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Hymnody and Identity - Congregational Siging As A Construct of Christian Community Identity
Hymnody and Identity - Congregational Siging As A Construct of Christian Community Identity
by
ABSTRACT
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The journey over the past six years as I engaged in doctoral research at the
University of Birmingham has been a delight. The completion of this dissertation has
been made possible not solely through my efforts but also because of the support,
encouragement and guidance of many who have journeyed with me along the way. It
is fitting for me to acknowledge those who, because of their input, this study has
finally been completed.
I am indebted to my lead supervisor, Professor Martin Stringer, who in asking
me tough questions, forced me to crystallize my thoughts as I wrestled with the
material. His patience and keen insight caused me to reconsider not only what I
needed to say but also how to do so. As an external registered student, I appreciated
Professors Stringer consistent efforts to facilitate my annual visits to the campus. He
always offered encouraging words and looked for other opportunities for me to share
my research either with other students or beyond the confines of the University. The
completion of this study is largely due to the input of Professor Stringer.
Alongside my lead supervisor, the support that I received from my cosupervisor, Rev. Dr. George Mulrain, was also of great value. As a Caribbean Church
leader and an advocate for ecumenism in the Caribbean, his insight of the relevancy
of this study to the Caribbean in particular was very encouraging. Being an alumnus
of the University of Birmingham himself, he could readily relate to the challenges of
engaging in research at this level while aiming to keep your work relevant to the
Caribbean context. He was instrumental in helping me maintain that delicate balance.
I will forever treasure the numberless conversations that Ive had with both
supervisors either via Skype or in person as they both guided me along the way.
There were other key sojourners whose contribution to this research cannot go
unmentioned: Ms. Lorraine Parsons, archivist for the Moravian Church, British
Province, who helped me uncover and rediscover the early life of the 18th Century
Fetter Lane congregation; the late Mr. Patrick Prescod, who as the editor for the
Caribbean hymnal, Sing A New Song No. 3, shared his wealth of experience and
granted me free access to his personal archives; the pastor and members of the St.
Thomas Assembly of God congregation for welcoming me among them and for their
willing engagement with me as the outside researcher; and Dr. Marilyn Krigger, Ms.
Mary Harley, Rev. Dr. Knola Knouse, Dr. George Newton and Mrs. Irose PayneShalon who read portions of the thesis at various stages and offered very helpful
comments.
Finally, words cannot adequately express my deep gratitude to my family, my
three daughters Tsedek, Tsamara and Tsalom and in particular my wife Winelle.
They above anyone else have had to endure lengthy periods of separation and
interruptions as I tried to balance family time with ongoing research as Ive worked
towards completing this dissertation. Their love and unwavering support continue to
be the wind beneath my wing.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER ONE
INTROCUTION
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
1.5
1.6
1.7
The Rationale
Defining Hymnody
Defining Identity
Perspectives on Christian Hymnody
1.4.1 Hymnody as Theology
1.4.2 Hymnody as Historic and Descriptive
Congregational Identity
The Aims of the Study
The Outline of the Thesis
1
4
9
15
17
21
25
33
35
CHAPTER TWO
METHODOLOGY
2.1
2.2
2.3
2.4
Which Methodology?
A Case Study Methodological Approach
Strategies (Methods) of the Case Study Methodology
2.3.1 Documentary Sources
2.3.2 Ethnographic Sources
2.3.2.1 Historical Ethnography
2.3.2.2 Participant Observation and Direct Observation
2.3.2.3 Interviews
Reflection
39
43
47
49
57
60
62
65
69
CHAPTER THREE
THE USE OF MORAVIAN HYMNODY IN
ESTABLISHING A GEMEINE AT FETTER LANE (1742 1749)
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
Introduction
The Moravians at Fetter Lane
Hymnic Attitudes and Practices
Lovefeasts, Singing Hour and Communion
3.4.1 Lovefeasts
3.4.2 Singing Hour
3.4.3 Communion
The Use of Hymns at Fetter Lane
3.5.1 To Unite German and English Factions
3.5.2 To Experience Saving Faith
3.5.3 To Cause Covenantal Joining with Christ
Conclusion
73
77
80
88
88
89
91
94
95
98
102
107
CHAPTER FOUR
AN EVALUATION OF THE ROLE OF MEMORYAND BODILY GESTURES
IN EXPRESSING AND SUSTAINING CONGREGATIONAL IDENTITY
AT THE ST. THOMAS ASSEMBLY OF GOD
4.1
4.2
4.3
4.4
4.5
4.6
Introduction
The Assembly as An Oasis of Love and Hope
The Place and Function of Memory in Congregational Singing
Interpreting Bodily Gestures
Hymnody as Expressing and Sustaining Congregational Identity
Conclusion
110
113
117
133
139
147
CHAPTER FIVE
THE ROLE OF CARIBBEAN HYMNODY IN RESHAPING
THE IDENTITY OF THE CARIBBEAN ECUMENICAL CHURCH
5.1
5.2
5.3
5.5
Introduction
Caribbean Hymnody and Sing A New Song No. 3
Themes in Caribbean Lyrical Theology
5.3.1 A United Community
5.3.2 An Empowered Community
Conclusion
149
153
161
163
173
186
CHAPTER SIX
HYMNODY AND IDENTITY: A DIALOGICAL ANALYSIS
6.1
6.2
6.3
6.4
6.5
Introduction
Hymnody as a Source of Identity
6.2.1 Hymnody as Heritage Identity
6.2.2 Hymnody as Symbolic Identity
6.2.3 Hymnody as Ritual Identity
Hymnody as Performing Identity
6.3.1The Fundamentals of the Speech-Act Theory of J. L. Austin
6.3.2 Hymn Texts as Doing
6.3.3 Hymn Tunes as Doing
Hymn Singing and Congregational Identity
Conclusion
190
194
195
200
209
216
219
226
237
248
255
CHAPTER SEVEN:
CONCLUSION
TOWARDS A HYMNIC PERFORMATIVITY
7.1
7.2
7.3
An Enhanced Vista
Understanding Hymnic Performativity
7.2.1 Congregational Singing and Hymnic Performativity
7.2.2 Congregational Identity and Hymnic Performativity
A Final Word
256
259
259
262
265
APPENDICES
Appendix One
266
Appendix Two
267
Appendix Three
269
Appendix Four
270
Appendix Five
271
Appendix Six
274
Appendix Seven
276
Appendix Eight
277
Appendix Nine
279
Appendix Ten
281
Appendix Eleven
283
BIBLIOGRAPHY
285
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION
Geographically, this Province is comprised of the following islands: Antigua, Barbados, United States
and British Virgin Islands, Tobago, Trinidad and St. Kitts. It has a membership of approximately 20,
000 with 53 congregations and a staff of just about 50 clergy.
2
Throughout the English speaking Caribbean where the Moravian Church is based, the hymnal in usage
was that which was published by the British Province of the Moravian Church (1969 edition).
3
This Province is based on the island of Jamaica. It has a membership of approximately 30,000, drawn
from 60 congregations and with a staff of 37 clergy.
4
This committee was comprised of one representative from each of the 6 Conferences (territories) that
form the Province.
assignment, it became evident how meaningful some hymns were to the different
congregations across the Province. When a similar response from the Jamaica
Province was finally received, I then realized that the content of the forthcoming
Caribbean Moravian Hymnal had to be treated with care for the 50, 000 or more
Moravians in the Caribbean. These hymns reflected who they were as a Moravian
Church community.
The second motivation for this study arose from an ecumenical Hymn Singing
Festival which I led in 2006. Starting in 1993, the Barbados Gospelfest1 has been
staged in Barbados. In 2006 the organizer of the festival approached me expressing a
desire to stage an event as part of the festival that would be ecumenical in nature and
that could potentially draw together in one place persons of various denominations.
The idea which germinated in my mind was to bring the community together to sing
hymns that would allow the words and the music to be more meaningful. I decided
that there should be at least five components which were to be integral to the
performance. First, I would choose hymns that reflected a particular theme and then
find arrangements that were scored for not just the organ.2 Second, there had to be a
balance of singing alternating between the choir and congregation so that the audience
would be more actively involved in the singing of the hymns. Third, to add some
variety to the program, some hymns would be performed with instruments only (brass
ensemble, hand bells and violin were the instruments of choice). Fourth, there would
be theatrical presentations depicting the story behind the writing of the hymns. Fifth,
This festival is a week-long celebration that is usually held the last week of May. It seeks to attract
international and Caribbean Gospel artiste singers, dancers and musicians. Activities are normally held
in various venues both indoor and outdoor and the event itself is the islands major Gospel activity that
captures the nations attention and imagination.
2
Each year there are a few hymns that are arranged by local musicians and they are done in one of the
popular Caribbean music genre like calypso or reggae.
in some cases, persons would be invited to share how a particular hymn impacted
their lives meaningfully. With these ingredients in place Hymnspeak 1 was born. Eight
years later and with an attendance of nearly 1, 000 patrons, this event continues to be
highly supported and has appealed to a wide cross section of the Barbadian public.
As I reflected on the annual staging of the Hymnspeak program, I have
considered what impact is this hymn singing event having on the Barbadian
ecumenical identity? In addition, I have pondered why Moravians throughout the
Caribbean protested so strongly against having certain hymns that they treasure
removed from the communitys hymn repertoire. If hymnody is that essential to these
two contexts, is it possible Christian hymns are doing more than we think? Beyond
expressing Christian doctrine, what else might the singing of hymns, particularly
among Protestant Evangelical congregations be said to be accomplishing? Can it be
shown that the collective corporate act of singing together as a congregation also has a
causative effect on the congregation? These are the main questions that serve as a
rationale for this study. This thesis is to explore how the hymnody upon which
congregations draw and sing together can be a means whereby congregations express
or achieve their distinctive communal identity. Having presented a rationale for this
study, I will in the following two sections provide a definition of the two main
principles which prevail throughout the discourse of this study: (1) hymnody and (2)
identity.
I coined the term Hymnspeak with the goal of seeking to capture the congregations imagination. The
neologism also has a phonetic double play in that as congregations sing the hymns then the same way
that the hymns speak as they are being sung, so too Christ (Him) will speak.
Warren Anderson, et al. "Hymn." In Grove Music Online. Oxford Music Online,
http://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/subscriber/article/grove/music/13648 (accessed November 14,
2008).
2
The Hymn Society in the United States and Canada was founded in 1922 and maintains links with the
Hymn Society of Great Britain & Ireland which was started in 1936. Both societies aim to contribute to
the research of hymnology and the continued development of the art of hymn singing and hymn
writing.
3
Harry Eschew & Hugh T. McElrath, Sing with Understanding: An Introduction to Christian
Hymnology (Nashville: Church Street Press, 1995), ix.
This designation is rather wide in its scope and commendably so for it addresses two
very important attributes: the structure and purpose of a hymn. In other words, it
simultaneously answers the following two questions: what is a hymn and how is it to
be used?
Having considered the above official definition of a hymn which has been
embraced and espoused by the Hymn Society in North America and Canada, it is
noteworthy to compare that to another official definition offered by the other most
well recognized international hymn society. Consequently, the authors and editors of
the Hymn Society of Great Britain and Ireland through a series of published booklets
captured their unique feature of the nature of a hymn in the following definition:
A hymn is a congregational expression of praise to God. It is most often
conceived as sacred poetry in regular stanzas, usually in metric and rhyming
form, and set to repeated music for corporate singing. It may focus on
different aspects of doctrine or the devotional experience of individuals. This
genre includes metrical psalms, but does not necessarily include the less
structured patter of most worship songs.1
Like the first definition, this one also addresses the nature of a hymn and its purpose.
These first two definitions are both representing not just an individual understanding
but also a position that is adopted by groups made of like-minded individuals from
professionals to amateurs.
One can readily identify the similar angles taken regarding the importance of
the congregational component and the way a hymn is structured and its purpose.
However, it is noteworthy that the latter definition makes a distinction between hymns
and worship songs where metrical psalms are included as representative of hymns.
Of course this inclusion/exclusion stance points to the contemporary debacle in which
Christian congregations engage in worship wars driven by personal preference of
1
Edward Darling, A Hymn Society Guide to Understanding Hymns (The Lydia Press, 2007), i.
traditional hymns on the one hand and contemporary worship songs on the other. I
agree with this distinction because worship songs are usually shorter in length than
hymns and utilize more the repetition of words and phrases throughout. What is
common to both definitions though is the emphasis of hymns as an important aspect
of congregational corporate worship because they capture and express the essentials
of Christian faith and have a direct influence on both the individual and corporate
approach to worship.
In addition to the corporate definitions to hymns, it is vital to review
definitions that have been advanced by major American and British hymnologists as
we move from the corporate to the individual. Both Alan Dunstan, and Brian Castle
offer a third definition of the word by referencing John Julians entry in A Dictionary
of Hymnology in which St. Augustines definition of hymn is duly noted. Castle, in
his comments, remarked that the eminent church father describes a hymn in this way:
Do you know what a hymn is? It is singing with the praise of God. If you
praise God and do not sing, you utter no hymn. If you sing and praise not God,
you utter no hymn. If you praise anything which does not pertain to the praise
of God, though in singing you praise, you utter no hymn.1
Evidently, for St. Augustine, hymns and singing praise to God are indissoluble.
Unlike the first definition, the structure of the hymn in this case falls into the
background. Instead, it is the purpose of the hymn, regardless of the form that is
priority.
It is with that in mind that Dunstan offers our fourth definition under
consideration when he refers to the writings of the much admired 20th century
hymnody scholar Erik Routley. In quoting Routleys Christian Hymns Observed,
Brian Castle, Sing a New Song to the Lord: The Power and Potential of Hymns (Darton, Longman
and Todd Ltd, 1994), 5.
Alan Dunstan, The Use of Hymns: A Practical Exploration of the Place of Hymnody within the
Liturgy (Kevin Mayhew Ltd., 1990), 9.
2
Erik Routley has written extensively on various issues in the field of hymnody. Some of his works
include: Church Music and Theology.(London: SCM Press, 1959); Words, Music and the Church.
(London: Jenkins, 1969); Church Music and the Christian Faith. (London: Collins, 1980); A Panorama
of Christian Hymnody. (Minnesota: Liturgical Press, 1979); Hymns and Human Life. (London: John
Murray, 1952).
3
Linda J. Clark. Hymn-Singing: The Congregation Making Faith in Carriers of Faith: Lessons from
Congregational Studies ed. Carl S. Dudley, Jackson W. Carroll and James P. Wind (Louisville:
Westminster/John Knox Press, 1991), 51.
aspect of hymn singing that is of interest to me. Whereas Clark argues that hymn
singing is a faith making exercise, the focus of this study addresses the same question
but relative to the making and expressing of congregational identity. I will refer again
to Clarks viewpoint since the making of faith through hymn-singing can be seen as a
trait of congregational identity as well.
I have examined some of the key views in answering the question what is a
hymn and how might its purpose be understood. Is there a clear definition which I can
offer which will correspond to this study? There are several with commonality that
the abovementioned definitions possess. First, hymns by virtue of their content are
associated with how individuals and congregations think toward God and human life
in general. This is to infer that hymns are means whereby attitudes and behaviours are
affected. Congregations as they sing are advancing set views about God, the world
and humanity.
Second, there is the commonly held position that hymns are intended to be
sung, and not read, as the main mode of expression. In underscoring that hymns are
meant to be sung primarily by communities of untrained singers, means that the
musical and textual boundaries must ensure that a hymn retains its sing-ability
characteristics. Though contemporary worship songs also possess sing-ability
qualities, I am of the same mind that they may not be defined as hymns which are
generally strophic in form and reflect a harmonic and melodic pattern that is more in
keeping with the architecture of a traditional hymn. Yet we cannot deny that form and
musical language employed in contemporary hymnody do not always conform to the
strict metrical patterns of traditional historical hymnody. This does not in any way
disqualify them from being defined as hymns. Therefore, any definition of hymns
today must be broadened to acknowledge that hymns are fluid devices which can be
defined according to the context in which they were formed and from which they
emerged. So then, one can rightly speak of Caribbean hymns as possessing distinctive
features which may not be reflected in Scottish, Welsh or American hymns.
Third, hymns have a definite purpose when they are intentionally utilized
within corporate worship by a congregation that has gathered as a community of faith.
The purpose of Christian worship, though it may be unstated, is not usually undefined
within congregations. So then the goal of congregational hymn singing cannot be seen
as unrelated and disconnected to the broader purpose of worship within the local
congregation. In situating hymns within the broader context of worship, what more
can be gleaned that will result in a deepened understanding not only of congregational
worship styles but also about their identity? In other words, though hymns can be
viewed as being derivative of a Christian faith experience, as they are sung, how
might we show that they are also generative of characteristics that shape the
congregational identity as well? That is central issue in this study.
As a result, in this study, a hymn will be examined in light of its structure and
function. Consequently, hymns then will be understood as poetic works that are
strophic in structure, simple and singable in style and intended to be sung by a
mixed congregation as it renders praise in the worship of God.
sense. In the following section, I will consider how congregational identity might be
understood. However, I will concentrate on two matters which are critical to
establishing a fundamental grasp of this principle and to situate the study as part of
the broader discourse on identity. First, I will identify some key principles that define
identity as a generic term, and second I will consider significant variables that inform
how identity is formed.
How is identity defined? Is it a matter simply of being able to say who you are
or are not? Jeffrey Weeks highlights the concept from an individual perspective and
sees it to be about belonging, about what you have in common with some people and
what differentiates you from others...[and] gives you a sense of personal location, the
stable core to your individuality.1 He continues that any search for identity is a quest
to articulate who we are...to express what we are, what we believe and what we
desire.2
Kath Woodward broadly itemizes five (5) key components that are central to
understanding how identity is formed structures, agency, same, difference,
symbols/representation.3 She contends that identity is a combination of several of
these variables and is a composite of how we see ourselves and also of how others see
us. This reinforces that identity is fed both by the objective external and the subjective
internal. In terms of collective identity, Woodward argues that this is chiefly marked
Jeffrey Weeks. The Value of Difference, in Identity: Community, Culture, Difference, ed. Jonathan
Rutherford (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1990), 88.
2
Ibid, 89.
3
Kath Woodward. Questions of Identity, in Questioning Identity: Gender, Class, Nation, ed. Kath
Woodward (London: The Open University, 2000), 6 7. These are (1) structures (the forces which
shape identity that are beyond our control); (2) agency (how much control we apply in determining our
identity); (3) same (using similarity as a marker to form identity); (4) different (acknowledging the
characteristics that make us dissimilar from others as a pointer in identity formation); (5) symbols /
representations (agreement on a specific tangible object that encapsulates the elements of the identity).
10
Ibid, 10.
Ibid, 19.
3
Stuart Hall. Introduction: Who Needs Identity?, in Questions of Cultural Identity, ed. Stuart Hall
and Paul du Gay (London: SAGE Publications, 1996), 2 3
2
11
Zygmunt Bauman. From Pilgrim to Tourist or a Short History of Identity, in Questions of Cultural
Identity, ed. Stuart Hall and Paul du Gay (London: SAGE Publications, 1996), 18 36. Bauman
argues that the post-modern emphasis in identity is not centred on identity being fixed but being
opened. He traces the shift in position by drawing a comparison elements of the pilgrimage hermitic
lifestyle and that of identity-building being perceived through the lenses of the stroller, the vagabond,
the tourist and the player.
2
Hall. Introduction: Who Needs Identity?, 4.
3
Ibid.
4
Stuart Hall. Cultural Identity and Diaspora, in Identity: Community, Culture, Difference ed.
Jonathan Rutherford (London: Lawrence & Wishart, 1990), 222.
12
realities. First there is the establishment of new attachments which serve as signifiers
of identity. Second, identity emphasizes difference. Third, the process of identity puts
forward or declares new representations.
Manuel Castells perspective on identity formation is insightful and further
elucidates the discussion on understanding the concept of identity. In seeking to
unravel how identity is constructed, Castells first defines identity simply as peoples
source of meaning and experience.1 But he expands on that foundation by pointing
out that whether individual or collective, identity is constructed through what he calls
social actors who build the meaning of their identities on the basis of a cultural
attribute, or a related set of cultural attributes, that is given priority over other sources
of meaning.2 Castells purports that in general terms, who constructs collective
identity, and for what, largely determines the symbolic content of this identity, and its
meaning for those identifying with it or placing themselves outside of it.3 Grounded
in that rationale, Castells identifies three means of building or constructing identities.
