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}\viewkind1\viewscale100\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf1\f2\fs26 DEMOCRACY AND T
HE RIGHT TO FOOD \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf2\f3\fs22 Jean Drze\ul0\
nosupersub\cf3\f4\fs18 \u-4054? \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf4\f5\fs2
2 The right to food is among the basic economic and social rights that were mean
t to lay the foundations for participatory democracy in India. This connection,
however, has been \par largely ignored in public policy since independence. E
ndemic hunger has been passively tolerated, and is barely noticed in public deba
tes and democratic politics. Against this background, the paper argues that st
ressing the right to food as a fundamental right of all citizens can make a diff
erence through three distinct channels: legal action, democratic practice, and p
ublic perceptions. The argument is illustrated with reference to specific aspect
s of the right to food. \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf1\f2\fs26 Introd
uction \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf5\f6\fs22 The right to food can b
e seen from at least three different perspectives. One is the \par
perspect
ive of the Indian Constitution, including the Directive Principles of State Poli
cy. Secondly, we can refer to international declarations and conventions on this
matter, starting with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Thirdly, it i
s possible to argue for the right to food as a moral and social right, independe
ntly of all these documents. Indeed, it is a basic premise of the human rights
movement that all human beings have some fundamental rights, whether or not thes
e rights are already incorporated in national or international law. To illustr
ate, one can argue that a child has a right to protection from physical punishme
nt at school, whether or not physical punishment is legally permissible. \par\pa
rd\par\pard\qj These three perspectives, of course, are not mutually exclusive.

In fact, they complement \par each other. In this paper, however, I shall con
centrate on the first approach, and particularly on the right to food as one of
the economic and social rights affirmed in the Directive \par\pard\par\pard\ql
\ul0\nosupersub\cf6\f7\fs18 \u-4054?\ul0\nosupersub\cf7\f8\fs18 Adapted from th
e third C. Chandrasekaran Memorial Lecture, delivered at the International Ins
titute for Population Sciences (Mumbai) on 7 November 2003. I am grateful to P
. Arokiasamy and T.K. Roy for \par inviting me to deliver this lecture, and
for their overwhelming hospitality. \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9
\fs22 2 \par\pard\par\pard\ql Principles.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 1\ul0\nosu
persub\cf8\f9\fs22 There are two reasons for this. One is that this approach
appears to me to be \par
particularly coherent and far-reaching. The ot
her reason is that it is important to place the right to food in the larger cont
ext of the need to revive the Directive Principles, and their underlying vision
of radical social change. \par\pard\par\pard\ql The Directive Principles are chi
efly due to Dr. Ambedkar, and they build on his visionary \par conception of de
mocracy. This vision, in turn, was intimately related to his notion of the goo
d society as a society based on \u8220?liberty, equality and fraternity\u8221?.
Democracy, as he saw it, was both the end and the means of this ideal. It was
the end because he ultimately considered democracy itself as synonymous with the
realisation of liberty, equality and fraternity. At the same time, democracy w
as also the means through which this ideal was to be attained. \par\pard\par\par
d\ql
Indeed, in Dr. Ambedkar\u8217?s perspective, democracy was intrinsically
geared to social transformation and human progress. In one of the most inspiri
ng definitions of the term, he described democracy as \u8220?a form and method o
f government whereby revolutionary changes in the economic and social life of th
e people are brought about without bloodshed\u8221?.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18
2\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 For this \par to happen, it was essential to link
political democracy with economic and social democracy. \par This was one of
the main objectives of the Indian Constitution, and particularly of the Directiv
e Principles. Dr. Ambedkar himself put it as follows: \par\pard\par\pard\ql
\u8220?Our object in framing the Constitution is really two-fold: (1) To lay dow
n the form of political democracy, and (2) To lay down that our ideal is economi
c democracy and also to prescribe that every Government whatever is in power sha
ll strive to bring about economic democracy. The directive principles have a gr
eat value, for they lay \par down that our ideal is economic democracy.\u8221?\u
l0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 3 \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 T
his revolutionary conception of democracy, however, fell into oblivion
soon after \par
independence. Indian democracy essentially went the sam
e way as parliamentary democracy \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11
\fs18 1\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 On the international perspective, see e.g.
Raghav Gaiha (2003), Mahendra Dev (2003) and Harsh Mander (2003). \par\pard\p
ar\pard \ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 2\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 Quoted in
Bhagwan Das (1963), p. 61. Strictly speaking, this was not so much a definition
of democracy as a \par \u8220?test\u8221? of it. Dr. Ambedkar added: \u8220?I
t is perhaps the severest test. But when you are judging the quality of a mate
rial you must put it to the severest test.\u8221? Note also that in other conte
xts he insisted that democracy was not \par just a method of government but also
a \u8220?form of social organisation\u8221? and a \u8220?way of life\u8221?. \p
ar\pard Proceedings of the Constituent Assembly of India, Friday 19 Nove
mber 1948; available at http://www.parliamentofindia.nic.in/debates/vol17p9.ht
m. \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 3 \par\pard\par\pard\ql in
Europe, which Dr. Ambedkar considered as \u8220?a name and a farce\u8221?.\ul0\
nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 4\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 Fifty-five years down \pa
r
the road, economic democracy has been quietly buried as a principle of p
ublic policy, and even political democracy is not exactly in the pink of health.
