbolurilor compensatorii, dincolo de rul i binele care au cauzat-o Cum se face c, n
cmpul discursiv romnesc, figurile negative ale comunismului domin de
departe figurile pozitive, c bntuie fr semn de ostoire tocmai discursurile
celor care strig att de tare c s-au distanat de el
ntr-o recitire a lui Sofocle plin de foloase, Derrida comenteaz cerina
imperativ, absolut de a nu fi uitat a regelui Oedip: s fie inut n cripta secret
pe care a ales-o el nsui, ngropat ntr-o ar strin, ntr-un cavou enigmatic, n afara Tebei, un loc pe care i-l face cunoscut doar succesorului su
politic, Tezeu. Acesta fgduiete c va ine secret locul mormntului iar
Zeus va rmne mereu cu ochii pe el pentru a asigura respectarea promisiunii. Secretul, ncriptarea garanteaz astfel sntatea politic a rii, pacea,
cu preul prelungirii tragediei asupra fiicelor lui Oedip, care snt private de
posibilitatea unui doliu normal. Fr un loc fixat, fr un topos determinabil,
doliul nu este permis. Sau, ceea ce revine la acelai lucru, e promis fr a
surveni niciodat, promis ca doliu interminabil un doliu infinit care neag
orice sfrit, care e dincolo de orice depire a durerii prin realizarea faptului morii, dincolo de orice mpcare obinut prin efortul doliului i al jelaniei.
Singurul doliu posibil pentru Antigona este un doliu imposibil.12
Confruntndu-se cu perspectiva unei tristei infinite, Antigona vede doar un
singur sfrit posibil: propria sa moarte, sinuciderea ca pre al dorinei sale
de a vedea mormntul sacru.
Analiznd scenele n care Oedip descinde pe trmul morilor, Derrida insist
asupra rolului decisiv jucat n acest moment al piesei de ritm i ntrziere.
Oedip e cel care se grbete s nu ntrzie la ntlnirea sa cu zeii. Cel care
moare d mereu semnale c se grbete, c e naintea timpului celorlali,
al urmailor si. Mortul accelereaz ctre locul su secret, nonreprezentabil,
e prea iute pentru urmaii si, pentru iubitele sale fiice, care snt condamnate s rmn ntrziate pentru totdeauna, private de puterile lor de
aciune. Schimbarea survine prea devreme, corpul dispare prea repede,
fiicele snt vduvite de puterea de reprezentare asupra a ceea ce s-a ntmplat, ca i de puterea de a face ceva. Ele se gsesc nscrise deja ntr-un timp
infinit, ntr-o bucl. Destinul lor e scris: nu vor putea accepta niciodat realitatea morii i nu vor putea face nimic referitor la asta (n afar de suicid);
i vor purta doliu la infinit nevzutului, corpului ngropat lipsit de concept,
lipsit de discurs, vor rmne mpreun, pentru totdeauna, cu mortul pe care
nu l tiu mort i aa va rmne i cetatea, ntr-o etern melancolie, acedia.
Cei care snt privai de puterea de a aciona, potentia agendi, cei care nu
pot face nimic altceva dect s se lamenteze, s fie mortal de triti, n jale
etern, se dovedesc astfel a fi necesari celor care dein puterea de a aciona, politicienii.
ntr-o rentoarcere a tragediei care nu poate fi dect comic, alte personaje vor fi negat pentru totdeauna realitatea schimbrii, vor fi pretins c nimic
nu a avut loc, dar vor fi fost mereu bntuii de teama rentoarcerii diferitului, rmnnd fideli mortului tocmai prin neostoita nfierbntare pe care o
provoac bnuiala paranoid a prezenei sale fantomatice. Schwrmerei, ar
spune Kant. Libertatea n numele creia se agit, agndu-se de cuvintele de ordine ale zilei i de tlcul lor mistic, e ns tocmai libertatea definit
de Hegel la apogeul modernitii pe care ei nii o doresc: capacitatea unui
subiect de a suferi la infinit.13

Every time I hear to what good philosophy I reach for my gun, only to realize
immediately that I dont have one.11 Blumenbergs ironical paraphrase
to Goebbels sinister words are a warning: it is not enough to understand.
The distance from myth is not ensured when one is convinced of its falsity;
the distance appears in the myths themselves, precisely as the acknowledgment
of their power of signification. But at that moment, the last myth is already part
of the perception.
Instead of Epilogue: Eternal Sadness and Politics with the Dead
If it is so persistent, what could be the political function of the state of denial,
beyond the specificity of the compensatory symbols, beyond the good and evil
that caused it How is it possible that in the Romanian discursive field, the negative figures of communism are dominating by far over the positive ones They
are haunting precisely the discourses of the ones who shout loudly that theyve
taken distance from communism. You ask me who could be this person from
my dream. Of course, it is not my mother. Freud rectifies: Then, it is indeed
the mother.
In a very useful re-reading of Sophocles, Derrida comments on the imperative
request of Oedipus-king, not to be forgotten: to be kept dead in the secret
crypt chosen by himself, buried in a foreign land, in an enigmatic place, outside
Thebes, a place known only to his political successor, Theseus. The latter takes
an oath to keep secret the place of the burial, and Zeus will keep a listening ear
to ensure that he will respect it. The secret, the encryption, are guaranteeing
thus the political health of the country, the peace, with the price of extending
the tragedy upon Oedipus daughters, who are deprived of the possibility
of a normal mourning. Without a fixed, place, without a determinable topos,
mourning is not allowed. Or, which amounts to the same thing, is promised
without arriving, promised as an infinite mourning. The infinite mourning
denies any end, is beyond any possible achievement of the work of mourning.
The only possible mourning for Antigone is the impossible mourning.12 Facing
the perspective of an infinite sadness, Antigone sees only one possible end:
her own death, the suicide as a price for her desire to see the sacred tomb.
Analyzing the scenes in which Oedipus descends on the realm of the dead,
Derrida insists on the decisive role played in this moment of the play by rhythm
and delay. Oedipus is the one who hurries, not to be late to his appointment
with the gods. The one who dies gives signals that he is in a hurry. He is ahead
the time of the others, his descendants. The dead accelerates towards his
secret, non-representable place, and is too quick for his descendants, for his
beloved daughters, who are condemned to be forever retarded, in delay,
deprived of their powers of doing something about it. The change occurs too
quickly, the body disappears too quickly, the daughters are deprived of the
power of representing what has happened, and of the power of doing something. They find themselves already inscribed in an infinite time, in a loop.
Their destiny is written: they will never be able to accept the reality of the
death, and they will not be able to do anything about it (besides suicide);
they will infinitely mourn the invisible, the concept-less and discourse-less
buried body, they will remain together forever with the dead who they do not
know dead. Thus will remain the city too, in an eternal melancholy, acedia.
The ones who are deprived of their powers of doing, potentia agendi,
the ones who cannot but lament, to be mortally sad, in eternal sadness,
prove thus to be necessary to the ones who detain the power of doing,
the politicians.

171

Note:

In a return of the tragedy that couldnt be but comedic, other characters will

1. Gilles Deleuze i Flix Guattari, Mille Plateaux, Paris, Minuit, 1980, pp. 9596, 100.

have denied forever the reality of the change, will have claimed that nothing

2. A nega ceva n judecat nseamn de fapt: iat ceva ce a dori s refulez. Condamnarea este substitutul intelectual al refulrii, iar nu-ul su este semnul distinctiv al acesteia, un certificat de origine oarecum ca i made in Germany. Cu ajutorul simbolului negaiei, gndirea se elibereaz de
restriciile refulrii i dobndete coninuturi de care nu se poate debarasa pentru a putea
funciona. Sigmund Freud, Die Verneinung (1925), in Gesammelte Werke, vol. 14, p. 14
(subl. i tr. O. .). n original: Etwas im Urteil verneinen, heit im Grunde: das ist etwas, was ich
am liebsten verdrngen mchte. Die Verurteilung ist der intellektuelle Ersatz der Verdrngung,
ihr Nein ein Merkzeichen derselben, ein Ursprungszertifikat etwa wie das made in Germany.
Vermittels des Verneinungssymbols macht sich das Denken von den Einschrnkungen der
Verdrngung frei und bereichert sich um Inhalte, deren es fr seine Leistung nicht entbehren kann.

took place, but will have remained forever haunted by the fear of the return,

3. Doctrina lui Nolte nu a fost influent doar n Frana, ci a fost resuscitat n mod inedit de un fost
consilier al Casei Albe din vremea lui Bill Clinton, Philip Bobbitt, care n cartea sa de 960 de pagini The Shield of Achilles. War, Peace, and the Course of History (Knopf, New York, 2002), elaboreaz o teorie evoluionist a statului; susine c rzboiul e fora motrice a istoriei, care determin
apariia i dispariia formelor de suveranitate; astzi, argumenteaz autorul, din piscul acestei dialectici hegeliene reapate, forma de suveranitate a statului-naiune este pe cale de a fi nlocuit de
forma supranaional a pieei-stat (market-state).
4. Vladimir Tismneanu, Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian Communism,
Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 2003, p. 13.
5. Gspr Mikls Tams, Un capitalisme pur et simple, in La Nouvelle alternative, vol. 19, nr. 6,
2004. Publicat n romn n Idea art + societate, nr. 19, 2004.
6. Cristian Bdili, Democraia sacr i profan, in Ziua, 9 martie 2005.
7. Carl Schmitt, Politische Theologie. Vier Kapitel zur Lehre von der Souvernitt, Berlin, 1922.
8. Hans Blumenberg, Die Legitimitt der Neuzeit, Frankfurt am Main, Suhrkamp, 1966, pp. 9091.
9. Hans Blumenberg, Arbeit am Mythos, Frankfurt am Main, Suhrkamp, 1979, p. 10.
10. Ibid., pp. 294295.
11. Hans Blumenberg, Zu den Sachen und Zurck, Frankfurt am Main, Suhrkamp, 2002, p. 13.
12. Jacques Derrida, De lhospitalit, Paris, Calmann-Lvy, 1997, p. 101.
13. Hegel, Enciclopedia tiinelor filosofice, 378.

faithful to the dead precisely through the restlessness provoked by the paranoid
suspicion of its ghastly presence. Schwrmerei, would have said Kant.
The freedom in the name of which they unrest themselves, sliding to the
words of command of the day and their mystical hermesis, is precisely the freedom defined by Hegel: the capacity of a subject to endure an infinite suffering.13

Notes:
1. Words of command is a slightly different concept in adaptation to the words of
order (mots dordre) conceived by Gilles Deleuze and Flix Guattari in Mille Plateaux,
Paris, Minuit, 1980, pp. 9596, 100.
2. Sigmund Freud, Die Verneinung (1925), in Gesammelte Werke, vol. 14, p. 14.
Etwas im Urteil verneinen, heit im Grunde: das ist etwas, was ich am liebsten verdrngen mchte. Die Verurteilung ist der intellektuelle Ersatz der Verdrngung, ihr
Nein ein Merkzeichen derselben, ein Ursprungszertifikat etwa wie das made in
Germany. Vermittels des Verneinungssymbols macht sich das Denken von den
Einschrnkungen der Verdrngung frei und bereichert sich um Inhalte, deren es fr
seine Leistung nicht entbehren kann. Denying something to judgment means, at
bottom: this is something that I would like better to repress. Condemnation is the
intellectual substitute for repression, and its no is the hall-mark of repression, something like made in Germany. By means of the symbol of denial, thinking frees itself
from the restrictions of repression and gains contents that are indispensable for its
functioning (emphasis added).
3. Noltes ideas have been influential across the Ocean too. A former senior advisor
at Bill Clintons White House, Philip Bobbitt resuscitated it in a novel way: in his massive 960 page book The Shield of Achilles. War, Peace, and the Course of History
(New York, Knopf, 2002), he has elaborated an evolutionist theory of the state;
war is conceived as the engine of history that determines the emergence and
disappearance of forms of sovereignty; the unified period of the world wars signals
the passage from the form of sovereignty of the nation-state towards the supranational form of the market state.
4. Vladimir Tismaneanu, Stalinism for All Seasons: A Political History of Romanian
Communism, Berkeley and Los Angeles, University of California Press, 2003, p. 13.
5. Gspr Mikls Tams, Un capitalisme pur et simple, in La Nouvelle alternative, vol.
19, no. 6, 2004. Published in Romanian in Idea art + societate, no. 19, 2004.
6. Cristian Bdili, Democraia sacr i profan, in Ziua, 9 March 2005.
7. Carl Schmitt, Politische Theologie. Vier Kapitel zur Lehre von der Souvernitt, Berlin,
1922.
8. Hans Blumenberg, Die Legitimitt der Neuzeit, Suhrkamp, Frankfurt am Main, 1966,
pp. 9091.
9. Hans Blumenberg, Arbeit am Mythos, Frankfurt am Main, Suhrkamp, 1979, p. 10.
10. Ibid., pp. 294295.
11. Hans Blumenberg, Zu den Sachen und Zurck, Frankfurt am Main, Suhrkamp, 2002,
p. 13.
12. Jacques Derrida, De lhospitalit, Paris, Calmann-Lvy, 1997, p. 101.
13. Hegel, The Encyclopedia of the Philosophical Sciences, 378.

172

verso

Introducere la Homo Sacer.

Puterea suveran i viaa nud
Giorgio Agamben

Grecii nu aveau un singur termen pentru a exprima ceea ce noi nelegem

prin cuvntul via. Ei se foloseau de dou cuvinte, semantic i morfologic
distincte, chiar dac reductibile la o rdcin comun: zoe, care exprima simplul fapt de a tri, comun tuturor fiinelor vii (animale, oameni, zei), i bios,
care indica forma sau maniera de a tri proprie unui individ sau unui grup.
Cnd Platon, n Philebos, menioneaz trei genuri de via, iar Aristotel, n Etica
nicomahic, distinge viaa contemplativ a filosofului (bios theoretikos) de viaa
de plceri (bios apolaustikos) i de viaa politic (bios politikos), ei nu s-ar fi putut
folosi n nici un caz de termenul zoe (care, n mod semnificativ, n greac nu
are plural), din simplul fapt c pentru nici unul nu era n chestiune n vreun
fel simpla via natural, ci o via calificat, un mod special de via. Aristotel
poate, desigur, s vorbeasc, raportndu-se la zeu, despre o zoe ariste kai
aideios, viaa cea mai nobil i etern (Met 1072b, 28), dar numai n msura
n care vrea s sublinieze faptul deloc banal c i divinitatea este o fiin vie
(la fel cum, n acelai context, se folosete de termenul zoe pentru a defini,
ntr-o manier tot att de puin trivial, actul gndirii); dar s vorbeasc despre
o zoe politike a cetenilor Atenei n-ar fi avut nici un sens. Nu pentru c lumea
clasic nu ar fi fost familiarizat cu ideea c viaa natural, simpla zoe ca atare,
ar putea fi un bun n sine. ntr-un pasaj din Politica (1278b, 2331), dup ce
a amintit c scopul cetii este viaa conform binelui, Aristotel chiar exprim
cu luciditate de nedepit aceast contiin:
Aceasta (viaa conform binelui) este scopul maxim, fie n comun pentru toi
oamenii, fie pentru fiecare separat. Ei ns se unesc i menin comunitatea
politic i n vederea simplului fapt de a tri, probabil pentru c exist un
anumit bun i n acest simplu fapt de a tri (kata to zen auto monon); dac
nu exist un exces de dificultate n ce privete modul de via (kata ton bion),
este evident c marea majoritate a oamenilor suport multe patimi i se
ataeaz vieii (zoe) ca i cum s-ar gsi n ea un fel de serenitate (euemeria, zi frumoas) i o dulcea natural.1
Simpla via natural este ns exclus, n lumea clasic, din polis n sensul
propriu i rmne condamnat cu fermitate, ca simpl via reproductiv,
la mediul lui oikos (Politica, 1252a, 2635). La nceputul Politicii sale, Aristotel
distinge cu mare grij omul politic de oikonomos (eful unei societi) i despotes
(capul familiei), care se ocup de reproducerea vieii i de ngrijirea ei, i i
ironizeaz pe cei care cred c diferena dintre acetia este una de cantitate,
GIORGIO AGAMBEN este profesor titular la Universitatea din Verona, profesor invitat la numeroase universiti din lume (UC Berkeley, Los Angeles, Irvine, Santa Cruz, Northwestern), la Collge International de Philosophie i la cole de Hautes tudes en Sciences Sociales de Paris. Gnditor prolific i original, teoretician al bioputerii i al strii de excepie, el este autorul mai multor
lucrri care au provocat aprinse dezbateri n mediile culturale occidentale: de la Infanzia e storia:
distruzione dellesperienza e origine della storia (1979) i Homo Sacer. I: Il potere sovrano e la nuda vita
(1995, traducere n curs de apariie la Editura Idea Design & Print), trecnd prin Quel che resta din
Auschwitz (1998) sau Stato di eccezione (2002), pn la recentele Laperto. Luomo e lanimale (2002)
sau Profanazioni (2004). Lurile sale de poziie ferme n chestiuni de politic internaional fac din
Agamben una din vocile cele mai respectate ale vieii publice italiene i europene.

i nu de specie. Iar atunci cnd, ntr-un pasaj care

urma s rmn canonic pentru tradiia politic a
Occidentului (1252b, 30), el definete scopul comunitii perfecte, o face tocmai opunnd simplul fapt
de a tri (to zen) vieii calificate politic (to eu zen):
ginomene men oun tou zen eneken, ousa de tou eu
zen, nscut n vederea vieuirii, dar existnd prin
esen n vederea vieuirii bune (n traducerea latin a lui Wilhelm din Moerbeke, pe care att Toma, ct i Marsilio din Padova o aveau sub ochi: facta
quidem igitur vivendi gratia, existens autem gratia bene vivendi).
Este adevrat c un celebru pasaj al aceleiai lucrri definete omul ca politikon zoion (1253a, 4): dar aici (pe lng faptul c n proza atic verbul bionai nu este, practic, folosit la prezent), politic nu este un atribut al existentului
ca atare, ci e o diferen specific determinnd genul zoon (imediat dup
asta, de altfel, politica uman este distins de cea a altor fiine vii, deoarece
e ntemeiat, prin intermediul unui supliment de politicitate legat de limbaj, pe o comunitate de bine i ru, de drept i nedrept, i nu doar de plcut i dureros).
Tocmai referitor la aceast definiie, Foucault, la sfritul Voinei de a ti, rezum
procesul prin care, n pragul epocii moderne, viaa natural ncepe, n
schimb, s fie inclus n mecanismele i n calculele puterii statale, iar politica se transform n biopolitic: Vreme de milenii, omul a rmas ceea ce
era pentru Aristotel: un animal viu i, n plus, capabil de existen politic;
omul modern este un animal n a crui politic este n chestiune chiar viaa
sa de fiin vie.2
Dup Foucault, pragul de modernitate biologic al unei societi se situeaz n punctul n care specia i individul ca simplu corp viu devin miza strategiilor politice. ncepnd din 1977, cursurile de la Collge de France ilumineaz
trecerea de la statul teritorial la statul de populaie i, prin asta, creterea
vertiginoas n importan a vieii biologice i a sntii naiunii ca problem
a puterii suverane, care se transform acum, progresiv, n guvernmnt al
oamenilor.3 Rezult un fel de animalizare a omului, realizat prin intermediul celor mai sofisticate tehnici politice. Atunci apar n istorie att multiplicarea
posibilitilor tiinelor umane i sociale, ct i simultana posibilitate de a proteja viaa i de a-i autoriza holocaustul. n special dezvoltarea i triumful capitalismului nu ar fi fost posibile, n aceast perspectiv, fr controlul
disciplinar realizat de noua bioputere, care i-a creat, ca s spunem aa, prin
intermediul unei serii de tehnologii apropriate, corpurile docile de care
avea nevoie.
Pe de alt parte, deja la sfritul anilor cincizeci (adic cu aproape douzeci
de ani nainte de La volont de savoir), H. Arendt analizase, n The Human
Condition, procesul care duce homo laborans i, o dat cu el, viaa biologic nsi la ocuparea centrului scenei politice a modernitii. Tocmai acestui primat al vieii naturale asupra aciunii politice i atribuia Arendt
transformarea i decadena spaiului public din societile moderne. Faptul
c cercetarea Hannei Arendt a rmas practic fr urmri i c Foucault
i-a putut deschide antierul asupra biopoliticii fr vreo referire la ea arat
dificultile i rezistenele pe care gndirea trebuia s le nving n acest domeniu. i tocmai acestor dificulti li se datoreaz, probabil, att faptul c, n The
Human Condition, autoarea, n mod curios, nu face nici o legtur cu ptrunztoarele analize pe care le dedicase mai nainte puterii totalitare (din
care lipsete orice perspectiv biopolitic), ct i circumstana, att de singular, c Foucault nu i-a orientat vreodat cercetarea ctre spaiile care

173

aparin prin excelen biopoliticii moderne: lagrul de concentrare i structura marilor state totalitare ale secolului al XX-lea.
Moartea l-a mpiedicat pe Foucault s dezvolte toate implicaiile conceptului de biopolitic i s arate n ce sens i-ar fi aprofundat ulterior investigaia;
dar, n orice caz, intrarea lui zoe n sfera polis-ului, politizarea vieii nude ca
atare constituie evenimentul decisiv al modernitii, care marcheaz o
transformare radical a categoriilor politico-filosofice ale gndirii clasice. Este
chiar foarte probabil c, dac politica pare s traverseze astzi o eclips prelungit, asta s se datoreze faptului c ea a uitat s se confrunte cu acest eveniment fondator al modernitii. Enigmele4 pe care secolul nostru le-a pus
n faa gndirii istorice i care continu s rmn actuale (nazismul este doar
cea mai nelinititoare dintre ele) vor putea fi rezolvate numai pe terenul pe
care au aprut: biopolitica. Numai ntr-un orizont biopolitic se va putea decide,
n fapt, dac acele categorii pe a cror opoziie s-a fondat politica modern
(dreapta/stnga; privat/public; absolutism/democraie etc.) i care s-au
estompat ncet-ncet, pn la a intra azi ntr-o adevrat zon de indiscernabilitate, vor trebui abandonate definitiv sau, eventual, i vor putea regsi
semnificaia pe care i-o pierduser tocmai n acest orizont. i numai o reflecie
care, valorificnd sugestiile lui Foucault i ale lui Benjamin, ar interoga tematic raportul dintre politic i viaa nud, raport ce guverneaz n ascuns ideologiile aparent cele mai opuse ale modernitii, va putea scoate politicul din
ocultarea sa i, totodat, s restituie gndirea vocaiei sale practice.
Una din orientrile cele mai constante ale muncii lui Foucault este hotrta abandonare a abordrii tradiionale a problemei puterii, bazat pe modele juridico-instituionale (definirea suveranitii, teoria statului), n favoarea
unei analize fr prejudeci a modurilor concrete n care puterea intr n
chiar corpul subiecilor i n formele lor de via. n ultimii ani, dup cum
reiese dintr-un seminar inut n 1982 la Universitatea din Vermont, aceast
analiz pare s se orienteze dup dou direcii distincte de cercetare: pe
de o parte, studiul tehnicilor politice (precum tiina poliiei) prin care statul asum i integreaz n interiorul lui grija fa de viaa natural a indivizilor;
pe de alt parte, cel al tehnologiilor sinelui, prin care se realizeaz procesul
de subiectivare care face ca individul s se ataeze de propria identitate i
de propria contiin i, n acelai timp, de o putere de control extern. Este
evident c aceste dou linii (care urmeaz, de altfel, dou tendine prezente
nc de la nceputul cercetrilor lui Foucault) se intersecteaz n mai multe
puncte i trimit la un centru comun. ntr-una din ultimele sale scrieri, el afirm c statul occidental modern a integrat ntr-o msur fr precedent tehnici de individualizare subiectiv i proceduri de totalizare obiective i
vorbete despre o adevrat dubl legtur politic, constituit din individuare i din simultana totalizare a structurilor puterilor moderne.5
Punctul n care aceste dou aspecte ale puterii converg a rmas ns, n mod
singular, n umbr n cercetarea lui Foucault, astfel nct s-a putut afirma c
el ar fi refuzat constant elaborarea unei teorii unitare a puterii. Dac Foucault
contest abordarea tradiional a problemei puterii, bazat exclusiv pe
modele juridice (ce legitimeaz puterea) sau pe modele instituionale (ce
este statul), i sugereaz eliberarea de privilegiul teoretic al suveranitii6,
pentru a construi o analitic a puterii care s nu mai ia ca model sau cod dreptul, unde este atunci, n corpul puterii, zona de nondifereniere (sau, mcar,
punctul de intersecie) n care tehnicile de individuare i procedurile totalizante se ating i, mai general, exist un centru unitar n care dubla legtur politic i gsete raiunea sa de a fi C exist un aspect subiectiv n