These are (1) legitimizing identity represented through dominant institutions
which justify their position of dominance concerning the social actors; (2)
resistance identity represented by those who feel marginalized or denounced by the
dominant actors and who now seek to assert their position through active resistance
against the governing philosophy; and (3) project identity when social actors, on
the basis of whatever cultural materials are available to them, build a new identity that
redefines their position in society and, by so doing, seek the transformation of overall
Manuel Castells, The Power of Identity 2nd Edition (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2004), 6.
Ibid.
3
Ibid, 7.
2
13
social structure.1 Castells builds his argument by showing how the identity is
constructed by the interplay of these three building blocks.
Therefore in exploring the interconnections between congregational hymnody
and congregational identity I view the hymns which congregations sing through the
grid of collective identity. How is congregational identity defined in this study?
Though later in this introductory chapter I will expound in greater detail how
congregational identity might be viewed, I propose at this juncture that congregational
identity be perceived as a prescribed state in which there is a collective consent of
how the congregation, as a localised Christian community, is represented both to
those within the community as well as those without. In articulating their
congregational identity, members in their congregation determine how their
congregation is similar or distinctive when compared to others.
A congregations identity can be informed by its history, location and
denominational affiliation, this study, however, advances that the hymnody which the
congregation utilizes to be a principal source, and that it informs the image, and
furthermore represents what a congregation is, is not or will be. Therefore, throughout
this study I hold to the position that congregational identity, though given, is not static
and so can be influenced by what the congregation sings. One of the key purposes of
this study is to explore how the fluidity that exists in identity when applied to
congregational contexts can be measured through hymnody. In viewing identity as a
process, through this study, I aim to put into words how congregational hymnody can
be seen as having a bearing on this process of identity formation and expression. In
Ibid, 8.
14
other words, the hymns which congregations sing might be attributed as portraying
the attributes of identity that have been noted above.
Since at its core, this study examines how the hymnody employed in
congregational singing is related to congregational identity, then in order to position
this thesis in the broader discourse on hymnody, I will take into consideration two of
the main perspectives that have been taken in the analysis of Christian hymnody.
Austin C. Lovelace & William C. Rice, Music and Worship in the Church (Nashville: Abingdon
Press, 1976), 153.
15
central component in worship then hymn singing may not be viewed as being
altogether critical in the unfolding of worship. Though this distinction has merit, it
does not negate that in the latter instances congregational singing remains essential,
though it may be the singing of a response or versicle.
The specific focus of this study is the examination of hymnody. Consequently,
the assumption is made that I will be giving attention to those contexts where the
congregational singing is comprised chiefly of hymns and that these are deem to be a
vital part of worship. Furthermore, in the contexts that will be examined which are all
of the Protestant traditions, there is the implication that in the singing of hymns,
congregations are doing more than just singing. The goal is to determine how,
primarily, through the singing of hymns, that this collective act, apart from voicing
the peoples praise before God, is also serving as an informant of the identity of the
worshipping community. Can hymn singing be generative of a congregations
community distinctiveness? Can it be shown that the hymns which congregations sing
during worship are to be of primary interest in pulpit-centred contexts because of
what they reveal about the nature and identity of the congregation?
Though the focus of this study addresses specifically the hymnody /
congregational identity dialogue, this discussion cannot be seen as divorced from the
broader colloquy which explores the interpretation and understanding of hymnody. In
many ways this study draws upon the wider literature that incorporates discussion on
the nature of Christian worship, Liturgical Studies, Theology and Musicology.
However, it is important to consider primarily the various approaches that have been
taken in the literature on hymnody. Because the second pillar of this study brings to
the fore the matter of congregational identity, then an overview of how congregational
16
identity has been addressed in the field of congregational studies would also prove to
be useful. This I will do in the following portion of the chapter. By doing so, I would
be offering a contextual framework for this study. In addressing hymnody, I will
consider two main perspectives that have been taken towards the study of hymns: (1)
theological methodology towards hymnody and (2) historical or descriptive approach
to hymnody.
1.4.1 Hymnody as Theology
The view of hymnody as theology maintains that hymns are theological in
nature in that they address the fundamentals of the Christian faith. They speak to the
nature of (1) Gods character and each person of the God-head; (2) the Church in
society; (3) humanity and (4) understanding the Christian life. The discourse on
hymns as theological expressions has been analysed from a variety of perspectives. I
will explore the major proponents of this position. S. Paul Schilling addresses this
matter by suggesting that because hymns are theological statements, We must mean
what we say and know what we mean.1 He establishes that the essence of Christian
theology is the thoughtful inquiry into the meaning of the faith called forth by Gods
self-disclosing activity, especially in Jesus Christ.2 The results of this inquiry done
by the faith community are articulated in a systematic manner which facilitates ongoing interpretation.
In order to determine if hymns are theological in nature, Schilling contends
that there ought to be a critical examination which assesses if they encapsulate the
S. Paul Schilling. The Faith We Sing: How the Message of Hymns can Enhance Christian Belief
(Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1983), 23.
2
Ibid, 30.
17
basic tenets of the Christian faith. Schilling has concluded that hymns are vehicles of
Christian theology and has ascertained that:
Theology, good, bad or indifferent, is present in all hymns making it important
to identify just what we are upholding when we sing. The beliefs involved
may be affirmed or denied, explicit or implicit, intentional or incidental,
eloquently or crudely formulate. In any case, all hymns make some kind of
theological statement; they have something to say about God, the divine
character and purpose, the nature and destiny of human life, the way of
salvation, human responsibility before God, and related matters. 1
Schilling goes further in that he acknowledges that the hymn tunes also play a key
role in the hymnody/theology dialogue. As theological expressions, hymns can
reinforce Christian belief not only through the text but also through the tune.
Consequently, theological meaning can be enhanced by hymn tunes in that even
though hymn tunes do not in themselves convey definite theological ideas, when
they are joined with texts they may strengthen or undermine the meanings
expressed.2
Teresa Berger approaches this subject as she examines specifically the
doxological language contained in hymns as representations of theological themes.
Doxology, for Berger, is defined as the explicit and implicit speech of praise,
confession of faith, prayer, and thanksgiving, as directed to God for Gods
glorification. Such doxological speech is found most often in prayer, hymnic
confessions and songs.3 In exploring the issue of the relationship then between
hymnody and theology, Berger utilizes the term doxology while focusing specifically
to Wesleyan hymnody (The 1780 Collection of Hymns for the Use of the People
Ibid, 25.
Ibid, 35.
3
Teresa Berger. Theology in Hymns? A Study of the Relationship of Doxology and Theology According
to A Collection of Hymns for the Use of the People called Methodists (1780) (Kingswood Books,
1989), 17.
2
18
Called Methodists). It can be understood then that, in this context, when Berger
speaks of doxology, she is in fact referring to hymnody. Berger admits that though not
all hymns are doxological, they still serve as the framework for her study.
The interdisciplinary nature of the discourse between hymnody and theology
is not without its difficulties. By opting to use the term theological reflection, she
itemizes some key factors that ought to be considered which impact the relationship
between hymnody and theology. First, theology utilizes specialized language which is
most often addressed to an academic community whereas the language of hymnody
(doxology) is addressed to God. Second, theology is by nature argumentative and
descriptive while doxology is ascriptive (to God). Third, theology aims to be
rational and logical while hymnodys goal is comprehensibility and simplicity.
Fourth, whereas theology tends to be more abstract, hymnody intends orthodoxa as
the proper praise of God is, finally, without agenda. Fifth, she asserts that hymnody
(doxology) is more readily embraced by faith communities that may not even have the
same theological persuasion in that doxological speech is also often shared by more
communities than theological reflection: when theological differences exist people are
often still able to sing and pray together.1
If theology is to be understood as faith seeking understanding (whether it is an
understanding of God, humanity, evil, culture, ethics, creation etc.) in the context of a
community, then in the domain of the Church, hymns help to put into words this faith
as it is understood. Consequently, the conclusion that can be drawn is that hymns are
poetic devices which are intended first and foremost to be sung as expressing the
fundamentals of the Christian faith while at the same time nurturing that faith. Hymn
Ibid, 23.
19
Richard J. Mouw & Mark A. Noll (eds.), xiii. Reference is made to David Hubbards perspective that
hymns contain a compacted theology.
2
See Paul Westermeyers Let Justice Sing: Hymnody and Justice. (Minnesota: The Liturgical Press,
1998).
3
See Brian Wrens What Language Shall I Borrow: God-talk in Worship A Male Response to
Feminist Theology. (Oregon: Wipf and Stocks Publishers, 1989).
4
See. Jon Michael Spencers Sing a New Song: Liberating Black Hymnody. (Minnesota: Fortress Press,
1995.
5
Don Saliers, Music and Theology. (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 2007), 37.
6
Ibid, 35.
7
Ibid, 37.
20
embodiment of a lyrical theology that I will develop further in Chapter Five. There
I hypothesize that in the singing of Caribbean hymns there was a concurrent
formulation and expression of a Caribbean lyrical theology which contributed to the
reshaping of the Caribbean ecumenical Christian communitys identity.
Hymns do serve as a primary source expressing Christian theology and that
theology is communicated through the literary and poetic language of the hymns and
to a lesser extent the hymn tune. Conclusively, the act of hymn singing is not just
about singing, it is about shaping ones theology. We sing hymns. We dont just
reflect on them. The range of theological and doctrinal issues that can be addressed
through hymnody is undoubtedly expansive. So much so that hymns could refer to
the whole of the Bible and to Christian doctrine, and even more significantly to
the never-ending movements of the human soul.1A critical aspect of this study
therefore is my exploration of hymnody as encapsulating a theological mode which
supports the position that it is in the singing of hymns that congregational identity is
shaped and /or expressed.
1.4.2 Hymnody as Historic and Descriptive
Whereas the literature on hymnody as expressing theology highlights the main
themes of Christian doctrine and theology, the view of hymnody through historical
lens brings to the fore the primary characteristics of Christian hymns through the
various historical epochs. Though that historical journey typically begins by
grounding Christian hymnody in the Judaeo worship practices of the Old and New
Testaments, the claim can be made that it is during the period of the Protestant
Reformation that there is the blossoming of hymnody. It is almost inconceivable to
21
consider the reality of the Protestant Reformation without recognizing the invaluable
input of hymnody in this phenomenal religious movement. In offering a panoramic
view of the place of hymns among what he prefers to call the churches of the
Reformed tradition, Robin A. Leaver has noted that although most Reformation
churches were united in a common use of congregational song in worship, different
hymnic traditions were established.1 The type of hymns, their use in worship, the
theological content and even the performance of the same among the churches of the
Reformation tradition can be seen as a reflection of the personality, theological
persuasion and ecclesiological biases of the various religious leaders.
However, the historical analysis of hymnody also highlights the historical
peculiarities of the particular religious movement. Consequently, we today can assess
the rich and diverse corpus of Protestant hymns according to the branch with which
they were associated eg. Lutheran, Methodist, Anglican, Moravian, Genevan
Psalmody etc. Furthermore, the characteristics of these hymns were altered as the
various denominational sects developed during the 18th and 19th centuries. As a result,
additional categories were formed which described the hymnody with reference to
geographical location. One can therefore speak of Christian hymnody with the
descriptive term of German, British or American etc. The historical and descriptive
boundaries go even further so that a body of hymns can be described in terms of a
specific religious movement. That has resulted in our being able to offer a critique of
the characteristics of the hymnody of the Oxford Movement in England or the white
Gospel hymnody that emerged during the Great Awakening.
Robin A. Leaver, Liturgical Music as Corporate Song 1: Hymn in the Reformation Churches. In
Liturgy and Music: Lifetime Learning. Eds Robin A. Leaver & Joyce Ann Zimmerman. (Collegeville,
MN: The Liturgical Press, 1998), 282.
22
Samuel W. Duffield, English Hymns: Their Authors and History (1886); Louis F. Benson, The English
Hymn: Its Development and Use in Worship; Erik Routley, A Panorama of Christian Hymnody; and
John R. Watson, The English Hymn: A Critical and Historical Study.
2
Paul Westermeyer, Te Deum: The Church and Music, Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress, 1998.
23
associated with Reformation and Evangelical traditions has caused this subject matter
to be addressed from a multitude of perspectives. However, central to the historical
analysis of hymnody, whether stated or implied, is enhancing the understanding of
hymnody and comprehending the purpose it serves during worship in impacting the
Christian faith.
In concentrating on the descriptive nature of hymns, such analysis often
highlights components of the hymnody which when accentuated reveal the effect of
hymns upon those who make the most of them. For example, Lionel Adey, in his
seminal work, has suggested that the images and words contained within hymns,
relative to congregational faith identity, have changed their meanings according to
the circumstances and education of those who have sung them[and] have used them
as the principle expression of devotion.1 More recently, Brian Castle has pinpointed,
in so far as hymns have a bearing on Christian faith identity, that hymns can be
vehicles of doctrine and aids to devotionfrequently [making] doctrine palatable and
accessible to those who feel alienated by the propositional language of the creeds.2
Madeleine F. Marshall has expanded the scope of the descriptive qualities of
hymnody by positing that, even though they are generally viewed through theological
and historical lens, hymns ought to be studied as poetic devices through the lens of
literary criticism. Even in that regard, as she offers a poetic descriptive, Marshall
contends that the primary purpose of hymns remains to be that of shaping our
understanding of our faith, to teach us Christian attitudes, and to drill us in proper
response.3 Marshalls call for this perspective is supported by those who share the
Lionel Adey, Hymns and the Christian Myth (The University of British Columbia Press, 1986), x.
Castle, 9.
3
Madeleine F. Marshall, Common Hymnsense, (Chicago, Illonois: GIA Publications, 1999), 6.
2
24
conviction that as popular poetry there is still not enough literary critique of hymnody
as a particular art form.1 John R. Watson validates this proposition whilst lamenting
that hymns are the only poetry which is known to most people, yet it is the least
studied in the culture.2
The historical and descriptive approaches to hymnody have firmly established
the overall purpose of hymnody as being essential to Christian faith. There is no
question about its importance and relevance to faith. However, what has not been
clearly addressed is the actual study of congregations and how their identity is
actually being formed or expressed by the hymnody which is utilized in worship.
What hymns are, how they are structured and the purpose they serve, is crystal clear.
That they have historically been important to the Christian religious fervour as they
are interwoven in worship is without question. Though we are made to recognise that
in many cases the essence of Protestant and Evangelical worship is captured in its
hymns, the precise interconnections between hymnody and congregational identity are
not altogether clear. Instead it has remained part of the background in the discourse
and treated often as a natural consequence. This study addresses this imbalance.
See Jeremy B. Reeves, Hymns as Literature 1924; Richard Arnold, The English Hymn: Studies in A
Genre;
2
Watson, 17. In his analysis, Watson seeks to address this imbalance of perspective.
25
literature that examines the approaches to hymnody, also has to incorporate that
which addresses matters related to the field of congregational studies. The Handbook
for Congregational Studies, published in 1986 by the Hartford Institute for Religious
Research, was a ground breaking book that provided a framework by which
researchers could investigate and analyse congregations. The topic of congregational
identity is examined in this seminal work. Because this Handbook is generally
considered as foundational in this field of study, its definition of identity from the
perspective of a congregation is worth noting. Congregational identity is deemed to be
the persistent set of beliefs, values, patterns, symbols, stories, and style that makes a
congregation distinctive.1 Though on the one hand there is the acknowledgement that
identity is not static, in this instance, congregational identity is seen as a reflection of
the congregations enduring culture.2 What is unique in the approach to evaluating a
congregations identity in this work is that there is not that much interest on the
broader Christian identity which proclaims allegiance to Jesus Christ with its
associated theological assumptions. Rather, in aiming to detect what a congregations
identity may claim to be, the goal in the Handbook is to decipher if there is a uniquely
singular corporate character3 that encapsulates the collective identity of the
congregation.
In considering the varied means by which congregational identity ought to be
viewed, Rein Nauta has proposed that the impact of pastoral leadership as a
determinant of a local congregations identity is not be overlooked. Nauta argues
against the prevailing view and suggests instead that the identity of the congregation
1
Handbook for Congregational Studies. ed Jackson W. Carroll, Carl S. Dudley and William
McKinney, (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1987), 21.
2
Ibid.
3
Ibid.
26
is not primarily a question of activities and structures, of strategies and policy, of its
history, symbols, rituals, norms and manners, but a matter of persons and
personality.1 He contends that congregational identity is modified whenever there is
a change in pastoral leadership. When these adaptations conflict with certain people in
the congregation, then they are likely either to split and move elsewhere or opt to stay
in the background until there is a change of pastoral leadership. This perspective
shows that the influence of religious leadership can either repel or welcome persons
into the congregation with the end result that over a period of time the people
themselves bring about a change in their congregational identity.
Generally, the study of congregations beyond examining its identity has
become increasingly popular. James P. Wind has rationalized that there is this
increased interest because congregations make a difference, people members,
pastors, and now scholars who specialize in congregational studies find themselves
drawn to them.2 In a collection of essays, several contributors give attention to key
components that characterise congregations as carriers of the Christian faith. The
issue of congregational identity (or culture) recurs throughout and attention is given to
how a congregations leadership, history, size and location all feed into this identity.
One of the submissions in this collection of essays gives attention to how hymn
singing could be described as faith-making. It highlights the theme of congregational
identity by considering how hymn singing enables a congregation to interpret and
better understand the essence of the Christian faith. The placement of congregational
singing as a means whereby significant meaning can be appropriated by a
1
Rein Nauta, People Make the Place: Religious Leadership and the Identity of the Local
Congregation. Pastoral Psychol 56, (2007): 46.
2
James P. Wind Introduction in Carriers of Faith: Lessons From Congregational Studies, ed. Carl S.
Dudley, Jackson W. Carroll & James P. Wind. (Louisville: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1991), 10.
27
Handbook for Congregational Studies, 22. Some of the components in this complex web include
features related to the congregations history, heritage, world view, symbols, ritual, demography and
character. It is the collaboration of these elements which when applied to the study of a congregation
that opens up new dimensions by which one better comprehend the nature of congregational identity.
2
Jackson W. Carroll and David A Roozen, Congregational Identities in the Presbyterian Church
Review of Religious Research, Vol. 31, No. 4 (Jun., 1990), pp. 351 369.
28
communal aspects while being mindful that the communal identity of the whole is
still constructed by the individual. Furthermore, in paying attention to congregational
identity, elements of the corporate worship have been explored as means through
which identity is brought about. However, it is usually the case that the components in
worship which are applied to the analysis have been the various types of
congregational prayers, the celebration of the Eucharist or the overall worship
encounter and experience. Though music is included in this evaluation, the detailed
analysis and application of congregational hymns as informing congregational
identity has not been stressed as part of the evaluation of the role of worship and its
impact upon the congregations identity.
For example, E. Byron Andersons exploration of worship and Christian
identity is quite detailed. In discussing this matter, he argues that worship informs the
Christian identity of the members of a faith community primarily through the
liturgical (prayers, creeds etc.) and sacramental practices (mainly communion). He
maintains that these practices are so vital that to neglect them would be to erode the
essentials that uphold Christian identity. However, though there are many hymnic
references throughout his text, it is only in the latter part of his book that Anderson
seeks to demonstrate how a hermeneutical analysis of just one of Wesleys hymns (O
for a heart to praise my God) can serve as a vista not only into Wesleys spiritual
condition then, but also as a channel that discloses the faith identity of the individual.1
Martin Stringer employs an ethnographic research methodology in which he
aims to unveil how worship is understood. To answer what meanings are promulgated
E. Byron Ander. Worship and Christian Identity (Collegeville: The Liturgical Press, 2003). In his
book, Anderson engages with four United Methodist congregations with the goal of gathering
information based on their experiences in worship.
29
Martin Stringer. The Perception of Worship (Birmingham, U.K.: The University of Birmingham
Press, 1999) 104.
30
Pete Ward. Selling Worship, (Milton Keys: Paternoster Press, 2005), 207. He argues that the appeal to
consumerism and the associated commercialisation of Christian contemporary songs are the main
contributors to this predicament. Blame for this shift can be attributed how songbooks, contemporary
recordings and Christian music festivals have contributed to the current state of affairs.