\par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf12\f13\fs26 The Nutrition Emergency in
India \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 With this background, le
t me turn to the question of food. On this, the first point to note is \par
the catastrophic nature of the nutritional situation in India. The second Nati
onal Family Health Survey (1998-9) provides ample evidence of the problem. To i
llustrate, according to this survey, 47 per cent of all Indian children are unde
rnourished, 52 per cent of all adult women are anaemic, and 36 per cent have a b
ody mass index (BMI) below the cut-off of 18.5 commonly associated with chronic
energy deficiency.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 5\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22
T
hese nutritional deficiencies have devastating consequences for the well-being a
nd future of the Indian people. To start with, hunger and undernutrition are in
trinsic deprivations and severely diminish the quality of life. Further, undernu
trition is associated with reduced learning abilities, greater exposure to disea
se, and other impairments of individual and social opportunities. \par\pard\par\
pard
In international perspective, India is one of the most undernourished co
untries in the world. According to the latest \ul0\nosupersub\cf13\f14\fs22 Huma
n Development Report\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 , only two countries (Bangladesh
and Nepal) have a higher proportion of undernourished children than India, and
only two countries (Bangladesh and Ethiopia) have a higher proportion of
infants with low \par
birthweight.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 6\ul0\n
osupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 Even after taking into account various gaps and inaccurac
ies in the international data, there is another indication here that undernutrit
ion levels in India are extremely high. \par\pard\par\pard\qj The second Nationa
l Family Health Survey contains a wealth of further evidence on different \par
aspects of the nutrition situation in India. Consumption data, for instance, b
ring out the frugal nature of food intakes for a majority of the population. O
nly 55 per cent of adult \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 4\
ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 \u8220?The second wrong ideology that has vitiated
parliamentary democracy [in western Europe] is the failure to realize that poli
tical democracy cannot succeed where there is no social or economic democracy\u8
230? Democracy is another name for equality. Parliamentary democracy developed
a passion for liberty. It never made a nodding acquaintance with equality. I
t failed to realize the significance of equality and did not even endeavour to s
trike a balance between liberty and equality, with the result that liberty swall
owed equality and has made \par democracy a name and a farce.\u8221? (Quoted in
Rodriguez, 2002, p. 62.) \par\pard\par\pard
\ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 5\
ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 International Institute for Population Sciences (2
000), pp. 246, 250 and 270. The \u8220?child undernutrition\u8221? figures are
based on weight-for-age data for children under the age of three. \par\pard\par
\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 6\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 United Na
tions Development Programme (2003), pp. 258-261. \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nos
upersub\cf8\f9\fs22 4 \par\pard\par\pard\ql women in India consume milk or curd
at least once a week, only 33 per cent eat fruits at least \par once a week, and
28 per cent get an egg. The evidence on child morbidity is no less sobering. A
mong children under the age of three, 30 per cent had fever during the two weeks
preceding the survey, 19 per cent had diarrhoea, and another 19 per cent had sy
mptoms of acute respiratory infection.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 7\ul0\nosuper
sub\cf8\f9\fs22 Even after allowing for some overlap between these different gr
oups, this suggests that at least half of all Indian children below 3 suffer fro
m one of these conditions within any given interval of two weeks. \par\pard\par\
pardAll the figures cited so far are national averages. It goes without saying
that the situation gets \par
worse - far worse - as we consider the poorer st
ates (e.g. Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Orissa), and the more deprived regions with
in these poorer states (e.g. Palamau in Jharkhand, Sarguja in Chhattisgarh, Kal
ahandi in Orissa), not to speak of the poorer communities within these deprived
regions. Among the Sahariyas, Musahars, Kols, Bhuiyas and other marginalized c
ommunities, the nutritional situation can only be described as a permanent emerg
ency. To illustrate, in a recent survey of 21 randomly-selected households in a
Bhuiya hamlet of \par Palamau district in Jharkhand, 20 reported that they had
to \u8220?skip meals regularly\u8221?.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 8\ul0\nosupe
rsub\cf8\f9\fs22 At the time of the survey, most of the households in this haml
et survived on \ul0\nosupersub\cf13\f14\fs22 chakora\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22
(a local spinach) and \ul0\nosupersub\cf13\f14\fs22 gheti\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9
\fs22 (a wild root), supplemented with some broken rice on lucky days. Some ha
d nothing to eat but plain \ul0\nosupersub\cf13\f14\fs22 chakora\ul0\nosupersub\

cf8\f9\fs22 . \par\pard\par\pard\qj
Another disturbing aspect of the nutriti
on situation in India is that it shows little sign of major \ul0\nosupersub\cf13
\f14\fs22 improvement\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 over time. There is evidence o
f a steady decline of extreme hunger and severe undernutrition.\ul0\nosupersub\c
f9\f10\fs18 9\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 But the general progress of anthropome
tric indicators (e.g. the heights and \par weights of Indian children) is very
slow. The point is illustrated in Figure 1, which shows the \par
average
weight of Indian children at different ages in 1992-3 and 1998-9, based on the f
irst and second rounds of the National Family Health Survey. There is some impr
ovement, but it \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 7\ul0\nosupe
rsub\cf11\f12\fs18 International Institute for Population Sciences (2000), pp.
219 and 244. \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 8\ul0\nosupersu
b\cf11\f12\fs18 Bhatia and Drze (2002). \par\pard\par\pard
\ul0\nosupersub\
cf10\f11\fs18 9\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 To illustrate: (1) according to th
e National Sample Survey (unpublished data), the proportion of households that a
re not getting \u8220?two square meals a day throughout the year\u8221? declined
from 19 per cent in 1983 to 3.3 per cent in 1999-2000; (2) according to the Nat
ional Nutrition Monitoring Bureau (NNMB), the proportion of \u8220?severely unde
rnourished\u8221? children (weight-for-age criterion) in eight sample states dec
lined steadily from 17.2 per cent in 1975-80 to 6.4 per cent in 1999-2000, and c
linical signs of acute undernutrition such as marasmus and kwashiorkor have virt
ually disappeared. See National Institute of Nutrition (1997), pp. 69-70 and 10
4, and \par
National Nutrition Monitoring Bureau (2002), p. 74. On related
matters, see also National Institute of Nutrition (1991, 1997), Sachdev (1997, 2
003), Gopalan (2003), among others. \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9
\fs22 5 \par\pard\par\pardis not exactly dramatic. Based on the weight-for
-age criterion, the proportion of \par
undernourished children declined
from 53 per cent in 1992-3 to 47 per cent in 1998-9.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs1
8 10\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 If the child undernourishment figures continue
to decline at this sluggish rate of one percentage point per year, it will take
another \ul0\nosupersub\cf13\f14\fs22 forty\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 years be
fore India achieves nutrition levels similar to those of China today. \par\pard\
par\pard\ql The comparison between the two surveys also points to the growth of
nutritional \ul0\nosupersub\cf13\f14\fs22 inequality\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22
in \par
the nineties: anthropometric indicators improved more for urban
areas than for rural areas, and more for boys than for girls. For instance, th
e proportion of undernourished children (based on weight-for-age criteria) decli
ned by 7 percentage points for urban boys between 1992-93 and 1998-99, but only
3 percentage points for rural girls. In other words, the time required for rur
al Indian girls to \u8220?catch up\u8221? with their Chinese counterparts if pre
sent rates of improvement continue is not forty years, but eighty years or so.
These patterns are consistent with independent evidence of a sharp increase in e
conomic inequality in the nineties.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 11 \par\pard\par
\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf12\f13\fs26 Democracy and Social Rights \par\pard\par
\pard\qj \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 Perhaps the most startling aspect of the nu
trition situation in India is that there is virtually no \par discussion of it
, outside specialised circles. Chronic hunger rarely figures in public debates
and electoral politics.