174

geneza puterii era deja implicit n conceptul de servitude volontaire al lui La

Botie; dar care e punctul n care servitutea voluntar a indivizilor comunic cu puterea obiectiv Este posibil, ntr-un domeniu att de decisiv, s ne
mulumim cu explicaii psihologice, precum aceea, chiar dac nu lipsit de
sugestii, care stabilete un paralelism ntre nevroze externe i nevroze interne Iar n faa unor fenomene precum puterea mediatico-spectacular,
care transform azi pretutindeni spaiul politic, este legitim sau mcar posibil meninerea distinciei dintre tehnologiile subiective i tehnicile politice
Dac, ntr-adevr, existena unei asemenea orientri pare logic implicit n
cercetrile lui Foucault, ea rmne totui un punct orb n cmpul vizual, unul
pe care privirea cercettorului nu-l poate percepe, sau, mai degrab, ceva
ca un punct de fug care se ndeprteaz la infinit, ctre care diversele linii
de perspectiv ale propriei investigaii (i, mai general, ale ntregii reflecii
occidentale asupra puterii) converg fr a-l putea atinge vreodat.
Prezenta cercetare privete tocmai acest punct ascuns de intersecie dintre modelul juridic-instituional i modelul biopolitic al puterii. Ceea ce ea
a trebuit s nregistreze printre probabilele sale rezultate este tocmai faptul c aceste dou analize nu pot fi separate i c implicarea vieii nude n
sfera politicii constituie nucleul originar dei ocultat al puterii suverane.
Se poate spune chiar c producerea unui corp biopolitic este actul original al
puterii suverane. Biopolitica este, n acest sens, cel puin la fel de veche precum excepia suveran. Punnd viaa biologic n centrul calculelor sale, statul modern nu face, astfel, dect s repun n lumin legtura secret care
unete puterea de viaa nud, rennodnd astfel (conform unei tenace
corespondene ntre arhaic i modern, care poate fi regsit n mediile cele
mai diverse) cu cel mai imemorial dintre arcana imperii.
Dac asta e adevrat, va trebui s se considere cu rennoit atenie sensul
definiiei aristotelice a polis-ului ca opoziie ntre faptul de a tri (zen) i faptul de a tri bine (eu zen). Opoziia este, de fapt, n aceeai msur, o implicaie a primului termen n cel de-al doilea, a vieii nude n viaa calificat
politic. Ceea ce ar trebui n continuare s fie interogat n definiia aristotelic
nu snt doar, aa cum s-a fcut pn acum, sensul, modurile i posibilele articulaii ale vieii bune ca telos al politicului; este nevoie, mai degrab, s ne
ntrebm de ce politica occidental se constituie n primul rnd prin intermediul unei excluderi (care e, n aceeai msur, o implicare) a vieii nude.
Care este raportul dintre politic i via, dac aceasta din urm se prezint drept ceea ce trebuie inclus printr-o excludere
Structura excepiei, pe care am conturat-o n prima parte a acestei cri,
pare a fi, n aceast perspectiv, consubstanial politicii occidentale, iar afirmaia lui Foucault, potrivit creia pentru Aristotel omul era un animal viu
i, n plus, capabil de existen politic, va fi, n consecin, reconsiderat,
n sensul c problematic aici este tocmai semnificaia acelui n plus. Singulara formul zmislit n vederea vieii, existent n vederea vieii bune
poate fi citit nu numai ca o implicare a zmislirii (ginomene) n fiin (ousa),
ci i ca o excludere incluziv (o exceptio) a lui zoe n polis, ca i cum politica ar fi locul n care viaa trebuie s se transforme n via bun, iar ceea ce
trebuie s fie politizat ar fi, dintotdeauna, viaa nud. Viaa nud are, n politica occidental, acest unic privilegiu, de a fi acel ceva pe a crui excludere
se fundamenteaz cetatea oamenilor.
Nu este deloc ntmpltor atunci c un pasaj din Politica situeaz locul propriu al polis-ului n trecerea de la voce la limbaj. Legtura dintre viaa nud
i politic este cea pe care chiar definiia metafizic a omului ca animal nzestrat cu limbaj o caut n articularea dintre phone i logos:

verso
Numai omul dintre animale posed limbajul. Vocea, de fapt, este semn al
durerii i al plcerii i, de aceea, ea aparine i altor vieuitoare (natura lor,
n fapt, a ajuns pn la senzaia durerii i a plcerii i la semnificarea lor reciproc), dar limbajul exist pentru a exprima convenabilul i neconvenabilul sau
dreptul i nedreptul; acesta e propriu oamenilor fa de alte animale,
anume faptul de a avea o senzaie a binelui i rului, a dreptului i nedreptului i a altor lucruri de acelai gen, iar comunitatea acestor sentimente face
locuina i cetatea (1253a, 1018).7
ntrebarea: n ce mod are fiina limbaj corespunde exact acesteia: n ce
mod viaa nud locuiete polis-ul. Fiina vie are logos-ul suprimnd i conservnd n sine propria voce, dup cum ea locuiete polis-ul lsnd s excepteze n ea propria via nud. Politica se prezint atunci ca structura n
sens propriu fundamental a metafizicii occidentale, n msura n care ea
ocup pragul pe care se realizeaz articularea dintre animal i logos. Politizarea vieii nude este sarcina metafizic prin excelen, n care se decide
umanitatea vieuitorului om, i, asumnd aceast sarcin, modernitatea nu
face dect s-i declare fidelitatea fa de structura esenial a tradiiei
metafizice. Binomul categorial fundamental al politicii occidentale nu este
acela de prieten-duman, ci via nud-existen politic, zoe-bios, excludere-includere. Exist politic pentru c omul este fiina vie care, n limbaj,
separ i i opune siei propria-i via nud, meninndu-se, n acelai timp,
n raport cu ea ntr-o excludere incluziv.
Protagonista acestei cri este viaa nud, adic viaa care poate fi ucis i care
este nesacrificabil a lui homo sacer, a crui funcie esenial n politica modern am inut s-o evideniem. O obscur figur a dreptului roman arhaic,
n care viaa uman este inclus n ordinea juridic numai sub forma excluderii sale (adic a absolutei sale posibiliti de a fi ucis), a oferit, astfel, cheia
graie creia nu doar textele sacre ale suveranitii, ci, mai general, codurile
nsei ale puterii politice pot s-i dezvluie tainele. Dar, totodat, aceast,
probabil, cea mai veche accepie a termenului sacer ne prezint enigma unei
figuri a sacrului de dincoace sau de dincolo de religios, care constituie prima
paradigm a spaiului politic al Occidentului. Teza foucaldian va trebui, n acest
caz, s fie corectat sau, cel puin, completat, n sensul c ceea ce caracterizeaz politica modern nu e doar includerea lui zoe n polis, n sine foarte
veche, nici pur i simplu faptul c viaa ca atare devine un obiect eminent al
calculelor i al previziunilor puterii statale; decisiv este mai degrab faptul c,
o dat cu procesul prin care excepia devine pretutindeni regula, spaiul vieii
nude, situat iniial n marginea puterii, ncepe progresiv s coincid cu spaiul
politic, iar excluderea i includerea, externul i internul, bios i zoe, dreptul
i faptul intr ntr-o zon de ireductibil indistincie. Starea de excepie, n care
viaa nud era, simultan, exclus i capturat de ordinea juridico-politic, a
constituit, n realitate, n separarea ei, fundamentul ascuns pe care se baza
ntregul sistem politic; atunci cnd graniele ei se terg i devin nedeterminate,
viaa nud care locuia ntre ele iese n cetate i devine n acelai timp subiectul i obiectul ordinii politice i al conflictelor sale, locul unic att al organizrii
puterii statale, ct i al emanciprii de aceasta. Totul se petrece ca i cum, o
dat cu procesul disciplinar prin care puterea statal face din om, n calitate
de fiin vie, propriul obiect specific, s-ar fi pus n micare un alt proces, care
coincide grosso modo cu naterea democraiei moderne, n care omul ca fiin
vie nu se mai prezint ca obiect, ci ca subiect al puterii politice. Aceste procese, n multe privine opuse i (cel puin n aparen) aflate n conflict acerb
ntre ele, converg ns prin faptul c n ambele este n chestiune viaa nud

a ceteanului, noul corp biopolitic al umanitii.

Dac ceva deosebete, aadar, democraia modern de cea clasic, acesta este faptul c ea se prezint de la bun nceput ca o revendicare i o eliberare
a lui zoe, c ea ncearc n mod constant s transforme aceeai via nud n form de via i s gseasc, ca s spunem aa, bios-ul din zoe. De unde
i aporia sa specific, care const n a pune n joc libertatea i fericirea oamenilor n chiar locul viaa nud care marca aservirea lor. n spatele ndelungatului proces antagonist care duce la recunoaterea drepturilor i libertilor
formale, se gsete, nc o dat, corpul omului sacru cu dublul su suveran, viaa sa insacrificabil, dar care totui poate fi ucis. A lua cunotin de
aceast aporie nu nseamn a subevalua cuceririle i eforturile democraiei,
ci a ncerca s nelegem o dat pentru totdeauna de ce, n chiar momentul n care aceasta prea a-i fi nvins definitiv adversarii i a fi ajuns la
apogeul su, ea s-a dovedit neateptat de incapabil s salveze de la o ruinare
fr precedent acea zoe pentru a crei eliberare i fericire i dedicase toate
eforturile sale. Decadena democraiei moderne i progresiva sa asemnare
cu statele totalitare n societile postdemocratice spectaculare (care ncep
s fie evidente deja cu Tocqueville i care i-au gsit n analizele lui Debord
sanciunea lor final) i au, probabil, rdcinile n aceast aporie care i
marcheaz nceputul i o leag, n secret complicitate, de cel mai nverunat duman al ei. Politica noastr nu cunoate azi alt valoare (i, implicit,
alt valoare negativ) dect viaa i, pn cnd contradiciile pe care acest fapt
le implic nu vor fi dizolvate, nazismul i fascismul, care fcuser din decizia
asupra vieii nude criteriul politic suprem, vor rmne, din nefericire,
actuale. Conform mrturiei lui Antelme, ntr-adevr, ceea ce lagrele i
nvaser pe cei care le-au locuit era tocmai faptul c punerea n discuie
a calitii de om provoac o revendicare aproape biologic a apartenenei
la specia uman.8
Teza unei intime solidariti ntre democraie i totalitarism (pe care trebuie
s o avansm aici, ns cu cea mai mare pruden) nu este, desigur (aa cum,
de altfel, nu era nici cea a lui Strauss asupra secretei convergene dintre liberalism i comunism n ceea ce privete scopul final), o tez istoriografic,
una care ar autoriza lichidarea i aplatizarea enormelor diferene ce caracterizeaz istoria i antagonismul lor. Cu toate acestea, pe planul istoricofilosofic care i este propriu, ea va fi meninut cu fermitate, deoarece numai
ea ne va permite s ne orientm n faa noilor realiti i a neateptatelor
convergene ale acestui sfrit de mileniu, elibernd locul pentru acea nou
politic ce rmne n mare parte de inventat.
Opunnd, n pasajul citat, ziua frumoas (euemeria) a simplei viei dificultilor bios-ului politic, Aristotel ne-a oferit, poate, cea mai reuit formulare a aporiei care st la fundamentul politicii occidentale. Cele douzeci
i patru de secole care s-au scurs de atunci nu au adus dect soluii provizorii i ineficiente. n executarea sarcinii metafizice care a condus-o la a asuma
tot mai mult forma unei biopolitici, politica nu a reuit s construiasc articularea ntre zoe i bios, ntre voce i limbaj, fapt care ar fi trebuit s restrng
fractura. Viaa nud rmne prins n ea sub forma excepiei, adic a ceva
ce este inclus numai prin intermediul unei excluderi. Cum e posibil politizarea dulceii naturale a lui zoe i, mai ales, are ea ntr-adevr nevoie
s fie politizat sau politicul este deja coninut n ea drept nucleul su cel
mai preios Biopolitica totalitarismului modern, pe de o parte, societatea
de consum i de hedonism de mas, pe de alt parte, constituie n mod

175

cert, fiecare n felul su, un rspuns la aceste ntrebri. Totui, atta vreme
ct o politic n ntregime nou deci care s nu mai fie fondat pe excepia
vieii nude nu va aprea, orice teorie i orice practic vor rmne prizoniere
ale unei absene de cale, iar ziua frumoas a vieii nu va obine cetenie
politic dect prin snge i prin moarte sau n perfecta absurditate la care o
condamn societatea spectacolului.
Definiia schmittian a suveranitii (suveran este cel care decide asupra strii
de excepie) a devenit un loc comun, nainte chiar de a se fi neles ce anume
era cu adevrat n chestiune n ea, adic nimic altceva dect conceptul-limit al doctrinei statului i a dreptului, n care acesta (ntruct orice conceptlimit este ntotdeauna limit ntre dou concepte) se nvecineaz cu sfera
vieii i se confund cu aceasta. Ct vreme orizontul statalitii constituia cercul cel mai vast al oricrei viei comunitare, iar doctrinele politice, religioase,
juridice i economice care l susineau erau nc puternice, aceast sfer
cea mai extrem nu putea s ias cu adevrat la lumin. Problema suveranitii se reducea atunci la a-l identifica pe cel care, n interiorul ordinii
juridice, ar fi nvestit cu anumite puteri, fr ca pragul nsui al ordinii s fie
pus vreodat n chestiune. Astzi, n momentul n care marile structuri statale
au intrat ntr-un proces de disoluie, iar excepia, aa cum Benjamin prevzuse, a devenit regula, a venit vremea pentru a pune de la nceput ntro perspectiv nou problema limitelor i a structurii originare a statalitii.
Cci insuficiena criticii anarhiste i marxiste a statului a constat tocmai n aceea
c nici mcar nu a ntrevzut aceast structur i c a lsat prea repede deoparte acest arcanum imperii, ca i cum el n-ar avea alt consisten dincolo
de simulacre i de ideologiile care au fost lansate pentru a-l justifica. Dar cu
un duman a crui structur rmne necunoscut sfrim, mai devreme sau
mai trziu, prin a ne identifica, iar teoria statului (i mai ales a strii de
excepie, adic a dictaturii proletariatului ca faz de tranziie ctre o societate fr stat) este chiar stnca de care s-au lovit revoluiile din secolul nostru n naufragiul lor.
Aceast carte, care fusese conceput iniial ca un rspuns la sngeroasa mistificare a noii ordini planetare, a trebuit, aadar, s se confrunte cu anumite
probleme ncepnd cu cea a sacralitii vieii care nu fuseser prevzute
la nceput. Dar, n cursul investigaiei, a devenit limpede c, ntr-o astfel de
ambian, nu era posibil acceptarea ca dat de dinainte a nici unei noiuni
pe care tiinele umane (de la jurispruden la antropologie) credeau c le
definesc sau le-au presupus ca evidente i c, mai mult, multe din ele cereau
n urgena unei catastrofe o revizuire necondiionat.
Traducere de Alexandru Cistelecan

176

Note:
1. n traducerea lui Alexander Baumgarten (Bucureti, IRI, 2001, p. 159), sun astfel: Acesta [viaa
bun] este mai ales scopul lor, att n comun, ct i n particular. Dar ei se adun la un loc chiar
i n vederea vieii propriu-zise (cci i n acest fapt exist totdeauna o parte nobil) i alctuiesc comunitatea politic chiar i numai n vederea vieii, dac ea nu este mpovrat de prea multe greuti.
Este evident faptul c cei mai muli dintre oameni snt ataai vieii, dei sufer numeroase neajunsuri, ca i cum viaa ar avea n ea o bucurie i o savoare natural. Din motive ce in de consecvena
analizei lui Agamben, am preferat traducerea lui din Aristotel. (N. tr.)
2. Michel Foucault, La volont de savoir, Paris, 1976, p. 127.
3. Michel Foucault, Dits et crits, Paris, 1994, vol. III, p. 719.
4. F. Furet, LAllemagne nazie et le gnocide juif, Paris, 1985, p. 7.
5. Foucault, Dits et crits, vol. IV, pp. 229232.
6. Michel Foucault, La volont de savoir, p. 80.
7. n traducerea lui Alexander Baumgarten (ed. cit., p. 370): Dintre toate vietile, numai omul are
limbaj. Glasul este numai semnul plcerii i al durerii i aparine i altor vieuitoare, cci natura lor
a ajuns numai pn la sesizarea plcerii i a durerii i la semnificarea lor reciproc, pe cnd limbajul
servete exprimrii utilului i duntorului, precum i a dreptii i a nedreptii. Aceast nsuire
este proprie omului, spre deosebire de alte animale, aa c numai el sesizeaz dreptul i nedreptul, pe lng alte senzaii. Comunitatea acestor fiine creeaz familia i cetatea. (N. tr.)
8. R. Antelme, Lespce humaine, Paris, 1947, p. 11.

verso

Not despre termenul de biopolitic*

Jean-Luc Nancy

De civa ani ncoace, s-a folosit mult termenul de biopolitic. Acest

cuvnt fusese creat de ctre Foucault. El a fost reluat de mai muli teoreticieni, cu accepiuni variabile. Varietatea acestor accepiuni i o anumit indeterminare general n jurul termenului cer o punere la punct.
n mod special, utilizarea unor termeni analogi n form, precum bioetic, favorizeaz confuzia, cci bioetica se intereseaz de deciziile morale
care trebuie luate n faa noilor posibiliti de tehnic biologic (sau de
biotehnologie) i nu pretinde s desemneze o etic reglat global dup
bios.1
Biopolitica, dimpotriv, vrea s indice ordinea unei politici global determinate de ctre via, hrzit lurii sale n grij i controlrii sale. Ceea ce
vrea s fie spus, n principiu, nu este: o politic n privina vieii sau a viului, ci: viaa determinnd politica sau sfera politicii coextensiv cu sfera
vieii.2
Pentru Foucault, de o manier mult mai restrns, cuvntul desemna faptul
c, ncepnd cu secolul al XVIII-lea, controlul condiiilor vieii umane3 a
devenit o afacere politic expres (sntate, alimentaie, demografie,
expunere la pericolele naturale i tehnice etc.). Pn atunci, puterea se
interesa puin de aa ceva i avea alte obiecte directe ale exerciiului su: nainte
de toate, teritoriul. La aceast tez istoric, de un interes nendoielnic, n-am
nimic de adugat, dect c ea ar necesita totui, cred, o examinare mai precis a ceea ce au fost naintea timpurilor moderne preocuprile biopolitice
(exista o politic a grului la Roma i o politic a naterilor la Atena, de pild).
Foucault apreciaz c politicile totalitare cea nazist mai nti, dar i cea socialist au fost biopolitici, deoarece s-au consacrat, mai mult dect dominaiei
asupra adversarilor, stpnirii unei populaii, unei rase ori unui popor definit
dup norme de sntate, de vitalitate productoare etc. (Foucault aaz toate
acestea sub o categorie foarte larg de rasism.) Nu intru aici n examinarea
precis a acestor teze. Cred totui c e necesar s ntrebm dac viaa
constituie cu adevrat obiectul (real sau pretins, asta e o alt chestiune) a
acestor puteri sau dac nu e vorba mai degrab de o figur destinal
(ras, umanitate muncitoare) care ajunge s se substituie figurilor clasice ale suveranitii. Reducerea acestor figuri la via nu este suficient
pentru a fonda puterea lor politic i afectiv.
Conform extensiunii recent acordate conceptului sau conform cu ceea ce
e n realitate mai degrab o schimbare de concept sub acelai cuvnt, se pare
c trebuie s nelegem urmtorul lucru: politica (pe care continum s o
imputm esenialmente statului) are tot mai mult ca obiect gestiunea controlat a vieii naturale.
Cu toate acestea, e manifest faptul c aa-zisa via natural, de la proJEAN-LUC NANCY a fost profesor la Collge International de Philosophie i la Universitatea Marc
Bloch din Strasbourg. Autor a zeci de lucrri ce evideniaz fora i generozitatea gndirii sale,
precum i un stil filosofic rafinat, Jean-Luc Nancy se nscrie n linia critic deschis de Heidegger i
Benjamin, de Bataille, Blanchot i Derrida, fr ca prin aceast alturare originalitatea lui s poat fi
pus n vreun fel n cauz. n limba romn au fost traduse urmtoarele titluri: Uitarea filosofiei (Cluj,
Casa Crii de tiin, 2000), Comprem. Politic la viitor (cu Jean-Christophe Bailly, Idea Design &
Print, 2002), Experiena libertii (Idea Design & Print, 2002), Comunitatea fr oper (Idea Design
& Print, n curs de apariie, 2005).

ducerea ei pn la conservarea ei, nevoile i

reprezentrile ei, c e vorba de via uman, animal, vegetal sau viral, este de acum inseparabil
de un ansamblu de condiii zise tehnice i care constituie ceea ce trebuie s numim mai degrab
ecotehnie4, n care se dezvolt pentru noi (i prin noi)
orice specie de natur. Aceast via este tocmai
viaa care nu mai este pur i simplu viaa, dac vrem s nelegem prin asta
autontreinere i autoafectare. Ceea ce se expune mai degrab cu ecotehnia
este caracterul infinit problematic al oricrei determinri de auto n general. O biopolitic este posibil doar n acest context, ntruct ea se
definete printr-o gestiune tehnic a vieii. Asta presupune c existena astfel luat n grij nu mai este, n mod tendenial, o existen punnd n joc
altceva dect reproducerea sa i ntreinerea sa prin intermediul unor
finaliti ce rmn secretele puterii, mai puin n cazul n care ele nu snt pur
i simplu finalitile oarbe sau fr sfrit ale totalitii ecotehnice n micare.
Astfel, bios sau viaa ca form de via, ca punere n joc a unui sens sau
a unei fiine se topete n zoe, simpla via vie, dar aceasta din urm,
n realitate, a devenit deja techn.
Politica nu este atunci n mod implicit altceva dect autogestiunea ecotehniei,
singura form de auto-nomie posibil care, tocmai, nu mai are la dispoziia
sa nici una din formele posibile pn acum ale unei politici: nici suveranitatea autofondatoare5, pentru c nu mai este de fondat, nici discuia
asupra justiiei unei ceti aristotelice, deoarece nu exist cetate, nici chiar
contestare sau diferend, deoarece viul i puterea merg n acelai sens
conform unui consens asimptotic i lipsit de finalitate sau, altfel spus, de adevr.
Nici via (ca form de via), nici politic (neleas ca form de coexisten),
iat ceea ce desemneaz n mod involuntar cuvntul biopolitic. i putem
admite c, ntr-adevr, nu mai sntem n situaia de a relua unul i cellalt
dintre aceti termeni sub nici una din accepiunile sale consacrate. Unul i
cellalt snt supui mai degrab la ceea ce i antreneaz mpreun n
ecotehnie.
Dar atunci pericolul cuvntului se dezvluie n aceea c el pare s ngduie
dou forme de interpretare care menin fiecare pe ascuns o accepie
neatins a termenilor. Putem ncerca s considerm c aceast via, redus
la absena oricrei alte forme dect gestiunea ei interesat de ctre o putere economic i social care, ea nsi, nu caut dect s se ntrein, s-ar
afla, ca printr-o dialectic, restituit unei absene de eluri prin care ea s-ar
regsi pe sine ca ntr-o stare nscnd, expus absenei de sens a contingenei
sale nude pe care ea ar fi astfel n stare s-o recupereze ca pe propria sa invenie: natere indefinit, alunecnd prin chiar rtcirea sa i prin lipsa ei de
justificare n marginea dominaiei care o manipuleaz. Forma de via ar fi
jocul furtiv al unei maniere elegante de a se sustrage din concasor. Ne putem
gndi, n mod invers, c priza constrngtoare astfel dezvluit a unei producii tehnice a vieii o pune pe aceasta din urm n situaia de a se produce pe ea nsi n totalitate i de a-i reapropria exterioritatea dominaiei
ntr-o autoproducere sau autocreaie comun a crei vitalitate resoarbe i
mplinete n sine orice politic.
ntr-o manier sau alta, printr-un accent pus doar pe via sau pe politica
reapropriat n comun, ceea ce este jucat din nou e dubla postulare dialectic prin care, pe de o parte, se reveleaz o figur extrem (odinioar pro-

177

parte, puterea reapropriat de ctre comunitatea vie efectueaz negarea

separaiei politice. Aceast figurare i aceast negare bntuie contiina occidental din momentul n care invenia democratic a pus capt politicii ntemeiate pe figuri de identificare. Dar nu e de ajuns fr ndoial s cutm
o figur nou (fie ea nefigurat, anonim i lipsit de identitate) i nici s dialectizm negarea polului identificatoriu. Aceste dou motive, opuse sau mpreun, pot s furnizeze energie, eventual, unor lupte necesare i exist
attea Dar ele nu pot s asume problema deschis de ctre democraie
ca problem pus de ecotehnia care cere, ntr-adevr, sau care produce
absena de figur separabil i absena de el identificabil: cci pn n momentul de fa, ntre aceste figuri i eluri, ntre fenomenalizarea unei teleologii i teleologia unei fenomenalizri se juca orice partid de via i/sau
de politic, de sens de via sau de form de politic.
Nu este vorba, aici, de a merge dincolo de aceast punere la punct. Ea trebuie mcar s serveasc la a arta c ceea ce face lume astzi este tocmai
conjuncia dintre un proces de mobilizare ecotehnic nelimitat i o
dispariie a posibilitilor de forme de via i/sau de fundament comun.
Lumea n aceste condiii, sau mondializarea, nu este dect enunarea precis i sever a acestei probleme.
Traducere de Ciprian Mihali

Note:
* Text preluat, cu amabila autorizare a editorului, din volumul La cration du monde ou de la mondialisation, Paris, Galile, 2002. (N. red.)
1. Sensul cuvntului biopolitic poate, de altfel, s rmn astzi la o accepie de acest ordin: reflecie
etico-socio-politic asupra problemelor puse de tehnotiina biologic, avnd uneori un accent de
partea puterii politice interesate n posibilitile biotehnologice Astfel, pentru a ne limita la exemple recente, n cartea colectiv Biopolitik, coordonat de Christian Geyer (Frankfurt am Main,
Suhrkamp, 2001), ca i n nr. 1 din revista Multitudes, Biopolitique et biopouvoir (Exils, 2000),
n care se deschideau totui discuii despre conceptul nsui.
2. Fr ndoial, ntlnim de asemenea ntrebuinri mai restrnse ale cuvntului. Dar am n vedere aici
ntrebuinrile care se doresc propriu-zis filosofice i angajeaz o dat cu acest termen propuneri
ce reevalueaz fundamental fiecare dintre termenii care l compun. Nu caut s aez aceste
ntrebuinri sub nume sau sub opere: caracterizez tendine.
3. Despre ea era vorba pentru Foucault. Observm fr dificultate c viaa animal i cea vegetal urmau
n acelai timp un destin paralel (selecie, ngrijiri etc.). Totui, acest destin ncepuse de mult vreme:
de la nceputurile culturii i ale creterii animale. Desigur, exist de acum o mutaie n acest continuum tehnic: chestiunea este tocmai de a nva s o gndim.
4. Pentru un contur mai precis al noiunii de ecotehnie, n sensul determinat sub care gndete autorul
acest termen, cf. J.-L. Nancy, Rzboi, drept, suveranitate techn, in Idea art + societate, nr.
1516, 2003, pp. 204217. (N. red.)
5. Cu condiia s nu confundm, aa cum se ntmpl att de des, suveranitatea i dominaia.

Biopolitica i schimbarea conceptului

de politic*
gnes Heller

I.
n studiul nostru1, supus acum discuiei, Ferenc Fehr i cu mine am folosit
termenul de biopolitic pentru politizarea corpului. De asemenea, am
procedat la descrierea temelor centrale, a problemelor principale, precum
i a celor mai importante forme i manifestri ale biopoliticii. Cu titlu introductiv i fr a m gndi anticipat la vreo obiecie , a dori s formulez,
pe scurt, o singur ntrebare: este oare biopolitica politic propriu-zis, aa
cum am ajuns s o cunoatem nc din epoca grecilor i a romanilor, aa
cum am practicat politica n Europa i n alte cteva pri ale globului, de-a
lungul ultimelor dou sau trei secole n mod tradiional, cu politica e asociat politeia, i nu rasa, homo politicus, i nu genul, cetatea, i nu lobby-ul,
statul, i nu societatea ca imperiu al animalului spiritual, ca s folosesc un
termen al lui Hegel. Se refer oare termenul de politic din cuvntul
biopolitic la ceva esenial sau e o simpl lozinc
ncepnd cu vremea istoricilor atenieni i a autorilor tragici i, pe de alt parte,
n lumea modern de la Renatere ncoace, n gndirea politic s-a considerat de la sine neles c politica ncepe acolo unde nceteaz supremaia
legturilor i a determinrilor biologice, acolo unde a fi membru al unui corp
politic comun capt prioritate n faa solidaritii unui corp biologic. Astfel
a neles mitologia naterea politicii; acesta e motivul pentru care Atena, n
calitatea ei de membru preeminent al nou-fondatului corp politic, Areopagos,
i-a acordat votul n favoarea achitrii lui Oreste, fiul matricid i rzbuntor.
Acesta e motivul pentru care mama i soia lui Coriolan l-au implorat s nu
trdeze lucrul (cauza) comun() (res publica) de dragul onoarei familiei
sale. Acesta este modul n care a neles teoria politic modern apariia politicii
moderne. Indiferent dac luau n considerare cazul monarhiei sau pe cel
al republicii, teoriile contractualiste susineau ideea c politica propriu-zis
necesit un fel de denaturalizare. Rousseau vorbea despre o dubl denaturalizare. Dominaia asupra corpului era exilat n lumea prepolitic. Din
acest punct de vedere, era totuna dac starea prepolitic a absenei statului era gndit ca un paradis sau ca o jungl, fiindc rmnea prepolitic n
ambele cazuri.
Dup prerea mea, datorm lui Hegel cea mai complex discuie a raportului dintre determinrile biologice i politic. n Fenomenologia sa, el a abordat pentru prima dat acest raport n capitolul despre contiina de sine. Din
lupta pentru via i moarte decurge la Hegel relaia stpn-sclav. Cu toate
c gestul recunoaterii reciproce i rsturnarea prin munc a relaiei stpnsclav merg mult dincolo de determinrile biologice, aceast relaie nu e nc
politic. n lumea modern, n societatea civil, care se autoreproduce n

GNES HELLER, elev a lui Gyrgy Lukcs, a devenit dup 1956 disident i a prsit mai apoi
Ungaria mpreun cu Ferenc Fehr. Este profesor Hannah Arendt de filosofie i de tiine politice
la New School for Social Research din New York i profesor la Universitatea Etvs Lornd din
Budapesta. Dintre lucrrile ei putem aminti: The Theory of Needs in Marx (1976), Renaissance Man
(1978), A Theory of History (1982), Lukcs Revalued (ed., 1983), Everyday Life (1984), The Power of
Shame (1986), Beyond Justice (1987), General Ethics (1988), An Ethics of Personality (1996),
A Theory of Modernity (1999).