2
Westermeyer, 59.
3
Castle, 18.
31
because of what they sing.1 Though there have been analyses such as these which
posit the position that hymnody has a bearing in congregational identity, there is a
greater emphasis on the hymnody being descriptive of identity. How hymns have
been perceived and received by individuals and congregations and how they have
contributed to the formation of the wider identity of the congregation as a Christian
community is one area that is deserving of continued engagement and further
analysis.
Hymnody is a window which could be revelatory to the construct of
congregational identity because as hymns are being sung in corporate setting, there
are a variety of meanings which emerge and which in turn inform the identity of those
who are singing. This however assumes that one subscribes to the view that hymns
are crafted primarily for communal use. Therefore, as they are being utilized during
worship by congregations, the singing of hymns can be said to also be an activity
which manipulates and sculpts congregational identities. If as Westermeyer has
suggested that hymns serve as the womb of church music,2 then hymnody gives
birth to congregational identity which cannot be divorced from what it sings.
Ultimately what people believe about themselves, they articulate and portray.
This is the essence of identity. Yet because hymnody and identity can be seen as
realities that are constantly evolving, in that they are not fossilized, then one has to
also acknowledge that in as much as belief expressed through singing is reflecting
identity, it suggests that through singing congregational identity is also being
reinforced. By making the congregation and what it sings in worship the main focus,
this study is geared towards formulating a theory that describes the process whereby
1
2
Watson, 18.
Westermeyer, 23.
32
33
34
overall identity of the congregation.1 However, within the study the case studies draw
upon congregations where the primary congregational sacred repertoire is hymns and
not praise songs.
I do not aim in this study to formulate too general a theory that can be allinclusive of the religious and denominational divide. The focus of the context from
which the data is drawn for analysis is not Roman Catholic. That was intentional
because in this study I was not aiming to disprove the widely accepted position that
among Roman Catholics, it is the Eucharist that is the centrepiece of congregational
formation and that what is sung still plays more of a supportive role than a leading
one. Therefore, this study and the emphasis that it gives to the importance of hymns,
examines the hypothesis with a Protestant Reformation bias.
Since singing is a predominant expression of Christian worship, particularly
within churches that can be described as pulpit centred, then the aim of this study is
to bear out that by carefully studying the content of what a congregation sings, one
ought to be also able to garner some insight into how that congregation understands
and defines its own communal identity. By highlighting the congregations hymnic
repertoire, separate and apart from the other elements in its worship, it will be shown
that through the congregations sung repertoire, we can determine how congregations
exhibit and expresses the particulars of their inimitable distinctiveness.
The issue of traditional versus contemporary hymnody is only raised somewhat in the second case
study at the St. Thomas Assembly of God. It was a mute issue in the other two chapters.
35
in this study. That entails delving into the pros and cons of utilizing a multiple site
case study model. Part of that discussion entails as well highlighting the various
means by which data was collected at each site. The aim of this chapter is to present
some sound reasons that support and validate the methodological choice employed in
this study.
Growing up as a Moravian, it was understood that congregational singing was
always a predominant aspect of Moravian worship. In addition to being sung
throughout the worship, Moravian hymnody has traditionally also been incorporated
into their litanies. Congregational singing in that context was regarded as equally
important as the sermon. Because of the frequency of congregational singing, it is
fitting to consider the research question in light of the history of the Moravian
community. Consequently, in Chapter Three, I analyse the 18th century Fetter Lane
Moravian congregation in London, raising the question of how the use of Moravian
hymns would have served as an aid in the construction of a Moravian community
identity of the gemeine. Specifically, I give attention to the first seven years of the
Fetter Lane community (1742 1749). The analysis offered in this chapter allows for
a vista on Moravian hymnody generally and its usage within the recognizable singing
practices of the 18th century Moravian Church under the leadership of Count
Zinzendorf.
In Chapter Four, I explore the research question in the second case study site
through an ethnographic study of the St. Thomas Assembly of God, a Pentecostal
congregation in St. Thomas, United States Virgin Islands. Whereas the previous
chapter addressed the matter through a historical perspective, by employing an
ethnographic approach in this chapter, the goal was to determine how the
36
37
chapter, I also delve into how the shaping of community identity of the congregation
is derived out of the congregational singing.
Chapter Seven, the final chapter, serves as a conclusion to the study. Having
considered the essence of the dialogical analysis which reflects the complex web of
meanings, I theorize that congregational singing is a means of identity forming
because as the hymns are performed by the congregation, the hymns are also
themselves performing the congregation. In this concluding chapter therefore, I seek
to develop the theory of congregational singing in so far as it is related to the
expressing and shaping of congregational identity to be represented in the neologism
of hymnic performativity. I substantiate this argument by giving attention to both
textual and musical performativity of the congregational singing of hymns.
Furthermore, I also deduce that hymnic performativity, which juxtaposes hymnody
and identity, has to bear in mind that the context of the congregation itself is an
essential component of this discourse.
38
CHAPTER TWO
METHODOLOGY
39
viewpoint was not expansive enough. A study based solely on Moravian hymnody
and congregational singing would certainly have pigeonholed the research and limited
the research scope. To focus exclusively on Moravian hymnody would have satisfied
only one of the two rationales which guide this study. I could not ignore the other
basis upon which this study hinges: the staging of Hymnspeak. As part of the
Barbados Gospelfest, this event had brought to the foreground the notion that
congregational singing could potentially be a means by which an ecumenical identity
of the local churches could be fostered.
Having decided to include a Moravian perspective but not be limited to it, the
next issue was seeking to better understand hymnody and develop a suitable research
model which would explicate the aims of the study. Although the study itself is
centred on hymnody, in considering the content and the approach taken in the analysis
of the data, a more precise assessment of the research is to situate it within the field of
hymnology. Though hymnody and hymnology are often times used interchangeably,
according to Eschew and McElrath,1 both terms are not the same. Eschew and
McElrath suggest that hymnody be defined as a collective term that refer[s] to
specific branches of the total hymnic corpus (for example, German hymnody,
Methodist Hymnody).2 On the other hand, hymnology is described as the
comprehensive study of this hymnody and it is concerned not only with the origins
and development of hymns, but also with their appreciation and use.3 It can be said
therefore that the discipline of hymnology aims to go a bit further as it encompasses
hymnody and the application of the same to specific contexts.
1
Harry Eschew & Hugh T. McElrath, Sing with Understanding: An Introduction to Christian
Hymnology (Nashville: Church Street Press, 1995), 158.
2
Ibid., x.
3
Ibid.
40
41
Carter, Stacy M. and Miles Little, Justifying Knowledge, Justifying Method, Taking Action:
Epistemologies, Methodologies, and Methods in Qualitative Research. Qualitative Health Research
Volume 17, No. 10, December 2007: 1317, doi: 10.1177/1049732307306927.
2
Ethnography: Understanding Social Research (Buckingham: Open University Press, 2000), 3.
3
Carter & Little, 1318.
42
been made. However, there is the consensus that even though there may be a crossfertilization of methods, there can still only be one recognizable methodology within a
study. In considering the epistemological question before me and my aim of seeking
to employ more than one method to attain the knowledge sought, the methodological
research option put to use for this qualitative research is case study methodology. In
the following section, I will further address how this methodology is understood and
by so doing offer a rationale for its use.
J. Nisbett and J. Watt, Case Study, in Rediguide, ed. M. B. Youngman, (Nottingham: Nottingham
University School of Education, ND), 4.
2
Ibid, 5.
43
not clearly evident; and in which multiple sources of evidence are used.1 Yins
position towards case study elevates the methodology and counters naysayers who
argue that this particular methodology is not a legitimate option.
The use of the case study strategy would indeed be the most appropriate
option for me in that I sought to engage with specific instances of congregational
singing. Could there be enough data for analysis if I were to give attention to
congregational singing in just one specific congregation? Would not the study be
more revelatory if the focus went beyond just one congregation, and if so would it be
possible to maintain the case study option as the primary methodological research
tool?
I had determined that it was necessary to expand the study and to examine
more than just a single phenomenon. Consequently, by engaging with more than a
single congregation, the study could then be considered as a multiple case study.
What benefit would this be to the overall study? It would directly address one of the
pitfalls of the case study methodology which pertains to the formulation of
generalizations. Janet Ward Schofield, Professor of Psychology and Senior Scientist
at the University of Pittsburgh, has recommended that this dilemma, which has often
been seen as one of the weaknesses2 of this methodology can be solved by exploring
multi-site studies which are heterogeneous in nature. One of the benefits derived
Robert K. Yin, Case Study Research: Design and Methods, Applied Social Research Methods Series,
Vol. 5 (London: SAGE Publications, 1984), 23.
2
Nisbet & Watt itemize some of the strengths and weaknesses of this methodology. For them that case
study deals with one specific instance seen as a strength. That one case can influence the explanation of
a similar case. One weakness they identify pertains to the fact that the results are not easily
generalizable (8). Additionally, there is the likelihood of the analysis of the results being personal
and subjective (8).
44
Janet Ward Schofield, Increasing the Generalizability of Qualitative Research in Case Study
Method in Case Study Method, ed. Roger Gomm, Martyn Hammersley and Peter Foster (London:
SAGE Publications, 2009), 45.
2
Yin, 48.
3
Ibid.
4
Yin speaks of two types of replication: (1) literal replication means that the results are alike and (2)
theoretical replication points to dissimilar results that exist for obvious reasons.
45
shape of the community that uses a particular hymnal. This gave a much needed
balance to the research project.
Yet the question remained, how appropriate was the research design for this
methodology in light of the underlying epistemological interest? Could a case be
made for a case study methodology in which the multiple sites were so varied that
they embraced acts of observing a contemporary congregation, reviewing the singing
practice of a historical congregation, and examining the content of an ecumenical
hymnal? It was a matter that I had to resolve especially considering that at the core of
Yins definition of case study is the focus on and engagement with a contemporary
context. How could the application of case study methodology to a historical context
be validated? Would a historical perspective of congregational singing and a focus on
the content of a hymnal be an aberration, according to Yins definition above?
Of course, one way to circumvent this issue would be to restrict the scope of
the study so that it would focus only on one or more present day congregations. But I
decided against that for the following reasons. First, given that one of the main
purposes of case study, as well as any other related qualitative research methodology
is to be explanatory, descriptive or exploratory,1 I wanted exposure to potential
sources of knowledge through a broader scope beyond the usual range of investigation
to incorporate historical and textual outlooks. Second, I was not altogether convinced
that by limiting the study to contemporary context that eventually the replication logic
would become predictable, repetitive and uninteresting (although one could argue that
there are an indeterminate number of variables within a singular case that could
unfold unprecedented data for analysis). Third, I wanted to design multiple cases that
Yin, 15 19.
46
were truly heterogeneous and that by virtue of their differences the generalization to a
theory (not necessarily to another case) would be credible in the final analysis.
As a result, I am certain that a case study methodology can be applied outside
of a contemporary context. Consequently, I do not agree with Yin on this point that
case study methodology can only be valid if it engages with data drawn exclusively
from a contemporary context. However, that does not negate that in attempting to
carry out case study methodology, constructing a methodological design that moves
beyond the strict contemporary context is viable once there is the acknowledgement
that a multiple site case study also entails the use of multiple methods to form part of
that overarching methodology. I will now explore some of the major sources that
form part of this design, paying attention to the pros and cons of each means whereby
data was gathered.
47
artifacts.1 He urges that more than one source of evidence collection data be used
since it is that which gives case study methodology an added major advantage.
Relative to the subject matter of this research and to offer meaningful
generalizations coming out of the multiple sites case study, it was obligatory that the
research design allow for a mixture of sources in keeping with a multiple case
approach. Yet the aim was not to concoct a series of methods haphazardly applied.
Instead the objective was to intentionally apply what I deem to be the major sources
to all of the three case sites. However, this was done with the understanding that the
evidence of heterogeneity would be best served by ensuring that each of the three
contexts would allow for at least one particular strategy to predominate in the
gathering of data. By factoring such in the research design of this case study model,
there was the likelihood of achieving greater authenticity in addressing what Robert
E. Stake, describes as the quintain of multiple case study analysis. He defines the
quintain as an object or phenomenon or condition to be studied a target but not a
bulls eye.2 It is the quintain, which in this instance is the relationship between the
singing of congregational hymns and the associated identity which becomes the
overarching issue that prompts the research design. The quintain can be described as
the central epistemological concern of the research. Stake emphasizes that in a
multiple case study approach, we study what is similar and different about the cases
in order to understand the quintain better.3
In exploring a multiple case study approach for comprehensive analysis, I
have also sought to employ numerous methods to complement the multiple case study
Yin, 78.
Robert E. Stake, Multiple Case Study Analysis (New York: The Gilford Press, 2006), 6.
3
Ibid.
2
48
Edward Foley, Judaeo-Christian Ritual Music: A Bibliographic Introduction to the Field in Ritual
Music: Studies in Liturgical Musicology (Maryland: The Pastoral Press, 1995), 1.
49
effectively as the agents influence the things.1 As such, when engaging in social
research, he contends that one ought to consider that in the field, a document has a
dual role. First, it is a receptacle; secondly, in its own way it is also an agent.2
The document provides content, and the use or abuse of a document in itself has a life
of its own and potential effects unplanned by the author or historian. Prior takes a
very expansive view of documents and suggests that they cannot just be limited to
text.3 However, for the purpose of this research, when I reference the use of
documents within the methodological design, I point directly to text-based documents.
The centrality of documents within social research demands that consideration
be given to some specific issues. For example, Prior insists that one must question
how documents function in specific circumstances.4 Part of the inquiry includes
contemplating the matter of authorship, which can be either individual or collective.
In cases where it is not possible to determine precisely which it is, Prior emphasizes
the author-function. An immediate benefit of this particular posture is that it places
emphasis on the content of the document and on how the document is intended to
function as a measure of authenticity rather than aiming to legitimize the specifics of
authorship. This was a significant element in my research especially since at least two
of the case study sites involved inspecting and handling archival documents.
Referring specifically to the possible research posture that one ought to take regarding
the use of archival documents, Yin underscored that one must remember the nature of
the documents:
Lindsay Prior, Using Documents in Social Research (London: SAGE Publications, 2003), 3.
Ibid.
3
Prior emphasizes the diversity of documents so that items such as art work, architectural floor plans
and even tomb stones can be incorporated as examples of documents.
4
Prior, 4.
2
50
[Documents were] written for some specific purpose and some specific
audience other than those of the case study being done[therefore], the case
study investigator is a vicarious observer, and the documentary evidence
reflects a communication among other parties attempting to achieve some
other objective. By constantly trying to identify these conditions, a researcher
is less likely to be misled by documentary evidence1
Consequently, with the use of archival documents, the hermeneutical suspicion that
emerges in constructing the methodology leads one to grapple with questions related
to content, purpose and authorship. There is the need to juxtapose the internal
documentary with other external evidence as part of the analytic process. This is vital,
for it must be borne in mind that all documents, archival or not, are essentially social
productsconstructed in accordance with rules[which] express a
structurenestled with a specific discourse. Furthermore, their presence in the
world depends on collective, organized action.2 One of the advantages of archival
documents though is that they allow us to reconstruct social histories of earlier eras to
which we would otherwise have no access. Yet in the re-creation process, the
researcher cannot make the document say what it does not say. That is not to deny
that differing conclusions are reached by different people examining the same
evidence. Much depends on the quest of the researcher.
In my case, I was investigating the singing practices of the 18th century Fetter
Lane Moravian congregation as the first site of a multiple case study survey. The
ready access to archival material at the Moravian Archives in London contributed to
my decision to engage with Fetter Lane as the first case study site. Consequently, the
data came mainly from the primary archival documentary sources such as diaries,
minutes and other church documents, though the diaries themselves were the primary
1
2
Yin, 81.
Prior, 12 13.
51
sources. Having decided on the congregation, I then had to determine a time span
within which to explore the hymn singing phenomenon. I chose to limit myself to the
first seven years of congregational life (1742 1749) in order to address how hymns
would have been used in the embryonic stage of a congregations development.1 The
main archival sources examined for the seven year period included: (1) Fetter Lane
Moravian Church Congregational Diary, 31 October 1742 12/23 July 1743, (Ref:
C/36/7/1); (2) Fetter Lane Moravian Church Congregation Diary, 13 July 1743 27
January 1744, (Ref: C/36/7/2); (3) Fetter Lane Moravian Church Congregation Diary,
1 January 1749 31 December 1749, (Ref: C/36/7/3); and the Pilgrim House Diary,
Provincial, 27 July 1743 30 October 1748, (Ref: AB41/A2).2
These congregational diaries highlighted the events that took place within the
community. Because the diaries themselves contained no index of content, I had to
read through the accounts of each day so as to extrapolate the data which would
inform my research question. The accounts were first-hand and recapped the
following basic information: (1) when and where the community met for worship, (2)
who the leader and/or preacher was, (3) who preached the sermon (if there was one)
and a summary of the main points,3 (4) which hymn congregants sang and what
physical or emotional response arose as a result of the singing, and (5) who was
received fully into the community through Communion and who were placed on
discipline and barred from community privileges. In investigating these primary
1
1749 is a watershed moment in that that was the year that the Moravian Church in Britain was
recognized by an Act of Parliament as an official Protestant congregation in the United Kingdom.
2
This diary is a one volume compilation of essential sources which trace the development of the work
of the Moravians in all of Britain including the congregation at Fetter Lane. This source provided
relevant information which help to substantiate the claim that the hymn singing practices at Fetter Lane
were in keeping with what was taking place at other Moravian settlements that were emerging across
Britain at that time.
3
Whenever Zinzendorf was the preacher that there was a more detailed recounting of the sermon
details.
52
sources, one gets a front row seat to happenings on of the emerging Moravian
community at Fetter Lane.
My purpose for reading through these diaries was to capture the use of hymns,
and I soon realized that the records of these diaries indicate a variety of worship
experiences at Fetter Lane. The three main forms of services in which hymn-singing
was central were (1) Lovefeast, (2) Singing Hour and (3) Holy Communion. These
then became the focus of the research although other variables certainly would have
contributed to the formation of the local Moravian community at Fetter Lane as well.
These included the presence of Count Zinzendorf himself as well that of the German
Moravians.
As I engaged with these documents, questions about process arose and
required inquiry beyond mere withdrawal of data. I wondered, for example, what
conclusion can be made with reference to the author function. Unlike letters
exchanged between a sender and a receiver, the diaries do not indicate who the diarist
is. It is generally believed that the author of congregational diaries for the 18th and
19th centuries Moravian settlements would have been the minister in charge. Beyond
this matter of authorship, it was also critical to grapple with the purpose of the content
of the diaries. Was it merely to itemize each days events? Should one interpret
content as being objective or can one pinpoint some subjective personal opinions on
the part of the diarist? Can one claim that the diaries offer an unbiased view of the
community at that time? Was the diarist aiming to paint a balanced picture of the
community, bringing to the fore only positive aspects or also highlighting as well
internal conflicts and struggles that may have existed? I found that reading these
diary entries as primary sources and archival documents allowed me a unique
53
54
housed in Prescods personal archive. Additionally, I had the benefit of engaging with
him through a series of interviews. This allowed for there to be further elucidation on
the archival documents which I had selected. This, of course, was not possible with
the 18th century Moravian archival documents.
Taking the stance that documents are diverse, Prior has proposed that musical
scores can be included as archival documents in studies such as mine. To that end, the
final set of documents which formed a major part of the cache in constructing the case
study methodology was composed of hymnals. My research allowed for the
examination of this category of documents at all three sites. Priors viewpoint shed
new light on the approach to hymnals. To engage in a content analysis requires
addressing both the text as well as the performance of the hymn tunes in order to
achieve a balanced and comprehensive analysis. This means looking beyond the
surface content of a document and into its functioning.1 Mindful that performance
reinvents the notation (text),2 one has to accept that the meanings participants
derived from the hymns are indeterminate.
However, the aim of the content analysis in this instance was twofold. First, it
was to recognise that a hymnal functions both as hymnal and as theological treatise.
Second, in this light, one must interpret the text and music to formulate the main
ideologies espoused whether in the Caribbean hymnal, the 18th century Moravian
hymnals or the hymnals of the St. Thomas Assembly of God. The incorporation of
data from other archival documents in one case as well as that collected via interviews
in the others served to substantiate the main concepts which emerged from the content
analysis of these hymnals.