To illustrate, consider the coverage of nutrition iss
ues in the mainstream media. \ul0\nosupersub\cf13\f14\fs22 The Hindu\ul0\nosup
ersub\cf8\f9\fs22 , one of the finest English-medium dailies, publishes two opin
ion articles every day on its editorial page. In a recent count of these opini
on articles over a period of six months (January to June 2000), it was found tha
t health, nutrition, education, poverty, gender, human rights and related social
issues \ul0\nosupersub\cf13\f14\fs22 combined\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 accou
nted for barely 30 out of 300 articles. Among these 300 articles, not \ul0\nos
upersub\cf13\f14\fs22 one\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 dealt with health or nutri
tion.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 12\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 As this simple
exercise illustrates, the basic needs of the Indian people count for \par\pard\
par\pard
\ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 10\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 I
nternational Institute for Population Sciences (1995), p. 283, and International

Institute for Population \par Sciences (2000), p. 266. A similar picture of
sluggish nutritional improvement emerges from independent \par surveys carried
out by the National Institute of Nutrition, Hyderabad; see e.g. National Insti
tute of Nutrition (2000, 2002). \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11
\fs18 11\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 See e.g. Deaton and Drze (2002); also Ah
luwalia (2000), Kurian (2000), Nagaraj (2000), Banerjee and Piketty (2003), amon
g others. \par\pard\par\pard
\ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 12\ul0\nosupersub\
cf11\f12\fs18 Drze and Sen (2002), p. 302. When I repeated the exercise for th
e period of January-June 2003, I did find an article dealing with health - it wa
s about the SARS crisis in China! \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\f
s22 6 \par\pard\par\pard\ql very little in public debates and democratic politic
s, and nutrition issues are particularly out \par
of focus. \par\pard\par\
pard\ql This neglect of social issues in general, and of chronic hunger in parti
cular, is often attributed \par to \u8220?lack of political will\u8221?. This d
iagnosis is plausible enough, but it does not take us very far since it begs the
question as to why there is no political will in the first place. In a democr
acy, political will is an outcome of democratic politics. Seen in this light,
the deafening silence surrounding hunger and nutrition issues in India is an inv
itation to reflect on the nature and limitations of Indian democracy. \par\pard\
par\pard\ql
As far as democratic institutions are concerned, India is doing
reasonably well in historical and international perspective. To illustrate, in
comparison with the United States (the selfproclaimed torch-bearer of democracy
in the contemporary world), India fares much better in many respects. For inst
ance, India has much higher voter turnout rates (the United States are near the
rock bottom of the international scale in that respect); it has more extensive p
rovisions for the political representation of socially disadvantaged groups; and
it is less vulnerable to the influence of \u8220?big money\u8221? in electoral
politics. There is also far greater pluralism in Indian than in US politics.
Dozens of political parties, from extreme left to extreme right, are represente
d in India\u8217?s lower house, in contrast with two parties (with virtually ide
ntical political programmes) in the United States. Even the quality of the Indi
an press is much higher, in many respects, than that of its counterpart in the U
nited States. The comparison is not entirely to India\u8217?s advantage (for in
stance, the US fare better in terms of the freedom of information), and there is
of course plenty of scope for improving democratic institutions in India.\ul0\n
osupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 13\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22
Nevertheless, by contemp
orary world standards, Indian democracy \par appears in a reasonably good light
as far as its institutional foundations are concerned. \par\pard\par\pard\qj Hav
ing said this, Indian democracy has one minor flaw, namely that most people are
unable \par
to participate in it due to economic insecurity, lack of educati
on, social discrimination and other forms of disempowerment. Voter turnout rat
es may be reasonably high (about 60 per cent for parliamentary elections), but i
nformed participation in democratic institutions on a \par\pard\par\pard\ql
\ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 13\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 The reform of dem
ocratic institutions is a subject of lively debate and action in India at this t
ime, involving issues such as the right to information, the eradication of corru
ption, the decriminalisation of politics, the representation of women, the devol
ution of powers, the need for greater democracy within political parties, and el
ectoral reforms (e.g. the possibility of a move towards proportional representat
ion). For a useful introduction, \par see e.g. Narayan (2003). \par\pard\par\pa
rd\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 7 \par\pard\par\pard\ql sustained basis is con
fined to a tiny minority. And even voting is a very limited form of \par
democratic participation when most people are unable to distinguish clearly betw
een the different political parties and their respective programmes.\ul0\nosuper
sub\cf9\f10\fs18 14 \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 In short,
Indian democracy is trapped in a vicious circle of exclusion and elitism. Beca
use \par
underprivileged sections of the population are excluded f
rom active participation in democratic politics, their aspirations and priori
ties are not reflected in public policy. The elitist orientation of public pol
icy, in turn, perpetuates the deprivations (poverty, hunger, illiteracy, discrim

ination, etc.) that disempower people and prevent them from participating in dem
ocratic politics. \par\pard\par\pard\ql
The root of the problem was iden
tified quite clearly by Dr. Ambedkar in the context of his argument for linking
political democracy with economic and social democracy. \u8220?On the 26th Janu
ary 1950,\u8221? he said, \u8220?we are going to enter into a life of contradict
ions. In politics we will have equality and in social and economic life we will
have inequality.\u8221?\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 15\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs
22 The contradiction is still with us today, and in some respects at least, th
e problem is even intensifying at this time of growing inequality and elitism.
India is in some danger of becoming a \u8220?business-driven society\u8221?, to
use Noam Chomsky\u8217?s telling characterization of US democracy.\ul0\nosupers
ub\cf9\f10\fs18 16\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 It is in this \par context that t
here is an urgent need to revive the concern with economic and social rights \pa
r
expressed in the Directive Principles of the Constitution, including the
right to food. Indeed, as mentioned earlier, the main object of the Directive
Principles was precisely to lay the foundations of \u8220?economic and social de
mocracy\u8221?.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 17 \par\pard\par\pard
\ul0\nos
upersub\cf10\f11\fs18 14\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 See e.g. Bela Bhatia (2
000). The author describes the predicament of Dalit women during the 1995 \par
Assembly elections in central Bihar as follows: \u8220?Most of the women I inter
viewed had never voted before, nor did they understand the meaning or significan
ce of \ul0\nosupersub\cf14\f15\fs18 chunav \ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 (electi
ons), vote or parties. While some of them were able to recognize some party sy
mbols, they were often unable to relate the symbol to the party, and none of \pa
r them could relate it to a particular candidate or programme.\u8221? \par\pard\
par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 15\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 See G
overnment of Maharashtra (1994), p. 1216. \par\pard\par\pard\ql
\ul0\nos
upersub\cf10\f11\fs18 16\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 See e.g. Chomsky (1998)
. There are many interesting similarities between Ambedkar and Chomsky\u8217?s
views on democracy, even though Ambedkar was rather less critical of state powe
r. It is perhaps not an accident that both were strongly influenced by John Dew
ey, an outspoken critic of the concentration of power who viewed \par politics a
s \u8220?the shadow cast on society by big business\u8221? (quoted in Chomsky, 1
998, p. 87). \par\pard\par\pard
\ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 17\ul0\nos
upersub\cf11\f12\fs18 Whether the Directive Principles went far enough in that
respect is another matter. Ambedkar\u8217?s own blueprint for a \u8220?socialis
t constitution\u8221?, sketched in an early memorandum submitted to the Constitu
ent Assembly (Ambedkar, 1948), included more sweeping changes in economic instit
utions, especially property rights. \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9
\fs22 8 \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf12\f13\fs26 Two Illustrations \p
ar\pard\par\pard\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 An example or two may help to convey
the potential empowerment value of economic and \par social rights. One inte
resting example is the right to education. Until quite recently, the right to e
ducation was out of focus in education policy. For instance, the issue is not m
entioned in the National Education Policy of 1986. The basic assumption in tho
se days was that large proportions of children were beyond the pale of the schoo
ling system, and that this situation would continue to prevail for many years.