178

verso
micarea n spiral a produciei i a satisfacerii nevoilor, oamenii concureaz
ntre ei i se lupt unii cu alii pentru a obine o mai mare bogie i putere. Acesta este imperiul animalului spiritual. Exist aici un element biologic, de aceea imperiul e un imperiu al animalului. ns elementul biologic
este mediat; de aceea el este i spiritual. Voinei i este inerent calculul, cu
toate c voina rmne voin natural i, ca atare, prepolitic. Totui, toate
formele voinei naturale snt canalizate ctre politic. Dei dorinele i actele de voin ale omului n societatea civil snt animalice, aceste dorine
i acte de voin snt sublimate prin apartenena la un grup i, ulterior, prin
reprezentarea n stat. Conform modelului lui Hegel, lupta n societatea civil
se desfoar ntre indivizi i, n special, ntre clase (stri); mizele acestor lupte
se regsesc n sferele economiei, prosperitii i reprezentrii. Dei, printre altele, satisfaciile codeterminate biologic snt de asemenea n joc, conflictul nu vizeaz determinrile biologice, nici mcar n cazul aristocraiei cu
snge albastru. Legturile biologice n special cele care se raporteaz la
sexe snt lsate n seama familiei. Ele nu snt doar nonpolitice, ci snt i protejate mpotriva intruziunii politicii de ctre zona-tampon a societii civile.
Nici comunitatea, nici societatea nu au n vedere activitatea politic i nici
nu o reclam. Politica propriu-zis e o activitate care privete lucrul
comun; ea apare la cel mai nalt nivel al medierii. Acesta e motivul pentru care statul e sursa principal, unificatoare a sferei de via numite Sittlichkeit, a vieii etice.
Modelul hegelian este normativ. Ca s folosim jargonul lui Hegel, acest model
a fost actual doar n calitate de model, practica politic urmndu-l doar de
departe. Oricum, discrepana dintre un model i o practic politic e
starea normal n viaa modern. i modelul lui Rawls e normativ i numai
o mn de liberali (bunoar Rorty) nc mai cred c el descrie i realitatea.
Dat fiind faptul c politica modern e doar marginal tradiional, viaa politic propriu-zis are nevoie de acest tip de modele sau ficiuni ca puncte de
orientare.
Primul lucru care ar putea veni n sprijinul bnuielilor noastre c biopolitica nu e politic n sensul tradiional al cuvntului e faptul c, n cadrul ei, nu
exist nici un fel de discrepan ntre realitate i discurs. Modelele biopoliticii
nu snt doar copiate, ci snt i exagerate i excesiv urmate. Se pare c nu
e nevoie ca biopolitica s fie demascat, pentru c ea i expune singur faa.
Lucrurile par s stea astfel pentru c biopolitica (exceptnd o singur tendin
n studiile despre mediul nconjurtor) nseamn i susine diferena. n mod
normal, discrepana dintre un model i realitatea politic i face apariia dac
modelul pretinde s fie universal n dou sensuri: nti, dac susine c
reprezint umanitatea, i n al doilea rnd, dac are pretenia c reprezint fiecare individ singular qua individ singular. Biopolitica nu are astfel de revendicri ideologice. Ea vorbete fr jen din punctul de vedere al unui
grup care poate fi identificat prin trsturi sau obiective pur biologice. De
exemplu, politicile rasiale nu se preocup de umanitate i nici de vreunul
dintre indivizii singulari care fac parte dintr-o ras. Armele pentru demascarea celuilalt snt create i folosite de micrile biopolitice mpotriva dumanilor lor. Modul lor de operare e urmtorul: adversarii afirm ceea ce
afirm doar pentru c snt brbai albi, de pild. Problema privind esena a
ceea ce a rostit X e atunci hotrt, fr a fi fost luat n considerare, formulat sau pus n discuie serios, drept pentru care e denunat ca fiind
un text al unui brbat alb. Ceremonia biopolitic a demascrii urmeaz
tiparul general al manierei totalitare de respingere a unui argument. Unui
evreu pentru un nazist sau unui duman de clas pentru un bole-

vic i-ar fi imposibil s rosteasc adevrul despre

ceva. Oricare ar fi afirmaiile lor, era suficient ca autorii
lor s fie denunai ca evrei sau ca dumani de clas
ori ca persoane aflate sub influena evreilor i a
elementelor de clas dumnoase, pentru a se
dovedi c ele snt ntotdeauna false. n sfrit,
grupurile identificate biologic resping reprezentarea
lor de ctre alii ca fiind nentemeiat, incorect par excellence. Acestea
recunosc doar autoreprezentarea, n timp ce repudiaz i nfiereaz ca frauduloas autoreprezentarea dumanilor lor (a celor de alt ras, de alt sex, a
celor nesntoi etc.). Ele accept doar reprezentarea ostil (propria lor
reprezentare) ca fiind corect.
S-ar putea spune, fr a exagera prea mult, c biopolitica este motenitoarea
legitim a radicalismului de secol nousprezece, a rsturnrii platonismului,
ca s folosim jargonul heideggerian. Adepii platonismului rsturnat caut s
stabileasc esena nonspiritual a tuturor manifestrilor umane; aceasta
poate fi economicul, biologicul, sexualul, instinctualul n genere i altele de
acest fel. Teoreticienii radicali motivai politic pretind persoanelor dintr-un
grup s acioneze n conformitate cu esena lor, de pild, n confomitate cu
rasa lor, cu poziia de clas sau cu sexul lor. i se presupune c exist doar
o singur manier adecvat de a aciona n acest fel. Cci dac cineva d gre
sau dezaprob aceast conduit, el (sau ea) devine un trdtor al presupusei sale determinri: al rasei, clasei sau sexului su. Principalii doi competitori pentru o utilizare politic efectiv a platonismului rsturnat snt poziia
de clas, pe de-o parte, i esena biologic, pe de alt parte. Combinarea
ctorva elemente luate de la fiecare e i ea posibil: Sorel, de exemplu, a
descoperit c toate forele motrice profunde, cum ar fi economia sau
sexul, trebuie mobilizate printr-un mit al grevei generale.
Teoriile radicale fundamentate pe clas i pe ras s-au nscut ntr-o strns
coresponden, ns, pentru mult vreme, a fost n vigoare doar teoria
claselor. Secolul al XIX-lea, ntre Waterloo i sfritul Primului Rzboi
Mondial, a fost epoca lui Karl Marx, John Stuart Mill i Max Weber. Nu ras,
sex sau sntate, ci economie i societate erau sloganurile atunci. Tendina
a nceput s se schimbe o dat cu apariia nazismului. i, dup prbuirea
comunismului european, au rmas mai departe pe scen controversele care
aveau la baz biologicul, n dauna celor de ras. n acest moment i din acest
motiv au preluat conducerea din punct de vedere ideologic micrile
biopolitice americane, dei, chiar nainte, n cazul comunismului din Lumea
a Treia, rasa jucase un rol cu mult mai important dect o n mare parte
fictiv teorie de clas.
Permitei-mi s m ntorc la chestiunea demascrii. Teoreticienii marxiti ai
claselor au demascat toate aa-numitele teorii idealiste, dar ei s-au i expus
pe ei nii la demascare. Dat fiind faptul c invocau umanitatea i eliberarea
umanitii i, mai departe, c erau universaliti, ei puteau fi atacai cu propriile lor arme ideatice. Partidele marxiste ar putea fi denunate ca aprtoare, sub o acoperire universalist, ale propriilor interese de partid nguste
i egoiste. Dup cum am spus, aparent, politica diferenei nu e expus
aceluiai atac. ns diferena e o postur relativ. Nu exist diferen care
s nu se afle n poziia unui universal fa de diferenele aflate n raza orizontului su. Omogenizarea unui grup (qua diferen) este suprancrcat
ideologic ntr-un sens foarte vechi, pentru c el i omogenizeaz propriile diferene. De exemplu, cei care vorbesc n numele rasei caucaziene stabilesc o identitate ntre oameni care nu au absolut nimic de-a face unii cu

179

le-ar privi ca importante. Cei sau cele care vorbesc n numele femeilor
se substituie pe sine tuturor femeilor, unei jumti a rasei umane, n vreme ce acele femei pot avea i, uneori, chiar au aspiraii diferite, percepii de sine distincte sau resping fi, poate, imaginea care le-a fost atribuit
de ctre feministele radicale. n schimbul unei presupuse contiine de clas,
ne lovim aici de o presupus contiin de ras sau de gen, ns fr
acceptarea candid a faptului n maniera lui Lukcs.
II.
Modelul hegelian normativ al modernitii a fost proiectat naintea apariiei
teoriilor moderne ale rasei. El mai putea nc s cread c, dei modernitatea va recunoate importana identitilor i a necesitilor biologice, ea
le va exila, ca instane ale unui imediat relativ, n sfera intim i n societatea
civil, astfel c aceste identiti i necesiti nu vor ptrunde niciodat n politic.
Nu pot s discut aici relevana sau irelevana modelului hegelian al
modernitii, lucru pe care l-am fcut ntr-o alt lucrare. Chiar dac am presupune c modelul nc mai poate fi relevant pentru noi, nici o teorie politic
actual nu poate rmne pur normativ; ea trebuie s fie i critic. i totui,
nici o teorie critic de la sfrit de secol XX nu poate neglija luarea serioas
n discuie a intruziunii bioidentitii n sfera politic, cel puin pentru a analiza raiunile apariiei sale, precum i impactul acestei dezvoltri. n mod interesant, a existat doar un singur teoretician politic modern care a privit n fa
aceast chestiune cu toat seriozitatea i n multe dintre gravele sale
implicaii. Acest teoretician a fost Hannah Arendt.
Dup cum se tie, Hannah Arendt a dedicat prima i de departe cea mai
bun seciune a crii sale despre Originile totalitarismului discuiei despre
rasismul modern. Principalele surse ale totalitarismului snt, susinea Arendt,
rasismul, pe de-o parte, i apariia societii fr clase, a aa-numitei societi
de mas, pe de alt parte. Rasismul era ideologia simultan contient i spontan a colonizatorilor; ns el era i practica lor. Totui, doar n nazism gndirea rasei a monopolizat scena cvasipolitic. Arendt a acuzat marxismul i
pe Marx pentru diseminarea ideologiei societii fr clase; n timp ce glorificau munca brut i afiau desconsiderare fa de orice instituie politic
liber, intenionat sau nu, marxitii au pregtit terenul pentru totalitarismul
sovietic. ns Arendt nu i-a uurat deloc sarcina, supunnd, de asemenea,
aceleiai examinri critice minuioase i societile democratice de mas moderne, dei cu acelai invariabil bun-sim. Prin bun-sim vreau s spun c
ea putea ntotdeauna s disting de tiranie chiar i cel mai problematic tip
de democraie. Arendt era contient de faptul c i America este o societate fr clase, nu doar din punct de vedere ideologic, ci i n practic, astfel nct, aici, conflictele i organizarea de clas nu joac un rol decisiv n luptele
politice. Aa cum a explicat ea n numeroase scrisori ctre Karl Jaspers, tocmai acesta este motivul pentru care gndirea rasei i disensiunile legate de
ras au ocupat ntotdeauna locul de onoare n viaa Statelor Unite.
Am folosit termenul de via cu un scop anume. Dup prerea Hannei
Arendt, conflictele n chestiunile de ras sau legate de orice lucru de natur
biologic (inclusiv divergene de sex sau gen) snt, prin definiie, nonpolitice. Cred c aversiunea ei fa de etichetarea sa ca femeie celebr
i avea originea n convingerea ei c dac se identifica nti ca femeie, urma
s se identifice apoi dup criteriile celei mai joase pturi sociale ale unei vita
activa adic n funcie de sfera muncii, pur via reproductiv. Conform
convingerilor sale, un concept de tipul biopoliticii ar fi fost autocontradictoriu. Fie bio, fie politic nu le putem avea pe amndou.

180

Dac sntem contieni de programul biopoliticii i recitim n acest fel Condiia uman, vom vedea relevana aproape tuturor lucrurilor pe care le-a
afirmat Arendt despre problema aflat n discuie. Ampla sa analiz a statului-polis grecesc (cu digresiuni ocazionale despre Republica Roman) se sprijin pe aprobarea entuziast a diviziunii stricte ntre oikos, pe de-o parte, i
politeia, pe de alt parte. Naterea politicii propriu-zise presupune, aa cum
argumenta Arendt, separarea total a spaiului economic teritoriul propriu-zis al manifestrii dorinelor i nevoilor codeterminate biologic, inclusiv al satisfacerii nevoilor de spaiul deschis ctre apariia practicilor politice
i etice. Politica nseamn a lua iniiativa, a aduce pe lume, n sfera vizibilitii,
ceva cu totul i cu totul nou. Un actor politic i asum responsabilitatea pentru aciunile sale. El dorete s se remarce, s realizeze ceva unic. Nu exist
politic fr distincie personal i fr dorina de a se distinge. Cu toate acestea, n sfera oikos-ului nu exist distincie personal. Nimeni, ca persoan
singular, nu poate aduce ceva nou n lume pe cont propriu; se pot doar
regrupa, recicla lucruri care se afl deja aici. Aici lucrurile nu apar, ci rmn
n umbr. Dac aruncm doar o privire fugar asupra tuturor acestor
chestiuni pe care le-am descris aici cu titlul de biopolitic, vom vedea c
nici una dintre ele nu reclam sau nu are n vedere, n termenii Hannei Arendt,
aciuni politice propriu-zise. De exemplu, gndirea n termeni de ras sau
sex presupune ca fiecare s se defineasc n calitate de exemplar singular
al unei specii; ca fiecare s vorbeasc n numele speciei sale, nu n numele
su propriu; ca nimeni s nu se remarce ca individ. Mai mult, gndirea n termeni de ras ca i cea n termeni de gen, sau de sex, sau de sntate
exclude, mai degrab dect promoveaz, dezbaterea politic sau dialogul.
Conceptul Hannei Arendt de discurs polemic [agonistic speech] desemneaz
tipul de dezbatere sau de competiie verbal unde opiniile proprii i individuale se confrunt cu opinii diferite, unde rmn deschise alternativele i
nu se caut consensul. Dimpotriv, discursul privitor la ras sau la sex este
foucaldian prin excelen tipul de discurs al puterii prin care se creeaz
adevrul. Discursul biopolitic este foucaldian prin definiie deoarece programul su este unul foucaldian. n primul rnd, discursurile rasei i cele ale sexului nu snt niciodat publice, chiar dac snt dirijate ntr-un spaiu aparent
public, n pres, de pild. Cci un discurs este public cu condiia ca oricine
s poat participa la el i, de asemenea, cu condiia s se acorde atenie fiecrei
contribuii n parte, n funcie de greutatea ideilor sau de argumente.
Modelul arendtian i cel habermasian al discursului public au cel puin
aceasta (acest ideal) n comun. Dac modelul e respins, e respins i discursul public. Discursul n termeni de ras i sex poate recunoate, de form,
acest model (cu toate c arareori chiar o face), ns el trebuie s-l resping
n practic. n discursul biopolitic, grupurile care se autodefinesc n mod
autonom definesc n acelai timp i poziiile tuturor celorlali participani. Un
discurs care l demasc pe cellalt, care trateaz alteritatea cu suspiciune
nu e niciodat cu adevrat public. Fiecare ras i, de asemenea, ambele sexe
dein aici propriul adevr; i, cu ct lobby-urile lor snt mai puternice, cu att
mai energic i instituie adevrurile ca dominante, incontestabile i absolute.
Nici o opinie diferit nu e acceptat ca relevant, nici unei mpotriviri nu trebuie s i se dea ascultare.
Toate trsturile lor indic faptul c gndirea n termeni de ras, sex (sau gen),
sntate (uneori chiar i de mediu natural) simuleaz procedura i preteniile
gndirii tiinifice a secolului al XIX-lea, altfel spus gndirea tiinific anterioar
lui Kuhn. Arendt remarc pe bun dreptate c gndirea tiinific nu are nimic
de-a face cu gndirea politic propriu-zis. Dac un act e fundamentat pe

verso
tiin, pe certitudine, pe adevr, atunci el este realizat sub constrngere. Nici
o iniiativ nu poate fi luat, nu se deschide nici o oportunitate pentru distincia
personal, pentru c nu exist alternative. Permitei-mi s repet: gndirea
biopolitic e gndire tiinific simulat. Faptul c ea simuleaz o gndire tiinific
o descalific n ce privete luarea sa serioas n considerare ca n termeni
arendtieni gndire politic. Totui, ea pur i simplu simuleaz gndirea tiinific. Mai mult, ea pretinde s fie tiinific; cu toate acestea, ea se mndrete,
uneori, cu originile i puterile sale mitice. Interesant, chiar i n acest ultim
caz, ea continu s simuleze tiina. Falsele statistici care consider fumatul pasiv cel mai mare risc posibil pentru sntate snt un bun exemplu de
acest gen.
Simularea tiinei constituie un mecanism defensiv mpotriva expunerii la
demascare. Totui, aceasta nu e cu siguran unica raiune pentru care se
apeleaz frecvent la legitimarea cvasitiinific. Pn la urm, teoriile despre
ras i gen snt produse ale societii de mas moderne, care ntreine credina
puternic n tiin i n legitimarea tiinific. Pretenia de obiectivitate i cea
de subiectivitate de grup merg mn-n mn; ele se completeaz reciproc.
Dac aruncm o privire asupra proliferrii studiilor de gen n colegiile i
universitile din Statele Unite, putem atribui acest ciudat fenomen influenei
numeroaselor i puternicelor grupuri de presiune care, aa cum fac de obicei, asigur fidelilor lor poziii noi i profitabile. Aceasta ar putea fi una dintre explicaii, dei, poate, nu chiar cea mai bun. Studiile de gen, ca, de altfel,
multe dintre aa-numitele studii care pretind c promoveaz diversitatea
cultural (cum ar fi departamentele de Chicano sau Chicana), servesc
obiectivului principal de a face ca lobby-ul s par tiinific. Dac exist departamente universitare de studii de gen, de istorie sau de literatur de gen,
atunci ntreaga micare biopolitic a genului s-a autolegitimat n mod tiinific. n definitiv, dac cineva poate scrie o disertaie despre ceva, acest ceva
trebuie s fie o chestiune tiinific; iar dac ceva este o chestiune tiinific,
ea trebuie s fie i o chestiune adevrat.
S ne ntoarcem la Hannah Arendt. Ea susine c societatea contemporan
de mas, aa-numita societate a locurilor de munc stabile [job-holding
society], este societatea muncii. n acest fel, ea este totodat i prohodul
a tot ceea ce e politic. Este evident, din ceea ce s-a spus, c biopolitica
aparine unei societi a locurilor de munc stabile. Puterea biopoliticii rezid
n locurile de munc. De exemplu, poziiile deinute n departamentele
de studii de gen legitimeaz tiinificitatea acestora i, reciproc, tiina legitimeaz locurile de munc, locurile de munc legitimeaz tiina i ambele
legitimeaz mpreun angajamentul fa de i ideologia genului sau a
identitii de ras.
E drept, nu orice fel de societate a locurilor de munc stabile poate fi descris n acest fel. Pn la urm, toate societile moderne tind s devin societi de acest tip. Relativa independen economic a indivizilor i a
familiilor bate n retragere n faa instituiilor, corporaiilor, organizaiilor. Descrierea de mai sus se potrivete n principal i nainte de toate societii
locurilor de munc stabile americane. Tabloul e tipic, dar nu pe deplin universal nu nc. Se intr n cerc tiina legitimeaz locurile de munc, locurile
de munc legitimeaz tiina, ambele legitimeaz lobby-urile cu anumite
condiii. Condiia principal e ca societatea s fie atotputernic, iar statul slab.
Statele Unite pot fi descrise n mod adecvat n astfel de termeni marxieni
aparent defunci; aici societatea conduce, iar statul e o suprastructur.
Puterea societii este mprit prin simple cantiti; ntrebarea e fie: Ci,
fie: Ct de mult. Ci (numrul de indivizi) este ntrebarea democraiei,

Ct de mult e ntrebarea economiei capitaliste.

Demnitarii alei trebuie s-i reprezinte pe alegtori
Ci-ul i Ct de muli-ul. Ei snt cu desvrire
dependeni de cantiti. Acesta e motivul pentru care
nu pot lua iniiativa n nici o privin. Acesta e motivul
pentru care nu pot urma sensul calitii; nu se pot
face remarcai. ntr-adevr, ar putea oare cineva s
se disting n politic, acolo unde nu poate fi luat nici o iniiativ, ci doar
urmat slugarnic opinia public Liderii de opinie n cazul nostru, creatorii
biopoliticii (ei mai pot fi numii conductori ai galeriei, pentru c sarcina lor
e de a smulge ovaiile pentru propriul lor gen sau propria lor ras i, concomitent, de a dispreui adversarul, pe Cellalt) i micrile lor uniforme
ncearc s obin controlul asupra politicienilor alei. Statul trebuie s devin un sclav al societii, dup cum, n descrierea lui Hume, raiunea trebuia
s fie o slujnic a pasiunii. Acolo unde statul i-a pstrat nc un grunte de
relativ independen i unde actorii politici nc i mai apr demnitatea,
biopolitica (sau bio-antipolitica, cum ar mai putea fi denumit) nu ar putea
nc s devin dominant. E cu totul imposibil de a-l trata pe preedintele
Mitterand n acelai fel n care e tratat permanent preedintele Clinton.
S ne ntoarcem la modul de gndire al Hannei Arendt. Ea se afl n
cutarea vinovatului. Ceva, un anume tip de gndire, o chestiune precis
trebuie s fi stricat i corupt politica modern. Ea pare chiar s-l fi gsit pe
acest vinovat: acesta este, dup prerea ei, naterea aa-numitei chestiuni sociale. Cred c, n acest caz, ea a identificat eronat sursa rului.
Arendt nu pierde din vedere intuiia sa fundamental. Politica i oikos-ul trebuie s rmn separate pe de-a-ntregul, insist ea; problemele economiei
nu ar trebui s ptrund n politic. n economie e vorba despre rezolvarea
problemelor, n politic nu. Chestiunea social i are rdcinile n economie,
e o chestiune de rezolvare a problemelor, nu una de gndire sau de discurs;
acolo unde ea devine subiectul i fora motivaional n politic, politica autentic a i fost deja ngropat. Dup cum se tie, pe baza acestui argument
i exprim Arendt preferina pentru Revoluia American n detrimentul
Revoluiei Franceze. La o celebr ntlnire cu prietenii i cu admiratorii Hannei Arendt, Mary McCarthy i-a spus: de mult vreme doream s v adresez
aceast ntrebare: dac am exclude chestiunea social din dezbaterea i
aciunea politic, ce ar mai rmne atunci pe agenda politic Singurul lucru
care ar mai putea rmne a continuat McCarthy ar fi problemele privind
rzboiul: pregtirea pentru rzboi, prevenirea sau purtarea unui rzboi. Dar
ce se ntmpl n condiii de pace; ce va mai fi atunci discutat sau pentru ce
se va mai lupta cu instrumente politice Rspunsul Hannei Arendt la aceast
chestiune n-a satisfcut audiena, chiar dac ea a fcut o remarc pe care o
consider important, dei insuficient. Replica ei a fost c ar mai putea fi dezbtute problemele legate de cultur. ns cultura poate deveni o tem chiar
una major a dezbaterii politice doar cu condiia ca oamenii s fie interesai
de ea; i, n plus, ca ei s mai fie interesai de un tip de cultur care pretinde
personalitate, gust individual i opinie personal. E o iluzie frumoas, dar totui
o iluzie, s susii ideea c disputele privind cultura ar putea deveni chestiunea
politic central n America de Nord (cu condiia s vorbim despre politic
n sensul Hannei Arendt). Nici mcar n Europa, unde ansele snt mult mai
favorabile, nu ar putea fi cazul.
Arendt i-ar putea justifica aversiunea fa de politizarea chestiunii sociale
fcnd apel la istoria Americii. E drept, chestiunea social n-a jucat aici nici-

181

odat un rol politic important. Dup opinia ei, acest fapt era mai mult un
avantaj. Eu a spune c, pn acum, situaia se prezint mai degrab pe dos.
Absena chestiunii sociale de pe agenda politic a contribuit, n zilele noastre, la nfiriparea i la puternica expunere a micrii biopolitice. Biopolitica
pare s nlocuiasc politizarea chestiunii sociale. Preedintele american nu
are puterea de a implementa nici mcar un foarte modest plan de asisten
medical lumea nu l dezbate, ziarele de-abia mai scriu cte ceva despre
el, n universiti nu apar agitaii studeneti datorit lui. Pur i simplu, nu e
o chestiune politic. Dar ntrebarea dac Clarence Thomas a optit cteva
fraze erotice la urechea Anitei Hill n urm cu cinci sau zece ani s-a dovedit a fi un eveniment politic major, care a mobilizat presa, televiziunea, universitile, practic pe fiecare n parte. Bunstarea a zeci de milioane de
persoane nu e o chestiune politic, ns un aa-numit scandal sexual este,
chiar dac nu are nimic de-a face cu politica.
S ne ntoarcem la ntrebarea lui Mary McCarthy. Exista o problem politic
autentic n perioada n care a fost ridicat: Rzboiul din Vietnam i
protestele privind acest rzboi un soi de rzboi civil. i, chiar mai trziu,
a rmas pe agend o tem politic veritabil: cum s se procedeze n legtur cu comunismul, cum s se procedeze fa de Uniunea Sovietic.
ns, dup sucombarea Uniunii Sovietice, America a rmas cu ntrebarea
lui Mary McCarthy: ce se va pstra pe agenda politic n vreme de pace,
dac problema social nu poate fi politizat Rspunsul Hannei Arendt era:
cultura. Avea ea oare dreptate sau nu S fie oare programul politic al sexului, rasei, sntii i mediului nconjurtor, pe scurt, biopolitica, un fel de
politic cultural Cu siguran, nu acel tip de politic cultural la care se gndea Arendt; cu siguran, nu acel gen de politic cultural pe care l-ar fi numit
politic. n orice caz, e un gen de politic cultural pe care societatea
american l experimenteaz ca politic. Pn la urm, politic sexual e,
la origine, un termen american, iar corectitudine politic sau incorectitudine se refer exclusiv la biopolitic. Totui, biopolitica nu impune
exercitarea actelor de libertate. Ea nu valorizeaz (sau nu valorizeaz prea
mult) libertatea, dect atunci cnd aceasta se refer la un drept care servete
unui obiectiv biopolitic. Prin aceasta, libertatea e nu un scop n sine, ci un
mijloc care slujete atingerii unui scop: cea mai mare putere a unui grup
sau a unui program constituit pe criterii biologice mpotriva celorlali: inamicii si. Nicieri nu e att de prezent ca n biopolitic dihotomia prieten/duman. E mai important ca lupta s fie dus mpotriva cuiva dect pentru cineva.
Mai mult, entitile biopolitice se constituie, la origine, prin modul n care se
constituie dumanii lor. Italienii catolici, evreii, germanii luterani devin albi
n msura n care i privesc pe negri ca inferiori celorlali, iar americanii,
sud-africanii, brazilienii, haitienii, locuitorii insulelor din Pacific etc. devin
negri n i prin denumirea lor de ctre perfizii albi. n termenii conceptului de politic al lui Carl Schmitt, biopolitica se ridic la standardele politicii
propriu-zise.
Am spus c biopolitica revendic drepturi, ns c nu preuiete libertatea
de dragul libertii. Libertile snt considerate, pur i simplu, ceva de la sine
neles. Fr ndoial, exist n Statele Unite instituii politice libere. Au existat vremuri, n special n timpul celui de-al Doilea Rzboi Mondial, cnd acest
stat era aproape unicul depozitar a ceea ce rmsese din libertatea modernilor. A vorbi despre America ca despre bastionul lumii libere nu era
atunci doar o figur de stil sau un subterfugiu propagandistic; era pur i simplu adevrul. Dar de atunci situaia s-a schimbat drastic. Dup cel de-al Doilea Rzboi Mondial, Europa Occidental a devenit democratic, n timp ce,

