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13 Days in October PDF
13 Days in October PDF
October
A simulation of the Cuban Missile Crisis for 6 to 41 people
By Bill Kerney (bkerney@hotmail.com)
This simulation was made as historically accurate as possible. The quotes for each persona were actually
said by them though in several cases they had to be censored for language. The goals for each person
were set by extensive readings of the notes of the Executive Committee (which contradict RFKs
autobiographical hagiography Thirteen Days, incidentally) and Sterns The Cuban Missile Crisis in
American Memory, which does a really excellent job exploring the myths around the crisis, and
explaining in detail the positions of each of the major players. Please refer to the Appendix for primary
documents, videos, maps, and recommended books if you want to brush up on your own knowledge.
Note that while the setup of the simulation is as historically accurate as possible, the way that it actually
plays out does not need to be historical, and it should not be forced to follow history by you. For
example, if the Americans decide to drop practice depth charges on the Soviet submarines running the
blockade, and the Soviets have not implemented a three man rule to launch nuclear weapons (i.e. the
top three officers must all concur), then one of the Soviet subs will, on its own initiative, launch a
nuclear torpedo at the US Navy and sink the fleet. This is historically what would have happened, but is
not what historically did happen due to the calm thinking of one of the USSRs submarine officers.
If you want to decorate the area in which you run the simulation, little plastic American, UN, and Soviet
flags work wonders for creating environment. I personally just print out the pages on heavy card stock
and fold them in half, so that everyone can see the flags and portraits of the people they are portraying.
If the people in the simulation do decide to launch nuclear weapons, the president (or premier) must
write down the names of the targets he is striking. Walk the list over to the other side and tell them that
nuclear weapons will strike those targets within 15 to 30 minutes, and ask them for their response. If
they do not respond to a nuclear attack, the president/premier is deposed and loses the game (but, hey,
an unlimited nuclear exchange is averted). If they do respond, take the list of targets back to the other
side, and so forth. The Americans at this time have 182 ICBMs (long range missiles), 500 MRBMs
(medium range), and 1,600 strategic bomber loads capable of striking Russia. The Soviets had 42 ICBMs
capable of hitting America, 100 MRBMs (being built up in Cuba, about 5 were ready by the Crisis start),
160 strategic bomber loads, and 90 tactical (short range) nuclear missiles capable of hitting targets in
Cuba, such as Guantanamo Bay or an invading force. Note that while an unlimited nuclear exchange
might be considered a failure for the simulation, several of the characters will win the simulation if it
happens, as they consider such an exchange inevitable, and better to get it done with sooner rather
than later. The participants will still learn about the crisis, even if it ends in apocalypse.
When running the simulation, you should be constantly moving back and forth between the two major
groups, listening in on their conversations, answering questions that the players would know (Has the
US blockaded Cuba yet?), egging on the controversy (Do you think the American people would stand
for doing absolutely nothing, Mr. President?) and encouraging quieter players to participate more
vociferously, even if they personally disagree with their given stance.
Enjoy!
-Bill Kerney (bkerney@hotmail.com)
Thirteen Days in October
CIA Handout #3: Missile Construction has accelerated on Cuba. They are almost launch-ready.
The Executive Committee of the National Security Council (EXCOMM) has proposed the following
possible solutions to the Cuban Missile Crisis:
1) Limited Air Strikes attack the missile sites in Cuba, to prevent them from being able to launch
against the US.
2) Comprehensive Air Strikes attack the missile sites, SAM sites, bombers, and other military targets in
Cuba to reduce their military threat.
3) Full-Scale Invasion Start with air strikes, then follow with a landing of between 10,000 and 150,000
men. Complete conquest of Cuba is predicted within five days, with another five years occupation
necessary to establish a stable Cuban government.
4) Quarantine Start a naval blockade of Cuba, preventing new Soviet military hardware from entering
the island. If the Organization of American States (OAS) agree, then this is legal under international law.
5) Trade Turkey for Cuba Offer to remove nuclear missiles in Turkey for the removal of nuclear
missiles in Cuba. Turkey will not be happy about this, however.
Other options:
5) Maintain aerial surveillance over Cuba, possibly including night-time surveillance using flares.
6) Promise to not invade Cuba.
7) Trade sanctions
8) Issue warnings to Castro and Khrushchev
9) Apply diplomatic pressure from the UN and OAS.
Diplomacy Note: Only Dean Rusk may talk with the OAS, and only Adlai Stevenson may talk to the UN.
Only RFK (or anyone else appointed by JFK) may talk with the Soviet diplomats, and only the diplomats.
Robert Francis Bobby Kennedy (RFK) Attorney General of the United States
Id sure like to get Cuba back.
1) You wish to see Castro removed from power by any means necessary. You have been in charge of
Operation Mongoose, which has conducted espionage, assassination attempts, sabotage, propaganda
attempts, and so forth, against Castros regime. None of it has worked, but you are confident that one of
Mongooses attempts will succeed at some point.