Since then, however, there has been a healthy revival of public concern for the
right to education. Today, the notion that every child has a fundamental right
to elementary education has gained wide acceptance. For instance, if a villag
e does not have a school, the case for providing one immediately does not need t
o be made - it is taken for granted. And even children belonging to highly disa
dvantaged families or communities, such as migrant labourers or (so-called) prim
itive tribes, are widely \par considered to have an inalienable right to eleme
ntary education. This broad recognition of elementary education as a fundament
al right of every child (recently incorporated in the Constitution) has contribu
ted to the relatively rapid expansion of schooling facilities and school partici
pation in the nineties.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 18 \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul
0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 This does not mean that spectacular progress has been m
ade in realising the right to \par

education. Indeed, there are also tende
ncies on the other side (i.e. tendencies inimical to the right to education), s
uch as the crisis of state finances and intense hostility to the \u8220?welfare
state\u8221? in the corridors of power. Some recent developments, such as the g
rowing reliance on low-quality, \u8220?second-track\u8221? schooling facilities
to raise enrolment figures, can even be seen as an attack on the fundamental rig
ht to education.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 19\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 Neve
rtheless, it is interesting that the reach of the schooling system has expanded
so fast in a period of structural adjustment and general disengagement of the st
ate. The growing recognition of elementary education as a fundamental right of
every child has played a part in this achievement. Also, this consensus has gi
ven education activists a powerful foothold to resist any attempt to dilute the
constitutional commitment to free and compulsory education until the age of four
teen. \par\pard\par\pard\ql
\ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 18\ul0\nosupersub\
cf11\f12\fs18 On the accelerated progress of literacy and school participation
in the nineties, see Drze and Sen (2002), pp. 151-2 and 327-9. On the right to e
ducation in India, see Ravi Srivastava (2003), and the literature cited there. \
par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 19\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs
18 See e.g. Anil Sadgopal (2003). \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9
\fs22 9 \par\pard\par\pard\ql There is an instructive contrast here with the cor
responding situation in the field of health \par
care. Unlike elementary
education, health care is yet to be widely accepted as a basic right of all Ind
ian citizens.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 20\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 This a
mbiguity has facilitated the continuation if not intensification of state abdica
tion in this field in the nineties. Public expenditure on health has declined
as a proportion of GDP, from an abysmally low base (about 1 per cent).\ul0\nosup
ersub\cf9\f10\fs18 21\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22
And the lack of any major in
itiative in the field of health care during the last ten years contrasts with wi
deranging innovations in the field of elementary education. Correspondingly, t
he pattern of accelerated progress in educational achievements in the nineties d
oes not apply to health indicators. In fact, there have been some major setbac
ks, such as the slowdown of infant mortality decline (Mari Bhat, 2002), and, mor
e recently the reduction of child vaccination rates in some states. \par\pard\pa
r\pard\ql
Another enlightening example is the right to information. Anyon
e who has worked in rural India is bound to be familiar with the tremendous dise
mpowerment experienced by ordinary citizens due to lack of information and the i
naccessibility of public records. Many examples can be given: some people have
ration cards, but do not know what they are entitled to buy from the ration shop
and at what price; others take bank loans without understanding the conditions
of borrowing; TB patients are sent away from public health centres with cough sy
rups; labourers are unaware of the legal minimum wage; and so on.\ul0
\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 22\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 Another \par manifestat
ion of the problem is corruption in public life, which thrives on secrecy and th
e \par dissimulation of information. \par\pard\par\pard\qj In response to this
situation, one could try a \u8220?case by case\u8221? approach, in the form of \
par
addressing the problem in the specific domain where it occurs. The visi
onary insight of the \u8220?right to information movement\u8221?, however, is th
at the problem can also be tackled across the board, in a lasting manner, by dem
anding a blanket right of access to \ul0\nosupersub\cf13\f14\fs22 all\ul0\nosupe
rsub\cf8\f9\fs22 public records at \ul0\nosupersub\cf13\f14\fs22 all \ul0\nosup
ersub\cf8\f9\fs22 times for \ul0\nosupersub\cf13\f14\fs22 all\ul0\nosupersub\cf8
\f9\fs22 citizens.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 23\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 T
his led to a campaign for \u8220?right to information laws\u8221?, combined with
\par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 20\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\
fs18 There is, however, rapid change in this respect; see e.g. Ravi Duggal (20
03) and Abhay Shukla (2003). \par\pard\par\pard\ql
\ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11
\fs18 21\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 The ratio picked up again towards the end
of the nineties, but mainly because of rapid increases in salaries (based on th
e recommendations of the Fifth Pay Commission), with little increase - if any in real inputs. \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 22\ul0\nos
upersub\cf11\f12\fs18 I recently observed an extreme example of such situations

in Allahabad district, where some Dalit labourers had land titles (received und
er some \u8220?land distribution\u8221? scheme) but did not know where their lan
d was. The \ul0\nosupersub\cf14\f15\fs18 gram sevak\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs
18 would not show it to them without a hefty bribe, and they were unable to pay
. Some of them even \par suspected that they were working as casual labourers
on their own land, encroached by powerful landlords. \par\pard\par\pard\ql
\ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 23\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 The right to info
rmation movement has been particularly active in Rajasthan during the last 15 ye
ars or so, but it has deep roots, going back at least to Jayaprakash Narayan.
Another interesting precursor is Jotirao Phule, \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosup
ersub\cf8\f9\fs22 10 \par\pard\par\pard\ql efforts to enable people to use these
laws. Going beyond this, the right to information \par
movement can be
seen as a step in the larger journey towards public accountability and participa
tory democracy. \par\pard\par\pard\ql The right to information movement has al
ready led to some concrete results. In Rajasthan, for instance, it has played
a crucial role in eradicating the earlier practice of endemic \u8220?fudging\u82
21? of muster rolls on relief works.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 24\ul0\nosupers
ub\cf8\f9\fs22 This may look like a small victory, but it is \par actually a si
gnificant breakthrough, which paves the way for further action in this field. T
en \par years ago, the suggestion that corruption in public life can be eradicat
ed, or even substantially reduced, would have seemed very nave. Today, there is
a new sense of possibility in this respect. \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupers
ub\cf12\f13\fs26 The Right to Food \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\
fs22 The right to food is, in some ways, a more complex right than the right to
education or the \par right to information. To start with, the entitlements
and responsibilities associated with the right to food are far from obvious. I
n the case of, say, the right to information, some basic entitlements and respon
sibilities are easy to identify: every citizen has a right of access to public r
ecords (subject to specific exceptions, pertaining for instance to \u8220?nation
al security\u8221?), and conversely, every civil servant has a duty to part with
the relevant records under prespecified terms. If he or she refuses to do so,
action can be taken. To a large extent, the right to information can therefore
be translated into legal entitlements and enforced in a court of law. In other
words, it is justiciable. \par\pard\par\pard\qj In the case of the right to food
, however, matters are more complicated. Broadly speaking, \par
the righ
t to food can be interpreted as a claim of individuals on society (starting but
not ending with the state). It is an entitlement to be free from hunger, which
derives from the assertion that the society has enough resources, both economic
and institutional, to ensure \par\pard\par\pard\ql
\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12
\fs18 who was apparently checking muster rolls more than a century before Mazdoo