182

pe de alt parte, Europa Meridional, multe ri din America Latin i, n

sfrit, Europa Central au procedat ulterior la fel; exist, de asemenea, cteva ri democratice i n Asia. n consecin, America i-a pierdut privilegiul
de a fi ara liber par excellence, iar toate astea s-au ntmplat, ceea ce vorbete n favoarea Statelor Unite, nu fr contribuia lor. ns dac o ar puternic precum Statele Unite i-a pierdut privilegiul su nnscut, ea va avea
nevoie de un nou avantaj pentru a ocupa locul de onoare. Care ar putea
fi urmtorul privilegiu
ntr-o interesant lucrare, intitulat O cultur global, David Rieff a ridicat
aceeai chestiune. ntr-o epoc n care industria american e n declin, iar
Statele Unite i-au pierdut rolul de lider n aproape orice domeniu,
povestete Rieff, cultura american de mas (aa-numita art pop) a cucerit lumea. Previziunile lui Rieff snt, mai degrab, sumbre. El e ncredinat de
faptul c unidimensionala cultur de mas va fi cultura global ea nu are
rivali. De asemenea, el mai are ceva de spus i pentru naivii europeni, care
cred realmente c n cultura american se cultiv diversitatea. Diversitatea
e doar o culoare estompat zugrvit pe ntregul spectru uniform al mrfii [uniform commodity].
Biopolitica aparine culturii de mas. Aa cum a prezis cndva Hannah
Arendt, cultura, iar nu chestiunea social, a fost pus pe agenda politic n
Statele Unite dup ce acestea pierduser poziia lor singular de aprtor
al instituiilor libere. ns Arendt ar fi ct se poate de nemulumit dac ar
tri s fie martor la rezultat. Tot ceea ce a denunat ea ca politicid a devenit
biopolitic ncapsulat, n cadrul politicii culturii de mas, n noua revoluie
cultural. Aceast revoluie cultural nu e mai puin primitiv i, pn la urm,
nici mai puin periculoas dect a fost versiunea maoist. i mai e i totalitar. E drept, de data aceasta nu e nici un stat totalitar care s coopereze
cu o societate totalitar. Iar aceasta e o diferen remarcabil. Totui, de vreme ce revoluia cultural maoist a atras atia mandarini europeni, nu e greu
de prezis c revoluia cultural american va face America zilelor noastre
mai atractiv pentru acelai gen de oameni care au urt-o atta vreme ct a
susinut instituiile libere. i dac David Rieff are dreptate i cultura american va deveni global, biopolitica de asemenea poate deveni global, caz
n care Adolf Hitler i-ar putea ctiga victoria postum. Dar eu nc mai sper
c Rieff se nal. i, chiar dac s-ar dovedi c are dreptate, biopolitica va
fi scufundat cel puin pe rmurile de la Calais.
III.
Iar aceasta nu e o speran nefondat. Permitei-mi s continuu iari cu
Hannah Arendt. Ceea ce credea ea c ar fi cel mai mare neajuns al Europei
poate fi vzut acum drept principalul su atu. Chestiunea social era o problem politic n Europa. Ea nc mai este.
Nu e nevoie s-o spun: numai politizarea chestiunii sociale nu poate salva o
ar de sub dominaia biopoliticii. Ali factori eseniali, ca, de pild, cultivarea
istoriei, calitatea, cultura nalt, judecata individual, distincia, in de asemenea
de condiiile salvrii. Dar ar lua prea mult timp s discutm toi aceti factori.
Trebuie s m limitez la a repune n discuie temele arendtiene.
E adevrat c problemele sociale nu pot fi politizate fr politizarea simultan a anumitor chestiuni de ordin economic. Arendt crede c acest lucru
conduce la moartea politicii, fiindc economia este eminamente nepotrivit pentru disputa politic. Ea a mprtit cteva iluzii ale scientismului,
printre altele iluzia c ar exista o tiin a economiei, care s se ocupe cu
succes de rezolvarea problemelor, ceea ce ar pretinde cunoatere, i nu

verso
nomie. Dar dac privim economia ca pe o instituie public, lucru pe care
cei mai muli dintre noi sntem nclinai s l facem, atunci argumentele Hannei
Arendt mpotriva politizrii unor chestiuni economice i pierd relevana.
Dac ceva este o instituie public, atunci a discuta acest ceva, a vorbi despre
el i a lua iniiative privind sarcinile lui este o ndatorire a publicului. Dac
economia e privit ca o instituie public, atunci, chiar i dup dispariia claselor,
ntr-o societate fr clase de care Hannei Arendt i era att de team,
marea diversitate a vocilor privind sarcinile ei poate fi fcut auzit, fr a
scinda publicul n prieten i duman. ntr-un spaiu public, unde fiecare continu s fie informat de ctre rezultatele discursurilor profesioniste ale
economitilor, cetenii pot s dea glas i s adauge opiniile lor continuumului de idei i de revendicri politice. Prin aceasta ei pot stabili limitele ntre
care pot fi luate deciziile economitilor profesioniti i ale politicienilor
inteligeni.
Arendt credea c orice chestiune social rebiologizeaz politica. Unele
tipuri de probleme sociale o fac ntr-adevr, altele nu. Sntatea e i o problem biologic, drept pentru care politizarea asistenei medicale implic politizarea discursiv a anumitor procese vitale. Pe de alt parte, politizarea
chestiunilor de educaie e mai apropiat dect aproape orice altceva de modelul grec al Hannei Arendt. Pn la urm, paideia era o sarcin politic decisiv n Grecia antic. Foarte curnd, va trebui s facem fa unor probleme
de tipul statutului viitor al muncii i al timpului liber. Acestea snt probleme
ale unei societi a locurilor de munc stabile, ar fi spus Arendt. Da i nu,
am putea noi obiecta. Pentru c acestea snt probleme ale unei societi a
locurilor de munc stabile fr locuri de munc.
Am spus c asistena medical are ca obiect problemele corpului. Cum se
face, atunci, c politizarea ei nu e inclus n biopolitic De ce vorbim, n
schimb, despre chestiunea social Rspunsul empiric s-a nfiat deja singur. Planurile lui Clinton de asisten medical nu au nimic de-a face cu biopolitica american. Dar de ce Permitei-mi s mping mai departe aceast
chestiune. Aproape toate temele majore ale biopoliticii, cum ar fi situaia
femeilor, a minoritilor, a imigranilor sau protecia mediului, pot fi discutate ca probleme sociale. De fapt, aceste chestiuni chiar trebuie ridicate.
Opiunea alternativ nu e s le considerm rezolvate. Opiunea alternativ
real const n a le formula att ca probleme sociale, ct i ca probleme
biopolitice. ntrebrile snt: Cine le formuleaz Pentru ce snt ridicate
Cum snt remediate problemele Ce tip de politic ar trebui urmat
n cazul unei politici bipolare, de tip prieten/duman, avem de-a face cu
biopolitic. Dac e reclamat o formare n spiritul opiniei liberale, aceeai
chestiune (e.g. chestiunea femeilor) apare ca o problem social (poate cea
mai important pn n prezent). Dac un anumit grup belicos tolereaz doar
autoreprezentarea i exclude reprezentarea lui de ctre cellalt i dac, n
plus, i menine privilegiul de a-i reprezenta dumanii atunci avem
de-a face cu biopolitic. Dac opinia public solicit pluralitatea prezentrilor
i a reprezentrilor reciproce, atunci e vorba despre o chestiune social.
Dac individul conteaz doar n msura n care i simbolizeaz propriul grup,
avem de-a face cu biopolitic. Dac lui i se cere ns s dea glas opiniei sale
particulare chestiunea este i rmne o problem social. Dac micrile
ndeamn mai presus de toate la msuri punitive i la restricii legale, e
biopolitic. Dac societas prefer paideia, educaia, recunoaterea reciproc,
politeea, urbanitatea i altele asemenea e vorba despre o tem social
care a fost politizat. Politizarea unei teme sociale poate de asemenea s
pretind msuri legislative, ns n fruntea programului su politic nu apare

totui mai mult disciplin i pedeaps dect n

biopolitic.
Permitei-mi s m ntorc pentru ultima dat la
Arendt. n lumea modern, a devenit imposibil de
evitat politizarea anumitor probleme economice, iar
procesele vitale nu pot fi izolate pe de-a-ntregul de
practica politic. Pe acestea din urm le putem trata
att ca aspecte ale chestiunii sociale, ct i ca aspecte ale biopoliticii. Prima
abordare se mai poate adapta la condiiile libertii, cea de-a doua este liberticid.
Din aceasta nu decurge totui c politizarea problemelor sociale va ctiga
btlia n faa biopoliticii, n Europa, unde cea dinti are deja o tradiie. Politicile
social-democrate pot deveni plictisitoare. Problemele sociale pot fi soluionate fr mcar ca acest lucru s fie remarcat de ctre public. Ele pot fi puse
n ordine de ctre comitete de profesioniti sau de semiprofesioniti, care
s exclud publicul. Dac s-ar ntmpla aceasta, ele ar rmne prepolitice i
postpolitice, fr a deveni politizate n i de ctre ntreaga mas a cetenilor.
Biopolitica e pasional, resentimentar i, n plus, e interesant. Mai mult,
dintr-un anume punct de vedere ea este ntotdeauna politic n sensul
arendtian al termenului: ea apare. Sex, ras, via i moarte snt teme interesante, iar dac devin sloganurile unor grupuri, mase, gloate, oamenii vor
deveni prtai. ntr-un cuvnt, biopolitica e democratic n cel mai problematic sens: pentru c putem oricnd s ne comportm ca oile. i, n sfrit, o
politic social-democrat, chiar i una bun, nu ofer prea mult material pentru mass-media, pentru cultura popular, n timp ce biopolitica, pe de alt
parte, vlstarul politic al culturii de mas, e eminamente adecvat nfirii
n media electronice. E simpl, e seductoare, e primitiv, dei poate
prea sofisticat, de asemenea. E un fel de distracie, un eveniment ca un
meci de fotbal. Arendt avea dreptate pn la urm: n ultim instan, totul
depinde va depinde de cultur. Exist vreo opiune alternativ la cultura de mas Sau, cel puin, a mai rmas vreun spaiu liber pentru alt
cultur n afara ei
S rezumm: biopolitica nu e politic propriu-zis dup criteriile Hannei
Arendt, ci e politic propriu-zis dup criteriile lui Carl Schmitt. Este politica imperiului animalului spiritual, cea care a euat n compatibilizarea cu un
corp politic mai cuprinztor innd de Sittlichkeit sau, altfel spus, care a ocupat (uzurpat) spaiul acestui Sittlichkeit. Cele care nu preiau nimic de la acesta din urm snt politica societii totalitare, coexistnd cu instituiile politice
libere, i politica statului totalitar. Biopolitica nseamn politic cultural, politic a culturii de mas, care va domina toate spaiile culturale n cazul n
care crrile marului su triumfal nu vor fi intersectate de puternice pasiuni
i angajamente care s o contrabalanseze. Achtung Europa! n loc s ne concentrm privirile asupra unor pericole care ne-au ameninat n urm cu
aptezeci de ani, ar trebui mai curnd s ne sensibilizm n faa unor pericole care se ivesc astzi sub ochii notri.
Traducere de Veronica Lazr i Andrei State

Note:
* Has Biopolitics Changed the Concept of the Political Some Further Thoughts About Biopolitics,
in gnes Heller i Sonja Puntscher Riekmann (eds.), Biopolitics. The Politics of the Body, Race and
Nature, Aldershot (UK), Avebury, pp. 317. Text tradus i publicat cu amabila autorizare a

183

Biopolitic pe ruinele comunismului*

Ferenc Fehr

I.
Criticii americani ai biopoliticii (numit n campusuri politic identitar) susin
adesea c acest nou-venit n marea i venerabila lume a politicii este de provenien pretenioas i artificial. Naterea sa este atribuit frecvent afacerilor intra muros ale academiei, deconstrucionismului, dezbaterilor obscure,
inaccesibile muritorilor de rnd, din departamentele de englez i de studii
afro-americane. Aceasta este ns o genealogie mai mult dect ndoielnic.1
Dar dac valoarea sa explicativ este acceptat pe moment, atunci ce
funcie i ce rol pot fi atribuite biopoliticii ntr-o regiune unde, extrem de
prozaic, dup colapsul tiraniei (de la care a motenit o economie schiload),
scena este dominat de grijile cele mai banale, de problemele frecvente
de supravieuire i de rzboaiele civile Urmnd analiza ptrunztoare a
Hannei Arendt, gnes Heller a accentuat, n mod corect, dup prerea mea,
c fiecare chestiune de pe agenda public a modernitii poate fi abordat
din dou direcii diferite: fie din cea a prioritii libertii, fie din cea a vieii.
Dac valoarea care ne cluzete n confruntarea cu problemele politice
este viaa, rezultatul poate fi biopolitica, politizarea Corpului.
n ciuda abordrii specifice (i, n opinia mea, corect) a societilor de tip
sovietic ca regimuri totalitare, altfel spus ca sisteme unde lipsesc toate libertile fundamentale, rmne un fapt c, n plus, comunismul a fost experimentat de milioane de oameni ca o Golgota pe care Viaa n sens larg a
fost crucificat. S lum pentru o clip sintagma dictatur asupra nevoilor
n sensul ei propriu.2 Chiar i aa, controlul total asupra tuturor nevoilor
umane, atribuirea i recunoaterea lor de ctre o autoritate central, care
a nlocuit prin for persoanele n carne i oase ce simiser i dduser glas
nevoilor particulare, a rmas doar un simplu postulat ideal al comunismului, fiind actual numai pentru scurte perioade; cu toate acestea, comunismul poate fi i, de fapt, chiar a fost resimit pe scar larg drept un proiect
artificial care nega Viaa in toto, toate manifestrile sale normale i tradiionale.3 n acest sens, mrturiile confideniale de genul: Pur i simplu nu
se poate tri n acest comar exprimau mai mult i ceva diferit dect nite
revendicri ale unor drepturi particulare; ele indicau faptul c nsui llan
vital a fost distrus sau periclitat de utopia la putere. Protestele inteau, n consecin, spre un nebulos drept la via. Ca toate tendinele similare, i aceasta a fost n ntregime, prin nsi natura ei, conservatoare. Dac s-ar fi pus
ntrebarea: Ce este viaa cnd e trit normal, rspunsurile ar fi identificat natura uman, cu trsturile acumulate ale individualismului achizitiv
sau posesiv. Oricare ar fi judecata cuiva despre noul conservatorism care
irumpe acum la suprafa cu o asemenea ferocitate n cteva ri postcomuniste i pregtind drumul pentru un tip periculos de biopolitic, trebuie
reliefat experiena de fond, ca un fenomen de mas, a unui lan vital perFERENC FEHR a fost profesor la New School for Social Research din New York. Discipol al lui
Gyrgy Lukcs, a publicat mai multe lucrri mpreun cu gnes Heller: Dictatorship Over Needs (cu
gnes Heller i Gyrgy Mrkus, 1983), Doomsday or Deterrence On the Antinuclear Issue (1986),
The Postmodern Political Condition (1988), The Grandeur and Twilight of Radical Universalism (1991).
Dintre crile sale mai pot fi amintite dou, consacrate Revoluiei Franceze: The Frozen Revolution:
An Essay on Jacobinism (1987), French Revolution and the Birth of Modernity (ed., 1990).

184

iclitat, deoarece altfel explicaiile rmn facile. Cu att mai mult cu ct comunismul a strpuns i viaa ca un continuum istoric. Termenul inept de tradiie
progresiv, folosit att de des de ctre nomenclaturitii comuniti, indica
fragmentarea sistematic a unui continuum a crui totalitate nu a putut fi niciodat controlat de ideologia i de practica lor. Comunismul doar i-a nsuit
cte ceva de aici, printr-o selecie aleatorie, n timp ce fcea eforturi s pstreze
continuumul nsui reprimat n incontientul politic. Dar pentru naiunile care
cultivau un sens puternic al vremurilor de altdat, acesta nu nsemna
istorie trecut n sensul obinuit al limbii, ci materia din care identitatea
prezent a persoanelor concrete putea fi forjat, n prezena creia viaa
putea fi trit normal.
Politicile vieii s-au ntors pe agenda public n contorsiuni violente care,
la trei sau patru ani dup marea schimbare, au readus la putere, n multe
ri, partidele politice reformate, succesoare ale comunismului. Victoriile
lor, chiar dac unele din aceste partide nu mai pot fi descrise ca fore liberticide, cu siguran nu promit continuarea acelei constitutio libertatis.
Rezultatele electorale pot fi interpretate ca un triumf al tematizrii aspectelor
sociale, neglijate de predecesorii lor liberali sau conservatori. Dar o alt interpretare este, de asemenea, posibil. n explicaiile adesea incoerente,
conform crora oamenii i-au schimbat brusc i surprinztor convingerile,
indicnd un camuflaj total al memoriei lor colective, o amnezie privind istoria lor cea mai recent, motivul vieii a reaprut. Nu putem tri n insecuritatea creat de terapia de oc; ntregul nostru ritm obinuit de via
a fost distrus de schimbrile brute acestea erau explicaii tipice cu
privire la preferinele de vot. De aceast dat, experimentele privind introducerea (uneori reintroducerea) economiei capitaliste au fost cele care
preau a merge contra vieii trite normal. Natura uman i-a artat acum
o fa cu totul diferit. Ambelor experiene la scar larg le este comun
recunoaterea faptului c n modernitate nu exist sisteme naturale
(incluznd sistemele economice) care ar ine seama de treburile vieii obinuite. Ceea ce este n joc n fiecare transformare social drastic, impunnd
un nou artefact pe modele sociale bine aprate, nu snt pur i simplu ceea
ce noi numim obinuinele, atitudinile, statutul social i altele asemenea, altfel spus, domeniul socialului, ci Viaa ca atare. Aceasta este cauza cea mai
profund a apariiei neateptate a biopoliticii pe ruinele comunismului,
provocnd socialul ca atare i ntinzndu-se spre adncimi, spre rdcinile
pretins genetice ale culturii i atitudinilor politice.
Nu ntmpltor, ntemeierile teoretice pe baz genetic ale unei biopolitici
a rasei au fost cel mai explicit i mai clar elaborate n Rusia. (Nu ntmpltor, deoarece distrugerea Vieii, sub forma terorii generalizate i a foametei
declanate de om, poate fi perceput ca o catastrof biologic n fosta Uniune
Sovietic.) Toate tezele majore ale unei asemenea poziii snt coninute ntr-un articol scris de ctre (recent disprutul) Gumiliov mpreun cu Iermolaiev.4 Necazul produs de iluzii, exprimat de titlu (care face aluzie la o
faimoas pies de teatru clasic ruseasc, Gore ot uma, Necazul produs
de raiune, a lui Griboiedov), este credina occidental n explicarea social
a istoriei i consecinele sale care conduc la comunism i la distrugerea vieii
ethnos-ului (ultimul bastion al rasei n aceast teorie). Aceast credin ar
trebui s fie nlocuit cu o nou schem explicativ, opernd cu conceptele
de istorie etnic i etnogenez. n locul unei false tiine sociale, trebuie
s ne ntoarcem la tiinele naturii, la genetic.5 Procednd astfel, termenii
n care explicm nu vor mai fi mod de producie sau cultur, ci cantitatea energiilor genetice stocate n i acumulate de un grup.

verso
Majoritatea grupurilor etnice triesc n ordinea muncii, altfel spus, oamenii
se adapteaz pur i simplu. Dar n fiecare grup exist oameni nzestrai n
mod specific din punct de vedere genetic, care au o cantitate extraordinar
i o combinaie special de energii excedentare. Teoria, denumit de
autori printr-un cuvnt ciudat i greu de tradus, passionarnost, explic soarta fiecrei rase-ethnos prin operarea cu aceste pachete de energie. Indivizii
entuziati, purttori de energii excedentare, nu snt distribuii n mod egal.
Exist hyperethnoi, rase superioare, iar Rusia este una dintre ele. Dar fiecare
dintre ele, att popoarele [ethnoi] obinuite, ct i cele superioare, i disput cicluri predeterminate de existen, acoperind fiecare 1.2001.500
de ani. Declinul unui ethnos, n particular cel al unui hyperethnos, ncepe
atunci cnd agenii unui subethnos, introdui ntr-un moment istoric n lumea hyperethnos-ului, se dedau la o activitate subversiv proprie, urmrind
slbirea i chiar distrugerea indivizilor entuziati. n cazul Rusiei, acest subethnos ar fi fost grupul Troki-Bronstein, evrei convertii la comunism. Catastrofa
care s-a abtut asupra hyperethnos-ului rus, disoluia Imperiului Rus, este
rezultatul interveniei lor. (Afirmaie care este, printre altele, cea mai nefericit remarc a acestui articol scris cu pasiune delirant, pentru c ea ignor
pur i simplu faptul c Imperiul Romanovilor, care fusese deja spart n buci n 1917, a fost resudat i inut laolalt de mna de fier a acestor evrei
convertii la comunism pentru nc aptezeci de ani.)
O versiune similar de istorie qua istorie genetic, dar mult mai puin sofisticat din punct de vedere metodologic, a fost prezentat de istoricul i
liderul politic maghiar Lajos Fr.6 Versiunea lui e o schi foarte sumbr. Substana genetic maghiar o ducea binior pn la sfritul secolului al XV-lea.
Elementul maghiar prevala n interiorul unui amestec genetic i acest fapt
poate fi stabilit prin procentajul vorbitorilor de limb maghiar din totalul populaiei.7 Dar cucerirea otoman, durnd 150 de ani, a avut ca rezultat scderea dramatic i forat a purttorilor de gene maghiare. Secolul al XVIII-lea
a fost unul de recuperare nceat, dar el a sfrit ntr-o alt fundtur: n intervenia marelui monarh luminat Iosif al II-lea, care a acordat drepturi civile
evreilor, iganilor i germanilor, contaminnd astfel din nou fondul genetic maghiar. n secolul al XX-lea, au avut loc alte dou catastrofe: Tratatul
de la Versailles, care a condus la fragmentarea rii i a desprit o parte considerabil a fondului genetic btina de principalul trup al maghiarimii, i,
ulterior, regimul comunist.
Orict de infantil ar putea fi aparatul explicativ al istoriei genetice, expresii ale superioritii occidentale i simpla Ideologiekritik asemntoare ar fi n
sine atitudini greit nelese. Prima iese pur i simplu din discuie, deoarece
anumite explicaii africaniste ale presupuselor origini ale Occidentului i, n
cadrul ei, termeni precum american i cultur snt tot att de rasiti i
deopotriv simple basme pentru copii. i totui, ele tind spre recunoatere
i spre un loc legitim n sistemul de nvmnt naional al Statelor Unite, n
ara-model a democraiei liberale, unde asemenea eforturi snt tratate cu
menajamente.8 Pe de alt parte, Ideologiekritik servete doar la linitirea de
sine a intelectualilor care, o dat ce au caracterizat adecvat o situaie gata
constituit, tind s priveasc rezultatul ca fiind hotrt. n plus, ceea ce necesit o explicaie mai profund este recurena ciclic a nelegerii genetice
(rasiale) a fenomenelor sociale, dup secole de iluminism, dup cantitatea
imens de energie ce a fost investit n respingerea sa teoretic i dup
Hitler. Evident, aceast recuren arat o angoas intermitent a Vieii n
societate, o insatisfacie adnc nrdcinat a oamenilor moderni privind
caracterul artificial al modernitii, care impune ntotdeauna noi artefacte

pe stilul de via tradiional i organic. La fiecare

rspntie, Viaa, aa cum a fost pn n prezent
dirijat i interiorizat, se dezmembreaz, fundamentele nsei ale existenei fiind puse sub semnul
ntrebrii. Acestea snt veritabile crize existeniale,
rentorcndu-se ciclic n societate, iar fiecare
recuren declaneaz un nou val de politic a
vieii. Biopolitica pe ruinele comunismului, cu o coloratur cnd antisocialist, cnd anticapitalist, este un fenomen nou nuntrul unei tendine continue.
Snt oare exemplele menionate mai sus documente de biopolitic sau, mai
curnd, mostre izolate de cultur a rasismului, fr consecine practice Fr
ndoial, micrile i teoreticienii nu s-au coalizat nc n aceeai msur aa
cum au fcut-o, de exemplu, pe scena biopolitic din Statele Unite. Dar
actorii practici, care poate c nici n-au auzit vreodat de termenii etnogenez i istorie genetic, acioneaz, bunoar, pe cmpul de lupt bosniac cu o asemenea ferocitate nct parc ar fi fost informai i inspirai de ctre
o teorie. Rasializarea in actu a divergenelor cultural-istorice este victoria
istoriei genetice. Este doar o chestiune de timp pn cnd teoreticienii i
practicienii se ntlnesc.
II.
Al doilea tip dominant de biopolitic, rspndit pe ruinele societii planificate tiinific, snt micrile al cror obiectiv este implementarea controlului demografic. De fapt, acesta este arhetipul biopoliticii, cel remarcat
(i botezat) de Foucault ca activitate (bio)politic. Este o specialitate a statului (democratic i liberal) modern, dup cum a observat ochiul dumnos
al lui Foucault, s aplice principiile tiinifice chiar corpurilor indivizilor, ntrun proces de natur politic, prin coerciie de stat. Scopul este, invariabil,
unul iluminist: realizarea optimului de cretere a populaiei (unde optimul a fost ntotdeauna definit de ctre stat, niciodat de ctre indivizi sau chiar
de ctre societate ca agregat al acestora), producia proporiei juste a
generaiilor i altele asemenea. Pentru Foucault, rezultatul a fost nspimnttor, din cauza tiinificitii i, prin urmare, a tiraniei i controlului absolut
i atotcuprinztor, corpul fiind aruncat n nchisoarea sufletului.9 Comunismul,
care s-a considerat ntotdeauna un continuator legitim al spiritului iluminismului, a srit cu nonalan n barca tradiionalului control demografic
exercitat de stat. Conducerile comuniste considerau deja compromisul utopiilor socialiste iniiale n [privina problemelor] disoluiei familiei tradiionale
i educaiei de stat (sau comunitare) obligatorie a copiilor ca fiind o excesiv generozitate i abinere din partea lor. Prin urmare, ele nu s-au gndit
niciodat de dou ori n ce privete manipularea ratei natalitii i a sexualitii.
De fapt, nu au existat modele diferite de control comunist n fiecare dintre
aceste aspecte. n China, dictatura demografic a proletariatului avea ca
obiectiv strategic stoparea exploziei populaiei, iar acesta a fost complet (sau
incomplet) nfrnt de rezistena societii. Neputina unuia dintre cele mai
puternice state din ntreaga istorie n faa unei societi complet lipsite de liberti civile (neputin att n privina creterii populaiei, ct i n cea a larg rspnditei tradiii barbare a pruncuciderii fetielor) este unul dintre cele mai
instructive exemple ale limitelor controlului. Prin contrast, n Romnia, dictatura lui Ceauescu a avut ca scop creterea spectaculoas a populaiei
romneti i a cunoscut un larg succes n implementarea acestuia. Politicilor
sexuale ale diferitelor naionaliti comuniste le-a lipsit acelai model distinct