1
2
Prior, 21.
Ibid.
55
In the first instance, I was allowed to examine the hymnals which were
published and used by the Moravians during the period under review. There were
innumerable references throughout the diaries which record what hymns were sung
during which services; usually diarists recounted the impact of these hymns on the
singing congregation. Though the documents themselves did not indicate a tune but
only a hymns text, I had to determine, if possible, what tunes would have been used
for the hymns. In that regard, gaining access to the original tune books which were
published during the 18th and 19th century broadened the field and scope of the
research.1 Finding the hymnal with all the verses of a particular hymn and then
matching that to the tune added another dimension to the hymns. It was possible to
read the texts in their entirety while hearing the hymns melodies. As a result, a
researcher could more fully grasp the communal response within the congregation to
the singing that the diarists noted since there are enough variables (musical and
textual) to more accurately reconstruct what it was like to sing these hymns.
It was in the third case study site that the use of hymnals as text documents
was central to the methodology. The primary hymnal investigated was the Caribbean
hymnal Sing A New Song No. 3. To serve the overall research and to more fully
understand the significance of this particular hymnal, it was necessary for me to
examine the two smaller publications that preceded it.2 The key issue that emerged
centred on the question of whether the claim could be substantiated that these
Caribbean hymns could be categorised as more than just devotional material intended
1
The preface to the tune books contained vital information relevant to the performance practice of 18 th
century Moravian congregational singing. The general understanding of the use of instruments and the
role and expectation of organists and other musicians were also explicitly enunciated.
2
Copies of Sing A New Song and Sing A New Song No. 2 were made available to me through the
personal library of George Mulrain. It was useful to compare these two small editions as precursor to
the full hymnal published later; the process enabled me to better understand the significance of Sing A
New Song No. 3.
56
Glesne, 17.
57
19th and early 20th centuries with the focus of its application on tribal groups.
However with the emergence of the Chicago School, the emphasis of ethnography
transferred to urban areas. There was now the recognition that ethnographic studies
are applicable closer to home in modern cities where the same societies within which
the ethnographers lived served as the field.
Though the discourse on ethnography underscores its fundamental principles,
there has been some reassessing of this research method. John Brewer, in making a
distinction between little and big ethnography sees it generally in this light:
[Ethnography is] the study of people in naturally occurring settings or fields
by means of methods which capture their social meanings and ordinary
activities, involving the researcher participating directly in the setting, if not
also the activities, in order to collect data in a systematic manner but without
meaning being imposed on them externally. 1
He further suggests that its uniqueness must be seen not [as] a particular method of
data collection but a style of research that is distinguished by its objective.2 The
articulation of that objective and the means whereby it is accomplished has been
challenged. Brewer still acknowledges three methods of collecting data participant
observation, personal document and interviewing.3
Re-examination of the application of methods and the objectives associated
with ethnography stirred notable changes in ways of thinking about it. Even though
the claim could be made that ethnography was traditionally collaborative in nature, in
recent times there has been a renewed emphasis on its collaborative character. This
new shift reveals an approach to ethnography that deliberately and explicitly
emphasizes collaboration at every point in the ethnographic process, without veiling
1
John Brewer, Ethnography: Understanding Social Research (Buckingham: Open University Press,
2000), 10.
2
Brewer, 11.
3
Ibid.
58
it.1 The implication of this new trend is borne out by Jim Thomas who, in outlining
the new posture required of those who engage in this method of qualitative research,
makes a distinction between conventional and critical ethnography. He pinpoints that
whereas the former usually speaks for their subjects, the latter accepts an added
research task of raising their voice to speak to an audience on behalf of their subjects
as a means of empowering them.2
Part of engaging in what can be termed as a new ethnography also entails
going beyond the traditional boundary of recapping accounts from field notes and
formulating general theories based on observations. Norman K. Denzin highlights that
the new trend in ethnography, apart from being more intentionally collaborative, also
requires the researcher to be more interpretive with the data. Denzin suggests that
ethnography is that form of inquiry and writing that produces descriptions and
accounts about the ways of life of the writer and those written about.3 It is expected,
therefore, that a key component in the practice of ethnography includes the
researchers reflexive position in entering and disengaging from the field. Such
reflexivity necessitates admitting too that one is never totally neutral and unbiased
upon entering the field. Because those we study have their own understandings of
how they want to be represented,4 we have to ensure that our researchers eyes see
past what is being presented and consider what is not obvious.
Luke E. Lassiter, The Chicago Guide to Collaborative Ethnography (Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press, 2005), 16.
2
Jim Thomas, Doing Critical Ethnography, Qualitative Research Methods Series, 26 (London: SAGE
Publication, 1993), 4.
3
Norman Denzin, Interpretive Ethnography: Ethnographic Practices for the 21 st Century (London:
SAGE Publications, 1997), xi.
4
Ibid, xii.
59
If as Prior claims, All ethnographies are constructions,1 what then are the
factors that guide and determine what exactly is constructed? Is ethnography
constructed primarily by what emerges from the field? Does the risk of the empirical
eye circumvented by personal biases nullify the validity of ethnography as a research
method? Legitimising ethnography calls for reconstruction of the context in which
the research has taken place. Beyond description, the writing of field notes also
requires constructing a theory or hypothesis to explain the findings uncovered during
the field work. It is this balance between description and theorizing that Martyn
Hammersley sees as one of the things that are wrong with ethnography. Recognising
that ethnography claims to offer a distinctive kind of description: theoretical
description,2 Hammersley contends that this is not altogether very clear, based on the
premise that description cannot be theories.3 Hammersley, however, offers four
possible rationales for ethnographic method.4 His four rationales were helpful in
informing the processes of ethnography in the research project. The methodological
challenges of ethnography do not in any way provide a justifiable reason to doubt
ethnographys scientific credentials.5
2.3.2.1 Historical Ethnography
Although I have already explored the use of documents in case study, the
question of how to justify the application of ethnography to historical archival
documents was critical, especially as I examined the first of the three case study sites.
Prior, 137.
Martyn Hammersley, Whats Wrong With Ethnography?: Methodological Explorations. (London:
Routledge, 1992), 12.
3
Ibid.
4
Hammersley points out that in ethnography theoretical description can be accounted for through (i)
insightful descriptions, (ii) descriptions of social microcosms, (iii) applications of theories, (iv)
developments of theory through the study of crucial cases (13).
5
Thomas, 16.
2
60
Since ethnography traditionally assumes the entrance of the researcher into a field and
the writing of copious field notes, are ethnographic methods applicable to archival
sources? What justification could be made for historical ethnography and how
different would it be from contemporary ethnography? Though there were no
interviews in the first case study site, I grappled with the matter of how to translate
the content of the archival documents from historical past to ethnographic
presentfrom data to generalization, event to structure, history to form.1 In other
words, I mused over how to let history speak through ethnography. The work of John
and Jean Comaroff offered support by maintaining that ethnography is historically
contingent and culturally configured.2 However, in engaging particularly with
historical ethnography, could the argument also be made that in such instances
ethnography does not speak for others but about them [since] neither
imaginatively nor empirically can it ever capture their reality.3
Without the advantage of being able to do interviews or having the experience
of actually directly observing or participating in the 18th century Fetter Lane
congregation, the archival diaries served in some way as a time machine in that they
revealed the daily worship routines of the community highlighting not only what
hymns were sung, but also how these were sung and their impact on both the
individuals and the community as a whole. Nevertheless, it was advisable, in
constructing this historical ethnography to situate these primary archival documents
within the wider historical framework of 18th century Moravian mission works
elsewhere and in the ecclesiastical groundings of Zinzendorf and the practise of
1
John and Jean Cameroff, Ethnography and the Historical Imagination (Oxford: Westview Press,
1992), 21.
2
Ibid, 9.
3
Ibid.
61
Ibid, 34.
Ibid, 31.
3
John Swinton, Where is Your Church?: Moving Toward a Hospitable and Sanctified Ethnography
in Perspectives on Ecclesiology and Ethnography, ed. Pete Ward (Cambridge: William B. Eerdmans
Publishing Co., 2012), 71.
4
Pete Ward, Introduction to Perspectives on Ecclesiology and Ethnography (Cambridge: William B.
Eerdmans Publishing Co., 2012), 7.
2
62
being studied especially since the researcher is usually labelled as an outsider to the
social reality under analysis. This is traditionally referred to as the insider-versusoutsider dichotomy. Hammersley points out that though there are advantages and
disadvantages to both postures, he believes the chances of the finding being valid can
be enhanced by a judicious combination of involvement and estrangement.1 Upon
entering the field work one has to work constantly to maintain this delicate balance
for it is through participating that one gains the trust of the members of the
community and consequently gains access to data that is not normally made visible to
outsiders.
The second case study site called for the use of this element of the
ethnographic method. I entered the field work of the Pentecostal congregation at the
St. Thomas Assembly of God to observe primarily how its use of hymnody results in
maintaining its identity which members described as An Oasis of Love and Hope.
For 10 months, I participated in weekly worship while at the same time observing
directly the congregation as it gathered for worship on Sundays. Bearing in mind that
the central research question is how congregational singing shapes congregational
identity, my observance of the congregation was limited to the singing during Sunday
morning worship services. I did not pay particular attention to the other times when
the congregation met apart from its main Sunday worship service.2
Permission to enter into the congregation as an observant researcher was
granted by the senior pastor. My field notes reflected observations made of the
Hammersley, 145.
Every other Tuesday there was Bible study at the church. On the alternative weeks, members met in
various homes for small cell group meetings. These gatherings were on a much smaller scale and
singing did not feature prominently at these gatherings. Rather the focus was centred on the study of
Scripture or the materials designated for the cell groups. Pastor Phillips led the Bible study, but each
cell group had its own lay leader.
2
63
general congregation during their worship. I paid particular attention to what was
sung during the service, observing specifically how individuals in the congregation
responded to the language and the music. As part of the field notes, I also kept a log
of each hymn or song sung and performed during the service. Over the ten (10) month
period, there were few occasions which prevented me from attending worship. To
ensure that the log was as complete as possible even in my absence, I would
afterwards secure from one of the musicians the list of songs or hymns that would
have been used during what was termed worship time.
In my position as researcher and participant/observer, I constantly reflected on
my position within the worship community as I aimed to maintain the delicate balance
of outsider versus insider. Although the congregation acknowledged me as a
researcher among them, I felt that there was every attempt by the congregation to
make me feel as though I were not an outsider. Although I had never visited the
congregation until the commencement of my field work, it is quite likely that their
ready and genuine embrace of me among them was the result of two main factors.
First, there was the public support and encouragement given to me by the pastor in
which he appealed to the congregation to participate in the research project. Second, I
realized that among the members I occupied a dual role, where on the one hand, I was
accepted as a graduate student engaging in an academic investigation. On the other,
they viewed me as a Church pastor. Although I sought to minimize the latter role, it
was unavoidable. However, I also believe that it provided a unique position and
proved to be beneficial especially during the interviews and group discussions.
64
2.3.2.3 Interviews
As part of the method in the gathering of data for the second and third case
sites, I found conducting interviews very advantageous. Yin has suggested that
interviews are of three types: open-ended, focused and survey. In order to collate as
much data as possible, I decided to use all three forms of interviews. Some interviews
were one-on-one; others were in group settings in the second and third case study
sites. The survey form of interviewing was applied only in the second case site. I
deemed such a mode to be useful, especially since I was engaging with a larger
number of participants. Through the survey I was able to gather some basic
information which then formed an integral part of the open-ended and focused
interviews.
The first and second of four individual interviews were done with the third
case study site as I addressed the impact of the Caribbean hymnal Sing A New Song
No. 3. The first interview took place in St. Vincent with Patrick Prescod. As the
editor of the Caribbean hymnal, Sing A New Song No. 3, and as Director of the
Caribbean Church Music Programme, Prescod was able to share some very important
details concerning the process undertaken in publishing this first ecumenical hymnal.
Although the interview was focused in that I was seeking to accumulate specific
details relating to time lines and general procedures, parts of the interview were openended. In the open-ended interviews, there were times that Prescod shared
information which I had not previously considered but which later proved invaluable
in elucidating my analysis of the hymnal and its impact on the ecumenical Caribbean
Church. Several benefits were derived from the interviews with Prescod. The
interviews revealed that he had an intimate knowledge regarding the publication of
65
the hymnal from its inception to completion and that he was cognizant of the general
ideological, theological and cultural principles which guided the process in choosing
what hymns were eventually included. Prescod also revealed that as he reflected on
his legacy and the contributions he has made to the development of Caribbean Church
music, he felt a mixture of joy and regret in that he was proud of accomplishments but
regretted that the momentum towards the continued development of this aspect of
ecumenism within the Caribbean had waned.
The perspective of the editor needed to be measured against at least one of the
contributors to the hymnal. Realizing that most of the contributors are scattered
throughout the Caribbean and in many cases now deceased, I was able to secure an
interview with Pearl Mulrain from Trinidad.1 The goal of this interview was to
delineate how as a Caribbean hymn writer, she understood the purpose of her hymns
as part of a greater vision and intent of the Caribbean Conference of Churches in
reshaping the Caribbean ecumenical community. Mulrains input was important
because, apart from the hymns that were included in the Caribbean hymnal, she had
also written and published her own original collection of hymns.
The other two individual interviews were completed as part of the second case
study site at the St. Thomas Assembly of God, one with the administrator of the
congregation and another with the pastor. Both of these interviews proved fruitful in
helping me to acquire a better understanding of the local Church community. The
Churchs administrator, though he was not so named, served in a capacity similar to
an assistant to the pastor. Through the interview with him, I gained an important
1
Though I have made many attempts to locate and interview other noted Caribbean hymn writers
whose works were published in the Caribbean hymnal, these efforts proved futile. Attempts were made
to contact in particular Mr. Noel Dexter and Roman Catholic priest Father Richard Ho Lung, both of
Jamaica. Both men contributed extensively to the Caribbean hymnal. Further, Dexter served as the
editor of Sing A New Song No. 2.
66
67
gathered from this survey directed the small group discussions and helped shape the
analysis in determining the extent to which congregational singing in this case
impacts the formation of the local faith community. Five interviews took place with
the volunteer groups divided according to the following age ranges: 2130; 3140;
4150; 5160; 6170 and over 71. The last two groups met together. A total of 74
members participated in the study by completing the questionnaire, but not all of these
persons attended the group discussion meetings. During the group discussions, a
central talking point was the list of hymns and songs sung by the congregation and the
communitys response. The survey, coupled with the small group interviews,
provided added data that enhanced the field notes I had recorded as an
observer/participant during the Sunday morning worship. A drawback to the small
group interviews was the lack of full attendance of all 74 original responders to the
survey.
Use of survey-form interviews within the small groups proved to be
particularly apropos when done with two other groups within the congregation. I
considered both of these groups to be distinctive in nature and so needed to engage
them separately, apart from the other larger study group interviews. The first was
done with the four original members of the congregation. By virtue of being present
from the inception of the congregation, these members could best recount the
metamorphosis that had taken place over the past 40 years. I decided to interview
them separately so that they could better appreciate the value of their contribution to
the overall ethnographic study. The second group incorporated the musicians and the
members of the praise team whose primary duty involved choosing and leading the
singing. Learning how they understood and interpreted their role within the
68
2.4. Reflection
The application of a case study methodology to the question of how
congregations are shaped by what they sing is a workable method. For me the greater
challenge was to construct a methodology that was malleable enough to accommodate
a variety of methods by which data could be gathered. Yet I realized that there was an
associated danger in that if the methodology were too flexible it could potentially
become unrecognizable. This for me was a cause for concern because I did not want
to apply so many methods or strategies that could potentially be incongruous with the
overarching methodology. In other words, how could I avoid constructing a particular
methodology which, unbeknownst to me, might metamorphose into one totally
different?
I am certain now that the use of case study methodology applied to a
broadened base of multiple site case study was the most appropriate path to take. I
could facilitate the application of methods that were more suited to the individual
sites. However, even though I had chosen three heterogeneous sites which would
serve as tributaries of the main epistemological question, the methods selected could
be applied in one degree or another to each site. In that regard there was some
commonality among the three sites. What was unique, however, is that the peculiarity
69
70
and in which there existed for me the sense of being distant from the congregation
and not just historically.
However, the toggle between pastor and researcher was more of a concern at
the St. Thomas Assembly of God. The pastor offered me the opportunity to preach
one Sunday early during my field work. I did struggle with the decision but decided to
accept the invitation because of the conviction that there was more to gain than to be
lost in my occupying the congregations pulpit. In some way I needed to go local so
that I could be granted further inroads into the Assembly, and I reckoned that through
preaching I would gain such advantage. It did pay off. I found that thereafter I gained
the confidence and trust of many of the members and more persons volunteered to
participate in the questionnaire. Somehow choosing to preach had legitimized my
pastoral office while at the same time reinforcing my researchers posture. That one
action had made me less of an outsider. Yet as I engaged with the interviews and
group discussions, I was mindful of my ethical responsibility not to misrepresent the
data gathered or to be too limiting in my analysis of the same. I maintained a balance
in my roles but emphasized my role as researcher, thereby gaining open access to
necessary material or sources. At the same time though, there were instances during
the interviews and group discussions wheneven though the participants shared
freely their views on worship generally and the singing repertoire of the
congregationthere was the sense that enough had been said. I became aware then
of a silent, unwritten but agreed upon boundary in the minds of the participants which,
as the researcher, I could not cross.
The aim of this case studys use of multiple sites is to make some valid
generalizations to address how the identity of congregations is shaped by what they
71
sing. The natural generalizations the study renders are compelling, drawn from
multiple methods and substantiated by data from multiple sites. Through the
examination of a historical community, the ethnographic study of a Pentecostal
congregation and the content analysis of an ecumenical hymnal, we will be able to
understand more deeply how hymnody shapes congregational identity.
72
CHAPTER THREE
3.1 Introduction
For the 18th century renewed Moravian Church, under the leadership of Count
Nicholas Ludwig von Zinzendorf, the concept of the gemeine1 was central to the
practise of Christianity. Zinzendorfs assertion that there is no Christianity without
community2 reflects the centrality of this principle for his understanding of Christian
living. Without doubt this belief would have guided the establishment of the
emerging 18th century Moravian settlement at Fetter Lane in the city of London.
Colin Podmore proposed that even though Zinzendorf promoted the principles of the
gemeine, he did not invent the concept but is credited with resurrecting and perfecting
what was lying dormant in the beliefs of the religious refugees from the old
Brudergemeine. Arthur Freeman explains that Zinzendorf understood the gemeine as
Throughout this chapter I will use both terms community and gemeine interchangeably. The Unitas
Fratrum is the original Latin rendition for the official name of the Moravian Church when it was
officially organized in 1457 comprising chiefly the followers of the Czech reformer John Hus who had
been put to death on July 6, 1415 after being tried at the Council of Constance. That the gemeine was
fundamental to the renewed 18th century Moravian Church under Zinzendorf is further reflected in the
German rendition for the official name of the Church (Unity of the Brethren) to be Brudergemeine.
2
Colin Podmore, The Moravian Church in England, 1728 1760. (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1998), 136. This book will be frequently referenced in this chapter since it is a primary source on the
early years of the Moravian Church in England. Because this chapter focuses on the early years of the
Fetter Lane congregation, I found it to be particularly helpful in highlighting the major issues in the
beginning years of the Moravian mission. Because Podmore addresses the Moravians presence in
England in the early year, in his book he provides some keen insights especially into the transitioning
of the Fetter Lane Society into a Moravian congregation. For these reasons, I rely heavily on Podmore
as a major source for this chapter.
73
Arthur Freeman, Zinzendorfs Theology: A Gift to Enable Life in The Distinctiveness of Moravian
Culture, eds. Craig D. Atwood and Peter Vogt, (Nazareth: Moravian Historical Society, 2003), 279.
2
Count Zinzendorf, A Collection of Sermons from Zinzendorfs Pennsylvania Journey. Trans. by Julie
Tomberlin Weber. (Bethlehem: P.A.: Interprovincial Board of Communication, 2001), 13.
3
The term, band, referred to small cell units comprising 5 6 individuals. Initially these groups met for
prayers and personal discussions.