r Kisan Shakti Sangathan: \u8220?[Phule] enjoyed the company of the labourers an
d organised them\u8230? [He] studied for two or three years how corruption was p
ractised by high officials and engineers. He knew well how they made up account
s by showing \par false attendance of labourers and how they divided the profits
among themselves.\u8221? (Keer, 1964, p. 90.) \par\pard\par\pard{
\trowd\trautofit1\intbl{\ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 24\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12
\fs18 See Drze and Sen (2002), pp.}\cell{\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 367-8, an
d Vivek S. (2003). For further discussion of the right to information}\cell
{\trowd\trautofit1\intbl
\cltxlrtb\clftsWidth1\cellx4320
\row}
\trowd\trautofit1\intbl{\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 movement, see particularly
Neelabh Mishra (2003).}\cell
{}\cell
\row}
}\par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 11 \par\pard\par\pard\ql that
everyone is adequately nourished. However, difficulties arise as soon as we tr
y to flesh \par out this broad definition and translate it into specific entitle
ments and responsibilities. \par\pard\par\pard The term \u8220?freedom from hun
ger\u8221?, for instance, lends itself to several interpretations: getting two s
quare meals a day, meeting specific calorie norms, avoiding nutrition-related ai
lments, and so on. Ideally, the right to food should be seen as a right to \u82
20?nutrition\u8221?, and this is indeed the term used in Article 47 of the Const
itution.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 25\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 However, goo
d nutrition itself depends in \par complex ways on a wide range of inputs: not j
ust adequate food intake but also clean water, \par
basic health care, good
hygiene, and so on. Even if we confine our attention to food intake, the consti
tuents of good nutrition are a matter of debate among nutritionists. For insta
nce, there is some controversy about the importance of various \u8220?micronutri
ents\u8221? for good \par
nutrition. For all these reasons, it is hard to
translate the right to food into a specific list of entitlements. \par\pard\par
\pard\ql Similar difficulties arise in clarifying the responsibilities associate
d with the right to food. \par The primary responsibility is surely with the st
ate, because the state alone commands the resources (economic and institutional)
required to protect everyone from hunger, and because the state is generally re
sponsible for safeguarding constitutional rights. However, the right to food is
not the responsibility of the state alone. To illustrate, suppose that I come
across someone who is dying of starvation on the street. If I am able to do so
mething about it, and if I recognise that every citizen has a right to be free f
rom hunger, it would clearly not be right for me to wash my hands of the situati
on and say that it is the responsibility of the state. The fact that the state
bears the primary responsibility for letting this happen does not absolve me fro
m the duty of intervening, if I am in a position to do so. In other words, in
some circumstances at least, the responsibility for protecting the right to food
is a shared responsibility, involving not only the state but also other institu
tions or individuals. \par\pard\par\pard\ql To take another example, suppose tha
t a girl is undernourished because she does not get a fair \par share of food wi
thin the family. Clearly, her right to food would be violated. But who is \p
ar\pard\par\pard\ql
\ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 25\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12
\fs18 More precisely, one could say that a person\u8217?s right to food is real
ised if her life is not impaired or limited by nutritional deficiencies of any k
ind, or (in a similar vein) that a person\u8217?s right to food is violated if n
utritional deficiencies of any kind prevent her from leading a dignified life.
The last definition would make it possible to link the right to food with recent
judicial interpretations of the fundamental right to life (Article 21) as a rig
ht to \u8220?live with dignity\u8221?. I leave it to others to unravel the ful
l implications of this approach, e.g. whether a \par professional weight-lifte
r has a right to \u8220?more food\u8221? than an unemployed clerk. \par\pard\par
\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 12 \par\pard\par\pardresponsible? At some l
evel, state responsibility would be involved, since the state has an \par
overarching duty to eradicate social discrimination. But surely, the girls\u821
7? parents (or whoever controls the distribution of food within the family) woul
d also bear a substantial part of the responsibility for this situation. Here
again, there is a difficulty in apportioning \par
responsibilities
for protecting the right to food. \par\pard\par\pard\ql
The last example
also brings out a related problem, namely that the right to food is not always
\u8220?justiciable\u8221?, in the sense of being enforceable in a court of law.
If a girl is undernourished because of discrimination within the family, I doub
t that the best response would be to take her parents (or for that matter the go
vernment) to court.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 26\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22
Other means of intervention would \par be required. Similar problems arise wit
h other economic and social rights, and for this \par reason, among others, le
gal enforcement of the Directive Principles was explicitly ruled out in the Cons
titution. This applies in particular to the directives relevant to the right t
o food, such as Article 47 (which stresses that \u8220?the State shall regard th
e raising of the level of nutrition\u8230? and the improvement of public health
as among its primary duties\u8221?) and Article 39A (which directs the state to
ensure that \u8220?the citizens, men and women equally, have the right to an ade
quate means of livelihood\u8221?). \par\pard\par\pard\ql At this point, the read
er may wonder whether the right to food has any \u8220?teeth\u8221? at all, if i
t is so \par
difficult to define and so hard to enforce. I would argue that
it does have a cutting edge, for at least three reasons. \par\pard\par\pard\ql
First, even if the right to food is not always justiciable, some \ul0\nosupersub
\cf13\f14\fs22 aspects\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 of the right to food (at the
very least) are amenable to legal enforcement. This is one crucial lesson of t
he public interest litigation initiated by the People\u8217?s Union for Civil Li
berties (Rajasthan) in April 2001 with a writ petition to the Supreme Court.\ul0
\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 27\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 The litigation is far fr
om over, but some useful \par orders have already been passed, such as the inter
im order of 28 November 2001, directing \par
all state governments to introdu
ce cooked mid-day meals in primary schools. We can plausibly envisage that ent
itlements of this kind might become part of the law of the land, just as the rig
ht of access to public records has found expression in \u8220?right to informati
on laws\u8221?. \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 26\ul0\nos
upersub\cf11\f12\fs18 This does not mean that it is pointless to make intra-fam
ily discrimination \ul0\nosupersub\cf14\f15\fs18 illegal\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12
\fs18 . Most of time, laws are enforced by institutions other than the courts.
Legal provisions can also have important effects on public \par perceptions o
f what is right and wrong. \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 13
\par\pard\par\pard\ql Indeed, this approach would be highly consistent with the
scheme of things initially \par envisaged by the Constitution. It is often forg
otten that while Article 37 explicitly states that the Directive Principles \u82
20?shall not be enforced by any court\u8221?, it goes on to stress (1) that thes
e principles are nevertheless \u8220?fundamental to the governance of the countr
y\u8221?, and (2) that \u8220?it shall be the duty of the state to apply these p
rinciples in making laws\u8221?. The application of these prescriptions to the
right to food is potentially far-reaching. Some good work has been done, for i
nstance, on the possibility of introducing a \u8220?framework law\u8221? that wo
uld translate a wide range of aspects of the right to food into legal provisions
.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 28 \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs
22 I submit that this approach would be more productive than the common proposal
that the \par Directive Principles should somehow be declared \u8220?justiciab
le\u8221?.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 29\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22
For one
thing, there are serious difficulties in making the right to food fully justicia
ble. Much of it ultimately belongs to the domain of democratic politics rather
than of legal enforcement. For another, even if the right to food is deemed fu
lly justiciable, it will remain necessary to spell out the constructive interven
tions through which this right is to be protected. Leaving it to the Courts to
settle this issue as and when it arises would be both risky and inappropriate.
