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Belletti & Rizzi (1988)
Belletti & Rizzi (1988)
Belletti & Rizzi (1988)
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ADRIANA
BELLETTI
PSYCH-VERBS
AND LUIGI
RIZZI
AND 0-THEORY*
0. INTRODUCTION
(2)
Questo preoccupaGianni.
this
worries Gianni
(3)a.
* We wish to thank for helpful comments and suggestions Noam Chomsky, Guglielmo
Cinque, Richard Kayne, Mary Laughren, Beth Levin; and, for detailed comments on the
first version, Luigi Burzio, Joan Maling, David Perlmutter, David Pesetsky, Nicolas Ruwet.
Belletti's work was supported in part by a grant to the Lexicon Project of the MIT Center
for Cognitive Science from the System Development Foundation.
292
(3)b.
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND
LUIGI
RIZZI
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
293
0-THEORY
(5)
NP
Gianni
VP
NP
teme
questo
(6)
NP
ec
NP
NP
preoccupa
piace
questo
Gi'anni
a Gianni
Examples (2) and (3a, b) can be derived from (6) through NP-movement to the subject position. If this hypothesisis substantiated,then the
argument can be reversed: there must be strict principles constraining
the projection of 6-structuresonto D-structures;otherwise, why should
the languagelearnerdepartfrom the null hypothesisfor (2) and postulate
initial syntactic representationswhich do not surface as such? Notice
that, in spite of the obvious differences in linear order and category
labels, (5) and (6) have an importantpropertyin common: in both cases
the verb directly 6-marksthe Theme, and the constituentVerb + Theme
294
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND LUIGI
RIZZI
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
0-THEORY
295
THE
SUBJECT
OF PREOCCUPARE
DEEP
IS NOT A
SUBJECT
1.1. AnaphoricCliticization
A very reliable test discriminatingbetween deep and derived subjects in
Romance is the abilityto bind an anaphoricclitic. Considerthe following
contrast:
(7)
(8)a.
b.
Gianni si
e fotografato.
Gianni himselfphotographed
*Gianni si
e stato affidato.
Gianni to himself was entrusted
sembrasimpatico.
*Gianni si
Gianni to himself seems nice
296
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND LUIGI
RIZZI
Now, the temere and the preoccupareclasses contrast very systematically with respect to this diagnostic:
(1O)a. Gianni si
teme.
Gianni himselffears
b. *Gianni si
preoccupa.
Gianni himself worries
conosco.
(11)a. Io mi
I myself know
interesso.
b. *Io mi
I myself interest
accetta.
(12)a. Maria si
Maria herselfaccepts
b. *Maria si
attrae/attira.
Maria herselfattracts
ammira.
(13)a. Gianni si
Gianni himself admires
b. *Gianni si
commuove.
Gianni himself moves
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
0-THEORY
297
The (b) sentences of (10) and (13) are acceptable in an irrelevant reading. These verbs, in
addition to the construction Theme V Experiencer admit the construction Experiencer si
V P Theme with an inchoative sense. For instance we have:
(i)
(ii)
298
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND
LUIGI
RIZZI
(16)
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
0-THEORY
299
can mean 'They are calling you'. (where they refers to a group of people
already identified in discourse, or somewhat salient) or 'Somebody is
calling you.' On the latter interpretation,the structurecould have the
following continuationin a coherent discourse:
(21)
5 The * on the examplesof (23) refersto the arbinterpretation.All the examplesare in fact
acceptablewith the definitepronominalinterpretationof the nullsubject,e.g. 'They arrived
at my place.', etc. In this section we draw freely from an MIT talk by Alfredo Hurtado
(Fall, 1984) on the correspondingconstructionin Spanish.
300
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND LUIGI
RIZZI
c.
d.
(ii)
(iii)
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
0-THEORY
301
302
ADRIANA
BELLET'rI
AND LUIGI
RIZZI
Si lavorasempretroppo.
One always workstoo much
Spesso si arrivain ritardo.
Oftenone arriveslate
c.
b.
*Sembraessersiarrivatitroppotardi.
It seems thatone has arrivedtoo late
c.