185

Albania i China, spiritul patriarhal al modelelor familiale (n ele nsele foarte

diferite) a prevalat n faa implementrii politicilor sexuale (unde una din diferenele majore a fost autonomia fa de familie, incomparabil mai mare a chinezoaicelor dect cea de care s-au bucurat vreodat femeile albaneze, care
fuseser socializate n tradiia musulman). n Ungaria i Polonia, comunismul, n special dup 1956, cnd legitimitatea sa in toto fusese pus sub semnul ntrebrii, a considerat nelept s evacueze cmpul sexualitii i s
acorde, prin absena unei intervenii discrete, o mare libertate de aciune
libertinajului i promiscuitii (chiar i n portretizarea sa ntr-o producie cinematografic controlat foarte strict). Singura trstur comun a acestor
activiti biopolitice diverse ale diferitelor state comuniste a fost meninerea
prerogativelor lor indiscutabile asupra manipulrii corpului social dup cum
doreau.
Dup cderea comunismului, a avut loc o schimbare de actori n cmpul
biopoliticii demografice. Agentul su tradiional, birocraia de stat, a afectat,
pe de-o parte, ntr-o mai mare msur, rile postcomuniste (pstrarea i
aprarea unitii naionale, transformarea economiei, reformele legislative
etc.); pe de alt parte, memoria caracterului violent al predecesorilor si
sugera pruden. Biopolitica creterii populaiei, controlul natalitii i alte
asemenea chestiuni demografice au fost, n consecin, prinse ntre propriii avocai i inamici din chiar interiorul societii, i nu, ca pn atunci, n bipolaritatea stat versus societate. n Polonia, ad maiorem gloria Dei, s-a propus
o legislaie privind avortul, mai conservatore i mai represiv dect oricare
alta din Europa de dup cel de-al Doilea Rzboi Mondial. Rspunsul societii la aceast biopolitic reacionar (a crei int strategic exclusiv era
aprarea vieii embrionului, nsoit de o ostilitate total fa de libertile
femeilor) a fost o masiv oscilaie a voturilor spre stnga. (Conform majoritii
comentatorilor, problema avortului a jucat un rol major n schimbarea comportamentului votanilor.)10 Ceva similar este n joc n Rusia, din dou motive. n retorica naionalist, pericolul pierderii cuceririlor strvechi ale
Rusiei datorit subpopulrii unor vaste regiuni (sau din cauza amestecului
nesatisfctor al populaiei) este frecvent scos n eviden. Aceast team
solicit msuri statale coercitive, cu scopul de a asigura creterea rapid a
elementului rus al populaiei. Mai mult, n Rusia s-a nscut un tip de feminism neobinuit i puternic (la ultimele alegeri, partidul acestei micri a ctigat 68% din voturi). Este o micare explicit conservatoare, care condamn
perioada comunist ca fiind prea permisiv fa de libertinajul i alcoolismul
brbailor; ea intete reconstruirea unui model conservator de familie de
tip autoritar. Din acest gambit, rezult n mod firesc legile restrictive privind
avortul (adic autorestricionarea libertilor femeilor) i politicile privitoare
la creterea populaiei.
Deosebit de interesant este micarea (populist) maghiar care promoveaz o cretere rapid a populaiei, deoarece pledeaz explicit pentru obiective demografice. Sloganul ei principal este pericolul
genosinuciderii.11 La fel ca n toate cazurile biopoliticii, problema n sine
este veritabil i constituie un motiv serios de ngrijorare. Exist n ar o
scdere a ratei natalitii, un fapt neutru n sine, dar interpretabil ca semn
al unei crize a familiei. Exist, de asemenea, o scdere a speranei de via,
care este, dincolo de orice ndoial, un fenomen negativ foarte serios. n
sfrit, exist o rat nspimnttor de mare a avorturilor, un groaznic semnal de alarm privind att sntatea femeilor i indiferena moral fa de
aceast problem, ct i indicatorul unei culturi sexuale foarte sczute, ntro ar unde mijloacele contraceptive snt disponibile de zeci de ani. (Ultimul

186

indicator este, de asemenea, un avertisment sumbru, ntr-o perioad n care

SIDA ptrunde fr excepii n toate rile postcomuniste.) Din nou, echilibrul dintre biopolitic i politica libertii (sau cea a problemei sociale) nu
este realizat prin alegerea problemei, ci prin selectarea valorii sub a crei
cluzire va fi abordat problema. Populitii snt biopoliticieni declarai, n
sensul c valoarea lor exclusiv este viaa Corpului (unde Corp este o entitate simbolic, echivalent cu Corpul Naiunii). Retorica lor demonstreaz c, pentru ei, libertatea n aceast problem (i, probabil, n general)
este o nonvaloare sau chiar un obstacol n realizarea scopului lor substanial.
Ei snt pregtii, o dat ce au puterea coercitiv a statului de partea lor, s
introduc un fel de dictatur demografic, privnd femeile de libertile lor
elementare i transformndu-le n maini de reproducere.
Aceast demagogie exagerat i adesea isteric a provocat o reacie liberal la fel de extremist.12 Comentatorul liberal nelege uor aspiraiile ovine
din spatele tiradelor despre genosinucidere: interesul pentru creterea populaiei maghiare vis--vis (n special) de romni i de srbi, aspiraiile greit
orientate nspre rolul unei minisuperputeri regionale. Este la fel de clar c
populitii snt preocupai doar de creterea puritii genetice a populaiei
autentic maghiare. n acelai timp, poziia liberal este extremist, n sensul c, pentru liberal, ntreaga problem, lsnd la o parte implicaiile sale privind sntatea naional, const ntr-o investiie n stima de sine [investment
considerations]. Sntatea naiunilor, susine Brody (pe bun dreptate),
rezid, n primul rnd, nu att n mecanismul productiv sau n infrastructur;
ambele pot fi relativ rapid refcute dup o catastrof natural sau un rzboi.
Sntatea naional rezid, n primul rnd, n factorul uman, n nevoile sale
de sntate, n instruirea de baz i educaie. Satisfacerea nevoilor care apar
n urma creterii populaiei presupune costuri enorme, iar aici primul investitor este familia, ale crei decizii bugetare joac un rol-cheie n a aduce pe
lume mai muli sau mai puini copii. Standardele naionale impuse ratei natalitii ar fi un comar reacionar, cel mai ru tip de tiranie. Dar pn i o stimulare binevoitoare de ctre stat, chiar fr a fi coercitiv, este o idee greit.
Investitorul prim tie cel mai bine n ci copii dorete s investeasc.
Slbiciunea replicii liberale la o biopolitic populist este una dubl. n
primul rnd, statul rmne un juctor principal n arena demografic. Ct timp
investete n sntatea naional i n prelungirea speranei de via, care este
astzi o datorie moral pentru orice regim democratic, statul contribuie la
mbtrnirea societii, la un amestec de generaii n care numrul celor
inactivi (i care, de aceea, nu contribuie sau contribuie puin la impozite)
este n cretere. Aceast circumstan impune o anumit stimulare noncoercitiv a naterilor, cu scopul de a pstra proporia dintre generaii la un
nivel acceptabil, chiar i din punct de vedere economic. Dar retorica liberal este unilateral i declarat economist i neglijeaz convieuirea moralemoional i investiia moral-emoional n producia de copii; pe scurt,
aspectul cultural. Acest lucru nseamn tocmai polarizarea vocabularelor (la
fel ca i intensificarea pasiunilor), care arat c problema demografic n rile
post-comuniste este una biopolitic, i nu doar o dezbatere academic.
III.
Eforturile lui Gorbaciov de a reforma sistemul au primit un impuls serios
de pe urma Cernoblului. Deznodmntul pozitiv al exploziei nucleare a fost
cderea regimului. Acesta a fost un eveniment simbolic, cu o dubl semnificaie: el poate fi interpretat n dou moduri diferite. n termenii primei
interpretri, Cernoblul a fost simbolul unui model ratat de industrializare

verso
nepstoare i nendurtoare, care a pltit cu preul vieilor umane infatuarea sa privind tehnologia i creterea economic, nu doar folosind pe scar larg sclavi pentru munc, dar i aplicnd totodat cea mai ieftin, cea mai
periculoas i cea mai greu de manevrat tehnologie imaginabil. Astfel,
Cernoblul i ceea ce nseamn el este o problem social de prim
mrime, n care e vorba de consecinele asupra mediului nconjurtor ale
unei strategii economice impuse prin for locuitorilor unei lumi (a crei analiz ncorporeaz, de asemenea, prioritatea libertii). Acest tip de critic nu
este n mod necesar pragmatic i nici nu se concentreaz asupra sntii
la modul att de patologic cum o face discursul american. El aduce cu sine
adeseori i un interes estetic pentru habitatul uman. ncercrile de a
recuceri (sau conserva) frumuseea naturii au ajuns la o expresie viguroas
n micrile maghiare de protest mpotriva hidrocentralei cehoslovace, al
crei rezultat ar fi distrugerea uneia din cele mai pitoreti pri ale paysageului ungar, cotul Dunrii. Protestul reprezenta estetica politic sau politica estetic n ceea ce are aceasta mai bun.
Dar exist o alt interpretare extrem de rspndit a Cernoblului; Soljenin
este, probabil, cel mai sonor i cel mai vizibil susintor al ei. n termenii acestei analize, explozia nuclear este doar cel mai devastator simptom al tendinei generale de industrializare cumulativ a modernitii: violarea naturii,
a organicului prin artefactele societii tehnologice (indiferent de versiunea
sa, socialist sau capitalist). Un fel de politic a metaforei (aceasta din urm
fiind dispozitivul obinuit al biopoliticii) nete dintr-o asemenea poziie, care
este bine cunoscut n Europa Occidental, mai ales n Germania. Dar cu
o diferen. Ceea ce face diferena este rolul specific i exaltat al pmntului (soil, Boden) n biopolitica postcomunist a naturii. Biopolitica pmntului
este radical n sens literal. A fi radical nseamn a avea grij de rdcini (radices).
Rdcinile snt lanurile care ne leag de pmnt; radical este cel care a crescut n mod organic i inseparabil deodat cu Pmntul. Pentru cel radical,
Pmntul este un termen diferit de termenul heideggerian Erde: el este Boden
i Grund, fundament i cauz ultim, el este temeiul certitudinii care, n zilele
noastre, constituie privilegiul exclusiv al fundamentalismului. Dac Pmntul
este temei i fundament pentru lumea ecologist radical-conservatoare a postcomunismului, a deveni fr temei (bodenlos) este echivalent cu a deveni
fr patrie (heimatlos), o veritabil catastrof, o pierdere a identitii, din
moment ce temeiul i fundamentul snt simultan organice i istorice: obsesia
srbilor cu privire la Kosovo devine complet inteligibil o dat ce jocurile
biopolitice au fost fcute i adoptate. n ce sens este temeiul sau Pmntul
(soil, Boden) simultan organic i istoric n sensul c rdcinile nu snt pur i
simplu legturi; ele snt, de asemenea, artere prin care sntem hrnii, rezervele noastre genetice, fondul comun din care apare etnogeneza sau
istoria genetic, din care este rennoit i alimentat. Acesta este felul n care
biopolitica istoriei genetice i cea a Pmntului se ntlnesc i fuzioneaz n
conexiunea experienei apocaliptice a violrii naturii i cu acea a pierderii
pmntului de sub picioare ntr-un cutremur istoric.
O dimensiune i mai profund a biopoliticii Pmntului este cutarea ei a
sacrului, care a disprut ntr-un proces de secularizare incomplet. n ciuda
frecventelor aliane politice ale cretintii conservatoare (catolice sau
pravoslavnice) cu biopolitica Pmntului i cu cea a istoriei genetice, aceasta
din urm este o tendin fundamental pgn. Pentru c Pmntul este sacru
doar atta timp ct l locuiesc idolii tribului. Ei alimenteaz cu spirit organicul;
nsufleesc ceea ce, fr ei, doar ar vegeta. Dar idolii tribului snt zeiti
pgne. Cndva, ei au fost deja nvini i exorcizai de ctre Dumnezeul

cretin, care este universal, printre altele, i n sensul c nu este legat n mod particular de nici un
Pmnt, ci e mai curnd omniprezent (i nici nu poart
trsturile vreunei rase etnice, chiar dac are un
gen). Urmnd eecul Omului Universal i Zeificat n
spectacolul unui nou Inel [al Nibelungilor] biopolitic,
care nc nu i-a gsit compozitorul de geniu, Idolii
postmoderni reprimai ai tribului (sau ai difference-ei) se ntorc rzbuntori.
Dar, de vreme ce n biopolitic chestiunile snt ntotdeauna veritabile i merit s fie gndite, exist o alt fa a problemei, i anume valoarea exclusiv
a vieii, ce conduce spre fundturi. Ne putem ntreba: de ce trebuie s fie
cutarea sacrului, respectiv a pmntului unde slluiete sacrul, continuat cu orice pre Rspunsul variaz de la o regiune la alta. Evident, pmntul nu e sacru n Lumile Noi (excepie fcnd aborigenii sau nativii); cum
ar putea fi altfel pentru imigrani i cuceritori, care nu au preistorie local,
care nu au construit niciodat mitul primului colonizator, pentru care mistica pmntului a fost ntotdeauna depit de consideraiile utilitare. n
aceast lume, cutarea pmntului qua sacru poate fi produs doar artificial
(de exemplu, n mitul media al Vestului Slbatic). Prin contrast, n Lumea
Veche a Europei oamenii snt n mod autentic primii colonizatori (ei au nevoie
doar de o minim cosmetizare mnemotehnic pentru a terge grupurile
umane nvinse i disprute din membrana memoriei lor colective); pmntul lor era sacru pentru ei de nenumrate secole (n sensul n care oferea
semnificaie propriilor viei). Dar, de o vreme ncoace, a intervenit prea mult
tehnologie, prea mult utilitarism, prea mult dominaie asupra naturii.
Pmntul a devenit surs de materii prime, poziie geopolitic, proprietate imobiliar sau fond de investiie orice altceva dect sacru. n aceast
chestiune, ne vine n ajutor Heidegger (n Prelegerile despre Parmenide
din anii 19421943), Heidegger, care urte biologismul, dar care poate
da o uimitoare ntorstur problemelor biologizate n mod greit.13
Corectnd distorsiunile metafizice ale anumitor nelegeri tradiionale ale
filosofiei greceti (ceea ce este o denumire politicoas dat reinterpretrii
drastice, n spiritul gndirii originare, anfngliches Denken, a tot ce obinuiam
s credem), Heidegger sugereaz c Politeia lui Platon nu este despre
politic, stat, res publica. Esena polis-ului, care provine, dup Heidegger,
din polos (nsemnnd Ort sau Pol, loc sau spaiu), este aletheia. Sntem aruncai n locul unde am fost nscui, dar n procesul scoaterii din ascundere
a adevrului, realizat prin viaa n polis-polos, ultimul devine un loc semnificativ, ca rezultat al eforturilor noastre de a dezvlui fiina.
S facem un pas napoi i s ne distanm de concepia heideggerian: nu
trebuie s coborm prea adnc n problemele pro domo ale colii heideggeriene pentru a nelege ce anume este n joc aici. Biopolitica a pus din nou
degetul pe ran. A petrece o via ntreag ntr-un loc care nu i-a dezvluit
niciodat semnificaia pentru noi, unde adstarea noastr i menine caracterul su ntmpltor de stare-de-aruncare, este echivalent cu o via lipsit
de semnificaie, cel puin dintr-o anumit perspectiv. n aceast privin,
sacrum este, din nou, doar traducerea (i, de aceea, distorsionarea) latin
(metafizic) a lui polos thanatoforos, locul sanctificat (umplut de semnificaie)
de ctre Zeia Aletheia. tim ce facem aici; tim de ce sntem aici, i nu n
alt parte; tim ce nseamn acas i strintate. Ca oameni moderni, ne
putem pstra dreptul de a tri oriunde, dac aa dorim, dar nu vrem s
trim fr permanenta dezvluire a semnificaiei noastre, care este, totodat,
semnificaia locului unde slluim, propriii notri lares et penates.

187

IV.
Povestea se sfrete cu ceea ce lipsete din poveste: cu biopolitica sntii
i a sexualitii. Ele nu exist (nc) pe agenda politic a lumii postcomuniste,
din raiuni deopotriv corecte i greite, nici ca teme biopolitice, nici ca teme ale unei politici a libertii sau ca problem social. Dei ar exista o mulime de temeiuri pentru a face din sntate o problem public. Ungaria este
probabil un exemplu extrem, dar nu unul atipic, cu declinul speranei sale
de via. (De asemenea, putem lua exemplul cifrelor catastrofale privind
alcoolismul n Polonia i Rusia.) Exist o criz veritabil a sntii n lumea
postcomunist i unul din motive (dar nu singurul) este indiferena inuman
a fotilor guvernani comuniti pentru aceast problem. Un alt motiv este
exprimat de titlul unui film maghiar, N-o s murim niciodat (i n care este
vorba, propriu-zis, despre moartea prematur a eroului su de vrst
mijlocie). Una din reaciile tipice la atmosfera foarte ntunecat din tunelul
n care oamenii au trit fr sperana de a vedea vreodat lumina de la captul lui a fost un stil de via de bravad, un moto sinuciga de genul: Hai
s-o facem, fie ce-o fi. Nici o sum de bani investit n sntatea public nu
ne va ajuta atta timp ct aceast bravad este nc en vogue. i deocamdat
ea este nc (ca s nu mai pomenim de faptul c banii snt, n aceste ri, mai
degrab canalizai spre alte scopuri dect investii n sntatea public).
Sexualitatea, fie ca biopolitic, fie ca politic a libertii (n acest caz, libertate
a femeilor), nu este (nc) pe agenda public, att din motive eronate, ct i
din motive corecte. Motivul eronat este evident: n toate rile postcomuniste prevaleaz o tradiie cultural de dominaie masculin i exist tendine
(biopolitica demografic fiind una dintre ele) care chiar intenioneaz s o
ntreasc. Motivul corect nu este att de evident, dar este important. Una
din formele rezistenei societii n faa unui stat omnipotent a fost gherila
sexual, micul rzboi pentru libertatea sexual, att a brbailor, ct i a
femeilor, una din multele gherile n care societatea, mpotriva decalajelor
imense, a nregistrat o victorie decisiv. ntr-o lume plin de ipocrizie
tradiional, unde sexualitatea nu era menionabil n mod public, Europa
de Est erotic a pretins i realizat unele dintre drepturile sale. Predicia ar trebui s fie evident: drepturile femeilor, rolul lor legitim n societate, de persoane recunoscute i autonome din punct de vedere legal i cultural, vor fi
puse pe agenda public n Europa de Est. Dar nu e probabil ca statuia Anitei
Hill14 s fie nlat n pieele publice din lumea postcomunist.
*
Morala povetii este c Orologiul Lumii, spre deosebire de Greenwich,
arat cu brutalitate acelai timp peste tot n emisfera nordic. Exist o similaritate remarcabil, i nu neaprat nltoare ntre discursul rusesc asupra etnogenezei i mitul afro-american al Atenei de culoare sau ntre anumite
formulri ovine despre identitatea etnic din Transilvania i politica identitar din campusurile americane. Motivul pentru aceast similaritate este transparent: politica marilor naraiuni, politica mntuirii sau politica de clas au murit
peste tot n lume. Una din buruienile otrvite care ncolete dintre ruinele
sale (i nu doar dintre ruinele comunismului) este biopolitica universal.
Traducere de Andrei State i Veronica Lazr

188

Note:
* Ferenc Fehr, Biopolitics on the Ruins of Communism, in gnes Heller i Sonja Puntscher Riekmann
(eds.), Biopolitics. The Politics of the Body, Race and Nature, Aldershot (UK), Avebury, pp. 5770.
Text tradus i publicat cu amabila autorizare a European Centre, Viena. (N. red.)
1. Snt perfect de acord cu lucrarea lui gnes Heller, Has Biopolitics Changed the Scope of the Political
[text tradus n acest dosar n. red.], care sugereaz un arierplan complex, n ntregime diferit,
pentru noul fenomen.
2. Termenul, inventat de autori, a fost explicat in F. Fehr, . Heller i Gy. Mrkus, Dictatorship Over
Needs, Oxford, Basil Blackwell Publisher, 1983.
3. Tocmai pentru aceast negare al dreptului la via al persoanelor, a nsei individualitii concrete,
Michel Henry numete comunismul un tip de fascism, in M. Henry, Du Communisme au capitalisme, Thorie dune catastrophe, Paris, Editions Odile Jacob, 1990.
4. L. N. Gumiliov i V. Iu. Iermolaiev, Gore ot illyuziy, Alma Mater (Vestnik Visshei Skoli), Moscova,
1992, pp. 612.
5. Este aproape irelevant sublinierea faptului evident c acest tip de genetic este pe jumtate poetic, c el opereaz cu gene colective fictive i c el adopt o poziie conservatoare din punct de
vedere tiinific. (Pentru c tendina progresiv a geneticii din zilele noastre intete spre transformarea i manipularea structurii genetice, n timp ce preocuparea major a geneticii de tipul GumiliovIermolaiev este pstrarea statutului genelor colective.) Mai important, avertismentul Hannei
Arendt ar trebui s fie luat n seam: ori de cte ori tiina (indiferent cu ce validitate i credibilitate) ptrunde n politic, sntem confruntai cu o politic a vieii (biopolitic), i.e. aciune public
autentic, bazat pe necesitate, care exclude cel mai important act politic: luarea de decizii
libere. Vezi H. Arendt, The Human Condition, Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 1958.
6. Pentru contribuia lui Fr, vezi Szrsz 93 (pp. 108112), care prezint nregistrarea stenografic
a congresului ideologic al populitilor maghiari, desfurat n iunie 1993 n satul Szrsz (publicat
de Sndor Pski, ed., Budapesta, 1993). Fr a fost, pn la ultimele alegeri [actualmente penultimele n. red.], ministrul aprrii i preedintele Forumului Democratic Maghiar, partidul conservator aflat la putere.
7. Este din nou superfluu s se piard timp i energie pentru expunerea nivelului aproape pueril al
unor asemenea teze. n primul rnd, cum poate cineva stabili n mod credibil proporiile comparative ale vorbitorilor de limb maghiar printre vorbitorii de slavon i de alte dialecte, n cazul,
s spunem, amestecului lingvistic din secolul al XIII-lea n al doilea rnd, de ce este o presupus
majoritate a vorbitorilor de limb maghiar dintr-o populaie dovada predominanei genelor
maghiare
8. Mitologia srac cu duhul a Athenei de culoare, adic a originilor de culoare ale egiptenilor,
avnd consecine asupra grecilor i consecine ulterioare asupra culturii vest-europene, este descris n culori vii de ctre Arthur Schlesinger Jr. in Disuniting America, New York, Norton and
Campion, 1991, p. 69. Schlesinger menioneaz exemple de pretenii asupra unei nelegeri distincte din punct de vedere genetic a istoriei (p. 63).
9. Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish The Birth of the Prison, transl. by Alan Sheridan, New York,
Pantheon Books, 1977, pp. 2930 [Michel Foucault, A supraveghea i a pedepsi. Naterea
nchisorii, trad. de Bogdan Ghiu, Bucureti, Humanitas, 1997].
10. Ziarul maghiar Npszabadsg ofer un rezumat succint al cazului polonez (A lengyel abortuszcsata [Btlia polonez n jurul avortului], Npszabadsg, miercuri 8 iunie 1994, p. 8). Problema
a fost pus pe agenda parlamentar n februarie 1989 (!), adic naintea schimbrii, dar ntr-o vreme
cnd comunismul, oficial nc aflat la putere, se simea deja condamnat i fcea eforturi disperate
s plac viitorilor conductori. Drept pentru care experii care pregteau noul decret au fost delegai
de ctre Biserica Catolic i ei au pregtit n timp util o versiune monstruoas, ce amenina cu
temni grea, n cazul practicrii avortului (sub orice motiv), att pe femeile nsrcinate, ct i pe
doctori. (Chiar i acele femei care fuseser victime ale violului sau ale incestului urmau s fie afectate de clauza statutar.) Chestiunea a fost ridicat din nou, n mai 1991, de ctre un parlament
ales deja n mod liber, care nu a avut suficient curaj, n ciuda preponderenei liberalilor, s-i modifice n mod drastic prevederile iniiale de factur medieval. Dar, cel puin, liberalii au avut bunulsim s amne votarea versiunii preliminare a decretului, pe baza moiunii lui Mazowiecki. n ianuarie
1993, n urma iniiativei de dreapta a Alianei Naional-Cretine, ntr-o vreme cnd era la putere
un guvern liberal, decretul a fost pn la urm acceptat; n acelai timp, el a fost temperat n aa
msur nct a devenit de nerecunoscut. Nici femeile, nici doctorii nu mai erau ameninai cu
nchisoarea. Periclitarea vieii i a sntii femeilor era deja acceptat ca motiv pentru avortul legal;
astfel erau i violul, incestul i bolile genetice ale embrionului, care puteau fi identificate prin teste
clinice, n timpul primei faze a sarcinii. (n ciuda rezistenei celor de dreapta, asemenea teste nu
mai erau considerate ilegale, dei unele restricii se aplicau nc.) Avortul trebuia s fie efectuat n
spitale. Avorturile realizate prin practic privat, i nu n sfera stipulrilor legale, erau nc pedepsite de lege. Dup victoria partidelor de stnga din toamna lui 1993, a existat o micare pentru
liberalizarea deplin a avortului, iniiat, n mod surprinztor, de ctre liberalii din gruparea lui
Mazowiecki, acum aflai n opoziie. Dar aceasta mai avea nc un inamic influent: preedintele
Walesa.

verso
11. Presa maghiar a fost, vreme de decenii, invadat de acest tip de retoric. Reprezentarea sa cea
mai sonor a avut loc la ntlnirea populitilor de la Szrsz, menionat mai sus. Am analizat biopolitica populist reacionar in Szrsz, 1993, in Kritika, XV (34), Budapesta, 1994.

Politica vieii nsei*

Nikolas Rose

12. Vezi articolul lui Andrs Brody, Kis magyar demogrfia [Mic demografie maghiar], in Kritika,
XVII (6), Budapesta, 1996.
13. Analiza mea se sprijin n ntregime pe eseul lui gnes Heller, Parmenidsz s a sztlingrdi csata
[Parmenide i btlia pentru Stalingrad], in Vilgossg, 1995.
14. Jurist i profesoar de drept la Universitatea din Oklahoma, Anita Hill a ajuns n centrul ateniei
publice n 1991, cnd l-a acuzat pe unul din judectorii de la Curtea Suprem, Clarence Thomas,
de hruire sexual. Dup un proces rsuntor, cazul Hill-Thomas a modificat definitiv relaia dintre brbai i femei la locul de munc. (N. tr.)