The need would therefore remain for additional legislation, framed through demo
cratic processes, clarifying how the right to food is to be realised. And this
is precisely what I am advocating in the first place. \par\pard\par\pard\qj The
approach proposed here does not detract from the possibility of claiming the rig
ht to food \par in court as a corollary of the fundamental \u8220?right to life\
u8221? under Article 21. Indeed, this claim is one aspect of the public interes
t litigation initiated in April 2001 by the People\u8217?s Union for Civil Liber
ties. And the Supreme Court itself has already clarified on various occasions t
hat the right to life implies the right to food.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 30\
ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22
In some circumstances, this recognition can be \pa
r\pard\ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 27\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 Writ Peti
tion (Civil) 196 of 2001, PUCL vs Union of India and others; for furth
er details, see www.righttofood.com. \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf1
0\f11\fs18 28\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 See e.g. Margret Vidar (2003) and G

erald Moore (2003). \par\pard\par\pard\ql
\ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 29
\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 Variants of this proposal include: (1) converting
some Directive Principles into Fundamental Rights (as happened with the right t
o education), (2) elastic interpretations of the Fundamental Rights to encompass
these Directive Principles (as with the argument that the right to food is impl
icit in the fundamental \u8220?right to life\u8221?), and (3) a constitutional a
mendment making all Directive Principles justiciable (see e.g. Ravi Duggal, 20
03, in \par the context of the right to health). On related issues, see Mahendr
a Singh (2003) and the literature cited there. \par\pard\par\pard\ql
\ul0\nos
upersub\cf10\f11\fs18 30\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 For instance, in \ul0\nos
upersub\cf14\f15\fs18 Shantistar Builders v. Narayan Khimalal Totame (1990) 1 SC
C 520\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 , the Supreme Court stated: \u8220?The right
to life is guaranteed in any civilized society. That would take within its swe
ep the right to \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 14 \par\pard\p
ar\pard\ql invoked with good effect. Yet, the persistence of mass hunger in In
dia more than twenty \par
years after the Supreme Court effectively accept
ed the right to food as a fundamental right clearly indicates that more specific
legal provisions are required. \par\pard\par\pard\ql The second reason why the
right to food does have a cutting edge, even when it is not \par
enforcea
ble in a court of law, was clearly spelt out by Dr. Ambedkar in his defence of t
he Directive Principles. Essentially, he argued that in a democracy, legal acti
on is not the only means of holding the state accountable to its responsibilitie
s. In cases where rights cannot be enforced through the courts, they can be ass
erted through other democratic means, based for instance on parliamentary interv
entions, the electoral process, the media, international solidarity, street acti
on, or even civil disobedience.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 31 \par\pard\par\par
d\ql
\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 This process has worked relatively well with
respect to one specific aspect of the right to food - the prevention of famines
. As Amartya Sen has noted, in a democratic political system, allowing a famin
e to develop would be political suicide for the party in office. This is the m
ain reason why every threat of famine in independent India has been boldly dealt
with (at least in terms of avoiding excess mortality). The latest example is t
he drought of 2002-3 in Rajasthan. In the absence of public intervention, drou
ght-affected people would have perished in large numbers.
With Assembly elect
ions round the corner, however, the government did not take any chances. In la
te June 2003, close to 4 million labourers were employed on relief works and rel
ated programmes in rural Rajasthan.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 32\ul0\nosupersu
b\cf8\f9\fs22 This was one of the \par largest public employment programmes eve
r, in terms of the proportion of the population \par
employed. Famine was a
verted, not because there is a law against it but because of other democratic sa
feguards.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 33 \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\c
f8\f9\fs22 Outside the specific context of famine prevention (and other extreme
circumstances, such as \par
\u8220?starvation deaths\u8221?), democratic pra
ctice has delivered rather little, so far, in terms of holding \par\pard\par\par
d\ql
\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 food\u8230?\u8221? On this and other leg
al foundations of the claim that the right to life implies the right to food, se
e Human Rights Law Network (2002); also National Human Rights Commission (2003).
\par\pard\par\pard
\fs18 Dr. Ambedkar himself focused mainly on electoral politics as the means of
holding the state accountable to the Directive Principles: \u8220?[The party in
power] may not have to answer for their breach in a Court of Law. But [it] wil
l certainly have to answer for them before the electorate at election time\u8230
?\u8221? (in Rodriguez, 2002, p. 490). The point, however, can be extended to ot
her tools of democratic practice. \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11
\fs18 32\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 See http://www.rajasthan.gov.in/relief200
2/relief2report_2.pdf. \par\pard\par\pard\ql
\ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 33
\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 As it turns out, the Congress Party lost the 2003
elections in Rajasthan. But this does not invalidate the argument. It simply
shows that preventing famines is not a \ul0\nosupersub\cf14\f15\fs18 sufficient
\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 condition for winning elections. \par\pard\par\pa

rd\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 15 \par\pard\par\pard\ql the state accountable
to its responsibility for protecting the right to food. However, this \par
situation is not immutable. In fact, I would argue that there are vast possibi
lities of radical change in this field. These possibilities arise mainly from
the growing participation of underprivileged groups in democratic politics, and
the fact that food security is one of their main concerns. Another positive dev
elopment in this context is that the tools of democratic participation are becom
ing more diverse over time. In his defence of the Directive Principles, Dr. Amb
edkar focused on the electoral process as the principal means of holding the sta
te accountable outside the courts. Since then, we have learnt not to expect to
o much from electoral competition in this respect, for reasons discussed earlier
. But at the same time, we have good grounds for enhanced confidence about the
possibilities of public action outside the traditional arena of electoral politi
cs. These possibilities have already been creatively harnessed for various cau
ses, ranging from gender equality and Dalit liberation to war resistance and the
defence of civil liberties. There is no reason why these initiatives should no
t be extended to the assertion of economic and social rights, as is already happ
ening to some extent. \par\pard\par\pard\ql The third argument for asserting the
right to food is that, even when they are not enforceable \par in court, econom
ic and social rights can have a profound influence on public \ul0\nosupersub\cf1
3\f14\fs22 perceptions\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 of who is entitled to what.
These perceptions, in turn, can make a concrete difference in diverse ways. Fo
r instance, in situations where the effectiveness of food security programmes de
pends on the vigilance of the public, perceptions of rights can matter a great d
eal. \par\pard\par\pard\qj
To illustrate, consider the public distribution
system (PDS). One reason (among others) why the PDS is not in very good shape t
oday is endemic corruption. Now, recent analyses indicate that the extent of c
orruption in the PDS is much higher in north India than in south India. In nor
th India, about half of the grain meant for distribution to poor households thro
ugh the PDS seems to end up in the black market, rising to 80 per cent in Bihar
and Jharkhand. In south India, the \u8220?leakages\u8221? are much smaller, to
the extent that they do not show up in secondary data.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\f
s18 34\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 One reason for this contrast is that people\u
8217?s perceptions of their \par entitlements under the PDS differ radically bet
ween the two regions. In large parts of north \par
India, poor people have
very little awareness of their entitlements and how they can be \par\pard\par\pa
rd
\ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 34\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 See Drze (
2002); also Government of India (2002), p. 158. These estimates are obtained b
y \u8220?matching\u8221? \par foodgrain offtake from FCI godowns with National
Sample Survey data on household purchases from the public distribution system.