4
Taylor Hamilton and Kenneth G. Hamilton. History of the Moravian Church:
The Renewed Unitas Fratrum 1722 1957. (Bethlehem, P.A.: Interprovincial Board of Christian
Education Moravian Church in America, 1967), 32.
5
The term, choir, designated a larger grouping, formed according to gender and status. Consequently
within the gemeine one would find a married choir, single brothers and single sisters choir, childrens
choir and a choir for widows. Membership in a Moravian congregation meant compulsory membership
in a choir. The first choir was formed in 1728 and was comprised of six unmarried men who came
together to live in a common household.
6
In the early Herrnhut community, twelve elders were chosen. Later that number was reduced to four
and by 1730 there was only one chief elder. However, on September 13, 1741, members gathered at a
synodical conference in London and determined through the casting of lots that only Jesus Christ will
occupy the spiritual office of Chief Elder within the Moravian community. The announcement came on
November 13, a date still observed as a Moravian festival day.
74
Vice Elders, Eldresses, Vice Eldresses and Wardens who were chosen by lot.
Acceptance into the Moravian gemeine required subscribing to this social structure.
The particular social structure of the gemeine fostered a community that
prioritized spiritual accountability. In elaborating on the nature of the gemeine,
Zinzendorf underscored this feature, noting that one who lives with us in
community is deemed our travelling companion and it is natural for us to begin
speaking with him about how we would want him to go the right way, if we see him
heading in a way which might lead him into danger.1 A religious system with a
balance of discipline and punishment2 could achieve spiritual accountability.
Undergirding this notion of the gemeine as a daily system of God was a firm
belief that the gemeine was a theocratic community. Dietrich Meyer distinguishes
this in light of a resolution arising out of the 1764 General Synod held in Marienborn
which reinforced Christ as the Chief Elder, and the use of the lot, which served to
discern directly the will and command of Christ, and the establishment of closed
settlement congregations where all aspects of life were geared toward the spiritual
life.3 The 1764 Synod resolved that the Moravians community would be one in
which there was only the direct government of God over His people...who Himself is
keeping order in His house... and whose voice we have to pay attention to, whose
mouth we have to listen to and to obey with the greatest degree of precision.4
Consequently the ultimate goal of each communal activity was to reinforce the
shaping of congregation into what the Lord desired it to be, i.e. more like the Saviour
in every way.
1
Weber, 13.
Weber, 15.
3
Dietrich Meyer, The Moravian Church as a Theocracy: The Resolution of the Synod of 1764 in The
Distinctiveness of Moravian Culture, 256.
4
Ibid, 257 258.
2
75
Daily worship was a chief means through which to attain and reinforce the
ideals of the gemeine as a daily system of God. The pattern established at Herrnhut
resulted in ample provision for the cultivation of the religious life.1 Members
applied the same standard at Fetter Lane from its inception. The forms of such
gatherings included the Singing Hour and Quarter of Hour, Lovefeasts, Communion
and Prayer Days. As early as 1728, this daily system of God was strengthened
further by the addition of the distribution each day of a biblical text which was
referred to as the watchword (Losung). Considering the myriad experiences of
worship within the Moravian community, the distinctiveness of the Moravian gemeine
is evident when compared to similar 18th century Pietist sects. Podmore highlights
several noticeable differences:
Pietism was strongly individualistic, whereas the Moravians emphasized
community. The Pietists opposed dancing and comic plays, but the Moravians
replaced austerity with gaiety, seriousness with playfulness, fearfulness and
striving with assurance and joy in the presence of the Saviour. Where Pietism
emphasized work, Moravian life was increasingly marked by festivity and
celebration, music, art, colour, and light.2
Having explored broadly the main characteristics and centrality of the
Moravian gemeine in the 18th century, I contend that the Moravians employed hymnsinging as a major means by which they constructed the Moravian gemeine at Fetter
Lane in the period 1742 1749.3 I will show through historical perspective that hymn
singing is formative and contributed to the initial shaping of an early religious
community. I will also demonstrate that the choices of hymns for congregational
76
singing were not haphazard but rather intentional and directed by the communitys
theological understanding of its hymnody. Woven through hymns in regular worship,
the daily system of God at Fetter Lane came through the powerful conduit of
congregational singing. I have chosen to examine the three main forms of worship
that existed among the 18th century Moravians: the Lovefeasts, Singing Hour and
Lords Supper (Holy Communion) as conduits through which the main components of
the gemeine were embodied in the congregational identity of the Moravians at Fetter
Lane.
To substantiate the above claims and establish historical context for our
discussion, I will first offer a brief overview of the early Moravian presence at Fetter
Lane. Secondly, I will review the general state of Moravian hymnody of that era,
bringing to the fore the key guiding principles of the 18th century Moravian hymnic
practices and attitudes. Thirdly, I will give attention to the three major religious
services and explain how hymns were used in each in a manner that would have
contributed to the formation of a Moravian gemeine at Fetter Lane.
77
Podmore, 28.
Podmore, 29.
78
continuous intercession, bands and choirs) were being commonly observed and that it
was the Moravian Peter Bohler who drafted the rules governing the Society.
With the eventual separation of the Wesleys from the Fetter Lane Society and
the establishment of a Society at the Foundery in Upper Moorfields by July 1740,1 the
decision was made to fully take over the leadership of the Fetter Lane Society,
transforming the same into a Moravian community. This was executed under the
leadership of Spangenberg. However, a Moravian gemeine was constructed along two
parallel paths: physical and spiritual. The design of the former typically required large
quantities of open space on which were constructed separate dwellings for the choirs
and a central building large enough for the entire community to gather for worship
(salle). However, such a blueprint could not be readily realized in the crowded
industrialized city of London. Consequently, several single sisters went to live in a
house hired for them in Fetter Lane, (but which has a passage to the chapel by a door
which has been made) and are to be under the care of Sister Brockdorf: hereby they
will enjoy more choir-advantages, than they could hitherto while scattered abroad.2
However, the physical impediments were resolved by ensuring that the
spiritual components of the model of a Moravian gemeine were instituted at Fetter
Lane. As a result, by 1742 the social structure of this spiritually centred Moravian
community was evident in that the members had already been demarked into various
choirs along with the designated leaders (See Appendix Two). With this skeletal
framework of the community firmly in place the formation of a gemeine at Fetter
Lane was on the right path.
Podmore, see Chapter 2 The Fetter Lane Society: 1738 1740 (29 71).
Fetter Lane Diary 3, 12 Apr. 1749. Hereafter, I have abbreviated the references to the various
volumes of the Fetter Lane Diary as FLD.
2
79
1
2
80
Holding to the position that its hymns were primarily bearers of their
theology, the early hymn writers of the Moravians cared not if their hymns were
adjudged for their poetic sophistication. Their primary intent was to craft hymns that
would ultimately enhance life as it was practiced in the Moravian gemeine. Criticism
would be directed towards them for their hymns and the preface of the 1742 hymnal
printed by Hutton unapologetically remarked:
Our Brethren and Sisters who have made these Hymns, are mostly simple and
unlearned People, who have wrote them down at the Time, when the Matters
therein expressed were lively to their Hearts; and therefore they are without
Art or the niceties usually expected in poetry: yet not withstanding to every
Heart that knows, or desires to know Jesus Christ, we doubt not but they will
afford some Satisfaction and Comfort of a much better kind.1
It is important then to emphasize that the efficacy of such hymns must be appraised in
light of the context and purpose for which they were written which was peculiarly
Moravian.
Though there is no denying the centrality of Scripture as a whole being a pillar
to Moravian 18th century hymnody, there was an unusual emphasis on the New
Testament and specifically the accounts of Jesus death and its meaning in the life of a
believer. In particular there was emphasis on the wounds of Jesus and how the Church
is spiritually nourished through its relationship with Christ as husband. S. Paul
Schilling is correct when he asserts that each Christian denomination demonstrates its
theological biases through its own hymnic idiosyncrasies. For the 18th century
Moravians, the Side-Wound/Hole theology of Zinzendorf was the most predominant
feature of its hymnody. It is essential to recall Zinzendorfs position of the purpose of
the gemeine was to ensure that the souls, having being surrendered to Christ, and who
1
Page 4 of the Preface of A Collection of Hymns, with Several Translations from the hymn book of the
Moravian Brethren, London: Printed for James Hutton, at the Bible and Sun, in Little-Wild Street, near
Lincolns Inn-Fields, 1742.
81
were now part of the community would remain fully committed through a daily
system of worship which involved hymn singing and mutual accountability. The
prolific use of certain poetic metaphors and images in the text of their hymns which
reflected such vivid imagery would serve as a constant reminder to the members of
the community of their position in relation to Christ as that of Husband and to enter
into the vicarious wounds, especially the Side-Hole. So the hymn texts themselves
contributed to the construct of the gemeine at Fetter Lane.1
Beyond the actual hymn texts, the significance of Moravian hymnody lies as
well with the performance practise of congregational singing. Because the hymns
were carriers of Moravian core beliefs then, careful attention was paid to how the
hymns were to be sung. The Fetter Lane congregation was instructed that its singing
ought to be done with a feeling of heart, and not too slow and drawling, nor too loud;
and in a liturgical meeting, with a particular attention to the brother who keeps it, to
sing soft with him and lay an emphasis now and then, just where he lays it.2
Additionally, the Fetter Lane community was reminded of the approach which was
acceptable in worship and would serve as a guide in creating a unique Moravian ethos
clearly indicated that all Singing Hours, Bible Hours &c should be weighty...for
there is a particular feeling of the Spirit of the Church in such meetings. All the acts in
a congregation should have SubstanceSpirit & Power.3 This tenet was so
important that at an Elders Conference, Bro. Bohler spoke occasionally of the
In Chapter Six, I explore specifically a sample of hymns that were used repeatedly throughout the
period to show how these hymns could have potentially contributed to the shaping of a Moravian
community at Fetter Lane.
2
FLD 3, 16 Nov. 1749.
3
Register for The Congregation of the Lamb, 1742.
82
83
The Graces [grace notes] are left out on purpose, because it is not every ones
gift rightly to express them; many who are unskilld in musick have hitherto
forcd themselves to sing them and spoild thereby the whole singing.
Therefore it will be well if the Tunes, wherever they are used, are sung just so
as they are, and if they that understand musick should sing so long and alone;
till the rest have forgot their wrong way of singing them which they have
learnt before. Where one can have an instrument it will be the more easy. We
love the Lamb and rejoice as well to sing and play of him as to speak of him.
Whosoever is offended at our singing and playing, him we desire to bear with
us, because we also bear with his weakness. Several have wishd that
instructions for singing might be added to these Tunes, but it would have been
superfluous, considering that there are so many printed already. May the
Lambmake all our singing and playing of his Blood still more Heavenly.1
In a later hymn tune book publication (1796), Christian Ignatius LaTrobe in
his preface quoted extensively from the 1778 and 1784 tune books of Christian
Gregor. LaTrobe affirmed the Moravian way of singing by reiterating Gregors
admonition that:
The excellence of congregational singing consists in this: that though all join,
yet none seek to outvie the rest. By bringing each voice to the level of the
whole, a sweet and yet powerful confluence of harmony is created. But
whoever leads the song, should sing so distinctly, that the words of the hymns
may be heard, which cannot be expected from the whole congregation, nor
could well be effected without prejudice to good singing. Both the minister
and the congregation should likewise take due notice of the contents of the
hymn or verse to be sung, and regulate the chearfulness of solemnity of their
voices accordingly. Whenever one metre has several tunes, attention ought to
be paid, in the choice of them, that the strain of the Tune may be suited to the
sense of the hymn. Tunes, that have hitherto been unknown to the
congregation, may be introduced, either by being at first repeatedly sung by
the choir, or played, previous to the opening of the service, in lieu of the usual
prelude, by which the congregation becomes insensibly acquainted with
them.2
Preface, The Tunes for the Hymns in the Collection with Several Translations from the Moravian
Hymn Book. London, Printed for James Hutton, at the Bible and Sun in Little Wildstreet, near Lincolns
Inn-Fields. (1744?).
2
Hymn Tunes, Sung in the Church of the United Brethren, collected by Christian Ignatius LaTrobe.
London, Printed for the Editor and Sold by John Le Febvre, Chapel Place, Nevils Court, Fetter Lane,
1796, ii.
84
It is apparent that by the late 1700s the Moravians had developed not only their
hymnic repertoire but also had become advanced in their understanding of the hymnic
performance practice.
In addition to the principles which guided the performance of congregational
singing, the Moravians were also keenly aware of the important role that the
musicians themselves were to observe. Musicians were made to understand that all
instruments, including the organ used for congregational singing, were intended to
support hymn singing. However, LaTrobe warned that in order to maintain the true
and beneficial effect of an organ, it is required that the organist should enter into the
spirit of his office, and become actuated by the same principle that every other servant
in the house of God is taught to act from. Without this, he not only neglects his call,
but betrays his trust.1 The ministry of the organist was an integral component of how
the congregation would sing the hymns and grasp the understanding of the same. To
underscore that the task of the musicians was moored to the congregations
understanding of the hymns they were singing, it was expected that:
Every musician, possessed of sound musical taste and judgement, will readily
acknowledge, that simplicity is a grand source of beauty in church-music; and
yet superior genius seems required to be conscious of its powers and willing to
follow its dictatebut there is still something of far greater importance than
our taste and judgement, that determines the real degree of excellence in
church-music: this is nothing less than the blessing of God conveyed unto us
through the means he deigns to employ2
But there was also the very clear directive of how the organ was to be played so that
the simplicity which was desired would be achieved. For that to occur,
The organ should never overpower the voices, neither in accompanying an
individual, the chorus, nor the whole congregation, but yet have sufficient
strength of sound to prevent their sinkingthe louder the organ is played, the
1
2
Ibid, ii.
Ibid, iv v.
85
1
2
Ibid, v vi.
Ibid, iv.
86
explicit images of the Lamb would be emblazoned into the hearts of those who are
singing.
The linkage between Moravian hymnody and community identity has been
established. Podmore argues that the essence of Moravianism itself was radically
changed during the latter part of the 18th century when much of the content of its
English hymns was removed. He suggests that by so doing the Moravians discarded
their unique hymnody in which the spirituality was Christocentric, focusing on
Christs blood and wounds, particularly the side-wound, and in line with Zinendorfs
marriage religion, on Christ as the husband.1 A similar thrust exploring the bond
between Moravian identity and the theological content of its hymnody was made in
the unpublished dissertation of Jonathan Yohan, who discusses this issue within the
context of the period known as the Sifting Times (1743 1750).2 For the purpose of
our discussion here, Yohans work helps us to understand the following about
Moravian hymnic practice and understanding during the period under review. We
learn that (1) Zinzendorfs theology was best expressed through poetry and song
thereby connecting more with the heart of the believer; (2) the common practice of the
Singstunde (Singing Hour) reinforces that the memorization of hymns and the
spontaneous singing of the same was a major tool in fostering devotion to Christ; and
(3) during the years 1742 1749 the Moravians would have produced six (6) hymnals
Podmore, 132.
Jonathan Yohan, Evangelicalism and Enlightenment: The Moravian Experience in England, c. 1750
1800 (Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation: University of Oxford, 2007). He substantiates his claim
that the course of the history of the Moravians in England changed when its hymnody changed. He
postulates that the identity of the Moravians in England was changed with the publication and revision
of its hymnals between 1754 and 1789. Although the time period upon which Yohan focuses is later
than that in this chapter, his analysis of the change in attitude lends support to my position that
Moravian hymnody was a shaper of the identity of Moravian community at Fetter Lane.
2
87
under the leadership of James Hutton, which were drawn from German sources as
well as those recently composed.1
I will now consider the three primary forms of worship (Lovefeast, Singing
Hour and Communion) paying particular attention to the ways in which Moravian
hymns were utilized. Though each service had its distinct liturgical purpose, the
prevalence of hymn singing within these services will show that song was the
unifying factor2 that binds all three worship services. By examining the use of
hymns, it will be seen that Moravian English hymnody contributed to the formation of
a gemeine at Fetter Lane.
Yohan, 149 175.A close examination of the hymnals produced by the Moravians before 1754
compared with those that came afterwards reveals a radically changed hymnodic corpus.
2
Podmore, 149.
3
It was on that day that the early Moravians experienced the outpouring of the Holy Spirit at a
communion service held at Bertholdsdorf which united the diverse and fragmented community of
religious refugees. Historical records indicate that after the service Zinzendorf sent food to the various
groups that were still engaged in worship so as not to interrupt their fellowship.
88
one in which often water and bread were servedin the early years, or water only.
The service itself consisted of singing, free conversation and the narration of religious
experiences.1
The practice of the lovefeast as a distinctive feature of the Moravian
Church2 was introduced very early in the Fetter Lane Society because of the
influence of the Moravians. Podmore suggests that the emphasis on celebrating life
and expressing the same through the medium of the lovefeasts was one of the features
that made the Moravian Church appealing to Londoners. He postulates the chief
setting for celebration was the lovefeast, classically a symbolic meal of tea and buns
accompanied by music, and godly conversation. This formed a bridge between the
worship of congregation meetings and that of the whole of life, as understood by the
Moravians, for here what would otherwise be secular celebrations of birthdays,
welcome, or farewell were brought within the religious system.3
3.4.2 Singing Hour
The Singing Hour (Singstunden) was a form of worship uniquely Moravian
which emphasized the priority of congregational singing in worship. In examining the
emergence of the early Singing Hour under Zinzendorf, it was noted that:
He actively cultivated within the Herrnhut congregation an appreciation of the
spiritual power of hymnody and gradually developed a unique kind of service
called the Singstunde, which became in time his favorite form of public
worship. In it the brother in charge selected with care individual stanzas from
various hymns in such a manner that they would develop some Christian truth
as the singing progressed. The congregation, which possessed an unusual
command of the hymnal, would fall in with the leader before he reached the
89
end of the first line of each stanza, singing by heart. No address was given on
such occasions; none was needed.1
Podmore too underscores the value of this form of service to Zinzendorf, by noting
that:
For Zinzendorf this service was second in importance only to the Communion,
and superior to the sermon or homily; if religious truth was perceived best by
the heart, it could be expressed most directly in song, and if the singing was by
heart, it would come from the heart. Since all participated by singing, this
service expressed community better than most. The Singing Hour was
fundamental because Communion, lovefeast, and other services were given
their structure by being encompassed in a Singing Hour on the Sacrament or
the appropriate theme.2
The Singing Hour was one of the Moravian practices that made them attractive to
those seeking to have specifically a religious experience of the heart.
The particular feature which made the Singing Hour distinctive was that the
singing was done from memory even though there were printed hymnals.3 Yohan has
argued that because of the centrality of singing as expressed within the Singstunden
that the identity of the English Moravian Church has been shaped by the content and
use of its hymns. Arguing from the premise that the essence of Moravian theology is
captured in its hymnal and considering the improvisatory nature of the Singstunden,
Yohan makes the claim that among the Moravians a hymn text had to be experienced
to be understood so that it was not the published hymnody that characterized the
Moravian Church under Zinzendorf, but its sung hymnody in Singstunden.4
90
3.4.3 Communion
For the 18th century Moravians, participation in the sacrament of Holy
Communion was not automatic. It was reserved exclusively for those who had been
admitted into full membership. That the Lords Supper was the pinnacle of all
liturgical experiences is best captured in Zinzendorfs declaration das ich keine
Gemeine Jesu ohne Abendmahl statuiere no congregation without Communion1
At a 1749 General Synod Count Zinzendorf confirmed that the Brethrens belief was
more akin to the Lutheran. He stated that the Moravians believed in a real
participation of Christ in the communion.2 There was no further explanation on the
meaning of the words of institution and the above represents the sum of the Moravian
doctrinal position on this sacrament.