Viaa este lucrarea vieii noastre.

(Din profesiunea de credin a companiei farmaceutice Pfizer Inc.)
Existena biologic a fiinelor umane a devenit una politic n maniere noi.
Obiectul, scopul i miza acestei noi politici vitale este nsi viaa uman.
Cum am putea s-o analizm A vrea s ncep de la o bine cunoscut remarc a lui Michel Foucault, din primul volum al Istoriei sexualitii: Vreme
de milenii ntregi omul a rmas ceea ce era el pentru Aristotel: un animal
viu i n plus capabil de o existen politic; omul modern este un animal
n a crui politic este pus n cauz viaa sa de fiin vie.1 Bine cunoscuta
tez a lui Foucault era aceea c, n societile occidentale, cel puin, trim
ntr-o epoc biopolitic. ncepnd cu secolul al XVIII-lea, puterea politic
nu se mai exercit prin rigida alegere ntre a lsa s triasc i a face s moar.
Autoritile politice, n alian cu multe altele, i-au asumat rspunderea organizrii vieii n numele bunstrii populaiei ca structur vital, precum i n
numele fiecruia dintre subiecii si. Politica se ocup acum de procese vitale
ale existenei umane: numrul cetenilor i calitatea populaiei; reproducerea i sexualitatea; relaiile conjugale, parentale i familiale; sntatea i boala;
naterea i moartea. Biopolitica era legat inextricabil de ascensiunea
tiinelor vieii, a tiinelor omului, a medicinei clinice. Ea a dat natere
tehnicilor, tehnologiilor, aparatelor i experilor pentru ngrijirea i administrarea vieii fiecruia i a tuturor, de la planurile urbanistice la serviciile de
sntate, i a dat un fel de caracter vitalist existenei indivizilor ca subieci
politici.
Ce se ntmpl cu biopolitica azi n acest articol sugerez c avem de-a face
cu o nou configuraie a controlului i c n contemporaneitate biopolitica
este o politic a riscului. Susin c, o dat cu mutaiile suferite de regimul adevrului n tiinele vieii, biopolitica actual a devenit politic molecular. i
consider c dezvoltrile din biomedicin s-au ntreesut profund cu tehnologii
centrate predominant pe sine i astfel biopolitica a devenit azi ethopolitic.
Biopolitica neleas ca politic a riscului
n lumina istoriei rasismului biologic i a eugenismului secolelor al XIX-lea
i al XX-lea, nu e surprinztor c mai muli sociologi i-au exprimat ngrijorarea fa de reapariia teoriilor biologiste i geneticiste cu privire la
capacitile i incapacitile umane. S-a susinut c asemenea dezvoltri (la
fel ca apelul anterior la natura biologic) au tendina de a genera politici care
individualizeaz valoarea uman, esenializeaz variaiile n capacitile
oamenilor, reduc fenomenele sociale la un agregat de aciuni individuale i
i discrimineaz, constrng sau exclud pe cei considerai anormali sau sub un
anumit standard biologic. Se atrage astfel atenia asupra pericolelor unui nou
NIKOLAS ROSE este profesor de sociologie la Goldsmith College, Universitatea din Londra. A publicat mai multe lucrri despre istoria tiinelor umane, n special a psihologiei i psihiatriei, i despre
tehnicile i raionalitile puterii. Cercetrile sale privesc de asemenea istoria gndirii empirice sociale,
psihiatria genetic i biologic din secolul XX. Dintre crile sale, pot fi citate: The Psychological
Complex (1985), Governing the Soul (1990), Foucault and Political Reason (1996), Inventing Our Selves
(1996) i Powers of Freedom. Reframing Political Thought (1999).

189

determinism geneticismul bazat pe o fals, dar seductoare mistic

a puterii genelor i conducnd la diferite tipuri de discriminri pe criterii genetice. Unii au sugerat c ne confruntm cu perspectiva real a renaterii rasismului biologic, avnd ca fundament aparenta obiectivitate a secvenelor de
ADN, precum i a eugenismului propulsat nu numai de interesele comerciale ale companiilor biotech, ci i de dorinele prinilor de a avea un copil
perfect ntr-o epoc a consumismului manipulat i a alegerii n reproducere. Dintr-o astfel de perspectiv, discursul retoric care celebreaz
potenialul biomedicinei i biotehnologiei n mbuntirea sntii, bunstrii
i calitii vieii individului ascunde ameninarea pe care astfel de practici biologice de control o pot exercita pentru a-i constrnge, restriciona sau
chiar elimina pe cei ale cror nsuiri biologice snt considerate de ctre
doctori, prini sau chiar de ctre autoritile politice a fi sub un anumit
standard.
Unii autori situeaz dorina de a controla structura biologic a populaiei n
chiar miezul modernitii. Astfel, att pentru Giorgio Agamben, ct i pentru Zygmunt Bauman, tanatopolitica i purificarea populaiei snt imanente
proiectului nsui al biopoliticii: a avea grij de sntatea corpului politic cere
cu necesitate controlarea i eliminarea corpurilor strine.2 Naionalsocialismul celui de-al treilea Reich exemplific n modul cel mai clar aceast
legtur dintre administrarea vieii i administrarea morii. De exemplu, ntr-o carte din 19363, Ottmar von Verschuer susine c politica ar trebui s
nsemne a da form vieii poporului. Viaa nsi, realitatea vital a poporului, trebui s devin prima responsabilitate i criteriul de baz n exerciiul
autoritii politice. Aceasta necesit un program politic naional care s se
ngrijeasc de mbuntirea calitii fondului uman al naiunii i s elimine
defectele sau slbiciunile care ar putea s-l amenine. Mijloacele acestui program variau de la propagand i educaia accentund povara pe care o reprezint pentru ras cei cu deficiene, pn la legislaia eugenic n privina
mariajului, estimarea valorii reproductive de ctre experi lucrnd n beneficiul statului i mpiedicarea reproducerii membrilor subpopulaiilor cu deficiene sau cu caracteristici biologice sub un anumit standard, prin sterilizare
sau exterminare. O dat ce fiecare via are o valoare calculabil, iar unele
viei snt mai puin valoroase dect altele, o astfel de politic are obligaia s
exercite aceast judecat n numele rasei sau al naiunii. Urmeaz de aici
toate proiectele eugenice de reproducere selectiv, sterilizare i ncarcerare. ntr-adevr, Agamben susine c lagrul este paradigma biopolitic a
modernitii: atunci cnd corpul colectiv al poporului devine principala resurs a politicului, purificarea lui de indivizii tarai devine esenial n grija pentru via.4
Dup cum observa Lene Koch, referinele la eugenism din numeroase evaluri contemporane ale biomedicinei au o funcie retoric specific.5 Unii se
refer la eugenism pentru a distinge prezentul de trecut: astfel, specialiti
contemporani n genetic molecular susin c disciplina lor, ca i ntreaga
medicin de azi, a respins definitiv eugenismul n favoarea unei practici medicale preventive, individualizate, voluntare, informate, etice, organizate n
jurul sntii. Alii invoc eugenismul pentru a lega prezentul de trecut, fiind
de prere c, n ciuda diferenelor, biomedicina de azi, mpreun cu genetica, continu s judece viaa uman i valoarea ei, ajungnd chiar s decid
asupra anselor de via n scopul eliminrii unor diferene considerate
defecte. Dar Agamben i Bauman au cu siguran dreptate atunci cnd consider c de-a lungul ntregului secol al XX-lea nu a existat o distincie clar
ntre medicin preventiv i eugenism, ntre cutarea sntii i eliminarea

190

celor necorespunztori, ntre consimmnt i constrngere.

La nceputul secolului al XX-lea, n cadrul statelor-naiuni din Europa i America de Nord, precum i n multe din coloniile lor, cptau form dou mari
proiecte biopolitice susinute de ctre stat. Primul dintre acestea ncerca s
maximizeze buna condiie biologic a populaiei, adugnd anterioarei griji
de asigurare a condiiilor exterioare ale sntii (prin planificare urbanistic,
sisteme de canalizare i altele) o atenie individualizat pentru modul de via
al cetenilor. Acest neoigienism i are originile n interveniile moralizatoare asupra obiceiurilor pturii srace care au proliferat n a doua jumtate a secolului al XIX-lea. El a avut ca scop inculcarea obinuinelor ce conduc
la sntate fizic i moral n fiecare individ prin intermediul familiei i al colii, coroborate cu msuri disciplinare i tutelare precum inspectarea medical a elevilor, inspecii medicale la domiciliu, clinici etc. Sntatea constituia
aici o zon de trecere ntre interesul politic pentru buna condiie biologic a naiunii i tehnicile personale ale grijii de sine.
A doua mare strategie biopolitic a ncercat de asemenea maximizarea bunei
condiii biologice a populaiei, ns privilegiind un aspect cel al reproducerii. Eugenismul cuta s amelioreze starea corpului politic i s-i uureze
viitorul de poverile economice i sociale ale bolii i degenerrii ,acionnd
n prezent asupra deciziilor privind reproducerea, precum i asupra capacitilor indivizilor.6 Programele eugenice foloseau o combinaie de stimulente i constrngeri pentru a modula dorina sau capacitatea de a procrea
a indivizilor din anumite categorii cei considerai bolnavi ereditar, alienai
mintali, labili psihic sau fizic, cei socotii incorigibil imorali ori antisociali, mai
ales alcoolicii i cei vinovai de delicte sexuale. Msurile eugenice pozitive
variau de la ndemnuri ncurajatoare la alocaii acordate familiilor. ntre
msurile eugenice negative se numrau avortul, msurile de segregare,
sterilizrile mai mult sau mai puin involuntare, chiar i eutanasia.
ntre susintorii eugenismului i cei care militau pentru medicina preventiv i educaia public pentru sntate au avut loc numeroase dispute. ns
relaiile efective dintre aceste dou strategii erau mult mai complexe: teme
eugenice erau prezente n multe politici de sntate public, n timp ce sntatea public i medicina preventiv preau multora compatibile cu gndirea
eugenic. Comportnd un rasism mai mult sau mai puin virulent, politicile
eugenice de sterilizare forat sau impus a celor considerai ameninri pentru calitatea populaiei mai ales cei din spitalele de boli nervoase, debilii
mintali sau cei considerai incorigibili moral sau antisociali s-au rspndit
n Statele Unite i n Europa i i-au atins apogeul sngeros n Germania.7
Asemenea legi privind sterilizarea au fost adoptate n anii 20 i 30 n multe state din SUA, n Elveia, Danemarca, Finlanda, Germania, Norvegia, Estonia, Islanda, Mexic (Vera Cruz), Cuba, Cehoslovacia, Iugoslavia, Lituania,
Letonia, Ungaria i Turcia. ns coerciia era doar unul din elementele
acestor strategii, care cutau de asemenea s modifice atitudinea public
i judecile individuale prin educaie i consiliere. Chiar i n eugenismul
regimului nazist, sterilizarea i eutanasia, cel puin n ceea ce privete
patologiile mentale, nu erau pur i simplu o practic nociv impus de sus.
n contextul dominaiei ideilor eugenice n literatura medical i tiinific a
vremii, muli medici germani luau decizii pe cont propriu, n conformitate
cu aceasta; pe fondul larg rspnditei campanii de propagand i educaie
public, prinii solicitau adesea msuri eugenice pentru propriii lor copii.
Nu este prin urmare surprinztor c sterilizarea pe baze eugenice a continuat i dup rzboi ntr-o serie de ri democratice.8 Muli savani i ideologi considerau practicile eugenice planificate la nivel naional i organizate

verso
un caz exemplar. n contextul dezvoltrii unui sistem socio-economic paternalist, aici a fost practicat ntre 1935 i 1975 un eugenism pastoral. El i
avea modelul n imaginea bunului pstor care trebuie, desigur, s fie pregtit
s ia uneori decizii aspre pentru a reduce povara pe care o constituie oaia bolnav sau slab asupra turmei ca ntreg. Argumente eugenice, susinute
de o dorin de a mbunti calitatea, sntatea i buna stare a populaiei,
stau i la baza msurilor pronataliste, cum ar fi alocaiile familiale i examinrile prenupiale din Frana, iar actorii principali nu vedeau nici o contradicie
ntre eugenism i strategiile igieniste n combaterea rului social. De
asemenea, cel puin pn n anii 50, n Marea Britanie i SUA concepiile
eugenice jucau un rol important n sfaturile acordate viitorilor prini de ctre
specialitii n noua profesie a consilierii genetice. Un asemenea sfat era considerat important n special pentru subiecii cu un istoric familial de defecte
sau boli motenite, crora le lipsea capacitatea moral de a aprecia implicaiile
i, prin urmare, de a-i controla reproducerea.
Strategiile organizate sau sprijinite de stat pentru influenarea deciziilor sau
modificarea capacitilor reproductive n numele sntii populaiei au
jucat, aadar, un rol n politicile medicale i biologice ale multor societi democratice liberale de-a lungul secolului al XX-lea, n numele medicinei preventive i al sntii publice. Orict de mari ar fi diferenele morale i politice ntre
eutanasie i sterilizare forat, pe de o parte, i consiliere genetic, pe de
alta, nu putem s gndim n simple dualiti: politici pozitive i negative, msuri voluntare sau obligatorii, coerciie i persuasiune. Cum putem marca
specificitatea biopoliticii contemporane Biopolitica primei jumti de secol
XX, n ambele sale forme, neoigienism i eugenism, implica ideea c, n aceleai condiii, indivizii sntoi erau de preferat celor nesntoi. Sntatea
era neleas ca bun condiie [fitness], iar problema se punea n termenii
importanei politice asociate bunei condiii a naiunii considerate en masse,
n competiie cu alte naiuni. Buna condiie a populaiei era vulnerabil n
faa ameninrilor exterioare i interioare, iar guvernele naionale aveau
obligaia s o protejeze i s ia msuri de ameliorare a acestei condiii prin
intermediul politicilor formulate i puse n practic de i prin aparatul de stat.
Spre deosebire de Agamben i Bauman, eu cred c biopolitica zilelor
noastre difer de aceast imagine n cteva puncte decisive. Aa cum s-a
remarcat de mai multe ori, raiunile politice ale prezentului nu mai snt inspirate de visul de a lua n stpnire viaa fiecruia n numele destinului comun.
Idealul unui stat social omnicompetent care s formeze, s coordoneze i
s administreze afacerile tuturor sectoarelor societii i-a pierdut reputaia.
Ideea unei societi ca unic domeniu chiar dac eterogen , cu o cultur naional, o populaie naional, un destin naional, coextensiv cu un
teritoriu naional i cu puterile unui guvern naional, a intrat n criz. Ideea
de cultur naional a fcut loc celei de culturi, identitatea naional
unei colecii complexe de identiti politice, comunitatea comunitilor.
n aceast nou configuraie, sensul i proeminena politic a sntii i a
bolii s-au schimbat.
Desigur, programele de medicin preventiv, de promovare a sntii i
de educaie sanitar nc au ca obiect sntatea naiunii. Astzi ns raiunea
interesului politic pentru sntatea populaiei nu se mai prezint n termeni
de consecine ale proastei condiii biologice a populaiei ca tot organic n
lupta dintre naiuni. Ea se exprim n termeni economici costurile bolii
n termeni de zile de munc pierdute ori cretere a contribuiilor la asigurri sau n termeni morali imperativul reducerii inegalitilor n sntate.
Ct timp comparaiile internaionale snt fr ndoial nc semnificative, funcia

lor politic contemporan nu mai este aceea de a

marca poteniala vulnerabilitate a unui stat n rivalitatea geopolitic; ele servesc mai degrab ca indici publici ai msurii n care naiunile au instituit cu
succes politici de administrare a sntii. Indicatorii
de sntate naional nu mai exprim aici starea populaiei ca ntreg; ei funcioneaz ca agregate ale
strii de sntate a cetenilor i a familiilor. Mai mult, promovnd sntatea,
relaia ideal a statului cu populaia nu mai este cea la care aspira statul social.
Statul contemporan nu naionalizeaz corporalitatea subiecilor si pentru a forma un corp politic asupra cruia s se exercite en masse, punndu-l n relaie de concuren cu cele ale altor state. Statul nu mai are
sarcina de a gsi soluii pentru nevoile de sntate ale societii. Vitalitatea
speciei naiunea, populaia, rasa este acum arareori raiunea i motivul
pentru interveniile directe n viaa indivizilor considerai doar ca elemente
constitutive ale speciei. n acest domeniu, precum i n multe altele, statul
este vzut ca acel care face posibil, care faciliteaz, statul ca animator. Pe
de o parte, statul i pstreaz responsabilitatea ctigat n secolele XVIIIXIX
cronologia precis variind n funcie de contextele naionale de a asigura condiiile generale pentru sntate: reglarea vnzrii alimentelor, organizarea sistemului de canalizare i asigurarea apei potabile, uneori dispunnd
adaosul de elemente n diet vitamine, prezena fluorurilor n apa potabil etc. Pe de alt parte, n cadrul acestui mediu de promovare a sntii,
statul caut s se elibereze de unele responsabiliti pe care le-a acumulat
de-a lungul secolului al XX-lea, privind asigurarea indivizilor mpotriva consecinelor bolii i ale accidentelor. Astfel, observm o intensificare i generalizare a strategiilor de promovare a sntii dezvoltate n secolul al XX-lea,
cuplate cu dezvoltarea industriei asigurrilor private de sntate, crescnd
obligaiile de monitorizare i administrare a propriei snti ce revin indivizilor i familiilor. Fiecare cetean trebuie s devin acum un partener activ
n strdania pentru sntate, acceptndu-i responsabilitatea de a-i asigura propria bunstare fizic. Organizaiile i comunitile snt de asemenea
chemate s joace un rol activ n asigurarea sntii propriilor angajai i membri. Aceast nou voin de sntate este capitalizat din ce n ce mai mult
de ntreprinderi, de la companii farmaceutice la magazine alimentare. O
ntreag pleiad de grupuri de presiune, organizaii, grupuri de ntrajutorare
vin s ocupe spaiul dorinelor, anxietilor, nemulumirilor i indispoziiilor
dintre voina de sntate i experiena absenei acesteia. n aceast reea
complex de fore i imagini, aspiraiile i comportamentele indivizilor privitoare la sntate snt guvernate de la distan, prin crearea modurilor n
care acetia i neleg i i exercit propria libertate.
Poate c Agamben i Bauman au dreptate sugernd c legtura dintre individual i colectiv din prima jumtate a secolului al XX-lea neoigienism sau
eugenism ia o form caracteristic modern. n acest caz, consider c
n ceea ce privete raionalitatea politic ce caracterizeaz ceea ce am
numit liberalism avansat, relaiile contemporane dintre viaa biologic a
indivizilor i buna stare a colectivitii, ea este pus n termeni oarecum diferii.
Nu mai este vorba de o ncercare de a clasifica, identifica i elimina sau constrnge indivizii deficieni ori de promovarea reproducerii celor avnd caracteristicile cele mai dezirabile, n numele bunei condiii biologice a
populaiei, naiunii sau rasei. Mai degrab, avem de a face cu o varietate
de strategii care ncearc s identifice, s trateze sau s administreze indivizii, grupurile sau localitile cu risc crescut. Distinciile binare ale normalu-

191

logicului, centrale n analizele biopolitice anterioare, snt regrupate n strategiile de administrare a riscului. Asemenea strategii snt organizate pe mai
multe niveluri. Avem strategii epidemiologice sau statistice menite s
reduc nivelurile generale de risc; strategii de administrare a grupurilor expuse
unor riscuri mari; i, din ce n ce mai des, strategii bazate pe identificarea
i intervenia preventiv n cazurile individuale de risc ridicat.
Riscul denot aici o familie de modaliti de a gndi i a aciona, implicnd
calcule asupra viitorului probabil, urmate de intervenii n prezent, cu scopul de a-l controla. Noiunile de mortalitate i morbiditate au constituit
punctele de pornire n dezvoltarea concepiilor despre viitor ca fiind calculabil, predictibil, dependent de anumii factori identificabili, dintre care unii
erau influenabili.9 Politicile de sntate ale secolului al XIX-lea erau susinute
de arhivarea i organizarea informaiilor numerice privind populaia i analizarea frecvenelor i probabilitilor. Aceste practici stteau la baza strategiilor igieniste de a identifica, administra i reduce nivelurile generale de
morbiditate i mortalitate, modificnd factorii specifici unei anumite regiuni
geografice, unui habitat sau unei perioade a vieii, care erau asociai statistic cu niveluri ridicate ale morbiditii sau mortalitii. n Anglia, de pild, Edwin
Chadwick a folosit argumente statistice i probabilistice n susinerea
reformei sistemului de canalizare, iar William Farr a utilizat date statistice
privind distribuia geografic a mortalitii i morbiditii pentru a incrimina
sursele de ap n rspndirea holerei. n prima jumtate a secolului al XXlea, astfel de idei privind regularitatea i predictibilitatea bolii sau a diferitelor
accidente n cadrul unei populaii au jucat un rol central n naterea ideii nsei
de societate i n apariia, n mai multe ri, a strategiilor de asigurri sociale
mpotriva riscurilor cauzate de viaa nsi ntr-o populaie naional asigurat.10 De-a lungul celei de-a doua jumti a secolului al XX-lea, grija
biopolitic de a micora riscurile care planeaz asupra sntii controlul
polurii, reducerea accidentelor, meninerea sntii fizice, ngrijirea copiilor a devenit intrinsec nu numai la nivelul organizrii serviciilor sociale
i de sntate, ci i la cel al deciziilor urbanistice, privind designul cldirilor
i al automobilelor, practica educaional, managementul organizaiilor,
marketingul produselor alimentare i multe altele. Cu alte cuvinte, riscul este
concept central al biopoliticii de peste 150 de ani.
Departe de a nregistra o scdere, cererile de msuri colective pentru managementul riscului biopolitic prolifereaz i se globalizeaz.11 Iar strategiile
de reducere a probabilitii evenimentelor nefavorabile la nivelul populaiei
care intesc mai degrab practicile i ariile riscante dect indivizii periclitai
sau periculoi se rspndesc i n administrarea altor tipuri de evenimente indezirabile, n special n controlul infracionalitii. Totui, i de
aceast dat cu punctul de plecare n secolul al XIX-lea, un al doilea set de
strategii a operat ca un tip de gndire n termeni de risc. Acestea ncercau
s gseasc factorii care ar fi permis identificarea grupurilor de risc deosebit
i astfel ar fi permis autoritilor s intervin asupra celor cuprini n astfel
de grupuri prin msuri preventive sau profilactice. Folosirea profilurilor de
risc pentru a demarca grupuri de risc are o lung istorie, care merge pn
la nceputurile industriei asigurrilor. Determinarea riscului, n loc s
acioneze actualistic sau asigurativ asupra ntregii populaii, folosete
metode epidemiologice i probabilistice de stabilire a factorilor asociai
riscurilor deosebite pentru diferite afeciuni, probleme de reproducere sau
alte forme patologice, i apoi indivizii n grupe de risc, folosind un algoritm
constituit din aceti factori. n domeniul sntii, determinarea riscului
dezvoltat de la jumtatea secolului al XX-lea a fost utilizat pentru alc-

192

tuirea de profiluri, scale i indici de risc, instrumente utilizate apoi pentru

a identifica indivizii care corespund grupurilor de risc semnificativ peste medie
i pentru a aciona preventiv asupra lor.
Muli dintre cititori snt desigur obinuii cu aceste proceduri de ncadrare
a indivizilor n grupe de risc, pe baze genealogice, n termeni de istoric familial al bolilor sau al patologiilor i/sau pe baze factoriale, n termeni de combinaii de factori asociai unei anumite situaii. Persoanele care se prezint
la medic cu tensiune ridicat snt ncadrate ntr-un profil, n care intr elemente precum vrsta, greutatea, istoricul familial, fumatul i aa mai departe
i snt alocate unui grup de risc prin aplicarea unei scale bazate pe cercetri clinice i epidemiologice, iar n condiiile n care riscul se dovedete ridicat, pot fi sftuite s fac schimbri n obiceiuri, diet sau stilul de via sau
snt supuse unui tratament medicamentos preventiv, menit a reduce riscul
apariiilor unor asemenea disfuncii. Femeilor gravide li se alctuiesc astfel de profiluri de risc de ctre medic sau moa i, n cazul n care se ncadreaz n grupul de risc mare de pierdere a sarcinii, de natere prematur
sau alte dificulti asociate, snt puse sub o supraveghere sporit a moaei
sau a ginecologului. Primele sfaturi pe baza geneticii privind reproducerea
operau de asemenea prin identificarea celor care erau membri ai unor
grupuri de risc deosebit, datorit factorilor epidemiologici, istoricului familiei sau probabilitilor. Aa cum am vzut, la fel se proceda i n cazul programelor eugenice de sterilizare a debililor mintali, a bolnavilor mintali sau
a criminalilor sexuali la nceputul secolului al XX-lea. Mai mult, n mai
multe ri, de la nceputul secolului al XX-lea, au aprut persoane i
organizaii care ofer consiliere cu privire la reproducere, concentrndu-se
asupra viitoarelor cupluri sau viitorilor prini care aveau n familie diferite
boli sau dizabiliti considerate ereditare. Ei erau consiliai cu privire la riscul
ca progenitura s moteneasc aceste probleme i erau sftuii s nu se cstoreasc sau s nu procreeze, ofereau varianta ntreruperii sarcinii, chiar n
jurisdicii unde avortul era ilegal n alte condiii. Consilierea genetic din prima
jumtate a secolului al XX-lea era un instrument explicit eugenic. n anii de
dup cel de-al Doilea Rzboi Mondial, cnd s-au nfiinat numeroase clinici
de consiliere genetic de acest fel n mai multe ri, scopul lor principal era
de a ajuta cuplurile s ia mai degrab decizii eugenice dect disgenice.12
Iar n ultimele decenii ale secolului XX, testele prenatale (cum ar fi de exemplu analiza mostrelor de ser maternal pentru identificarea nivelurilor crescute de proteine asociate cu anumite anormaliti genetice) au devenit o
practic larg rspndit pentru gravidele pe care vrsta sau antecedentele le
plasau n grupe cu risc crescut, totul cuplat cu opiunea avortului.
Exist nc medici i geneticieni care susin c fiecare cetean responsabil
care crede c este purttorul unor defecte genetice ar trebui s ncerce s
reduc riscul transmiterii lor generaiilor urmtoare; astfel de afirmaii i-au
fcut pe unii critici s conchid asupra caracterului eugenic implicit n nsi
ideea de consiliere genetic.13 Consider ns c trebuie acordat mai mult
atenie specificitii structurii acestor logici contemporane de control.14
Luarea deciziilor n contextul biomedicinei are loc n cadrul unui tip de relaii
de putere pe care l-am putea numi pastoral. Am considerat pastoral
eugenismul suedez ntr-un sens apropiat de accepiunea pe care o d
Foucault termenului o form de putere colectivizant i individualizant
interesat de bunstarea turmei ca ntreg. Dar aceast form contemporan de putere pastoral nu este organizat sau administrat de ctre
stat chiar dac folosim acest termen pentru ntregul complex de
prevederi legale, de organizaii de cercetare finanate de ctre stat i