\par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 16 \par\pard\par\pard\ql
enforced.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 35\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 They are s
itting ducks for corrupt PDS dealers, and consider themselves lucky if they get
anything at all.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 36\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 In t
his respect, the situation is very different in the southern region. \par
In Tamil Nadu, for instance, even illiterate Dalit women seem to have a sharp aw
areness of their entitlements, and of the redressal mechanisms that are availabl
e in the event where they are cheated.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 37\ul0\nosupe
rsub\cf8\f9\fs22 The two factors (awareness of rights and accountability mecha
nisms) reinforce each other and preserve the integrity of the system. If India\
u8217?s public distribution system is to be revitalised, close attention needs t
o be paid to the circumstances that shape people\u8217?s perceptions of their ri
ghts as well as their ability to enforce them. \par\pard\par\pard\ql It is in th
is respect, among others, that the recent division of the rural population betwe
en \par \u8220?BPL\u8221? and \u8220?APL\u8221? households (below poverty line a
nd above poverty line, respectively), with PDS entitlements being effectively re
stricted to BPL households, is so pernicious. This division undermines the not
ion that PDS entitlements are a matter of right, since no-one has a \u8220?right
\u8221? to a BPL card. It also weakens the ability of BPL households to enforce
their rights, by destroying the solidarity between APL and BPL households, and
sometimes even pitching one group against the other. The fact that \u8220?vigil
ance committees\u8221?, the local watchdogs of the public distribution system, o
ften turn out to consist mainly of APL members, who have no stake in the integri
ty of the system, does not help either. The need of the hour is to empower disa
dvantaged households vis--vis PDS dealers, but the present targeting system goes
in the opposite direction. \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf12\f13\fs26 M
id-day Meals and their Wider Significance \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\
cf8\f9\fs22 These diverse roles of the right to food can be further illustrated
with reference to the issue of \par
mid-day meals in primary schools. This
is one aspect (perhaps the only aspect) of the right to \par\pard\par\pard\ql
\ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 35\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 To illustrate, a
recent study of the PDS in Allahabad district found that only one per cent of th
e 1,400 sample households had correct knowledge of their entitlements (Mazumder,
2003, p. 21). \par\pard\par\pard\ql
\ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 36\ul0\nos
upersub\cf11\f12\fs18 See e.g. Drze (2003a). In one village of Sendhwa (Madhya
Pradesh), the PDS dealer has apparently struck a deal with the local residents,
whereby he keeps all their cards, gives them twenty rupees in cash each month,
and takes care of the rest. The most interesting part of the story is that the
villagers are apparently satisfied: \u8220?twenty rupees is better than nothing,
\u8221? they say. This contentment reflects their low expectations of the PDS i
n ordinary \par circumstances (Sachin Jain, personal communication). \par\pard\p
ar\pard \ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 37\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 Personal
observations based on field work in Dharmapuri district, one of Tamil Nadu\u8217
?s most deprived districts (see also Drze, 2003b). In one village, Dalit women
were intrigued by the suggestion that the local dealer might be cheating them. \
u8220?Where would he go after doing this?,\u8221? they said. \u8220?He lives her
e, and we will catch \par
him if he cheats us.\u8221? Their confidence was
refreshing, especially in comparison with the disempowerment and helplessness c
ommonly observed among poor households in north India. \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul
0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 17 \par\pard\par\pard\ql food that has been significant
ly consolidated in India in recent years. I believe that this \par
experien
ce is of some significance not only from the point of view of child nutrition bu
t also as a pointer to the scope for further action in this field. \par\pard\par
\pard\ql The case for providing cooked mid-day meals in primary schools is very
strong. At least \par three arguments can be invoked in this connection. Fir
st, mid-day meals boost school attendance, especially among girls. Second, they
protect children from classroom hunger and also enhance child nutrition, if the
meal is nutritious. Third, mid-day meals contribute to social equity, in seve
ral ways: they teach children to share a common meal irrespective of caste and c
lass, act as a form of income support for poor households, and provide employmen
t opportunities to poor women. The wide-ranging personal and social benefits of
mid-day meals have been well demonstrated in states that made an early start do
wn this road, notably Tamil Nadu and Gujarat. More recent experiences in Karna
taka, Rajasthan and elsewhere suggest that similar achievements are possible all
over the country. In Rajasthan, for instance, girl enrolment in Class 1 jumped
by nearly 20 per cent in a single year after midday meals were introduced.\ul0\
nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 38 \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 On
28 November 2001, the Supreme Court directed all state governments to introduce
\par
cooked mid-day meals in primary schools within six months. This interim
order came up in the context of the public interest litigation mentioned earlie
r. Several states (notably Bihar, Jharkhand, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal) are
yet to implement this order. Nevertheless, the coverage of mid-day meal progr
ammes is steadily expanding. Fifty million children are already covered, making
this the largest nutrition programme in the world by a long margin. With adequa
te public pressure, another 50 million children are likely to get on board withi
n a year or so, and the quality of mid-day meal programmes could also be radical
ly enhanced. This would be no small achievement at a time of growing abdication
of state responsibility for the well-being of Indian citizens. \par\pard\par\par
d\qj With this background, let me clarify how recent experience with mid-day mea
ls illustrates the \par three possible roles of the right to food discussed earl
ier. To start with, this experience shows the possibility of bringing some aspe
cts of the right to food within the ambit of legal enforcement. Some commentat
ors are quite unhappy about the Supreme Court \u8220?meddling\u8221? \par\pard\p
ar\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 38\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 For fu
rther discussion, see Drze and Goyal (2003), and earlier studies cited there. \pa
r\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 18 \par\pard\par\pard\ql
with policy issues such as the provision of mid-day meals in primary schools.
Having witnessed the court\u8217?s deliberations at close quarters, I share some
of these apprehensions.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 39 \par \ul0\nosupersub\cf8
\f9\fs22 Yet, the interim order on mid-day meals seems quite reasonable, conside
ring that we are \par dealing here with very basic rights of Indian children (
not only the right to food but also the fundamental right to education), and tha
t the effectiveness of mid-day meals in furthering these rights is well establis
hed. As things stand, the directive on mid-day meals is only an \u8220?interim
order\u8221?, but there is no reason why mid-day meals should not be given perm
anent legal status, just as the right to work has found expression in Maharashtr
a\u8217?s \u8220?employment guarantee act\u8221?. \par\pard\par\pard\ql Secondly
, the mid-day meal story also highlights the importance of campaigning for \par
economic and social rights outside the courts, using all democratic means availa
ble. Indeed, had the Supreme Court order on mid-day meals been allowed to take
its own course, it is doubtful that it would have been implemented. In this con
nection, it is worth noting that on the same day (28 November 2001), the Supreme
Court also issued a similar order relating to the Integrated Child Development
Services (ICDS), calling inter alia for the provision of functional anganwadis (
child care centres) in \u8220?every habitation\u8221?. This order, however, ha
s made no impact so far, and one reason for this is the failure to supplement th
e court order with active public pressure. Mid-day meals, by contrast, have be
en the focus of lively campaigns in many states during the last two years. The
steady progress of mid-day meals reflects this effective combination of legal a
ction and social action. \par\pard\par\pardThirdly, mid-day meals provides anoth
er useful illustration of the role of economic and social \par rights in shapin
g people\u8217?s perceptions of their entitlements and enhancing their determina
tion to get their due. Here again, the point can be appreciated by looking at
contrasts between different states.