PSYCH-VERBS
(28)a.
b.
AND
0-THEORY
303
304
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND LUIGI
RIZZI
The same is true in the case of (27b). This shows that the clitic cannot count as the
antecedentfor the NP trace e,, a result which can be obtainedif the assumptionis made
that the relationbetweenthe clitic and an emptycategoryin the VP is not to be assimilated
to the NP-tracerelation,but ratherto the licensingrelationof pro (cf. Rizzi 1986b).
PSYCH-VERBS
AND 0-THEORY
305
Gianni made
go
to Milan
Questo far'aapprezzare/temere/ammirare
il presidenteancora
di piU.
Questo far'apreoccupare/commuovere/entusiasmare
il presidente ancora di piiu.
This will make worry/move/excitethe presidenteven more
But why are the examplesof (37) well-formed?We claim that there is
an independent representationfor them, different from (38) and not
availablefor (36). In fact, the verbs of (37), but not those of (36), allow
the inchoative constructionExp si V (P Theme) mentionedin note 2:
306
ADRIANA
(39)a.
BELLETTI
AND LUIGI
RIZZI
10
This option is obviously not availablewhen the same verbs are found in the familiar
NP_NP frame:
(i)
il presidenteper la partenza
*Questaha preoccupato/commosso/entusiasmato
dei Marines.
the Presidentfor the Marines'departure
This worried/movedlexcited
The role Theme is assigned twice in the same structurein (i), thereforethe structureis
ruledout by the 6-Criterion.
PSYCH-VERBS
(42)
AND
0-THEORY
307
Whatever mechanism is responsible for the nonrealization of nonargumentsi in (40b) will be operative here as well.
There is one additionalquestion that our assumptionsraise: if fare+V
can assign accusative, one would expect that (36) could be salvaged if
the Theme positionwere filled by the overt argument,on a par with (43),
(44). This is incorrect:
(45)
308
ADRIANA
BELLETTFl
AND
LUIGI
RIZZI
Here the VP internal trace corresponding to the Theme could not be properly bound. The
argument can be given a sharper form in French: the equivalent of (i) is acceptable with de,
the by phrase specialized for nonagentive logical subjects (Nicolas Ruwet, p.c.):
(iv)
estimateMax by everyone
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
6-THEORY
309
310
ADRIANA
BELLElTTI
AND
LUIGI
RIZZI
PSYCH-VERBS
AND 0-THEORY
311
(i)a.
b.
312
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND
LUIGI
RIZZI
PSYCH-VERBS
OF BINDING
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
313
6-THEORY
but involves some kind of thematic hierarchy: an Experiencer is intrinsicallymore prominentthan a Theme belonging to the same thematic
complex.
In fact, given the standard view that (57a) is a simple transitive
structure,contrasts such as (57a-b) do raise a major difficultyfor any
configurational approach to anaphora. But we now have strong independent evidence that the structure of (57a) is more complex. This
offers a fresh perspective on the binding problem. The D-structure of
(57a), given our assumptions,has the following form (irrelevantdetails
omitted):
VP
(58)
V
NP
NP
preoccupano
questi pettegolezzi
su di se
Gianni
314
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND
LUIGI
RIZZI
Move a
XP
Anaphor,
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
0-THEORY
315
316
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND
LUIGI
RIZZI
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
317
0-THEORY
VP
NP
NP
worry
(picturesof)
himself
John/him
(i)a.
b.
Why isn't principle C violated in these examples? The obvious difference with (70b) is that in
(ia, b), c-command is symmetric. If we assume that binding is intrinsically asymmetric
(Higginbotham 1983), in cases of symmetric c-command we have to choose the direction of
the binding relation (perhaps linear order gives the favored direction). Then, the antecedent
318
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND
LUIGI
RIZZI
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
6-THEORY
319
One might wonder what excludes an example like (74) in which the
Experienceris also anaphoric:
(74)
At D-structure each other would be bound by themselves,and at Sstructure themselveswould be bound by each other;hence, the example
would technically satisfy the requirementsof principle A. Of course,
what is wrong with this example is the circularityin the assignmentof a
referent to the anaphors:in general, if X is the antecedent of y, then y
cannot be taken as the antecedent of X (see Higginbotham 1983). In
fact, if the circularityis broken and one of the two elements can have a
different antecedent, structures comparable to (74) are more or less
acceptable:
(75)
(Of course, they still produce a weak violation of the chain condition,cf.
section 1.1.)17
320
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND
LUIGI
VP
(76)a.