Although there was not an emphasis on producing a theological treatise of the
Moravian position on the sacrament, the dignity associated with the observance of the
sacrament was not diminished. The gravity of this service was reflected in the mode
of dress, the solemnity of the service itself and the meaning of the hymns which were
an integral part of the liturgy. We see this demonstrated in the description of a
communion service held at the Yorkshire congregation. It recounts,
That [at] a general Lords Supper of 200 communicants at which the dear
Ordinary [Zinzendorf] officiated, the first time that he has done it in an
English congregationat the communion all the sisters had on the Exousie or
cap usual in the congregation, which is so simple and a memorial of the
napkin wherewith our Saviours head was bound. This was the first time that
among us such a whole assembly has been so dressed, but which soon
encouraged a second, for at this present solemn meeting the sisters in London
did the same, the Lamb letting us feel so his protection and presence, that we
neither need nor can remember the large town we live in, but only our liturgy.3
91
Speaking preceded the Communion service. It arose out of the concernto have all members
partake worthilythe elders and their helpers conversed privately with each member, and any found
not to be in the proper frame of mind were advised to remain away from the Lords Table.(Hamilton
& Hamilton, 38) Although the barring of persons from Communion might be viewed as being
discriminatory, I agree with Podmore when he affirms that the practice of Speaking was one of the
means whereby the Moravians exhibited pastoral care, a characteristic that made the church appealing
(Podmore, 19). Speaking created an avenue whereby members of the gemeine were being held
accountable to each other in ensuring that the members of the Moravian community remained loyal in
their Christian calling especially in their private lives.
2
FLD 1, 19 Apr. 1743.
3
FLD 2, 13 Oct. 1743.
92
to receive the sacrament. Therefore both Brothers Holland and Hutton spoke to all the
labourers concerning their own hearts and also of the sacrament.1
Because admission to receive Communion could be denied, then it was
understood that this sacrament was not a right but a privilege. Consequently, if it was
determined after Speaking that one was not ready to be admitted to the sacrament,
then that person was barred from receiving. Such was the case when Holland spoke
to the married men and widowers who were to come to the sacrament. Knolton and
his wife having had some difference could not be admitted[but] the congregation
came together again and had the sacrament administered to them by Bro. Schlicht.2
In another case, Thomas Moor was a crying when he heard there was something in
the way concerning his going to the sacrament.3 But all the brethren and sisters
were permitted to receive the sacrament excepting brothers Sonnis, Hunt, Knight,
Watson Gotichallt, Wade and Mrs. Makinsie.4 Yet at that same communion service,
before it began, Bro. Browne, George Moore, Thomas Moore and Mrs. Moore
begged pardon of each other and forgave each other and were all much melted. We
had a very blessed sacrament.5 Refusal to proceed with Communion could be applied
not only to individuals but also to the entire community if it was deemed that they
were not ready for the same. Consequently, at a congregational Lovefeast in 1742,
Bro. Spanenberg gave them an account of the work in different parts of the world
and told them he thought it would be best to defer the sacrament a few days.6
93
The aim was not to bar persons from the sacrament. Rather it was the goal to
have as many persons share in Communion but with the caveat that this was not
automatic. When there was full partaking of the sacrament that did not go unnoticed.
At one Communion service at Fetter Lane, the diarist was careful to emphasize that
all the members were admitted to the sacrament the absolution made a deep
impression on all, the Lamb was present and melted our hearts very much.1 Another
time it was celebrated that:
The congregation met together to partake of her Husbands body and Blood,
but first, that nothing might hinder his free communication, Bro. Boehlers
mouth begged absolution not only for what was positively wrong, but even for
not having been more Jesus-like and corpse-likeHe distributed the blessed
repast to the sisters and Bro. Biesser to the brethren and Christel sung during
our communion several verses.2
Without doubt, having access to Communion was the most important liturgical act of
the Moravian community. It was the marker which indicated that a member had not
only been embraced fully within the community but also that one had become one
with the Saviour. In the latter part of this chapter we will explore how hymnody was
used to prepare and position the community for this most important act of worship.
Lane Moravian congregation. The future of the Fetter Lane Society was in jeopardy since the dairy
entry for the same day records that the society should not be continued much longer.
1
FLD 2, 11 Dec. 1743.
2
FLD 3, 9 Jun. 1749.
94
of Moravian hymns and maintains that this was the case because Moravians hymns
abound with images designed to sensually transform without mediation by the rational
mind.1 She argues that the transformational power of the early Moravian hymns was
communicated through vibrational and sensual techniques with the aim of fostering
what Eyerly describes as a Blutgemeine (a blood community). The qualities of
Moravian hymnody which she underscores in the Singing Hour can be applied to the
other two forms of Moravian worship which I consider in this chapter. Because hymn
singing was central to the Lovefeast and the Communion services, then what Eyerly
has described of the Singing Hour can also be said of the general use of hymnody in
all forms of Moravian worship at Fetter Lane. She proposes that Singstunden as
rituals of communal singing, channelled the vibrations of the divine voice and
marked it as a member of Christs Blutgemeine.2
At Fetter Lane, Moravian hymns were alchemic in the purpose too. However,
as an emerging congregation in 18th century London, the use of hymns to achieve the
transformation of this congregation into a gemeine can be noted in three distinct ways.
I will now give attention to the three ways in which the utilization of hymns within
the worship services would have contributed to the formation of a Moravian gemeine
at Fetter Lane.
3.5. 1 To Unite German & English Factions
Within the Fetter Lane congregation there were both German and English
factions. It cannot be denied that there were instances when there were separate
worship services which catered to the members of each group. The diaries record that
1
95
at 7 was the Sabbaths lovefeast for the English brothers and sisters (because
tomorrow it will be for the German) at which were present several of the German
Labourers.1 It was also noted the German brethren had a little German conference
wherein it was made out that the Germans should have a singing hour, twice a week
and that it would be best if we gave them two of our singing hour.2 Arising out of the
meeting, it was later decided by consensus that there shall be 2 Germans singing
hours one on Wednesday night the other on Friday night.3 Six days after the first
German conference which had taken this decision, the German singing hour began
this night and is to be continued weekly of this and Wednesday night afterwards.4
With the decision to have two separate Singing Hours, that invariably led to the
Singing Hour being in two locations the Fetter Lane Chapel and a building on Wild
Street. The German had theirs at Wild Street while the English was at the Chapel at
Fetter Lane.5
Even though each group had carved out opportunities for its own times of
worship, the diaries also reflect a deliberate effort on the part of the community to
blend both groups. Those ventures were repeatedly mentioned in the diary entries.
What was fascinating was that on such occasions there was not only the meeting of
both groups but that was accompanied by singing hymns in both German and English.
For example, it was noted that one evening we had a love feast where the German
brothers and sisters were also.6 At another Sabbath lovefeast,
Bro. Francke and Worthington sang several side-hole verses, particularly out
of the hymn We kiss each other in the Side, and then as at both these
1
96
meetings, the German brethren were a part of the assembly, and as it had also
usually been the language of the Sabbath love-feast, Br. Boehler concluded
with German verses.1
Obviously, in spite of the cultural differences and language barrier, this blended
worship would have contributed to uniting and constructing a single Moravian
gemeine with a unique English/German blend.
The presence of the English and German Moravians co-existing and
worshipping together at the Fetter Lane congregation directly impacted the hymnic
performance practise which would have further contributed to uniting both segments.
At another congregational lovefeast there was:
A beautiful composition, almost all in the words of Scripture, concerning our
Saviours retaining after his resurrection the marks of his sufferings, and his
everlasting fellowship with his people, was chanted in a heart-affecting
manner by Bro. Boehler and Franke alternately, the former singing his part in
English and the other in German; to which were added some more hymns on
the same subject.2
On occasions when both groups met for a combined Singing Hour there would be the
singing of both English and German verses. The records indicate that Bro. Boehler
kept a singing-hour of German and English verses alternately, the company being also
mixed.3 So there were Singing Hours which accommodated both sects.
Obviously, there was no difference in perspective among both the German and
English elements regarding the theological significance and position of its hymns.
Within the Communion service, the entire Moravian community gathered together
and so would be singing the same hymns which would have shaped the entire
community. It was recorded that at a combined Communion service, the German and
English congregation met in the Chapel, to enjoy the Body and Blood of their eternal
1
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husband. The Ordinary came in after Bro. Boehler had the absolution and sat with
Bro. Johannes on one side and sung throughout the whole celebration many verses,
particularly those well-known hymns which express and seal the blessed
transactionit was remarkable, that this time there was not one brother or sister sick
and unable to come.1 That the diarist draws attention to the fact that there was full
attendance reflects the sense of satisfaction that was achieved with experiencing the
reality of Moravian gemeine at Fetter Lane. It is also recorded that at one
Communion which had been preceded by a lovefeast during which some new verses
were sung, very suitable to the Lambs Text which Bro. Boehler afterwards spoke
upon, during the distribution of the bread and wine many heavenly verses both in
German and English were sung while it was admonished...at which both the other
communicants, and the new oneswere sensible that they had been meeting their
husband in truth.2
3.5.2 To Experience Saving Faith
Having already stated that, according to Zinzendorf, the ultimate goal of the
Moravian gemeine was to ensure that those who were among their numbers be
wholeheartedly joined to Christ, one can view the gemeine essentially as a gathering
of believers whose lives demonstrated that they had come to personal faith in Jesus
Christ. Because this was the core quality of the community, the hymns were aimed at
(1) bringing persons to that point of faith and (2) ensuring that this was a permanent
position. How then did the hymns in the three services contribute to this aspect of
constructing a Moravian gemeine at Fetter Lane?
1
2
98
The lovefeast by its simple structure was utilized as a vehicle to both win
those who were lost and to bring back into the fold those souls who had fallen away.
The lovefeast was also a doorway by which persons were introduced to Moravian
brand of pietism and what it meant to be a part of the gemeine. As a result,
Bro. Cennick gave a lovefeast in our hall to several of his acquaintances who
had desired to be introduced to the Brethren; they were between 20 30, men
and women; Bro. Latrobe and Hammond were present as preachers, and some
of the Labourers of the several choirs and about the middle of the love feast
Bro. Boehler came in. Bro. Cennick first of all told them the intention of the
meeting, that as they had found a desire, some for half a year, some for a
whole year past or longer, to be acquainted with the Brethren, he had
continued this opportunity for it and that these were brethren and sisters whom
they might visit, if they chose it and be hearty with them.1
Although it is not mentioned what hymns were sung, the deduction can be made that
the hymns which would have been sung would have been in keeping with the purpose
of that particular lovefeast which was evangelistic in nature.
On the other hand, mention is made of a sister who, having once been a part of
the community but having gone astray, begged heartily forgiveness for all her
misbehavior and that she did with tears. She gave herself this verse at the Love Feast
pg 139 verse 4.2 This overarching sense of contrition which was matched by a
heartfelt desire to continue living the life of faith was borne out when there was a
love feast for Mr. Baker on his birthday [who] is very much melted and wants to be a
child of God.3
FLD 3, 7 Sep. 1749. A subsequent entry (20 Sep. 1749) suggests that there were some decisions made
to on account of this initial lovefeast. So that at a later lovefeast (on September 20), there was
received into the society 24 men and women who had been Bro. Cennicks hearers and had some time
desired it.
2
FLD 2, 7 Sep. 1743. The words of the hymn verse below clearly demonstrates the deep sense of
contrition felt:
O give me great exceeding Greace, Thou seeth that that Ive need,
Twas for such deep-corrupted hearts, Thou didst so freely bleed;
Yet let me not Thy Grace abuse, And sin because Thourt good,
But let thy love fill me with shame, That I have it withstood.
3
FLD 2, 31 Oct. 1743.
99
Christian mission was the pulse of the 18th century Moravian Church.
Consequently, one of the features of Moravian worship was interceding for others to
also come to saving faith. Such intercessions focused on the work of the Church
beyond the local gemeine. It is noteworthy that at Fetter Lane, hymns were used as a
means of intercession as part of a Singing Hour worship that was observed on a
Prayer Day. These verses show that the members of the Fetter Lane community were
mindful of similar missionary endeavours elsewhere that sought to bring others to the
Saviour. The following entry shows the list of verses sung and for which community.
At the Prayer Day they:
Spoke of the churches...here in England very heartily and also of them abroad
and sung for everyone a verse: for the Yorkshire church She by thee chosen
was upon a gracious day; for Lambs Inn Give to those poor little souls &
When Satan at an hour; for Basingstoke and Sharborn Thy five dear wounds
form wide for; for Scotland My God thou seest them flying. For the heathen:
May God be gracious to us herefor the whole church we sung:
Congregations Christian relation. There was a very sweet wind of grace
flowing blowing among us, and we were very hearty and happy together.1
Such an experience would have caused the members of Fetter Lane to see themselves
as part of a growing body of Moravian believers who were attached to their
communities as they were to theirs. The impact of the use of verses in the Singing
Hour in such manner was acknowledged in that at a Singing Hour led by Bro. Neisser,
he begged of the Lamb heartily to send that spirit amongst us to anoint and sweeten
the singing hour in our churches abroad.2
However, bearing in mind that the gemeine was also a community whose
members were challenged to be accountable to each other, it is noted that the verses
sung during the Singing Hour were also geared towards deepening the faith of those
1
2
100
who were already within the gemeine. Accordingly, at Fetter Lane some Singing
Hours were not opened to those who were not Moravians. It was noted that after the
church hour, a singing hour is to be at the chapel under the name of a music meeting.
Nobody is to come there but the members of the church.1 No specific reason is
given. On another occasion again it was recorded that at 7 o clock we had the newly
made out Church Singing Hour in our chapel for the first timeWe are to have
always music in this singing hour and nobody is to be admitted to it but members of
our church.2 It is of interest that this event was labelled not just as the Singing Hour,
which was the norm, but instead as the Church Singing Hour.
What was the likely rationale? I am opined that by limiting the Singing Hour
to church members only, such occasions provided an avenue to teach more deeply the
truths of the faith to those who had been initially drawn close to the Lambs side
wounds. It was a discipleship tool. Such occasions would ensure that those who were
singing the faith as expressed in the hymn verses, also understood the substance of the
faith which was captured and expressed in the imagery of the hymn verses. This claim
can be substantiated by noting that, in the singing hour he [Zinzendorf] explained
that verse, There hangs the little creature dear and recommended to all souls, instead
of repentances where good of our own is supposed, the sinner like falling down before
& enarmoured clinging fast to the compassionate Arch-Penitentiary.3 On another
occasion during the congregational hour the Ordinary [Zinzendorf] preached in
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German which was later translated into English on Christ as Alpha and Omega [and]
in the singing-hour was explained the phrase Cross-air-Bird.1
3.5. 3 To Cause Covenantal Joining with Christ
If there were to be a supreme spiritual position that the members of the
gemeine were to attain it would be to reach a state of being permanently joined with
the Saviour. It bears reiterating that for Zinzendorf it was understood that each
member of the community was to be not separated from him [Christ] by anything
whatsoever in life. It was customary at Fetter Lane that lovefeasts were the main type
of worship used to observe birthdays, anniversaries and other commemorative days.
Though such occasions would have contributed to the overall construct of the
gemeine, it was the hymns that were utilized within the Communion and to a lesser
extent the Singing Hour which moved members of the community to this most
cherished of places being affixed to the side-wounds of Jesus.
During the mid-18th century, the Fetter Lane community would have benefited
from Zinzendorfs presence in that he would have ensured that the theological and
ecclesiastical nuances of the Moravians were put into full effect. Given that the
Moravian doctrinal position on Communion maintained the posture of real
participation, the hymns used during the celebration of sacrament were directed at
bringing those within the community to experience that real participation for
themselves. The Communion hymn text would have accomplished this goal by
demonstrating two key aspects of the nature of the relationship between the Saviour
and the members of the gemeine: (1) that of identifying with the side wounds of the
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Lamb and (2) relating to Christ as a husband. In both cases the emphasis was on
joining oneself totally to Christ in an intimate manner.
Consequently, the taking of the sacrament was not to be done without
appreciating the gravity and solemnity of the event. In preaching about the
Moravians position on communion at Fetter Lane, Zinzendorf affirmed that Christs
blood and body provide strength and nourishment from him as do children do when
they suck and that others were often at that time so intimately united to him as to
becomeflesh of his flesh and bone of his bone and that after souls received such a
blessing thereat as to have the fear of death entirely removed.1
The hymns therefore can be seen as liturgical vehicles with a three-fold
intention: (1) enabling the community to encounter the real presence of the Lamb in
the Communion service; (2) highlighting the state of the sinners soul and impressing
thereupon the need to confess ones sins and be absolved of them before sharing at the
Lords Table; (3) conveying the believers joy in becoming one with Christ as
husband and the sharing in his side wounds. The format of the Communion service
was very similar to the Singing Hour with the addition of the Communion elements of
bread and wine. Satisfaction with the hymns fulfilling their purposes can be seen in
the diarist comments after a Communion service, having obtained this, his Body and
Blood, his death and life were partaken of by us, according to our wishes and belief
expressed in those hymns Spouse, husband of thy church and Thou Death-Sweat
mixd with Blood.2 This is reinforced when at another Communion service, where
FLD 1, 6 Mar. 1743. The following hymn verse was inserted recounting Zinzendorfs sermon:
Blood of my Saviours wounds how dear
This sound to each believers ear
Thou God unsearchable thou Lamb once slain
Let all now feel thy blood and health obtain.
2
FLD 3, 30 Jun 1749.
103
brothers Boehler and Bieser, after begging absolution from our Husband, both by
prayer and those 2 verses Be present with us, master dear, Live as thou livest and thy
flock.the still and blessed transaction was echoed to from the organ-loft by Br.
Benzien with verses between whiles.1 In reflecting on how impactful a Communion
service was, it was remarked what a dear corpse and blood operated upon us, was
echoed and acknowledged in the meantime by singing suitably Thou Death-Sweat
and Hearst thou Elder.2
The following diary entry, though lengthy, paints a vivid picture of a
Communion services and further demonstrates the three purposes of the hymn verses
sung at Communion:
We had our blessed Lords Supper. The brother and sisters came together in
the Chappel between 7 and 8 in the morning, and as there were many
communicants (near all the German brethren and a great part of the sisters
receiving with us) therefore the brethren, except for a few went into the
gallery, and the sisters staid below. First Br. Boehler sung the 1st, 2d,3d, 6th
verses of the hymn Dear Creature whom Immanuel, and at the Words ArchPenitentiary Thou! all got up and kneeled down before our husband, to whom
Bro Boehler confessed, that we were indeed his lowing poor hearts thro his
blood, but yet on account of many defects must bathe his Feet with Magdalentears and beg absolution; which he therefore should grant us with his throughpierced hands, to make us meet to be penetrated thro marrow and bone by his
holy corpse, which we should now so intimately partake of: Then was sung
Lord Jesus, be thou to us near, after which all rising, that verse was added,
Where agonizing Blood under which Br. I Nitschman and his wife blesd
those who received the first time viz. Br. Thenmine, Fowden, Boddington,
Sister Prior, Haslip, Grace, Lewis (Br. Lewis the Taylors wife). Then the
Ordinary, who was above in the Pulpit all the while, began singing (in
German) the 1st, 7th & 10th verses of the hymn Hearst Thou Elder (in which
last verse, as well as in some others, he hardly sung at all some lines and
words, where silence was more expressive) and then the 3 verse of that hymn
Thou Death-sweat mixd wit Blood, which was the consecration of the Bread
which Br I Nitschmann had in his hands and then he and Br Boehler gave it,
the latter to the brethren and the former to the sisters. During the distribution
the Ordinary sung, O that the Saviours faithful Bride and some of the
following verses. Then at his singing, Church, tremble all fell down together
1
2
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on the ground, and there felt and took part in that verse What does a Bird
when enter in it will and dare? And rose again at that, Brought to the Birth
dear creature Thou and afterwards all being seated, he proceeded, Who does
the cross air ointment mix, How is it with the cross-air- eye etc which
suited the case of several eyes there present; then went on to verse 11th & 12th
of Hearst Thou Elder subjoining the trumpet-verse, Then the criminals
bones were broke at which all rose and the two forementioned brothers went
to the table again; then he added the 13th verse, whereupon they poured out the
Wine, over which were also prayd the 2 last verses of Thou Death-Sweat
while the cup was given to the congregation, he sung several verses, as But
what does the dear marriage heart, Now be glory to the side repeated, What
heavnly harmony and Voices, Singing, yea themselves out of the body and
the most part of the Te Pleuram. Also those 2 verses meanwhile so lamblike
so side-ward looking at the close of which the communicants kissed one
another and under the 8thvers of Hearst thou Elder the following brother and
sisters.coming near, received the confirmation kiss. The whole transaction
was liturgical.1
This account reveals clearly how hymns were not an ad hoc component of the
Communion service but were carefully woven into the very core and fabric of the
sacramental celebration. With each verse sung, members of the gemeine were being
reminded of their covenantal joining with the Saviour.