verso
cetare a aspectelor medicale i etice ale noii biomedicini. Ea se manifest
prin i ntr-un spaiu plural i disputat, traversat de codurile pronunate de
comitetele de etic i de asociaiile profesionale; de descoperirile empirice
ale cercettorilor; de atitudinile i criteriile utilizate de angajai i angajatori;
de testele dezvoltate i utilizate de ctre psihologi i companiile biotech; de
opiniile i sfaturile oferite de organizaiile de ntrajutorare, i, s-ar putea aduga, de perspectivele critice ale organizaiilor religioase i ale sociologilor. n
mod crucial, aceast putere pastoral nu mai vizeaz turma ca ntreg. Timp
de trei decenii, specialitii implicai n acest domeniu au respins explicit ideea
c ei ar cuta sau ar trebui s caute s limiteze capacitile reproductive ale
celor care risc s transmit un handicap sau o boal motenit progeniturii lor, lsnd deoparte sugestia c ei ar fi sau ar trebui s fie preocupai
de contribuia caracteristicilor biologice individuale la calitatea populaiei n
viitor sau chiar de costurile viitoare ale ngrijirii copiilor cu handicap.15 Acest
pastoralism nu implic pur i simplu o cunoatere i ndrumare a oii tulburate sau n suferin de ctre pstor. Modul de a descrie aceast form de
putere pastoral ar fi mai degrab relaional. Ea se exercit prin intermediul relaiilor dintre afectele i etica ndrumtorului consilierul genetic i experii
n reproducere asociai lor, care joac rolul de supraveghetori ai testelor
i procedurilor medicale i afectele i etica celui ndrumat, prinii actuali sau poteniali lund propriile decizii privind reproducerea i privind
reelele de responsabiliti i obligaii.
Aceti noi pstori ai trupului expun principiile etice ale consimmntului informat, ale caracterului voluntar i autonom al aciunii i al alegerii, al nondirectivei.16 Dar n practicile acestei puteri pastorale asemenea principii etice trebuie
traduse ntr-o gam de microtehnologii de administrare i comunicare a informaiei. Acestea terg graniele dintre coerciie i consimmnt. Ele
transform subiectivitile celor care snt pui n situaia de a-i da sau nu
consimmntul prin intermediul unor tehnici discursive care ofer noi modaliti de a prezenta aspecte ale sinelui n gndire i limbaj, noi modaliti
de a-i supune sinele i aciunile individuale unor judeci. Aceste tehnici transform telos-ul tradiional, avnd finaliti noi, de exemplu noiunea de sntate mental sau, mai recent, ideea ubicu, dar curent, de calitate a vieii
fiecare din aceti termeni definii i msurai n cadrul oricrui tip de scal.
Totui aceast putere pastoral difer de cea de tip cretin, n care vectorii
de putere aveau o singur direcie, cernd supunerea oilor voinei pstorului i interiorizarea acelei voine absolute prin autoexaminare i autocontrol. Aceste ntlniri de consiliere presupun complicaii afective bidirecionale
ntre cele dou pri prezente, dar genereaz i multiple complicaii cu
pri care nu snt de fa rude ndeprtate, frai sau surori abseni, urmai
poteniali. n aceste complicaii sentimentale, relaiile etice ale tuturor
subiecilor cu ei nii sau cu ceilali snt n joc chiar i cele ale experilor.
Consultaia are rolul de a intensifica eticul. Declaneaz afectele de ruine
i vin, iar n legtur cu acestea se ntreab asupra limitelor libertii individuale i a obligaiilor fa de ceilali. Activeaz conflictul, n ceea ce-l
privete pe consilier, dintre etica grijii i etica ndrumrii. i face pe consilieri
s absoarb, ntr-un mod deloc trivial sau trector, unele din grijile i problemele de decizie ale celor pe care i consiliaz.
Oricare ar fi fost expresiile programatice ale consilierii geneticii de tip nondirectiv, exist probe care sugereaz c cei care au fost consiliai n legtur
cu riscurile individuale la care erau predispui, nainte ca metodele de
testare a acestor predispoziii s existe, metode pe care le voi discuta mai
departe, au fost mai puin nclinai s aib copii. Dar repetarea trecutului

nu este unul din pericolele la care este expus

biopolitica contemporan a riscului de grup. Nu mai
este o politic global de management al populaiei,
i totui, chiar dac ameninrile la care este expus
snt mult mai mundane, ele nu snt ctui de puin
independente de hazard. Exist probleme tehnice,
de exemplu validitatea i acceptabilitatea factorilor
folosii n calcularea profilurilor de risc conform crora indivizii snt distribuii
n grupe de risc, generalizarea acestora n contextele de variaie cultural
i naional, efectele schimbrii n funcie de stabilirea acestor prime mrimi scalare i aa mai departe. Exist problemele falselor plusuri i falselor
minusuri care apar n aplicarea gndirii probabilistice pentru determinarea
tratamentelor indivizilor acestea capt un rol infam n practica lurii deciziei
n legtur cu tratamentul obligatoriu sau detenia pacienilor considerai
riscani din punct de vedere psihiatric, n legtur cu sfatul dat femeilor cu
o istorie familial de cancer la sn crora le-a fost impus mastectomia profilactic. Exist problemele care decurg din ncadrarea individului ntr-un anumit grup de risc: el poate fi privit de ctre alii sau de ctre sine ca urmnd,
acum sau n viitor, s fie afectat n maniera cea mai sever cu putin.
Aceste probleme au fost ndelung discutate n contextul discriminrilor n
ncheierea contractelor de asigurare i de angajare. Dificulti apar i n situaiile
n care evaluarea riscului este legat de msuri preventive. Putem observa aceasta la indivizii care au fost inclui ntr-un grup de risc ridicat, cum ar
fi de cancer sau de boli de inim, i care, chiar dac snt sntoi, trebuie
s-i duc viaa n umbra unei autoriti medicale pentru a fi considerai
responsabili. Un alt exemplu provine din zona riscului comportamental.
Exist proiecte de msuri preventive i intervenii n viaa tinerilor de la periferii, care snt supui riscului unui comportament violent, agresiv i ofensator. Acest risc justific intervenia n vieile suspecilor de serviciu,
intervenie care poate nsemna chiar primul pas n distrugerea unei identiti.
n plus, pot aprea probleme etice n relaia dintre experi i clieni atunci
cnd cifrele nlocuiesc alte forme de ncredere adic atunci cnd deciziile
par s provin din cutia neagr a obiectivitii calculului ai cror autori
nu snt disponibili pentru discuii i contestaii. i, dup cum au artat
nenumrate relatri despre societatea riscului, registrele i bazele de
date de risc au potenialul de a extinde i de a rafina strategiile de control
bazate pe supraveghere.17
Nu este surprinztor atunci c exist mult optimism profesional n legtur
cu impactul recentelor dezvoltri din genomic, dezvoltri care par s
schimbe centrul strategiilor de reglare de la grupele de risc la susceptibilitatea individual. Diagnozele de susceptibilitate ncearc s fac mai mult
dect ncadrarea indivizilor ntr-o grup de risc pe baze probabilistice;
ncearc s-i identifice pe acei indivizi care snt vulnerabili la anumite boli,
defecte sau probleme comportamentale.18 Astfel, n timp ce datele epidemiologice atest c indivizii aparinnd unui anumit grup poart un risc ridicat
pentru anumite probleme medicale de pild betatalamosemia (SCA) ,
scopul nu este de a aciona asupra grupului en masse: apartenena la acest
grup este doar primul pas n direcia identificrii i tratrii indivizilor suspeci.
Amniocenteza a fost utilizat iniial pentru a detecta anormaliti majore ale
numrului sau formei cromozomilor la ft de pild n trisomii de felul sindromului Down sau al anormalitilor numrului cromozomilor X sau Y.
Dar astzi mostrele de lichid amniotic sau, mai recent, din vilozitile corionale pot fi utilizate pentru a detecta anormaliti ale ADN-ului nsui sau

193

prezena unor secvene ori marcatori asociai fie cu o probabilitate crescut de apariie a unor probleme, fie cu o certitudine n acest sens (ca n
cazul bolii lui Huntington). Avem la dispoziie teste genetice pentru un numr
din ce n ce mai mare de boli considerate a implica o singur gen: Huntington, sindromul X fragil, SCA, fibroza chistic i fenilketonuria. Mai mult,
se pun la punct teste care identific prezena unor anumite secvene de baz
marcatori sau polimorfisme ale nucleotidelor a cror prezen crete
probabilitatea de a contacta o anumit boal (boala lui Alzheimer, anumite
forme de cancer de sn sau anumite afeciuni cardiace). ntruct a devenit
rutin pentru medici i pentru geneticieni s considere c orice vulnerabilitate a unui individ fa de o anumit boal are o component genetic, de
obicei relevnd de mai multe gene i de interaciunea dintre ele sau coroborate cu ali factori de mediu ori biografici, plaja de susceptibilitate este virtual nelimitat.
n noua sa form de a concepe susceptibilitatea, paradigma biomedical a
riscului a devenit individualizant i clinic. Ea ptrunde chiar i n spatele i
dedesubtul celor care i triesc vieile n tcerea organelor19 pentru a
descoperi nuntrul lor semnele, rdcinile, predispoziiile pentru viitoarele
patologii. Dac n cazul eugenismului populaia era cea care era expus
riscului de ctre reproducerea unui grup specific sau a unei subpopulaii,
n acest caz avem de-a face cu ceea ce Ian Hacking20 ar numi o nou umanitate interactiv: individul periculos sau expus riscului biologic (din ce n
ce mai des: genetic).21 Acum pare posibil dezvoltarea de programe
inteligente de intervenie preventiv care privesc doar acei indivizi predispui unei anumite dereglri. Aceast opinie st la baza consilierii genetice nc din 1970: punerea sub observaie a femeilor gravide care fac
parte din grupuri de risc ridicat; folosirea pe scar larg a amniocentezei
pentru detectarea fetuilor cu anormaliti genetice; oferirea variantei avortului terapeutic n cazul fetuilor care testeaz pozitiv; i creterea numrului de prini din grupuri de risc ridicat care apeleaz la fertilizarea in vitro
i care snt supui, ca atare, investigaiilor preimplantare.
Dar certitudinea este iluzorie. n aproape toate situaiile, inclusiv n cele n
care boala acioneaz implacabil, cum ar fi boala lui Huntington, diagnosticul pe baza genetic al susceptibilitilor individuale este totui probabilistic. n multe cazuri este vorba pur i simplu de faptul c riscul de a contracta
o boal este influenat de prezena anumitor alele, secvene sau marcatori.
Chiar i n cazul identificrii unei anumite secvene a crei prezen face sigur
faptul c un individ va suferi de o boal, nu obinem nici un indiciu n privina
momentului precis al declanrii bolii sau a severitii ei viitoare. Astfel, aceste noi practici de identificare a susceptibilitilor deschid un spaiu al incertitudinii. Acesta este spaiul n extindere al bolnavilor asimptomatici sau
presimptomatici acei indivizi purtnd semnele sau polimorfismele susceptibilitii, fr a fi clinic sau fenomenologic bolnavi sau anormali. n timp
ce calcularea riscului pare s ofere o modalitate tehnic pentru rezolvarea
chestiunilor etice, aceste tipuri noi de susceptibilitate nu pun la dispoziie
un algoritm clar n luarea deciziilor de ctre doctori sau pacienii lor reali
ori poteniali. n acest fel, biopolitica devine ethopolitic.
Biopolitica neleas ca politic molecular
Eugenismul are la baz regimul adevrului din biologia primelor patru decenii ale secolului al XX-lea, nu numai n Germania, ci i n Marea Britanie,
Frana, rile nordice i Statele Unite. Dar acest regim s-a schimbat. Dup
cel de-al Doilea Rzboi Mondial, s-au fcut eforturi susinute att n spaiul

194

intelectual, ct i n cel politic de a desface legturile dintre sntatea genetic a indivizilor i calitatea populaiei en masse. Genetica urma s se transforme ntr-o disciplin liberal. Reflectnd asupra trecutului disciplinei lor,
geneticienii au reorganizat aria de probleme a disciplinei, orientnd-o spre
originea bolii. Norma sntii individuale a nlocuit-o pe cea a calitii populaiei. Genetica nsi a ncetat s gndeasc n termeni de largi categorii
sociale. A ncercat s vad dincolo de aparenele neltoare ale patologiei
i normalitii determinantele subiacente, genele i modul lor de funcionare
la nivel molecular.
Aceast nou genetic se leag de o transformare a nsei imaginii pe care
o avem despre via. Corpul motenit de medicina secolului al XX-lea din
secolul precedent era o reprezentare clinic, aa cum aprea ea n spital,
pe masa de disecie sau n atlasul anatomic. Corpul era un sistem viu, un
sistem de sisteme. Pielea coninea un volum natural de organe funcionale
interconectate, esuturi, funcii, msuri de control, feedbackuri, reflexe, ritmuri, sisteme circulatorii etc. Acest corp clinic unificat era situat nuntrul
unui corp social alctuit din sisteme extracorporale mediul, cultura , conceput de asemenea n termeni de circuite globale ale aerului, apei, sistemului de canalizare, germenilor, contagiunii, influenelor familiale, climatelor
morale etc. Strategiile eugenice au purtat pecetea acestui mod de a conecta corpul individual cu cel social. Corpul genetic difer n toate aspectele
fundamentale de acest corp eugenic. Este notabil, de pild, diferena de
scal. n anii 30, biologia ajunsese s observe fenomene vii ale domeniului submicroscopic ntre 106 i 107 cm. Ca s ne exprimm astfel, viaa
a fost molecularizat.22 Aceast molecularizare nu nsemnat doar explicarea
proceselor la nivel molecular. Nu a nsemnat nici simpla folosire a noilor
instrumente la nivel molecular. A fost o reorganizare a perspectivei asupra
tiinelor vieii, a instituiilor lor, a procedurilor, instrumentelor, spaiilor de
lucru i a formelor lor de capitalizare.
n anii 60, aa cum spunea G. Canguilhem, tiinele vieii nu mai snt un
portret al vieii, aa cum erau pe vremea cnd ele constau n descrierea i
clasificarea speciilor; i nu mai snt asemntoare nici arhitecturii sau
mecanicii, ca n cazul anatomiei sau fiziologiei macroscopice.23 Schimbarea
scalei la care se studiaz fenomenele caracteristice vieii a adus cu sine un
nou limbaj al biologiei:
A renunat la vocabularul i conceptele mecanicii clasice, fizicii i chimiei,
toate bazate mai mult sau mai puin direct pe modele geometrice, n
favoarea limbajului lingvisticii i teoriilor comunicrii. Mesaje, informaii, programe, coduri, instruciuni, decodare: acestea snt noile concepte ale
tiinelor vieii.24
n realitate, lucrurile au fost mai complicate: au trebuit s fie abandonate
alte modele explicative ale topografiei i funciilor genelor pentru ca paradigma informatic s devin dominant i s ia n cele din urm forma unui
cod de sintetizare a proteinelor bazat pe ADN. n orice caz, n discursul
genomic care a prins contur n ultimele decenii ale secolului al XX-lea, viaa
este reprezentat ca o sum de evenimente i procese subcelulare, controlate de un genom care nu se constituie ntr-o diagram, nici ntr-un plan,
ci ntr-un cod digital nscris n structura molecular a cromozomului. Acesta
este limbajul vieii ce conine instruciunile digitale care ne fac ceea ce
sntem. Istoricilor epocii le face plcere s citeze visul lui Walter Gilbert, deintor al Premiului Nobel: voi putea s scot un CD din buzunar i s spun:
Aici este o fiin uman: snt eu!.25 Pe msur ce Proiectul Genomului

verso
Uman progresa, acest vis prea realizabil: genomul prea s conin 3 miliarde de perechi de baz, organizate n 100.000 de gene, alctuind o list
de elemente de 1 Gb, care aproape c ar ncpea pe un CD.
Prima hart a genomului uman, publicat n 11 februarie 2001, a dat o lovitur sever, poate chiar fatal, acestei imagini. n locul celor aproximativ
100.000 de gene care fuseser prezise cu atta siguran, se pare c este vorba
doar de circa 31.000 de secvene care codeaz lanurile de aminoacizi
n comparaie cu cele 6.000 pentru celulele de ciuperci, 13.000 pentru musculia de oet i 20.000 pentru un nematod. Aceasta nu pare s fie o list
de componente ale fiinei umane un avion modern conine mai mult de
200.000 de componente unice. Se pare c nu exist suficiente gene care
s codeze fiecare component n parte pentru a reprezenta complexitatea
anatomiei sau fizionomiei umane, lsnd la o parte bazele neuronale ale vastului repertoriu comportamental al fiinei umane, ale contiinei, nvrii i
memoriei. Reducionismul brut al unei mari pri a genomicii sfritului de
secol XX pare deja demodat dup regruparea geneticii moleculare n jurul
genomicii funcionale i proteomicii. nsi ideea de gen se fragmenteaz
i se complexific. Trim n lumea postgenomic, n care procesele-cheie snt
cele ale expresiei i reglrii genelor, n care aceeai secven poate fi tiat
i transcris n diferite moduri, n funcie de mediul celular, acesta din urm
format dintr-o multitudine de factori extracelulari.
Molecularizarea biologiei a nsemnat fr ndoial un eveniment epistemic
ireversibil. Ea a fost de asemenea un eveniment tehnic semnificativ, pentru
c noile modele moleculare snt mai mult tehnice dect reprezentaionale.
Aceasta nu e n sine o noutate: simbioza dintre a cunoate i a transforma
era prins nc de mai demult n estura biologiei. n biologia celei de-a doua
jumti a secolului al XX-lea, cunoaterea vieii i corpul viu au devenit intrinsec legate de interveniile care au transformat aceste corpuri. Elaborarea
modelelor moleculare n biologie, proces care a avut loc n ultimele trei
decenii, a depins n mod similar de refacerea tehnic a vieii la acest nivel
molecular. Toate aceste proiecte de transcriere a crii vieii, de a sparge
codul codurilor, de a-i descoperi trsturile normale i patologice au fost
legate de eforturi de a interveni asupra vieii la acest nivel molecular nu
dup eveniment, ci chiar n procesul de cercetare, ca de exemplu n tehnicile de recombinare genetic, n reacia n lan a polimerazei pentru crearea
de cpii multiple ale unei secvene de ADN n afara sistemelor vii, fabricarea de secvene de ADN, manufacturarea de organisme cu sau fr anumite secvene de gene specifice. n acest proces, conceptele teoretice i
ipotezele experimentale s-au transformat rapid n entiti care erau oferite
de pe raft de ctre companiile comerciale.26
Nu a fost prin urmare nevoie de o schimbare de perspectiv pentru a
transpune noile experiene din laborator n fabric. Laboratorul i fabrica
snt deja legate intrinsec industria farmaceutic fiind central n cercetrile
neurochimiei, industria biotech n cercetrile privind clonarea, firmele de
tehnologii genetice n cercetarea secvenelor genomului uman. Aceste companii nu doar aplic sau comercializeaz descoperirile tiinifice, ci stabilesc nsi direcia, organizarea, spaiul de probleme i soluii al biologiei
ca disciplin. Aceasta deoarece viaa la nivel molecular este cognoscibil doar
prin intermediul unei aparaturi i tehnici complexe i costisitoare:
microscoape electronice, ultracentrifuge, electroforez, spectroscopie,
difracie de raze X, contoare de izotopi i scintilaii, n conexiune cu
capacitile de procesare a informaiei oferite de computere i, acum, cu
capacitile de diseminare a informaiei ale internetului. Prin urmare, po-

litica tiinelor vieii politica vieii nsei a fost structurat de ctre cei care controlau resursele umane,
tehnice i financiare necesare pentru a susine
asemenea cercetri. n perioada de dup al Doilea
Rzboi Mondial, fondurile pentru dezvoltarea strategic a tiinelor vieii au fost alocate de ctre noucreatele consilii publice de cercetare, alturi de
fundaiile private, ca de pild Rockefeller, cu propriile lor agende. n ultimele
decenii ale secolului trecut, aceste surse de finanare au fost nlocuite din
ce n ce mai mult de capitalizarea tiinelor vieii, de industria farmaceutic
i, n cele din urm, de ntreprinderile biotehnologice. Nici producia de adevr, nici chiar cea de sntate nu mai snt acum suficiente pentru a influena
capitalitii n cutare de profit, oficiile de acordare a patentelor i autorii de
literatur tiinific de care tiinele vieii snt n din ce n ce mai mare
msur dependente: ele trebuie acum s se legitimeze prin logica dezvoltrii
produciei i cea a cotelor de pia. Biopolitica devine bioeconomie, cluzit de cutarea a ceea ce Catherine Waldby numea biovaloare: producerea unui surplus de vitalitate.27 Disputele privind biopirateria, patentarea
genelor i comerului cu esuturi umane arat ns cum nsi devenireamarf la nivel molecular se confund cu ideile despre viaa uman i despre
protecia de care aceasta trebuie s aib parte. Snt fragmentele de ADN
replicate, transformate i manipulate in vitro prin tehnici de recombinare,
via ca s nu spunem via uman Au doctorii dreptul s patenteze
i s profite de pe urma culturilor de celule nemuritoare prelevate din splina
canceroas a lui John Moore Distincia clasic fcut de filosofie ntre ceea
ce nu este uman putnd fi posedat, comercializat i ceea ce este uman
nereprezentnd un material legitim pentru o astfel de comodificare pare
s nu mai fie att de stabil.
Pn acum, se prea c viaa consta n nsi funcionarea natural a proceselor vitale. Tot ce putea s spere medicina era s izoleze anormalitatea,
s restabileasc normele vitale naturale i normativitatea corpului care le
susine. Dar aceste norme par s nu mai fie ineluctabile, ci snt deschise alterrilor. O dat ce au fost observate efectele medicamentelor n reconfigurarea limitelor, normelor, volatilitii afectelor, cogniiei, voinei, nu mai este
posibil s ne imaginm un sine care s nu fie deschis unor asemenea
modificri. O dat cu schimbarea normelor de reproducere prin concepia
asistat, natura i limitele procreaiei, precum i speranele i anxietile din
jurul ei snt irevocabil schimbate. O dat cu schimbarea limitelor de
mbtrnire ale femeii prin terapiile hormonale sau a celor privind sexualitatea masculin prin intermediul Viagrei, procesul normal de mbtrnire
apare doar ca o posibilitate printre altele ntr-un cmp de alegeri, cel puin
pentru occidentalii nstrii.
Desigur, narcoticele, excitantele i alte medicamente, licite sau ilicite, au transformat, de-a lungul anilor, persoanele i capacitile acestora prin crearea
unei legturi ntre corpurile lor i substanele chimice. Corpul diabeticului
a devenit protezat o dat cu inventarea tratamentului cu insulin: un compus chimic administrat n doze calculate nlocuiete normativitatea absent sau defectuoas a proceselor organice vitale. Desigur, corpul femeii a fost
deja de mult vreme mai deschis artificializrii dect cel al brbatului. ns
un eveniment este o chestiune de asocieri, constnd n asocierea de mici
schimbri disparate care duc la depirea unei limite. Ceea ce era nainte
considerat excepional, remarcabil devine obinuin de gndire, chiar ceva
ateptat. Acum toate evenimentele vieii par s constea n nlnuiri inteli-

195

gibile de evenimente care pot fi supuse unei inginerii inversate i apoi reconstruite n laborator sau modificate pentru a evolua n alte feluri. S lum
ca exemplu patru din cele cinci cele mai prescrise medicamente din SUA
n anul 1999: Premarin, pentru tratamentul simptomelor menopauzei terapie hormonal de substituie; Synthyroid, pentru tratarea deficienelor tiroidiene o boal caracterizat prin letargie general i scderea tonusului;
Lipitor, pentru tratarea hiperlipidemiei nivel ridicat de lipide n snge, fapt
ce predispune la boli cardiace; i Prilosec, pentru tratarea disfunciilor gastrice i a ulcerelor.28 Urmeaz ndeaproape antidepresivele: Prozac-ul era
al zecelea, dar vrul su Zoloft era al unsprezecelea i Paxil al cincisprezecelea. Viagra se situa doar pe poziia 47, dar asta era n 1999. Existena este
trit n noi coordonate, se joac un nou joc al vieii. nsi distincia dintre
boal i sntate mental a fost transformat de noile reprezentri moleculare ale minii produse de psihiatria biologic i de medicamentele care
snt create pentru a interveni la nivelul proceselor moleculare din neuroni i sinapse: nici o mirare atunci c numrul de diagnostice de depresie crete i c relaiile noastre afective cu lumea se transform, ct vreme
orice indispoziie este declarat depresie. Viaa pare acum deschis formrilor
i transformrilor la nivel molecular: prin intervenii precis calculate care previn
producerea unui eveniment, prin alterarea felului n care se produce un eveniment, prin producerea de noi evenimente la nivelul proceselor celulare nsele. Pe msur ce diferenele dintre tratament i intensificare, dintre natural
i protezat plesc, managementul i maximizarea vieii nsei au devenit
lucrarea vieii, nu doar a indivizilor, ci i a medicilor, care mpreun cu savanii,
antreprenorii i corporaiile fac din transformarea vieii obiectul cunoaterii
lor, al inveniilor i produselor lor. Viaa natural nu mai poate s fie principiul sau norma creia s i se supun sau prin intermediul creia s fie judecate politicile vieii. Dilemele privind ce sntem, ce putem face i ce putem
s sperm au acum o form molecular. Biopolitica face apel acum la o existen uman la nivel molecular: ea este angajat la nivelul moleculelor,
printre molecule, acolo unde snt n cauz nsei moleculele.
Biopolitica neleas ca ethopolitic
Teza originar a biopoliticii implica o separare ntre cei care calculau i exercitau puterea i cei care i erau supui, cei a cror existen biologic trebuia
s fie format n beneficiul fiecruia i al tuturor. Aceast poziie pare s caracterizeze politicile care caut s modifice comportamentul de reproducere al indivizilor n numele populaiei; sngeroasele tehnici ale eugeniei
negative; experimentele medicale asupra prizonierilor i bolnavilor psihici;
eutanasierea celor a cror via nu mai merit trit; chiar i asemenea strategii benigne cum ar fi controlul medical al elevilor. n aceste cazuri putem fi
de acord cu Agamben c suveranul i-a extins puterea asupra corpurilor
vii ale subiecilor si aliindu-se cu juristul [...] doctorul, omul de tiin, expertul i preotul.29 Nu ar trebui s uitm c n 1939, anul n care Hitler scria
memoriul secret care permitea anumitor doctori s ofere o moarte blnd
pacienilor ale cror viei se considera c nu mai merit a fi trit, este i
anul pe care guvernul su l declar anul datoriei de a fi sntos.30
ns enorma extindere a aparatului politic al sntii n regimurile democratice liberale din secolele XIXXX ar fi fost de neconceput dac noucreatele valori ale igienei i sntii nu ar fi venit n contact cu aspiraiile
poporului nsui n special sracii, cei dezavantajai, clasa muncitoare.
Trebuie s precizm c n aceast perioad biopolitica a fost democratizat i c au fost formate aliane ntre aspiraiile politice i personale de sn-