Theme
b.
Experiencer
VP
Theme
Experiencer
C.
VP
Experiencer
V
d.
RIZZI
Theme
VP
Theme
Experiencer
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
0-THEORY
321
b.
Gianniiteme i proprijsostenitori.
Giannifears his own supporters
In our terms (77a, b) are both possible because the anaphoris bound by
Gianmiat D-structure and S-structure,respectively. Example (78a) is
excluded, because at no level of representationis the binding requirement satisfied.
Things get more complicatedwith long distanceproprio.Giorgi points
out that, while the temere paradigmremainsunchanged(80), the preoccupare paradigmbecomes asymmetric(79): the Experiencercan bind a
long distance propno embedded within the Theme, but the Theme
cannot bind a long distance proprio embedded within the Experiencer,
even though at S-structurethe c-commandconfigurationwould hold:
(79)a. Chiunquedubiti della propriaibuona fede preoccupaGiannii.
Whoeverdoubtsof his own goodfaith worriesGianni
b. *Gianniipreoccupachiunquedubiti della propriaibuona fede.
Gianni worrieswhoeverdoubtsof his own goodfaith
(80)a. *Coloro che vogliono sostenerela propriaicandidaturatemono
Giannii.
322
ADRIANA
BELLElI
AND
LUIGI
RIZZI
19
(ii)
(iii)
A LD anaphoris P-bound.
PSYCH-VERBS
AND 0-THEORY
323
20
Cf. also:
(i)
(ii)
324
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND LUIGi
RIZZI
3.
PROPERTIES
OF THE OBJECT
OF PREOCCUPARE
(i)
S,
NP1
VP
NP2
VP2
V2
ADV
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
0-THEORY
325
326
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND LUIGI
RIZZI
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
6-THEORY
327
IP
(92)
NPo
VP
VP
NP3(adv)
NP2(subj)
NP,(obj)
LEXICALLY 0-MARKED
b.
c.
L-MARKS
328
22
The relativelymild ill-formednessof (94b) suggests that the empty category left after
extraction is properlygoverned within NP, otherwise these examples would violate the
ECP, and a strongerunacceptabilityshouldresult.
23 Consider,for instance:
(i)
Una personaa cui non so mai [che cosa [PRO dire t t]]
a personto whomI neverknowwhatto say
where extraction of a ci crosses one barrier, the embedded CP, which inherits
barrierhoodfrom the embeddedIP.
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
329
0-THEORY
VP
b.
VP
v
V
NP4
NP6
NP5
330
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND
LUIGI
RIZZI
(i)
(ii)
(iii)
Baltin (1978) and Lasnik and Saito (forthcoming)claim that topicalizationinvolves adjunctionto IP ratherthan movementto COMP.If this is right, then the structureof (i) is:
(iv)
[ip
John
[Ip [NP
a picture of e]. . . ]]
The parallelstatusof (i) and (ii), (iii) suggeststhat movementcrosses two barriersof equal
strengthin the three cases, hence the base maximalprojectionIP in (iv) counts on a par
with the categoryIP in (ii) and (iii). If a furtherdifferentiationbetween(i) and exampleslike
(94b) is needed, we should again assumethat full categoriesand segmentswhich are base
maximalprojectionsare strongerbarriersfor subjacencythan other segments inheriting
barrierhood.
25 An accountwhichcomes to mind is that if in (96b, c) ne is moved to the verb inside
V',
then it c-commandsits trace only in the weak sense of Aoun & Sportiche(1981), not in the
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
6-TrHEORY
331
Questo lo preoccupa.
him worries
this
e preoccupaquesto Gianni.
worries this Gianni
Questo preoccupa Gianni.
this
worries Gianni
332
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND LUIGI
RIZZI
: ... Oi...
Oj...