In Tamil Nadu, where mid-day meals go bac
k to 1925, and were \par
universalised in 1982, the whole arrangement is
widely accepted as a basic entitlement of all children and has been internalised
by all parties concerned - parents, teachers, cooks, \par
administrators,
and children themselves. Mid-day meals are provided on every day of the \par\p
ard\par\pard\ql
\fs18 The proceedings often reminded me of Kropotkin\u8217?s indictment of the
lawyers of his time: \u8220?\u8230? a race of lawmakers legislating without know
ing what their laws are about; today voting a law on the sanitation of towns, wi
thout the faintest notion of hygiene, tomorrow making regulations for the armame
nt of troops, without so much as understanding a gun; \u8230?legislating at rand
om in all directions, but never forgetting the penalties to be meted out to raga
muffins, the prison and the galleys, which are to be the portion of men a thousa
nd times less \par immoral than these legislators themselves.\u8221? (Kropotkin,
\u8220?Law and Authority\u8221?, quoted in Bose, 1967, p. 266.) \par\pard\par\p
ard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 19 \par\pard\par\pard\ql year, including holi
days, and any lapse in this regard would be considered a serious matter. \par
In (say) Chhattisgarh or Madhya Pradesh, by contrast, mid-day meals are still fa
r from being perceived as a basic entitlement of all children. This is one reas
on why the implementation of mid-day meals remains quite casual in these states,
to the extent that the meal often fails to materialise on a particular day, wit
hout anyone making a fuss.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 40 \par\pard\par\pard\ql
\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 Beyond these specific lessons, there is a larger mes
sage here about the possibility of bringing \par
democratic politics to b
ear on issues of hunger and nutrition. The point emerges most sharply in Tamil
Nadu, where mid-day meals have been a lively political issue ever since M.G. Ram
achandran (alias \u8220?MGR\u8221?) threw his weight behind this idea in the ear
ly 1980s. In fact, many observers consider this initiative as one of the pillars
of MGR\u8217?s lasting popularity.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 41 \ul0\nosupers
ub\cf8\f9\fs22 The prominence of social development issues in Tamil Nadu politic
s (at least in comparison with other states) is also a major reason for the rela
tively good quality of nutrition and health services in general, from anganwadis
to primary health centres.\ul0\nosupersub\cf9\f10\fs18 42\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9
\fs22 Elsewhere in India, social issues are nowhere near getting the same atten
tion in state politics, but as argued earlier, this situation is not immutable.
There are growing possibilities of public mobilisation on these issues, and th
e future course of the right to food depends a great deal on the extent to which
these opportunities are seized. \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf12\f13\
fs26 Concluding Remarks \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 The ba
sic argument of this paper is something like this. First, the Indian Constitutio
n and its \par underlying ideas (chiefly due to Dr. Ambedkar) provide a sound f
ramework for thinking about the right to food. In this framework, the right to
food is one of the basic economic and social rights that are essential to achiev
e \u8220?economic democracy\u8221?, without which political democracy is at best
incomplete. Indeed, there is an obvious sense in which mass hunger is fundamen
tally incompatible with democracy in any meaningful sense of the term. \par\pard
\par\pard\ql
\ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 40\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 P
ersonal observations in Tamil Nadu, Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh. In both C
hhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh, it is not uncommon to find that the mid-day meal
has failed to materialise for trivial reasons such as alleged lack of firewood.
In one such school, visited at four o\u8217?clock in the afternoon, the teach
ers were least concerned about the fact that the children had not eaten anything
since early morning, and even since the previous evening in a few cases. In re
sponse to a pointed question about the Supreme Court order, one of them \par pro
mptly argued that the order required mid-day meals to be served on \u8220?200 da
ys in the year only\u8221?. \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18
41\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 See e.g. Anita Pratap (2003). \par\pard\par\pa
rd\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf10\f11\fs18 42\ul0\nosupersub\cf11\f12\fs18 For further
discussion, see Drze and Sen (2002), pp. 213-8; also Drze (2003b). \par\pard\par
\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 20 \par\pard\par\pardSecond, the right to f
ood is nowhere near being realised in India. In fact, undernutrition \par
levels in India are among the highest in the world. Further, the improvement o
f nutrition indicators over time is very slow. There is also some evidence of
increasing disparities in nutritional achievements (between rural and urban area
s as well as between boys and girls) in the nineties. The recent accumulation
of nearly 70 million tonnes of grain against a \par
background of widespread
hunger is a particularly startling violation of the right to food. \par\pard\pa
r\pard\ql Third, the nutrition situation in India is a sort of \u8220?silent eme
rgency\u8221?: little attention is paid to \par it in public debates and democra
tic politics. This illustrates a more general feature of Indian democracy - its
tremendous lack of responsiveness to the needs and aspirations of the underpriv
ileged. Against this background, economic and social rights have a crucial role
to play as built-in safeguards against the elitist biases of public policy. \pa
r\pard\par\pard\ql Fourth, the right to food is a somewhat complex right that do
es not readily translate into well\par defined entitlements and responsibilitie
s. The scope for enforcing it through the courts can be significantly enlarged
(e.g. by consolidating legal provisions for the right to food), but serious dif
ficulties are involved in making it fully justiciable. Nevertheless, the right t
o food can bring new interventions within the realm of possibility in at least t
hree different ways: through legal action, through democratic practice, and thro
ugh public perceptions. \par\pard\par\pard\ql Fifth, I have illustrated these di
fferent roles of the right to food with reference to the \par provision of mid
-day meals in primary schools. It goes without saying that I am not proposing
mid-day meals as an answer to India\u8217?s massive nutrition problem. Yet, th
is experience is a helpful illustration of the possibility of effective action i
n this field. Similar things can be done with respect to many other means of in
tervention: employment guarantee acts, the public distribution system, social se

curity arrangements, anganwadi facilities, and land rights, among others. \par\p
ard\par\pard\qj I end by reiterating that if the right to food is to be achieved
, it needs to be linked with other \par economic and social rights, such as the
right to education, the right to work, the right to information and the right to
health. These economic and social rights complement and reinforce each other.
Taken in isolation, each of them has its limitations, and may not even be real
isable within the present structure of property rights. Taken together, howeve
r, they \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 21 \par\pard\par\pard\
ql hold the promise of radical change in public priorities and democratic politi
cs. This is why it \par
is so important to revive the Directive Principl
es of the Constitution as well as the visionary conception of democracy that inf
orms them. \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf12\f13\fs26 FIGURE 1 \par\par
d\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf17\f18\fs22 Average weight of Indian children at
different ages \par\pard\par\pard\ql \ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 Source: Alessa
ndro Tarozzi, unpublished analysis of National Family Health Survey (NFHS) data.
\par The graph relates to boys and girls combined, in rural and urban areas c
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\row}
{}\cell
{}\cell{\ul0\nosupersub\cf8\f9\fs22 (starvation in KBK districts); mimeo, NHRC,
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e-examination}\cell
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\par\pard}

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