But how do we know that the hymns had achieved the intended purpose? I
submit that the emotional and associated physical responses to the singing can be seen
as indicators that members had grasped the significance and importance of being
joined together with Christ. Repeatedly it is noted that members, because of engaging
in singing the hymn verses during worship, were overcome with inexplicable joy at
being embraced and accepted by the Saviour. For example, at a Singing Hour The
Saviour with the pierced side, who is so desirous to screen and hide us from wrath,
was so near to Bro. Hutton that he could scarce speak for weeping.2 It was
particularly noted that on one occasion when Schlicht kept the Singing hourthere
1
2
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was a wind of grace.1 Such emotions were normative for there was a Mss Fuller
[who] received the invitation to the Lords Supper with great joy and humility.2
Referring specifically to the Singing Hour, Yonan affirms that the goal of the
Singstunden was to generate a deep impression in the heart of the individual believer,
that is, the verses sung were understood to speak directly and objectively to the heart
by the Holy Spirits leading.3 That the emotional response to the singing of hymn
verses is noted underscores the efficacy of the Singstuden. In drawing this conclusion,
Yohan reinforces Eyerlys position that hymn singing, done from the heart among the
Moravians, was transformative in nature. The following instruction given to the
congregational leaders at Fetter Lane indicate that there was an intentionality on the
part of the community leaders to ensure that the manner in which the verses were
sung during the Singing Hour would achieve this much desired transformative effect.
It was emphasized that all Singing Hoursshould be weighty, especially to all
labourers, for there is a particular feeling of the Spirit of the Church in such meetings.
All the acts in a congregation should have substanceSpirit and power.4 If we
accept that the format of the Communion service was in essence a Singing Hour with
the Lords Supper then the attitude towards the singing during Communion would be
of the same ilk. That is supported by the above references to the responses to singing
of hymns during the Communion.
106
3.6 Conclusion
It can be argued that there were other variables that contributed to shape the
Moravian gemeine at Fetter Lane during the mid-18th century. These included
establishing bands and choirs; Elders, Eldresses and other lay leaders; providing
communal housing; instituting daily worship as a rule; standardizing a mode of dress;
formalizing seating arrangements in worship and, of course, the presence of Count
Zinzendorf himself in London during the period under review. However, it was the
frequent and regular singing from the heart the hymns of the Moravian Church in the
Lovefeasts, Singing Hour and Communion Services which was vital in the making of
the gemeine at Fetter Lane.
The utilization of hymnody in shaping the Moravian gemeine at Fetter Lane
was achieved because the community understood, appreciated and implemented the
particular Moravian stance on music and hymnody; there were printed hymnals
available to enable congregational singing and facilitate memorization of hymns;
there were competent musicians and hymn writers who captured and reproduced the
theological and musical nuances of Moravian hymnody. Through the regular and
repeated singing of hymns at Lovefeasts, Singing Hour and Communion, what would
have begun as the Fetter Lane Society would eventually be transformed into the Fetter
Lane Moravian gemeine a distinctive community.
Through the singing of Moravian hymns in these three services there resulted
the progressive blessings of a congregational memberfrom degree to degree.1 If
then we were to assign degrees, the Lovefeast would be the third, the Singing Hour
the second and the Communion as the first. Therefore, it can be deduced that at Fetter
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Lane the singing of hymns would have moved persons along in the community from
the third degree centripetally until they would have achieved the highest degree, viz.
sharing in Communion. The arrival at this much desired faith position was vividly
expressed physically and emotionally. Hymn singing was the woven into the fabric of
all activities within the congregation making each facet of communal experience also
a religious experience.
I agree with Eyerly in the conclusion that she reaches regarding the use of
hymns specifically within the Singing Hour worship tradition. Eyerly concludes that
those outside the community were transformed in small and private ways, but for
those inside the Blutgemeine, singing marked those chosen and sealed by the
Lammes-blut. As they listened to the voices of those around them, this mark was
audible as if their foreheads were literally painted with a cross of blood. 1However,
what has been said regarding the use of hymns within the Singing Hour I am opined
can be broadened and applied for the use of hymnody within the Lovefeast and
Communion services as a Moravian gemeine was being created at Fetter Lane.
The Moravian Church was not officially recognized by the British parliament
until 1749, seven years after its official inception in 1742. However, it can be
concluded that through the singing of its hymns in Lovefeasts, Singing Hour and
Communion services, that at Fetter Lane by the mid-18th century a Moravian gemeine
was firmly established. Through the use of its hymns, the Moravians were able to
unite different factions of the same congregation; cause persons from the outside to
come to saving faith in Christ as Saviour and, most importantly, affirm among its
members that they have been joined in covenant with Christ as Husband by sharing in
Eyerly, 89 90.
108
his side-wounds. By so doing, hymns did indeed play a key role in creating a
Moravian gemeine at Fetter Lane.
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CHAPTER FOUR
4.1 Introduction
In seeking to address the general thesis of this study that congregational
identities are shaped by what they sing, I deemed it prudent for me to test this by
engaging in an ethnographic study of a congregation. The congregation I chose for an
ethnographic study was the St. Thomas Assembly of God in St. Thomas, United
States Virgin Islands.
I chose to study the congregation at St. Thomas Assembly of God1 for two
reasons. First, it is a diverse and growing congregation which started in 1971 with 39
members; forty-two years later it has a membership of approximately 300 members
and an average weekly attendance of 200 to 250 persons.2 Secondly, I wanted to study
a congregation that was not too old and which would still have among its numbers,
members who were alive at the beginning of the congregations existence and so
could serve as primary sources of its oral history. Such was the case at the Assembly.
This congregation matched that criteria plus is unique as well in that it is the only
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Pentecostal Church on the island that is associated with the Assembly of God
International.1
On March 7, 1971, the first official service for the St. Thomas Assembly of
God was held with the Rev. Abraham E. Fenton as the founding pastor. Eight years
later, in 1979, the congregation was relocated to its current location in the Contant
neighbourhood, a residential community on the fringe of the capital city, Charlotte
Amalie. Even though the congregation had secured a permanent home, the 1970s saw
a transition of pastoral leadership with the resignation of Rev. Fenton in July 1974,
and the Rev. Dr. Carlton Williams, who had joined the pastoral team one year prior,
was his replacement. Under new leadership, a new sanctuary was built as the
Assembly continued to grow.2 However, by 1981 there was a split in the congregation
which resulted in the sudden departure of Rev. Dr. Williams along with some of the
members.3 After a two year void in pastoral leadership, the Rev. George E. Phillips
was appointed as the third pastor of the Assembly in 1983. The arrival of Rev.
Phillips signalled the rebuilding of the community at the Assembly. Thirty years later,
the Rev. Dr. Phillips continues to serve as the pastor of the congregation.
Undoubtedly, longevity has its advantages and over the past thirty years, the
congregational identity of the Assembly has been guided under his leadership while
I did consider several Pentecostal congregations in my initial search across the island. I eventually
decided on this congregation because after making an initial exploratory visit, I realized that it was a
community that placed a high premium on music and congregational singing within its worship.
2
The steady growth of the membership resulted in there being two services each Sunday and the
Sunday School between both services. The areas of ministry opportunities offered by the congregation
also expanded and included a prison ministry, television broadcasts and the founding of the Virgin
Islands Bible Academy in 1974.
3
Rev. Williams established another congregation that was named Zion Assembly Church.
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Other ministries that have emerged within the congregation include the Missionettes, Royal Rangers,
Mens Fellowship, Ushers Ministry, Music ministry, Puppet Ministry, Jubilee Praise and Worship
Dance Ministry, and Marriage and Family Life Ministry. Additionally, media outreaches have
expanded to include radio and television stations. The sanctuary was completed and later renovated to
include an annex which was constructed in 1989 to accommodate the growing numbers.
2
The praise team along with the worship leader remain in their place on the platform from the
beginning of the service until the sermon begins. They sit in the congregation during the sermon and
return to the platform for the singing that takes place after the preaching.
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Love and Hope. The two key components are memory and bodily gestures. In the
following portion of this chapter, I will first consider how image of the congregation
as An Oasis of Love and Hope was conceived and the essential interpretations of
this concept as the preeminent embodiment of this local congregational identity.
Following that, I explore the issue of memory which will address the matter of why
what is being sung by the congregation is important in expressing and maintaining
their congregational identity. The second element of bodily gestures which is
addressed in the fourth section raises the question of the importance of particular
motions of the body. Since these gestures are depicted while the congregation is
singing they cannnot be discounted. Instead, they will be examined as pointers which
unfold further linkages between hymnody and congregational identity at the
Assembly. In the fifth section of this chapter, I will make the case that it is the
working together of these factors in a symphonic-like manner that supports the claim
of the efficacy of hymnody upon the shaping of congregational identity.
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pulpit, as the pastor greets the congregation, and is also usually uttered as part of the
closing benediction. But, for the members of the Assembly, what is their
understanding of this phrase which has been given as their congregational identity?
How was it interpreted among the members and pastoral leadership? To what extent
can the claim be upheld that through the singing, which the congregation does, that
the image and identity of the Assembly is being expressed and sustained?
In considering where this image for the congregations identity would have
originated, through interviews and discussions, I garnered that it was the current
pastor who created this phrase for the congregation. According to Pastor Phillips, each
congregation must have its own unique DNA which can be derived from the way in
which the congregation functions. Recognizing that congregational DNA could be
designed either intentionally or accidentally, he rationalized that the former was
preferable. To that end, he determined that the Assembly must adhere to two
fundamental strands of its DNA as an Oasis, providing love and hope. For Phillips,
the first strand is reflected in a community that is characterized by social equality and
always striving to be inclusive. Consequently, the primary issue is not whos in the
congregation but whats happening in the congregation.1 Philips maintains that
taking the congregations DNA as a representation of its communal identity, the
Assembly is best described as a community of lovers.2 For him therefore, the
thermostat by which this principle is measured is how members in the community
welcome and embrace not just each other but in particular those who are visitors to
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the Oasis. The ultimate goal therefore of the Assembly is to foster a community
where people are treated as valuable beings and respect is given to all.
According to the pastor, hope, the second strand of the Oasis DNA is rooted
in the pre-eminent place that is given to the preaching of the Word of God. The
preached Word is deemed to be a priority in the congregation. For Philips, the hope
that is offered at the Oasis is not based on the stirring of emotions but by
application of the Word. He advocates that one must let the Word create the emotion,
rather than the theatrics.1 The DNA of the Oasis identity as incorporating hope and
love is intentionally being created within the Assembly so that one cannot walk away
without feeling a sense of love and the power of the Word.2
It was evident that this interpretation of the Assembly as An Oasis of Love and
Hope had been communicated throughout the congregations leadership and general
membership. According to Pedro Williams, the administrator of the congregation,
even though the concept of the community as an Oasis did not exist at the inception
of the congregation, the ethos of the congregation was oasis-like when the
congregation was originally founded. Williams maintains that the Assembly as an
Oasis is germane to the cultural diversity of the congregation where native Virgin
islanders, migrants from the islands of the Eastern Caribbean and persons from the
Continental USA are all represented. So, in the same way that an oasis is a watering
hole for different animals in the desert, so too the Assembly is to be understood as a
gathering place for all peoples regardless of their ethnic or cultural background.
Williams concludes that the Assembly is An Oasis of Love and Hope because it is a
place of respite for many from the harsh realities of the living and working
1
2
Ibid.
Ibid.
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conditions in the Virgin Islands.1 This was especially the case for persons who had
emigrated from the other Caribbean islands in search of improved living standards but
instead encountered difficulties. Consequently, the congregation as an oasis became a
haven, a place where they could find reprieve and spiritual refreshment. Williams
understands the Oasis identity to be one that expresses mutual accountability and
caring for each other.2
All the participants in the surveys during the group interviews attested that the
Assembly was indeed a community that had become in many ways An Oasis of Love
and Hope to them. They understood it to be a declaration of the essence of their
Christian ministry and what they are called to do and be. This was not merely a label
but was a definitive embodiment of the essence of the congregations identity. Among
the participants in the survey there was the consensus that the image of the oasis
precisely communicates the congregation as being a place where one is refreshed in
the midst of a dry deserted location. Love and hope, the two tributaries of the oasis,
were made evident in several ways. One member recounted being in financial
difficulties and receiving assistance from others within the congregation which for her
was a practical representation of their identity. Those who were not originally
members of the congregation also noted how they were cordially welcomed and
accepted into the community. Another member for whom English was not her native
language recalled that because she was so embraced by the leadership and
membership that she had decided to remain at the Assembly in spite of the language
Transcripts from Interview with Mr. Pedro Williams on October 15, 2010. Williams is considered to
be one of the key lay leaders in the congregation and serves in an administrative capacity. He can be
described to some degree as an associate lay pastor within the Assembly.
2
Ibid.
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barriers. The sentiments which had been expressed by both the pastor and
administrator were echoed during all of the group interviews.1
However, the participants in the group interviews expressed that it was in the
context of corporate worship where the identity of the congregation as An Oasis of
Love and Hope became most poignant. It was as they sang together as a community
and listened to the Word of God being preached that as a congregation their identity
was being realized. Consequently, I will now explore two key elements that emerged
in the congregations singing to determine how in this case congregational identity is
being expressed and sustained through corporate hymnody.
The following interviews were done among the study groups: March 7, 2011 (60 years 71 years and
over); March 8, 2011 (51 years 60 years); March 22, 2011 (41 years 50 years); May 3, 2011 (31
years 40 years); and May 16, 2011 (21 years 30 years).
117
(the extent to which it was life transforming). When both variables were equally
balanced such hymns acquired an automatic stamp of canonization, the excitement
of which was clearly demonstrable even as persons recalled both the hymns and the
associated memory.
A few examples drawn from the interviews will bear this point out. In one
case, a participant noted that the hymn Will Your Anchor Hold was meaningful
because of the memory of being on a fishing expedition as a youth in which the boats
anchor got caught in the rocks. With deteriorating weather, a tragedy was averted only
when the vessels captain dived to unhinge the anchor which had been wedged
between some rocks. Another participant spoke of the chorus Your Grace and
Mercy as being most meaningful because of a period in life when there was the
sudden death of a little girl in the village. That song brought comfort to all who were
impacted by the tragedy. In another group interview, one member recounted how
meaningful the hymn There is a fountain filled with blood because it while that
hymn was being sung she made a personal commitment to accept Jesus Christ as
Saviour. Other participants related their individual memories associated with specific
hymns thus highlighting their significance.
But how does the priority of memory as a key informant to congregational
singing provide clues as to how this particular activity becomes a shaper of the
communitys identity? Though the connection may be a bit obscure, it is my intention
to show the correlations. Mary Warnock, in her exploration of memory employs two
contrasting terms, habit memory and conscious memory. The former is to be seen as
skills, responses or modes of behaviour that are learned by human beings, nonhuman animals and even machines while the latter is recalling or recollecting past
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experience.1 For Warnock, these are not two separate entities but instead can be
viewed as a double-sided coin. Though both types of memories were exhibited at the
Assembly, I contend that conscious memory predominates when these particular
hymns or songs are sung. Admittedly, aiming to articulate how individual memory
functions during congregational singing or any other worship activity can be a
complicated issue in that there are other tangential matters lying beneath the surface.2
However, as a representation of Warnocks conscious memory, congregational
singing at the Assembly can therefore be deemed as an anamnestic and mnemonic
activity. The justification for this claim rests with the notion that congregational
singing becomes an avenue through which members keep the memory of past major
events alive through recollection.
This assessment of congregational singing raises further issues which also
emerged in the group discussions at the Assembly. As an anamnestic and mnemonic
action related to ones memory congregational singing can depict one of two potential
realities. Firstly, on the positive side, when hymns that are deemed meaningful and
have strong associations with the individuals memory are regularly sung, there is a
buttressing of ones memory. Conversely, when hymns that carry significance and
meaning because of memories attached are either altogether removed from the
congregations repertoire or not sung on a regular basis, then there is the erosion of
Michael Rossington and Anne Whitehead (Eds.) Theories of Memory: A Reader. (Edinburgh:
Edinburgh University Press, 2008), 3. This volume offers a comprehensive view of differing
perspectives on memory beginning with the classical period and working through to contemporary
issues. It offers to the uninitiated a sample of the most recognized contributors to the issue of memory.
2
See Martin Stringers Perception of Worship in which he underscores how the stories of the hymns
being sung overlap with Biblical stories and can contribute in helping individuals to better evaluate and
understand their own faith. He hints at how memory is being worked in worship by underscoring that
hymns in this context almost become stories in themselves, or at least triggers for the recalling of
stories. (104)
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vital individual and collective memory. That became very evident in the group
discussions at the Assembly. The study revealed the existence of an underlying and
on-going tension surrounding the selection of hymns for congregational consumption.
Though there was the recognition by the worship leaders that achieving and
maintaining equilibrium in the selection of hymns and songs was a priority,
participants 50 years and over were opined that there was insufficient usage of hymns
that had significant associations with memory that made them meaningful. Such void
led those who were affected to see their position in worship as disconnected,
alienated, out of place. Though they were not altogether antagonistic to modern
hymnody or contemporary choruses, I realized that to infer that their predilection
towards the older hymns was rooted in nostalgia would be an oversimplification of
the issue.
Is there a likely rationale for this posture among the elderly participants
towards the preservation of particular hymns which were tagged to aspects of their
memory? Halbwach espouses the theory that generally speaking, society, by giving
old people the function of preserving the traces of its past, encourages them to devote
whatever spiritual energy they may still possess to the act of recollection.1 For this
constituency grouping, congregational singing then is the means whereby there is the
recollecting of specific individual memories. As a result, in some way the hymnody
that is a part of the congregations worship can be appropriately described as
conscious memory. One consequence of this posture is that it leads to a tendency to
believe that what was in the past is far more interesting than the present. A possible
adverse outcome is that the creation of the cult of the past, [where] far from binding
Maurice Halbwachs, On Collective Memory. (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992), 48.
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the hearts of people to society, [it] in fact detaches them.1 Clearly such sentiments
were present at the Assembly. The strong desire to retain certain hymns voiced a
yearning to more importantly preserve memory because there was the recognition that
by so doing, a sense ofidentity is perpetuated.2
Among the younger participants, on the other hand, manifestations of habit
memory were more dominant than conscious memory. Participants within the 20 40
age categories primarily identified contemporary hymnody and worship choruses as
their most meaningful and valued songs/hymns choices.3 Among this grouping there
was the general perception that the inclusion of older hymns was primarily for the
satisfaction of the older members.4 The preservation of hymnic memory was not the
central issue for the younger participants in the study. Instead it was giving attention
to the performance practise of repertoire in which there was a bias towards worship
choruses. By giving priority to habit memory, the continued expansion of the
congregations singing repertoire to incorporate newer worship songs was emphasized
more among the younger participants than reinforcement of hymnic memory as
captured in the use of the older hymns.
In a congregation where there is a diverse attitude to congregational singing
and where two aspects of memory are at play, what stance is taken in the Assembly
regarding its hymnnic content? There exists what can be best described as balanced
Ibid, 51.
Ibid, 47.
3
Ironically, among the younger participants whose early Christian nurturing occurred within a
denomination where traditional hymnody was the staple for worship, some of the older traditional
hymns were listed among what was most meaningful for them.
4
Though there was the recognition that the old hymns were vitally important for the more senior
members of the community, the rationale for their preference was based on nostalgia. It became evident
to me the younger members of the congregation, many of whom also were part of the worship team,
were unaware of the valuable memories which were attached to these older hymns thereby making
them meaningful to the older generation.
2
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singing. How is this related to memory? There are three pillars upon which this
argument is based. First, balanced singing points to the fact that the singing
repertoire at the Assembly is inclusive of both old hymns as well as newer
contemporary songs. Second, as a result, all of the generations which form part of the
congregation will find components within the worship to which they can connect
whether it is through habit or conscious memory at work. Third, a corollary of the
first two components, balanced singing in the Assembly opens up the discussion to
incorporate features of collective memory at work. This would be a mute issue if the
focus of the study was on how music shapes an individual. But such is not the case.
This study is aimed at the singing associated to communal identity and consequently
another aspect of the balance which has to analysed is that between individual and
collective memory. It is when balanced singing is achieved that hymnic choices,
made on behalf of the whole, feeds into the individual memories whether they be of
the habit or conscious type.