C: . .. Ci . .. Cj .. .
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
0-THEORY
333
Noam Chomsky (p.c.) has suggested that a structurelike (98c) is also excluded for
independent,more principledreasons. The trace of the moved Experiencerwould be
governed but not c-commanded(in Reinhart's(1976) sense) by the verb. Since in the
systemof Chomsky(1986b) an NP trace must be antecedent-governedby a memberof its
extendedchain (here V) and antecedentgovernmentappearsto requirestrict c-command
(Baker 1985), then structureslike (98c) wouldviolate ECP. No ECP violationis produced
when the Theme is moved, as in (98b), because the verb strictly c-commands and
antecedent-governsthe trace. Notice that this alternativeis not incompatiblewith the Case
analysisproposedin the text, which is independentlymotivatedby the facts discussedin
note 27.
26
334
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND LUIGI
RIZZI
subjects, at least in the sense that a verb taking essere will have a derived
subject.27
4.
THE
PIACERE
CLASS
possible, a freedom which is not found with the other two classes.
The three propertiesare illustratedby the following pairs:
(1O1)a. A Gianni e sempre piaciutala musica.
to Gianni is always please
music
(i)
(ii)
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
335
0-THEORY
NP
VP
NP
NP
piacere
Theme
Experiencer
The only difference with the preoccupareclass is that here the inherent
Case assigned to the Experienceris dative. The Theme can move to get
nominative Case, as with the other class. So, the first and second
property are related in our system. More precisely, property B is a
consequence of propertyA: these verbs cannot be structuralassignersof
accusative (because they have no external argument), nor are they
idiosyncratic assigners of inherent accusative: the only inherent Case
they assign is dative. Therefore, by the generalizationmentioned at the
end of the preceding section, they must select essere.28 The third
28 This
correctlypredictsthat if a verb belongsto both the preoccupe andpiacereclasses
it will take avere or euere dependingon the inherentCase it assigns to the Experiencer.
Some cases of this kind exist, for instanceinteresa:
(i)a.
La politicalo ha sempreinteressato.
politics
him has always interested
b.
La politicagli
e sempreinteressata.
to him is always interested
politics
336
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND
LUIGI
RIZZI
(i)
Since it is plausible that in the two cases wem receives inherent Case (dative), the
P-strandingparameterdoes not seem to depend on Case properties(or perhapsit does
indirectly,as suggestedin Kayne(1983, ch. 9)). In any event, whateverthe rightanalysisof
(ii), it shoulddirectlyextend to deal with (i).
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
0-THEORY
337
4.2. QuirkySubjects
The following question arises at this point: what structuralposition does
the preverbaldative fill in structureslike (lOla)? There seem to be two
plausibleanswers:(a) the TOP position, or whateverposition is filled by
left-dislocatedand topicalizedphrasesin Italian;(b) the subject position.
Circumstantialevidence in favor of the latter hypothesisis that the order
Experiencer V Theme appears to be unmarked,i.e. the most natural
order - the one which does not require contextual justification. For
instance,in adverbialclauses where discoursefactors motivatingmarked
orders are weak, Topicalizationof a dative verbal complementis quite
strange, but a preverbaldative Experienceris perfectly natural:
(104)a. Tutti sono preoccupatiperche ho raccontato questa storia a
Gianni.
Everybodyis worriedbecauseI told this storyto Gianni
b. ??Tuttisono preoccupatiperche a Gianniho raccontatoquesta
storia.
Everybodyis worriedbecauseto Gianni I told this story
(105)
Tutti
sono preoccupatiperche a Gianni piace
everybodyis
worried
because to Gianni pleases
la linguistica.
linguistics
c.
338
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND LUIGI
RIZZI
[TOP
If both the trace of the clitic and the clitic itself are specified
[+pronominal], there is no syntactic variable [-anaphor, -pronominal]
that the quantifier can bind. Moreover, if the quantifier undergoes
QuantifierRaising (QR) in LF, its trace in TOP does not qualify as a
proper variable either, being in an A'-position. Considernow (107b). If
the Experiencerphrasecan-bein subject positionhere, the S-structureis:
(109)
[IP [NP
30
If Topicalizationinvolves adjunctionto IP (cf. the discussionin note 24) the fact that
Topicalization in an embedded clause creates a weak island can be treated through the
stipulationthat the exception to clause (ii) of the definitionof barrier(cf. (93)) holds only
when IP is monosegmental,i.e. does not hold when an element is adjoinedto IP.