You are strongly opposed to a promise to not invade Cuba.
You are weakly opposed to a blockade, as it will not do enough.
You support all forms of military action against Cuba.
2) You anticipate running for president after JFKs second term, so you will do everything to cast yourself
in as good a light as possible. You can and should stand up and make public announcements of your
successes at any chance you get. You have authorization to meet with the Russian diplomats.
3) You feel personally betrayed by the Russians, who lied to you about the missiles in Cuba. If a missile
trade between Cuba and Turkey is proposed, you will be absolutely against it unless the US removal of
missiles from Turkey is kept quiet. (This will make it look like an absolute US victory on the world stage.)
4) You do not support a surprise attack on Cuba, as it will make us look like the Japanese in Pearl Harbor.
2) You strongly oppose a naval blockade, as it will allow the Russians the chance to continue to build up
their nuclear strike capability in Cuba, and is too weak a response. Its just appeasement.
3) As head of the Strategic Air Command, you support a justified nuclear exchange with the Russians. To
prepare for that, you want to keep nuclear bombers in the air at all time, around the world.
Thirteen Days in October
Robert Strange McNamara Secretary of Defense and former President of Ford Motors
Before we attack Cuba, we have to be d---ed sure the Soviets understand this is coming.
Your goals:
1) You see the problem as a diplomatic one, not a military one. Military strikes should only be done to
put pressure on diplomatic efforts.
2) You strongly support a naval blockade, as it is a relatively peaceful way to put pressure on the
Russians and Cuba.
3) You are very worried about killing any Russians (in Cuba or on the seas), and will recommend only
intercepting ships going into Cuba that are not Russian, so as to prevent an incident.
4) You recommend trading the nukes in Turkey away for the removal of nukes in Cuba.
5) You support offering Cuba the Guantanamo Bay Naval Station back in exchange for other favors.
6) You are strongly opposed to a surprise military strike, as it is Opposed to the tradition of America.
Note: You are a bit erratic, and can change your mind on all of the above for a good reason.
Thirteen Days in October
CIA Handout #2: A photograph of the Soviets building a medium-range missile site, in clear
contradiction of the words their diplomats have been saying.
Nikita Khrushchev, First Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
Mr. President,
The United States has openly taken the path of grossly violating the United Nations
Charter, the path of violating international norms of freedom of navigation on the
high seas, the path of aggressive actions both against Cuba and against the Soviet
Union.
The statement by the Government of the United States of America can only be regarded
as undisguised interference in the internal affairs of the Republic of Cuba, the
Soviet Union and other states. The United Nations Charter and international norms give
no right to any state to institute in international waters the inspection of vessels
bound for the shores of the Republic of Cuba.
And naturally, neither can we recognize the right of the United States to establish
control over armaments which are necessary for the Republic of Cuba to strengthen its
defense capability.
We reaffirm that the armaments which are in Cuba, regardless of the classification to
which they may belong, are intended solely for defensive purposes in order to secure
the Republic of Cuba against the attack of an aggressor.
I hope that the United States Government will display wisdom and renounce the actions
pursued by you, which may lead to catastrophic consequences for world peace.
N. Khrushchev
I see, Mr. President, that you too are not devoid of a sense of anxiety for the fate
of the world understanding, and of what war entails. What would a war give you? You
are threatening us with war. But you well know that the very least which you would
receive in reply would be that you would experience the same consequences as those
which you sent us. And that must be clear to us, people invested with authority, trust,
and responsibility. We must not succumb to intoxication and petty passions, regardless
of whether elections are impending in this or that country, or not impending. These
are all transient things, but if indeed war should break out, then it would not be in
our power to stop it, for such is the logic of war. I have participated in two wars
and know that war ends when it has rolled through cities and villages, everywhere
sowing death and destruction.
You are a military man and, I hope, will understand me. Let us take for example a
simple cannon. What sort of means is this: offensive or defensive? A cannon is a
defensive means if it is set up to defend boundaries or a fortified area. But if one
concentrates artillery, and adds to it the necessary number of troops, then the same
cannons do become an offensive means, because they prepare and clear the way for
infantry to attack. The same happens with missile-nuclear weapons as well, with any
type of this weapon.
Mr. President, I appeal to you to weigh well what the aggressive, piratical actions,
which you have declared the USA intends to carry out in international waters, would
lead to. You yourself know that any sensible man simply cannot agree with this, cannot
recognize your right to such actions.
If you did this as the first step towards the unleashing of war, well then, it is
evident that nothing else is left to us but to accept this challenge of yours. If,
however, you have not lost your self-control and sensibly conceive what this might
lead to, then, Mr. President, we and you ought not now to pull on the ends of the rope
in which you have tied the knot of war, because the more the two of us pull, the
tighter that knot will be tied. And a moment may come when that knot will be tied so
tight that even he who tied it will not have the strength to untie it, and then it
will be necessary to cut that knot Consequently, if there is no intention to tighten
that knot and thereby to doom the world to the catastrophe of thermonuclear war, then
let us not only relax the forces pulling on the ends of the rope, let us take measures
to untie that knot. We are ready for this.