196

tate. n neoigienismul primei jumti a secolului al XX-lea, datoria de a fi

sntos trebuia inclus n practicile educative i n rutina domestic i, prin
aceasta, n obligaiile mamelor i copiilor. n a doua jumtate a secolului,
s-a format o nou alian ntre aspiraiile politice pentru o populaie sntoas i aspiraiile personale: sntatea trebuia asigurat prin instrumentalizarea
anxietilor i prin modelarea speranelor i fricilor individuale i ale familiilor pentru destinul lor biologic. nsi ideea de sntate a fost reconstruit voina de sntate nu cuta doar s evite boala i moartea prematur,
ci i o optimizare a corporalitii personale, caracterizat de o stare general mai bun, care s cuprind i elemente precum: succes, fericire, sexualitate i multe altele. Aceast nou voin de sntate a fost amplificat i
instrumentalizat de noile strategii publicitare i de marketing de pe piaa
de consum pentru sntate care se dezvolt att de rapid medicamente
fr prescripie medical, asigurri de sntate, ngrijiri medicale private, alimente sntoase, vitamine i suplimente de diet i toat gama de practici complementare, alternative i de autongrjire. La nceputul secolului al
XXI-lea, speranele, fricile, deciziile i rutinele formate n termeni de risc
i posibiliti ale existenei biologice i corporale devin dominante n constituirea principiilor de organizare a unei viei prudente, responsabile i bazate
pe alegere.
Sinele a devenit n mod intrinsec somatic practicile etice lund din ce n
ce mai des corpul ca punct-cheie pentru tehnicile de sine. De la discursurile
oficiale de promovare a sntii, trecnd prin relatrile experienei bolii i
a suferinei n mass-media, pn la discursurile populare despre diet i
exerciiu fizic, observm creterea accentului pus pe reconstrucia personal prin aciunea asupra unui trup n numele unei bune stri simultan corporale i psihologice. Exerciiile fizice, dieta, vitaminele, tatuajele, piercing-ul,
drogurile, chirurgia estetic, reaezarea rolurilor de gen, transplantul de organe toate acestea arat c pentru indivizii deschii experienelor31
existena corporal i vitalitatea sinelui au devenit locul privilegiat al experimentelor asupra subiectivitii. Este ceea ce am numit individualitate
somatic.32 Noul vocabular genomic i molecular despre noi nine
precum cele anterioare ale inteligenei, sau depresiei, sau hormonilor
este ncorporat n aceste relaii ale sinelui somatic cu el nsui. Ele fac vizibile noi aspecte ale vitalitii umane, reconstituie experiena, nu doar dndu-i noi sensuri, ci reorganiznd-o efectiv conform unor noi adevruri
despre cine sntem, ce trebuie s facem i ce putem s sperm.
Biopolitica fuzioneaz aici cu ceea ce am numit ethopolitic: politic a vieii
nsei i a modului n care trebuie ea trit.33 Prin ethopolitic neleg s caracterizez felurile n care ethosurile existenei umane sentimentele, natura moral a credinelor care ghideaz persoanele, grupurile sau instituiile
ofer mediul n care autoguvernarea individului autonom poate s fie
pus n relaie cu imperativele unei bune guvernri. n ethopolitic, viaa nsi, aa cum este ea trit n manifestrile ei zilnice, este obiectul de
adjudecat. Dac disciplina individualizeaz i normalizeaz, iar bioputerea
socializeaz i colectivizeaz, ethopolitica se ocup cu tehnicile de sine prin
care fiinele umane trebuie s se evalueze i prin care trebuie s acioneze
asupra lor nsele pentru a deveni mai bune dect snt. n timp ce interesele ethopoliticii cuprind stilul de via individual pn la cel al comunitii, ele
coaguleaz n jurul unui fel de vitalism: disputele n jurul valorii care trebuie
acordate vieii nsei, calitatea vieii, dreptul la via sau dreptul de a alege,
eutanasia, terapia genetic, clonarea uman etc.
n aceste domenii puternic contestate, individualitile somatice nsele snt

verso
unui destin biologic, aa cum sugerau unii critici. Dimpotriv. n democraiile
liberale avansate, identitatea biologic este legat de norme mai generale
de aciune, autoactualizare i responsabilizare ale unei persoane. Pe msur ce cunotinele i credinele despre complementul biologic i genomic snt integrate n alegerile complexe pe care trebuie s le efectueze
indivizii prudeni n strategiile lor de via, identitatea biologic genereaz
responsabilitate biologic. Dei muli critici consider noua medicin individualist, putem vedea deja lund natere noi forme de colectivitate.
Alegerile privind mariajul, procrearea, planificarea financiar, motenirea,
cariera etc. creeaz o reea de corelaii implicnd rudele reale sau poteniale,
angajaii, partenerii i copiii. Indivizii de risc alctuiesc grupuri i organizaii,
nu doar cernd drepturi i resurse publice, ci i emind propriile lor opinii
despre dezvoltarea tehnologiilor biomedicale i a direciilor de dezvoltare
a cercetrilor ca de exemplu n cazul familiilor celor cu distrofii musculare, boala lui Huntington sau cancer de sn. Paul Rabinow34 a numit aceste fenomene biosocialitate. Indivizii care se identific pe ei nii i
comunitatea lor prin criterii biologice chestioneaz vectorii care duc de la
imperfeciunea sau anormalitatea biologic la stigmatizare i excludere. Ei
folosesc vieile lor individuale i colective, evidena existenei lor i umanitatea lor vital ca fore antagonice oricrei ncercri de reasamblare a
strategiilor unui eugenism negativ n cadrul unei noi biopolitici discreionare.
Cer drepturi umane i civile pentru acele viei considerate anterior ca fiind
mai puin demne a fi trite. Solicit recunoatere, respect, cercetri, control asupra expertizelor medicale i tehnice. Pe msur ce individualitile
somatice intr n politicile vieii, ia natere o nou etic a vieii nsei.
n aceast nou etic, ordinea vital a umanului a devenit deja att de
mbibat cu artificial, nct nsui naturalul trebuie produs printr-o munc aplicat sinelui: alimente naturale, natere natural i altele asemenea. Chiar
hotrrea de a nu interveni n procesele vieii devine un fel de intervenie.
Aceasta ne solicit s punem n discuie distincia propus n termenii cei
mai clari de ctre Canguilhem, dintre norme sociale i norme vitale. Canguilhem35 susine c normele vitale rezult din i manifest normativitatea
vieii nsei, a organismului ca fiin vie, a adaptabilitii sale la mediu. Pe de
alt parte, normele sociale reflect doar adaptarea la o form artificial particular a societii i la cerinele ei de normativitate, docilitate, productivitate, armonie etc. Exist preri care susin c noile politici ale vieii confund
o dat n plus normele sociale cu cele vitale, denunnd de pild faptul c
politicile moleculare ale psihiatriei i preteniile ei de a manipula i a transforma personalitatea i emoiile ncorporeaz socialul ordinii vitale i consider trsturi eseniale ale vitalitii nsei cum ar fi de pild tristeea
ca erori care pot fi corectate n numele unor norme sociale, nu vitale, de
sntate. Dar, cel puin, n ceea ce privete viaa uman, normele sociale
i cele vitale nu au fost niciodat clar delimitate. nsi ideea noastr despre
ceea ce nseamn o fiin uman normal a fost fcut posibil de dezvoltri
tehnice i instituionale determinabile istoric, nu n cele din urm de ctre
biopolitica nsi. Astfel au luat natere noi norme ale capacitilor i
longevitii n sanitarizarea i igienizarea existenei urbane n secolul al XIXlea, noi norme privind tratamentul i recuperarea n spitalele clinice; noi
modaliti de a vedea relaiile dintre destin, via i sntate n dezvoltarea
cunotinelor epidemiologice asupra distribuiei bolilor i corelaiile lor
sociale. Normele vitale contemporane nu snt cu nimic diferite n privina
condiiilor de formare de cele ale generaiilor anterioare. Pe de o parte, propria noastr personalitate este din ce n ce mai adesea definit de noi

nine, precum i de ctre ceilali n termenii

nelegerii contemporane a posibilitilor i limitelor
corporalitii. Pe de alt parte, individualitatea noastr somatic a devenit deschis alegerii, prudenei
i responsabilitii, experimentrii i contestrii i
prin aceasta unei politici vitale.
Viaa nsi
Deja cu mult timp n urm, Michel Foucault remarca faptul c, cel puin de
la naterea medicinei clinice ncoace, gndirea medical a fost angajat n
stabilirea statutului filosofic al omului.36 Gndirea medical a intervenit de
asemenea n problema etic a modului n care trebuie s trim ce fel de
creaturi sntem, ce obligaii avem fa de noi nine i fa de ceilali, ce tehnici putem i/sau trebuie s folosim pentru a ne mbunti pe noi nine, ce
fel de persoane trebuie s ncercm s devenim. Nu cred c cele mai naintate inovaii etice privind relaia cu noi nine aparin deliberrilor bioeticienilor i filosofilor; ele snt realizate n gndirea medical i biomedical i n
tehnic. ntr-adevr, umanismul individualist al bioeticii i al filosofiei medicinei a aprut n cursul individualizrii trupului n medicina clinic a secolului al XIX-lea. Dar acest umanism se confrunt acum cu o via uman al
crei sens este alterat de biologie, biomedicin i biotehnologie. Statutul
filosofic al fiinei umane nsi ontologia ei este transformat() prin deciziile antreprenorilor n privina investirii capitalului i a stabilirii direciilor n care
trebuie s se dezvolte cercetarea biomedical. El este transformat de
geneticienii care iau toate deciziile mrunte privind care snt trsturile ce
trebuie investigate, care snt marcatorii de utilizat, care gene trebuie
urmrite i prin ce metode. El este redefinit de clinicieni n alian cu
pacienii lor prin testarea i explorarea noilor posibiliti ale terapiei genetice i ale tehnologiilor reproducerii. i este dezvoltat i contestat de toi indivizii i grupurile care snt implicai n noua etic a normalitii fie ca supui
riscului bolii i morii premature, fie ca simpli consumatori care i controleaz
dieta, persoane care ne reconstruiesc sculptndu-ne trupurile, prini
poteniali care se decid pentru testare, supraveghere i consiliere genetic, cupluri de homosexuali utiliznd reproducerea artificial pentru a avea
copii.
Am susinut c astzi viaa nu mai este reprezentat ca un capital fix inalterabil, biologia nu mai este vzut ca un destin, iar reproducerea indivizilor
cu defecte constitutive nu mai este de administrat de ctre experi n interesul populaiei viitoare. Judecile nu mai snt organizate n structura binar a normalului i patologicului. Desigur, exist multe practici n care
identificarea unui risc deosebit la care se adaug incorigibilitatea poate s
trimit indivizii n cauz (sau indivizii poteniali) pe circuitele excluderii, fie
n forma avortului terapeutic n cazul fetuilor cu defecte majore, fie prin
detenie preventiv n unele state americane chiar pedeapsa cu moartea
n cazul indivizilor considerai ca avnd o propensiune biologic spre
violen sau delicte sexuale. ns visul doctorilor, geneticienilor, companiilor biotehnologice i al multor oameni afectai i al familiilor lor este cel
al unei diagnosticri presimptomatice urmat de intervenii tehnice la nivel
biologic pentru a repara sau chiar a mbunti organismul suboptimal. Vocaia
politic a tiinelor vieii este legat de credina c n majoritatea, poate n
toate cazurile, dac nu acum, atunci n viitor, indivizii riscani sau expui riscului, o dat identificai i diagnosticai, vor putea fi tratai sau transformai prin
intervenii medicale la nivel molecular. n acest context, diferena dintre sn-

197

gevitate linia de difereniere dintre interveniile care vizeaz susceptibilitatea sau sensibilitatea la mbolnvire, pe de o parte, i interveniile viznd
mbuntirea capacitilor, pe de alta, a nceput s pleasc.
Am sugerat n acest articol c n i prin asemenea dezvoltri, fiinele umane
din culturile occidentale contemporane se recunosc din ce n ce mai mult
pe ele nsele n termeni somatici corporalitatea a devenit unul dintre cele
mai importante subiecte ale judecilor etice i ale tehnicilor. Dou dintre
modurile acestei etici biologice atrag cu deosebire atenia. Pe de o parte,
drepturile omului au acum o dimensiune biologic i, parial n consecin,
au ctigat un statut nou de universalitate a speciei. Drepturile legale, politice
i sociale erau iniial legate de capacitile i obligaiile indivizilor ca elemente
ale asocierilor politice. Se pare c acum fiecare fiin uman are aceste drepturi, pur i simplu n virtutea faptului de a fi membru al speciei. Indivizii par
a fi dobndit un fel de cetenie biologic un drept universal uman de protejare, mcar, a simplei viei i a demnitii trupului oricrei fiine umane.
n geopolitica foametei, a secetei, a rzboiului i epurrilor etnice, n vociferrile micrilor anticapitaliste i antiglobaliste i n politicile locale ale
sntii, este acum cu putin ca oamenii s cear protejarea vieilor lor i
ale altora n numele simplei lor existene biologice i al drepturilor pe care
le confer.
Asemenea argumente sugereaz faptul c etica biologic atribuie fiecrei
fiine umane aceeai valoare. ns practicile i tehnicile noastre arat c, dimpotriv, vieile biologice ale oamenilor snt n mod repetat obiectul judecilor
de valoare. Nu trebuie s privim controversele avnd ca obiect eutanasia
sau drepturile nou-nscuilor cu defecte de constituie severe pentru a constata asta. Fiecare sesiune de consiliere genetic, fiecare amniocentez, fiecare
reet de antidepresive este rezultatul cel puin al posibilitii unei asemenea judeci despre caracterul relativ i comparativ al calitii vieii fiinelor
umane divers alctuite i al diferitelor feluri de a fi uman. Prin extinderea
alegerii la nsi structura existenei vitale prin intermediul tehnicii biomedicale, sntem pui n faa sarcinii ineluctabile de a delibera n privina valorii
diverselor viei umane cu controverse n privina unor asemenea decizii,
cu conflicte despre cine trebuie s ia asemenea decizii i cine nu n cele
din urm cu un nou tip de politic a vieii nsei. Am argumentat n acest
articol c aceast politic nu este una n care autoritile pretind sau li se
acord puterea de a lua asemenea decizii n numele calitii populaiei sau
al sntii fondului genetic. Pe de alt parte, n noile forme de putere pastoral care iau natere nuntrul i n jurul geneticii i al biologiei noastre,
aceste ntrebri despre valoarea vieii nsei impregneaz judecile, vocabularele, tehnicile i aciunile de fiecare zi ale tuturor acestor profesioniti ai
vitalitii: medici, consilieri genetici, cercettori i companii farmaceutice, i
i angajeaz n etic i ethopolitic. i, pe de alt parte, politicile vieii nsei
ne pun pe toi n faa acestor ntrebri n vieile noastre, n cea a familiilor noastre i n noile asociaii care ne leag de ali indivizi cu care mprim
aspecte ale identitilor noastre biologice.
Desigur, nu trebuie supraestimat noutatea a ceea ce se ntmpl. Oricum,
ntr-o msur mai mare i n noi modaliti, am devenit oameni care ne
gndim prezentul i viitorul n termenii calitii vieilor noastre biologice i
ale celor cu care ne identificm. Refrenul melancolic al celor care condamn
arogana biomedicinei de a se amesteca n asemenea lucruri, care condamn ca reducioniste, individualiste sau deterministe toate referinele la
biologic sau care prezic un nou eugenism e de puin ajutor pentru
nelegerea chestiunilor care snt n joc aici. nsi viaa noastr biologic a

198

intrat n domeniul deciziei i alegerii, aceste probleme au devenit de

neocolit. Am intrat n epoca politicilor vitale, a eticii biologice i a responsabilitii genetice.
Traducere de Lorin Ghiman i Claudia Novosivschei

Note:
* Acest articol a fost scris iniial pentru un seminar pe tema Displacement of Politics [Mutaia politicii],
inut la Santa Margherita, Geneva, 2426 iunie 1999, organizat de Sakari Hanninen i Allesandro
dal Lago, iar una din primele versiuni a fost publicat n traducere italian n revista Aut Aut, nr. 298,
pp. 3562. Alte versiuni au mai fost oferite Universitii din Bath, Universitii din Stockholm, Colegiului
Goldsmith, Universitii din Londra, Universitii Est-Londoneze i n cadrul conferinei The
Ethos of Welfare [Etica bunstrii] la Universitatea din Helsinki, n septembrie 2000. Doresc s
le mulumesc participanilor pentru comentariile i criticile aduse. i mulumesc n mod deosebit
lui Carlos Novas pentru numeroasele discuii asupra acestor probleme i pentru c
mi-a oferit idei i surse. n timp ce pregteam versiunea final am beneficiat i de o versiune preliminar a lucrrii The Life Itself a lui Sarah Franklin (Franklin, s.a.). Argumentele mele snt cu totul
ndatorate operei lui Paul Rabinow. [Traducerea n limba romn apare cu amabila permisiune a
autorului. (N. red.)]
1. Michel Foucault, La volont de savoir, Paris, Gallimard, 1976, p. 188.
2. Giorgio Agamben, Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, trans. D. Heller-Roazen, Stanford,
Stanford University Press, 1998; Zygmunt Bauman, Modernity and the Holocaust, Cambridge,
Polity, 1989.
3. Ottmar von Verschuer, Rassenhygiene als Wissenschaft und Staatsaufgabe, 1936, p. 8, citat de
Agamben, op. cit., p. 148.
4. Agamben, op. cit.
5. Lene Koch, Eugenics and Genetics, lucrare susinut n cadrul conferinei Ethos of Welfare,
Universitatea din Helsinki, septembrie 2000, nc nepublicat. Pentru exemple ale acestui tip de
retoric, vezi lucrrile lui Holtzman, Wertz i multe din celelalte articole din acelai numr special al revistei Science in Context, 11 (3/4), 1998.
6. Dintre numeroasele prezentri ale eugenismului, probabil cea mai bun i aparine lui Daniel J.
Kevles, In the Name of Eugenics. Genetics and the Uses of Human Heredity, New York, Knopf,
1985.
7. Pentru cazul Germaniei, vezi Robert Proctor, Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis,
Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1988 i Michael Burleigh, Death and Deliverance: Euthanasia
in Germany 19001945, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1994; pentru Frana, Anne Carol,
Histoire de leugnisme en France: Les mdecins et la procration XIXXX sicle, Paris, Seuil, 1995;
pentru SUA, Ian R. Dowbiggin, Keeping America Sane: Psychiatry and Eugenics in the United States
and Canada, 18801940, Ithaca, NY, Cornell University Press, 1997, Edward J. Larson, Sex, Race
and Science: Eugenics in the Deep South, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995,
Kevles, op. cit., Stefan Khl, The Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism and German
National Socialism, New York, Oxford University Press, 1994 i Jonas Robitscher (ed.), Eugenic
Sterilisation, Thomas Springfield, IL, 1973.
8. Human Betterment Foundation raporta c pn la 1 ianuarie 1950 fuseser sterilizai 50.707 americani, iar ritmul sterilizrilor crescuse dup 1944, urmnd reculului din primii ani de rzboi: vezi
Robert Dickinson i Clarence Gamble, Human Sterilization, s.l., 1950. Pentru detalii privind programele eugenice din rile nordice dup al Doilea Rzboi, vezi Gunnar Broberg & Nils Roll-Hansen,
(eds.), Eugenics and the Welfare State: Sterilisation Policy in Denmark, Sweden, Norway and Finland,
East Lansing, Michigan State University Press, 1996.
9. Privind apariia i dezvoltarea teoriilor riscului, vezi Ian Hacking, The Taming of Chance, Cambridge,
Cambridge University Press, 1990.
10. Franois Ewald, LEtat providence, Paris, Grasset, 1986 i Franois Ewald, Insurance and Risk,
pp. 197210, in Graham Burchell, Colin Gordon i Peter Miller (eds.), The Foucault Effect, Harvester,
Hemel Hempstead, 1991.
11. n orice caz, aa cum argumenteaz Ewald, exist diferene semnificative ntre principiul micorrii
riscului i indiferena la eroare care caracteriza practicile de prevenire i compensaie a asigurrilor
sociale i a politicilor de sntate ale secolului al XX-lea i paradigma contemporan a administrrii
riscului, care cuprinde principiul precauiei n cadrul crora comandamentul eliminrii totale
a riscului este legat de ncercrile de a gsi mereu responsabilii pentru orice eveniment neprevzut i unde incertitudinea aproape incalculabil a consecinelor fiecrei noi dezvoltri este
legat de cerinele de asigurare a completei sale sigurane.
12. Beth A. Fine, The Evolution of Nondirectiveness in Genetic Counseling and Implications of the
Human Genome Project, in Dionne M. Bartels, Bonnie S. LeRoy i Arthur L. Caplan (eds.),

verso
Prescribing Our Future: Ethnical Challenges in Genetic Counseling, New York, Aldine de Gruyter,
1993, p. 103.

27. Catherine Waldby, The Visible Human Project, London, Routledge,

2000, p. 19.

13. Ali autori susin c practicile cvasivoluntare de sterilizare a femeilor din anumite orae americane
au la baz consideraii eugenice. Vezi Beverley Horsburgh, Schrodingers Cat, Eugenics and the
Compulsory Sterilization of Welfare Mothers, in Cardozo Law Review, 17 (1996), pp. 531582.

28. http:/www.rxlist.com/top200.htm

14. n cursul ultimelor decenii ale secolului al XX-lea, asemenea forme de management al riscului
de grup s-au extins i n alte domenii, n special n cele privind patologiile comportamentale: familiile suspectate de a comite abuzuri asupra copiilor; crearea profilurilor de risc ale celor condamnai
pentru anumite delicte sexuale ori violente sau n cazul pacienilor clinicilor psihiatrice. n orice
caz, este folosit o combinaie de factori demografici, biografici, privind stilul de via i alii, pentru a identifica persoanele care ar putea reprezenta riscuri majore, persoane care apoi snt nscrise n registre de risc, supuse supravegherii i subieci ai rapoartelor unei ntregi game de autoriti,
i care pot fi supuse altor msuri restrictive de exemplu, detenie preventiv sau introducerea
copiilor lor n instituii de ngrijire.

30. Proctor, op. cit., p. 177.

15. O disput recent privind testele genetice preventive ilustreaz bine transformarea. n 1987, Margery
W. Shaw, profesor de drept al medicinei la University of Texas, a afirmat c testul genetic predictiv al bolii lui Huntington deschide posibilitatea de a ncepe s eradicm gena Huntington din
specia noastr n urmtoarele dou generaii i c este necesar ca toi aceia care poart efectiv sau posibil gena trebuie s ia msuri pentru a preveni transmiterea ei (Margery W. Shaw,
Testing for the Huntington Gene: A Right to Know, a Right not to Know, or a Duty to Know,
in American Journal of Medical Genetics 26 (2), 1987, p. 243). Aceast opinie a strnit imediat reacii
aprinse de respingere din partea celor implicai n dezvoltarea programelor de testare preclinic:
Dei o reducere a frecvenei bolii lui Huntington ar fi binevenit, acest argument eugenic este
nepractic i, n acelai timp, nu constituie o int a programelor de testare preclinic din Canada
i Marea Britanie [...] scopul detectrii preclinice a bolii lui Huntington este mbuntirea calitii
vieii persoanelor expuse riscului (Hayden et al., Ethical Issues in Pre-clinical Testing in Huntington
Disease: Response to Margery Shaws Invited Editorial Comment (Letter), in American Journal
of Medical Genetics 28 (3), 1987, p. 762).
Datorez aceste referine lui Carlos Noves, care cerceteaz istoria testelor genetice i a consilierii
pentru pacienii cu Huntington.

29. Agamben, op. cit., p. 21.

31. Celia Lury, Prosthetic Culture: Photography, Memory and Identity,

London, Routledge, 1998.
32. Carlos Novas i Nikolas Rose, Genetic Risk and the Birth of the Somatic Individual, in Economy
and Society, Special Issue on Configurations of Risk, 29 (4), 2000, pp. 484513.
33. Rose, Powers of Freedom.
34. Artificiality and Enlightenment: From Sociobiology to Biosociality, in Essays on the Anthropology
of Reason, Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press, 1996, pp. 91111.
35. Canguilhem, On the Normal and the Pathological.
36. Michel Foucault, Birth of the Clinic: An Archaelogy of the Clinical Gaze, London, Tavistock, 1972,
p. 198.

16. Las la o parte domeniile controlului criminalitii i al psihiatriei, unde aceste faimoase principii etice
au o aplicabilitate mai restrns.
17. David Lyon, The Electronic Eye: The Rise of Surveillance Society, Cambridge, Polity, 1994.
18. Aici exist cteva analogii cu dezvoltrile generale ale industriei asigurrilor. Dup cum au artat
Richard Ericson i colegii si, exist o tendin larg rspndit n industria asigurrilor private de a
degrupa riscul i a cuta o din ce n ce mai fin segmentare a acestuia (Ericson et al., The Moral
Hazards of Neoliberalism: Lessons from The Private Insurance Industry, in Economy and Society
29 (4), 2000, pp. 532558).
19. Pentru a parafraza aici preluarea de ctre Canguilhem a afirmaiei lui Leriche: Canguilhem, On
the Normal and the Pathological (1943), Dordrecht, Holland, Reidel, 1978, p. 46.
20. Ian Hacking, World-Making by Kind-Making: Child Abuse for Example, pp. 180238, in M. Douglas
i D. Hull (eds.), How Classification Works: Nelson Goodman among the Social Sciences, Edinburgh,
Edinburgh University Press, 1992, i Ian Hacking, The Looping Effects of Human Kinds, pp.
351394, in D. Sperber, D. Premack i A. J. Premack (eds.), Causal Cognition: A Multi-Disciplinary
Approach, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1995.
21. n acest context s-au exprimat mai multe opinii critice n legtur cu implicaiile dezvoltrii geneticii
comportamentale de pild pretenia c atitudinile i comportamentele antisociale sau violente
au o puternic baz genetic. Am discutat aceste afirmaii altundeva, ajungnd la aceleai concluzii
ca majoritatea autorilor care contribuie la dou culegeri recente pe acest subiect: nu numai c
afirmaiile entuziatilor geneticii comportamentale snt exagerate i cu mici anse de a gsi sprijin
n cadrul geneticii i al biologiei, dar ele nu vor avea priz nici acolo unde ei o caut. Asemenea
idei nu pot s submineze accentul crescut cel puin n tribunalele din rile vorbitoare de limb
englez pe responsabilitatea moral i culpabilitatea ultim a autorului actelor de violen sau
al faptelor antisociale.
22. A se vedea articolele adunate n S. De Chaderevian i H. Kamminga (eds.), Molecularizing Biology
and Medicine: New Practices and Alliances, 1910s1970s, Amsterdam, Harwood, 1998.
23. Georges Canguilhem, A Vital Rationalist, ed. F. Delaporte, New York, Zone, 1994, p. 317.
24. Ibid., p. 316.
25. Gilbert, citat de Lily Kay, The Molecular Vision of Life: Caltech, The Rockefeller Foundation and the
Rise of the New Biology, New York, Oxford University Press, 1995.
26. Exemplul cel mai familiar sociologilor este Oncomouse, fcut faimos de ctre Donna Haraway
n FemaleMan_Meets_OncoMouse, pp. 49119, in Modest_ Witness @Second_Millennium,
New York, Routledge, 1997.

199

Laicitate i complicitate / Secularity and Complicity

Curatori ai proiectului/ Project curated by:
Cosmin Costina, Vasile Ernu, Attila Tordai-S.

#1. Dosar Laicitate i complicitate n revista Idea art + societate # 20, 2005
/ Dossier Secularity and Complicity in Idea arts + society magazine # 20, 2005
#2. Expoziie insert n sptmnalul Academia Caavencu iulie 2005
/ Exhibition insert in the Academia Caavencu weekly July 2005
Artiti / Artists: Liliana Basarab & Costel Chiril & Drago Platon, Duo van der Mixt,
Nita Mocanu & Hajnalka Bessenyei, Ciprian Murean, Vlad Nanc, Dan Perjovschi, Pter Szab

Fundaia Idea, Academia Caavencu, Studio Protokoll