31 The marginalityof
example(107b) is probablyto be attributed to the fact that a dative
NP in an A-position is doubled by a clitic - an option generally disallowed in standard
Italian.
PSYCH-VERBS
AND 0-THEORY
339
(i)a.
b.
La musiqueplait a Jean.
*A Jean plait la musique.
340
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND
LUIGI
RIZZI
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
0-THEORY
341
(i)
gli
piaccionole tue idee
to him please your ideas
(ii)
(iii)
le
teme Gianni.
themfear Gianni
(iv)
gli
appartienequestacasa.
to him belongs this house
342
(vi)
In the terms of our system, a representationof (vi) in which both the Theme and the
Experiencerare in their D-structureposition is excluded by, among other things, Casetheoretic considerations:the Theme must be moved to allow accusative Case to be
assignedto the Experiencerunderstringadjacency(Stowell 1981). So, (v) must be derived
from (vi) via rightwardmovementof the Theme. The other possiblerepresentationof (vi),
derived from (v) via furtherrightwardmovement of the Experiencer,is excluded by the
crossingconfigurationwhich would result:
(vii)
'L
'
Den Besten (1982) pointsout that both the piscere and the preoccpre class in German
(illustratedby gefallen and intereseren. respectively)naturallyallow the orders Dative,
Nominative;Accusative, Nominative;which are otherwisehighly restrictedor impossible:
35
(i)a.
b.
uberhauptnicht interessieren
father-ACC at all
not
interest
dass meinenVater
deine Geschichten uberhauptnicht interessieren
not interest
that my
father-ACC your stories-NOMat all
(ii)a.
nicht gefillt
dass deine Musik
meinemBruder
that your music-NOMmy
brother-DATnot pleases
b.
nicht gefaillt
dass meinemBruder
deine Musik
that my
brother-DATyour music-NOMnot pleases
Den Besten gives a differentanalysisof these two cases. A naturalextensionof our system
permitsa parallelanalysis:the D-structureis, in both cases:
(iii)
VP
ec
NP
Experiencer
DAT
ACC
NP
Theme
NOM
NOM
gefallen
interessieren
PSYCH-VERBS
5.
CONCLUSIONS:
AND
LEXICAL
0-THEORY
343
REPRESENTATIONS
In this section we would like to make explicit the nature of the lexical
representationswhich we have been assumingall along. In the discussion
which follows we will try to achieve two results. First of all, the lexical
representationsof the three classes differ in a minimal way. They are
identical except for one lexical parameter involving the selection of
differentinherentCases. Our second goal is to show that a simple theory
of the lexicon predictsthe existence of exactly the classes of psych-verbs
which are empiricallyattested.
The theory of the lexicon we have in mind includes two components:
(a) lexical representations;and (b) a set of principlesguidingthe mapping
of lexical representationsonto deep syntacticconfigurations.Concerning
lexical representations,we assume that the lexical entry of each verb
contains at least two specifications:a 6-grid and a Case-grid.The 0-grid
is an unorderedlist of 0-roles. Following Williams (1981) and Stowell
(1981), we adopt the hypothesis that 0-grids have a minimal internal
structurein that they formally single out, for instance through underscoring, the external 0-role, the 0-role assigned to the subject position.
For concreteness,we will assume an optimallysimple procedureoperating on lexical representations,hence prior to D-structure:
(117)
Underscore 0
344
(118)
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND
LUIGi1
RIZZI
(121)
preoccupare:0-grid [Experiencer,Theme]
-]
Case-grid[ACC
(122)
archy: (1) Agent, (2) Experiencer,.. . (3) Theme, and the instruction that syntactic configurations projected from a given 0-grid should reflect the hierarchy, so that for every pair
of 0-roles in the grid, the higher role in the hierarchy is projected to a higher structural
position. We will not develop this generalization further here. Notice that this proposal
would amount to a relativized version of Baker's (1985) UNIFORMITY
OF 6-ASSIGNMENT
HYPOTHESIS
(UTAH).