We welcome all forces which stand on positions of peace These thoughts are dictated
by a sincere desire to relieve the situation, to remove the threat of war.
Respectfully yours,
N. Khrushchev
Fidel Alejandro Castro Ruz, Prime Minister of Cuba and Commander in Chief of the armed forces.
"Patria o Muerte!"
"What the imperialists cannot forgive us, is that we have made a Socialist revolution under their noses."
1) America has been opposed to you since before the Revolution, and since you have taken over Cuba
from Batista in 1959, has been trying to sabotage your mines, enact economic sanctions, conduct
assassination missions against you, poison you even set off flares at night to convince Cubans you are
the anti-Christ. Then the US invaded during the failed Bay of Pigs, so you formed an economic alliance
with the Soviets. Your primary goal is to further deepen these ties to a full military alliance, like what the
United States has with NATO and countries such as Turkey.
2) You wish the US does not invade Cuba.
3) If the US does invade Cuba, you wish that the USSR strike first, with either a strategic nuclear launch
or by shooting your (very secret) tactical nuclear weapons at the invading forces or at Guantanamo.
4) While you were originally opposed to the strategic nuclear weapons on Cuba, due to the risk of your
island becoming a battleground, you now support them as a way of deterring an American invasion.
5) In exchange for UN inspections, you demand: the U.S. end its embargo, put a stop to its support for
dissidents, cease its support for militant attacks on Cuba, stop violating Cuban air space and territorial
waters and withdraw from the Guantanamo Bay Naval Base
Rodion Malinovsky, Minister of Defense and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces
Your goals:
1) You are firmly convinced a nuclear exchange with the United States is inevitable. The only question is
when. It is better to launch nuclear weapons before the United States can prepare for it (by scattering
its armed forces across a wide geographical area to minimize damage). If you see any evidence the
United States is moving to attack Cuba, you will lobby heavily for a pre-emptive nuclear strike.
2) However, the main value of nuclear weapons is as a deterrent. It is better to threaten to use nuclear
weapons than to actually use them. Having a strong conventional force is more important.
3) You demand the military have more say over international incidents like the current one. If
Khrushchev does not listen to you, then you have the power in the Community Party to stage a coup and
get him overthrown. While you are friends with Khrushchev, this will not get in the way of your goal of
having an autonomous military. Make this very clear to him.
Appendix
Photos and videos for the simulation:
It can help to have an LCD projector hooked up to a screen to show maps, photos, videos, etc., while the
simulation is running. For example, when having a UN summit, switch the screen to show the UN flag.
When critical events occur, it can help to play a video from history showing that event taking place.
Many photos and maps of the Cuban Missile Crisis can be found here:
http://www2.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/nsa/cuba_mis_cri/photos.htm
Many original letters and documents can be found here, if you want additional handouts:
http://microsites.jfklibrary.org/cmc/
Useful videos to show during the simulation are:
JFK announcing the blockade: http://youtu.be/P7YkJxQT_0Y
Adlai Stevenson interrogating Zorin in the UN: http://youtu.be/MSV9_J8Csts
Other videos:
Thirteen Days (Kevin Costner film): http://youtu.be/tho5ZYLiuoc, though it is full of errors and
misportrayals. See for example: http://historymatters.gmu.edu/d/5428
The Man Who Saved the World (PBS documentary on how close a Soviet submarine was to launching a
nuclear torpedo at the US Navy): http://www.pbs.org/wnet/secrets/episodes/the-man-who-saved-theworld-watch-the-full-episode/905/
Khrushchevs Perspective during the Cuban Missile Crisis: http://youtu.be/N8hLWDdvBm8
Sergei Khrushchevs (Nikita Khrushchevs son) perspective on it: http://youtu.be/phpe0DsisbY
Good books on the subject:
Thirteen Days by RFK. Excellent book, but in real life he was much more of a hawk than the RFK he
presents here. This was probably done in order to increase his stature as a presidential candidate.
The Cuban Missile Crisis in American Memory by Stern. He examines the myths surrounding the Cuban
Missile Crisis and finds the reality behind it (such as with Thirteen Days, above). He does an excellent job
summarizing the views and motivations of each of the major players.
One Minute to Midnight, an excellent narrative of the Crisis by Dobbs, which was based in part on
interviews with Castro at a Cuban Missile Crisis conference held in Havana many years after the event.
15 Minutes by Keeney which gives a timeline view of the Cold War, including nuclear weapons
development, testing, accidents, war readiness, and so forth, focusing on the views held by General
Curtis LeMay, which were very useful for crafting his persona for this simulation.