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
0-THEORY
345
(i)
(ii)
The articleworriedMary.
The articlenecessarilyis the object of John's concern in (i), while it simply denotes the
cause of Mary'spsychologicalstate in (ii). Pesetskythen suggeststhat two distinctroles are
to be postulated- OBJECT OF EMOTION and CAUSE OF EMOTION, - and that the 0-grids
of fear and worrydiffer accordingly.If this was correct, the mappingprinciplewould be
greatlysimplifiedin this domain:different0-roleswould simplymap to differentpositions,
and a more restrictive mapping principle could be formulatedthan the one we have
introduced.Still, two problemssuggest that things are less straightforward.First of all,
Pesetskyhimselfnotes that if causes and objects of emotion were distinctroles, one would
expect them to be allowedto co-occur in some structures,contraryto fact:
(iii)
See Pesetsky (in progress)for an attempt to deal with this problem.Secondly, Pesetsky
notices the same subtle differencein variouspairsrelatedby derivationalmorphology:
(iv)
(v)
If cause and object were two distinct roles, one would be forced to admit that the
derivationalprocess involved a systematicmodificationin the 0-grid, a rathersurprising
conclusion:morphologicalprocessesseem to allow the suppressionor additionof a 0-role,
but not the systematictransformation
of a role into another,as wouldbe requiredhere. The
fact that these problemsexist gives some supportto the standardassumptionof an essential
thematic uniformityacross psych-predicates,but certainly does not underminethe importanceof Pesetsky'sobservation,whichwe will not try to integrateinto our analysishere.
It goes withoutsaying that not much progressis to be expected on the mappingproblem
unless the fine-grainedsemanticsof the relevant constructionsis addressed,and a better
notionalcharacterizationis given of thematicroles.
346
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND
LUIGI
RIZZI
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
0-THEORY
347
of this
(ii)a.
la
cosa
mattersonly to Gianni
di cui
348
(123)
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND
LUIGI
RIZZI
A me importasolo di questo.
to me matters only of this
The fact that the inherentCase for the Theme is genitive in both cases is
probably not accidental. Notice that genitive is the Case normally
selected for the Theme in NPs and APs, where structuralCase is not
availablebecause of the intrinsicnatureof the head. Presumablygenitive
is the inherentCase normallyassociatedwith the Theme 0-role. Therefore, the nonexistence, in Italian, of a further class identical to the
importareclass but assigninginherentaccusative to the Theme does not
come as a surprise."
An importantquestionthat we have left open is why agentive verbs do
not allow for the alternativeswhich are found with psych-verbs.The fact
of the matterseems to be that wheneveran Agent is presentin the 6-grid
of a verb, it must be selected as the external 0-role. We can formally
express this substantiveproperty of Agents by stating that Agents are
intrinsicallyunderscored(see (120): cf. also Hale & Keyser (1986)). This
propertyas well as our principle(109) may be amenableto a deeper level
of explanation through the investigation of the notional content of
(ii)b.
Here we can assumethat assignmentof inherentaccusativeshares the adjacencyrequirement with assignmentof structuralaccusative (where an un-Case markedtrace does not
count to block adjacency,as with the preocc_pareclass). This also correctlyexcludes the
possibilityof a double accusativestructure(one structuraland the other inherent),because
the adjacencyrequirementcould not be met by the second NP.
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
6-THEORY
349
b. Ha piovuto.
has rained
c. E' ruotata.
is tumed
d. Ha ruotato.
has turned
350
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND
LUIGI
RIZZI
PSYCH-VERBS
AND
0-THEORY
351
Hellan, L.: 1983, 'Anaphora in Norwegian and the Theory of Binding', Working Papers in
Scandinavian Syntax #5, University of Trondheim.
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352
ADRIANA
BELLETTI
AND LUIGI
RIZZI
Rizzi
Faculte des lettres
Departement de linguistique generale
Universite de Geneve
CH-1211 Geneve 4
Switzerland