The emphasis thus far has been on the impact of congregational singing on
individual memory, which has been shown to be etched in the associations between
the hymns and the individual experiences of members. But to focus exclusively on
individual memory would be to offer a lopsided analysis. Bearing in mind that there is
a continuum between individual and collective memory, what then should be
identified as the key factors which are central to the question of how the latter shape
the Assemblys identity? If individual memory was operational at the level of
members association between the hymns and their stories, what could one identify as
the embodiment of the collective memory of the congregation? I contend that
collective memory is as actively involved in shaping the identity of the Assembly and
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that the evidence of this is reflected in the existence of the congregations electronic
hymnal. I will argue that in moving from using the established denominational printed
hymnals to a non-printed source of their own making, this became a reservoir of the
congregations collective memory. Because this electronic hymnal currently serves as
the primary hymnic source for the congregation, then whenever it is utilized there is a
concerted effort to achieve balanced singing since it is the source for both old and
new hymnic repertoire. Consequently, it becomes a symbol of the Oasis which
nurtures both the individual and collective hymnic memory of congregational singing.
Having earlier considered two key components of individual memory, what
are the major variables of collective memory which could be applied to
congregational singing within the Assembly? Though features of individual and
collective memory intersect, one of the key differences is the matter of the location of
collective memory. Individual memory is situated within the individuals themselves.
However, collective memory, by its very nature must be situated or located in an
event or entity that is embraced and accepted by the community. That is not always
clearly perceptible because collective memory...is not a given but rather a socially
constructed notion. Nor is it some mystical group mind.1 In considering how
collective memory functions, it must be stressed that there are individuals who
remember, not groups or institutions[and] these individuals, being located in a
specific group context, draw on that context to remember or recreate the past.2
Within the Assembly it is the electronic hymnal which serves as the collective
memory bank, per se, in sustaining both the individual and communal memory of the
1
2
Halbwachs, 22.
Ibid.
123
The first hymnal was Melodies of Praise (Gospel Publishing House. Springfield: Missouri, 1957). It
contains 341 entries. The second hymnal was Hymns of Glorious Praise (Gospel Publishing House.
Springfield: Missouri, 1969). It contains 504 entries and an additional 57 selections of compiled
Scripture Readings which addresses aspects of Christian doctrine.
2
Melodies of Praise. i.
124
Edith L. Blumhofer, Restoring the Faith: The Assemblies of God, Pentecostalism, and American
Culture. (Illinois: University of Illinois Press, 1993), 92.
2
As part of my ethnographic study I borrowed copies of both hymnals. One member was quick to urge
to care for it because it was a prized possession.
3
The shift started in the 1980s when the congregation initiated the use of transparencies to project the
words of hymns and songs for congregational singing. This would have allowed for hymns that were
not included in either of the hymnals to be incorporated in the congregational hymnic repertoire.
Eventually that system was upgraded to the current multi-media system.
125
Assembly, in essence was creating its own hymnody. Unlike the previous
denominational hymnals, there was no central committee to determine the content of
this electronic hymnal. It can be said that the members of the Assembly themselves by
virtue of what they chose to sing and the frequency thereof made the determination
about what was to be included or for that matter excluded. Furthermore, whereas the
previous hymnals were published completed texts, the electronic hymnal is structured
in a format that allows it to be expanded continuously. Collective memory could not
be unaffected by this paradigm shift.
Therefore, I propose that the congregations collective memory was impacted
in three ways. Firstly, the shift to an electronic hymnal would have benefitted the
collective memory by broadening the choices of hymns and songs being offered
through the expansion of the hymnic repertoire. The rationale is that with more
options other than what would have been contained in the printed hymnals, there
would be a greater deposit of different hymns into the collective memory bank of the
congregation. Ideally, this would not mean less singing but more. The increased
number of hymns translates into wider hymnic options since the amount of entries in
the electronic database hymnal far exceeded the number of entries in each printed
hymnal.1
The compilation of its own electronic hymnal allowed the congregation to
choose its own hymnic repertoire by determining what hymns/songs it would retain
from the previous hymnals while also making choices about new material. By this, the
1
I was granted access to the entries in the electronic data. Although not as organized as a published
hymnal, the Assembly Database Song List indicated that there were 805 songs in the system. The list
was divided in two sections. The first reflected both hymns and choruses with an emphasis on the
choruses. Although the second section also contained both hymns and choruses, the majority of the
entries were traditional and Gospel hymnody which were alphabetical order. There entries in the first
section were not alphabetized. In both sections there was an attempt to also list the hymn/song authors.
However that was not done for every entry.
126
congregation was exercising its power to determine what it would or would not sing.
Clearly the choices made reflected those hymns and songs which had acquired a high
currency in the collective memory of the congregation. The retention of the old hymns
within the electronic hymnal can be seen as offering a stability of memory especially
in a postmodern, pluralistic, fragmented world, [where] many believers acknowledge
the need for memory in Christian life and song. Memory, whether individual or
collective, guides us and offers meaning that connects us to the past, relates to the
present, and prepares us for the future.1 At the same time, the inclusion of
contemporary hymns and songs underscores the willingness on the part of the
Assembly to continually expand its collective memory. By so doing conscious and
habit memory were given attention.
Whereas the two printed hymnals would have been embraced as
denominational canonized sources, in creating its own electronic hymnal, the
Assembly had created its own canon of Christian songs. For a group of people to keep
alive their collective memory, then there must be some consensus or agreement about
what is to be considered central to the groups identity. That which is agreed upon is
then canonized by the community. Don Quantz explicates that the two key principles
in the process of canonization stability and adaptability though usually applied to
the discussions on the Bible, are applicable to understanding the issues which emerge
in congregational singing. The former speaks to maintaining the old hymns while the
latter addresses the on-going effort to include contemporary hymns and songs. By
creating its own hymnic canon, the congregation at the Assembly was given survival
power...helping them to maintain their identity and values within a mix of competing
1
Don Quantz, Canons in Collision: Hymns and Contemporary Church Music, Liturgy 24:4 (2009),
35.
127
voices, cultures and narratives.1 Through its balanced singing the community at
the Assembly has reflected both stability and adaptability of its individual and
collective hymnic memory.
Secondly, the utilization of an electronic hymnal meant that members no
longer brought their own personal hymnals to worship. Based on the premise that the
hymnal is the location of the Assemblys collective memory, would this absence and
paradigm shift though be a contributing factor to causing the congregation to forget?
And because individual memory is a subset of the collective memory, does the
removal of the physical hymnal means the lessening or the loss of the individual
memory associated with the hymns? What are the consequences that have been noted
with the removal of the printed hymnal and the associated exclusion of particular
hymns from the electronic hymnal? It depends to whom the matter is addressed. The
older participants especially perceived this move as a threat to their stability of
memory and mourned that certain hymns which anchored them to the worship
community were being forgotten because of their non-usage even though they have
been added to the electronic hymnal.
I have already established that hymn singing is an anamnestic activity.
Furthermore, the corporate memory of the community is nurtured through repetition.
However, possessing the hymnal only in an electronic format limits repetition and
confines it only to public worship when the words are projected. The introduction of
the electronic hymnal, therefore, represents a displacing of a tangible (hymn book)
and replacing it with an intangible (electronic hymnal). Those for whom collective
memory building was grounded in having a hymnal in their hands would have had to
Ibid, 35 - 36.
128
recalibrate their approach and understanding of the priority of not having a hymnal in
hand. There are portions of the Assembly who, when the desire to sing outside of the
time frame of public worship is stirred, revert to using their personal copies of the
hymnals because they are readily accessible unlike the electronic copy.1 Clearly
accessibility to the old hymns reinforces stability of memory, thereby supporting
the proposition that memory is buttressed by what is printed and can be readily
repeated. Because the focus has been on the final written form (stability)[not] the
process of development (adaptability),2 some participants still cling to the old printed
hymnals as their source for collective memory instead of the electronic hymnal. In
this case, the written form of the old hymns still carries tremendous influence in
shaping the communitys corporate memory. The value of what has been canonized in
the electronic hymnal is highly rated only in so far as it mirrors and closely reflects
previous printed hymnals and by so doing contributes to the reconstruction of past
memories.
It is precisely for this reason that the shift to an intangible electronic hymnal
can be viewed by some within the congregation as a threat to memory loss. The
printed hymnals represented a tangible frame of reference by which hymnic memory
was created. With its removal and with the mindset that what is printed carries greater
weight than what is not, the response of the elderly in the congregation can be better
understood and appreciated. Halbwachs perspective on collective memory again
proves insightful in elucidating this point. He maintains that:
In all of the study groups, members commented that they still had copies of the printed hymnals at
home. There were some of the older members who brought their hymnals with them to the group
meetings. In some cases, these members could recall not only the words of certain hymns from
memory, but also knew the number of those hymns in the book.
2
Quantz, 33.
129
130
By virtue of the fact that the members of the congregation do not have
immediate access to these words, then congregational singing can be limiting by
being based entirely upon the discretion of the worship leader. Consequently, the
recollection of collective memory too is limited in that the worship leader may choose
to sing only one verse or part of the song. What is to say that the portion of the hymns
which has been omitted may also be that which is deemed to be the most significant in
keeping individual and collective memory alive? As a result, the pulse and expanse of
the collective memory rests completely on the choices which are made by the leader
of the praise team. This new trend in congregational singing has resulted in the
reconfiguration of how the individual and collective dynamics operate as they govern
the communitys singing. Though singing has remained central to the congregations
understanding of its self as a community, with the shift to using the electronic hymnal,
the hymnic memory grid of the community is trending more towards the individual
memory superseding the collective memory. The congregation may be singing the
hymns or songs that are stored in the memory of the worship leader who determines
what is to be sung. In the final analysis, the absence of the printed hymnal has resulted
in the removal of the hymnal itself as a major component in the congregations
memory source.
However, there is a solution to balance this trend and to ensure that the
foundations of the collective memory of the Assembly are not fully eroded. Paul
Connerton has suggested that the mutual sharing of autobiographical anecdotes can
result in strengthening the communitys collective memory. He asserts that we all
come to know each other by asking for accounts, by giving accounts, by believing or
131
disbelieving stories about each others pasts and identities.1 It is imperative therefore
that every attempt be made on the part of those who lead congregational singing to
have a greater knowledge of the hymnic sources that preceded the electronic hymnal.
According to Connerton, the hymnic memory grid can be broadened beyond measure
and best maintained when both worship leaders and members are opened to hearing
each others stories. That will fortify the collective memory of the community and
further contribute to the goal of achieving balanced singing within the congregation.
The end result is two-fold, the preservation of memory and the discovery of the same.
What are some of the likely consequences if that factor is neglected? Peter
Atkins in exploring the interconnections between memory and liturgy highlights the
importance of sustaining corporate memory and how this is related to both collective
and individual identity. His analysis offers further insights to our assessment of how
corporate identity is sustained at the Assembly through their singing. Holding to the
premise that corporate memory is essential to our sense of identity,2 Atkins stresses
that there is value in repetition. When hymns that have been embedded with the
collective memory of a congregation are taken out or become more infrequent in
worship then there is the associated risk of weakening of that collective memory.
Paul Connerton, How Societies Remember. (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1989), 20.
Using the French Revolution as his primary point of reference, Connerton shows how social memory is
constructed through commemorative ceremonies and bodily practices. He mentions three classes of
memory personal, cognitive and habit-memory. He pays particular attention to the last of these
since it supports his hypothesis that social memory is based on the observance of commemorative
ceremonies which are by nature performative. It is in this aspect of performativity that habit-memory
that the actions of the body become important. His most recent book seeks to respond to how quickly
modern day society through its attitudes and actions is forgetting. See How Modernity Forgets by Paul
Connerton, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009).
2
Peter Atkins, Memory and Liturgy: The Place of Memory in the Composition and Practice of Liturgy.
(Hants: Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 2004), 74.
132
When the corporate memory of a community begins to fade then the sense of
belonging weakens1 concomitantly.
Atkins maintains that the sustaining of community identity requires the
retaining of collective memory which is attained not only through repetition but by
also ensuring that there is a sense of significance attached to what is being repeated.
Clearly at the Assembly, the significance of many of the hymns that were noted by the
participants is measured in the associated memories. This is in keeping with the
position which Atkins advances in his postulation that
When music is added to the words of a hymnthe impact is even more
profound. The memory weaves words and music together and links them with
experiences of Gods comfort, strength and grace. The repetition of such
hymns on a variety of occasions, linked to key life events, inserts those
feelings deeper and deeper in the memory.2
In addition to that of memory, the other key factor by which the communal
congregational identity of the Assembly can be evaluated is the exploration of bodily
gestures associated with congregational singing.
Ibid, 72.
Ibid, 122.
133
which did not? Yet the critical question was: How was one to determine when the
content of congregational singing has made that connection between the hymn itself
and the reliving and recalling of memory?
Memory is not ethereal, meaning that it needs a body to be fully functional. It
is living persons who remember. But whereas the sources of individual memory are
indefinite, in the case of collective memory, there are identifiable influential sources
which have been mutually agreed upon and accepted. However, because the source of
collective memory usually lies outside of the physical body, it can be deduced that the
potency of memory is preserved when the physical body is engaged. By observing,
therefore, the members bodily response while singing, that could potentially provide
some insight into how collective memory operates. It must be noted that it is through
the body that habit memory is most vividly expressed. Once the singing of the hymn
is ignited by conscious memory; then habit-memory does, with the body, what the
body has habitually done while that hymn or song is being performed. One feeds off
the other. The key to drawing associations between congregational singing and hymn
singing as being anamnestic and mnemonic would be to analyse bodily
automatisms1 and to see these as barometers which measure whether or not a hymn
is being sung from a memory-base.
I have already pinpointed the effects of the shift from using a printed hymnal
to the electronic database and its impact on the Assemblys collective memory.
However, this shift to the intangible electronic hymnal also directly impacted the
bodily gestures in that it allowed for more engagement of the body as an expression of
worship during singing. With the removal of the printed hymnal, congregational
Connerton, 5.
134
135
in their hands. I wondered why they waited until this hymn started to leave
from their seats even though there were other hymns and songs which the
congregation had been singing. When the hymn was finished they went back
to their seats at the front of the sanctuary. It struck me that no one in the
congregation seemed to be distracted by their actions.1
Although this action is an anomaly to the other bodily expression, it was embraced by
the congregation and attention was never drawn to the flag waving women as they
danced around the sanctuary.2 It had evidently been incorporated into part of the
liturgical bodily gestures within the community.
What more can be made of the banner-waving womens bodily gestures? On
the surface their actions can be deemed as simply an individual response to a
particular hymn or song. However, I opined that these gestures point to a more
profound reality. During the group discussions, it was underscored that the primary
task of the worship leader in the Assembly was to move congregation figuratively
from the outer court to the inner court.3 That was the consensus even among those
who were designated as worship leaders. I contend that the action of these
worshippers is a reflection and indication of a spiritual movement that is taking place
during worship so that the waving of the banners throughout the sanctuary is a signal
which confirms a move towards a more intimate and potent worship encounter. By
their actions, a figurative ideal is being tangibly represented to all in the Assembly.
The gestures affirm that congregational singing is achieving this lofty expectation.
136
What can be made of the use of the body and its unscripted response within
the framework of worship specifically as a result of congregational singing?
Specifically, how should bodily gestures be interpreted, especially those which can be
described as spontaneous and unrehearsed, that emerge specifically during
congregational singing? What messages do these gestures send to the rest of the
congregation? Through what interpretive lenses are these gestures viewed? What are
these gestures a response to? Are they to be viewed primarily as revelation of the
Other or are these gestures triggered because of the memories which are associated
with the particular hymns that come with them?
If we view their actions through the perspective offered by Connerton, then it
can be argued that both womens actions have assumed a canonic authority the same
way that the printed hymnals did. Connerton describes how bodily practices reflect
performativity in rituals associated with commemorative ceremonies through what he
terms as inscribing practices and incorporating practices.1 Both can be attributed
as mnemonic devices. However, Connerton suggests that the former is more durable
than the latter though they are valuable aids to memory. The rationale is that
incorporating practices are largely traceless and that, as such, they are incapable of
providing a means by which any evidence of a will to be remembered can be left
behind.2 On the other hand, inscribing practices are deemed to be the privileged
form for the transmission of a societys memories, and we see the diffusion and
elaboration of a societys systems of inscription as making possible an exponential
development of its capacity to remember.3
137
Which of these is a more apropos application to the bodily gestures and their
impact on the communitys memory? I am opined that, because of the regularity with
which they engage in this bodily gesture, that each time the women move up and
down the aisle with banners waving that they are in essence inscribing on the
collective memory of the congregation. Their movement underscores that what is
assumed and expected within the Assembly is that the singing that is done during
worship ought to facilitate a specific spiritual journey. If their gestures communicate
that the journey to the inner court is unfolding, can it be deduced that when they do
not move, they are then inscribing to the rest of the Assembly that the singing in
worship has fallen below expectations? That may be somewhat of a presumption since
the bodily actions are not prescribed and formalized but rather the result of
individuals choosing to express a specific gesture.
However, it must be borne in mind that these actions have been a part of the
Assemblys worship for years. This, coupled with the fact that these two individuals
are vested with a degree of authority by virtue of their position in the Assembly, have
attributed their movements with what can be best described as a sacramental-like
gait. Their bodily gestures support the position that the use of the body and its potency
within the liturgical framework potentially establish[es] communication and identity
within a group.1 But effective communication requires the meeting of meanings.
Consequently, the meaning that the two women ascribe to their gestures must
intersect with that which is present in the singing community. For sure, there is a
commonality of meanings associated with these bodily gestures and their inscribing
characteristics on the wider Assembly have been attained. One worship leader
1
138
expressed it best when he confessed that when I see them move down the aisle with
their banners then I know that Ive got it right.1
The Assembly is a worshipping community which recognizes the value of the
body in worship generally and embraces spontaneous bodily responses as normative.
The bodily gestures though of these two women stand out among the myriad of
gestures by which the congregation expresses itself during worship. Therefore, their
dance within the Assembly reveals how bodily expression within a community can
become canonic. Seen as a ritual activity, these gestures convey to the rest of the
Assembly that congregational singing, especially of the older hymns, keeps the
collective memory of the community alive. By the same token, their gestures also
highlight the importance of particular hymns when associated with individual memory
can trigger bodily gestures as well. Fundamentally, bodily gestures in the Assembly
are highly valued for two reasons. First, they signal that the singing with which the
gestures are associated is facilitating a spiritual movement in worship. Second, an
examination of bodily gestures indicates that there is an overlap between gestures and
individual and collective memory. I will now consider how memory and bodily
gestures collaborate with the congregation to both express and sustain the identity
which the Assembly has taken unto itself, which is An Oasis of Love and Hope.
Transcript of interview done with members of the praise team on March 4, 2011.
139
efficacy and positive influence of the preaching that is offered by Pastor Philips and
(2) the intensity of the singing during worship and the freedom to express oneself
wholeheartedly during worship. This underscores and supports the earlier argument
that was made in the discussion on understanding the congregations identity. In
grappling with the question then of congregational identity and hymnody in this
context I could not overlook the primacy of these two variables within the Assembly,
viz. (1) the worship1 (singing) and (2) the Word (preaching). Wyatt Tee Walker has
identified three supporting systems as being operational in black worship which are
preaching, praying and singing.2 In assessing the place of music and in particular
singing in black worship, he maintains that because music is an integral part of the
liturgical mode of worship in the black religious experience [then] a peoples faithmusic is a mirror of their sociology.3 Walkers comments can be rephrased in this
instance to suggest that congregational singing (faith-music) provides some insights
into identity (sociology). Since the emphasis of this study is on hymnody, I also
observed the use of congregational hymnody by the pastor before, during and after his
preaching.
Being careful to note every instance in which the congregation was singing
within the Assembly as they worshipped, I contend that of the two major sources
mentioned above, the identity of Assembly as An Oasis of Love and Hope, is
predominantly expressed and sustained through congregational singing above the
preaching. However, I hasten to add that the influence of the pastor, especially his
I use the term worship not only to reference the 30 or more minutes that are spent singing hymns and
choruses at the start of worship but as a means of referring to the entire liturgical act of worship. In that
sense it is an expansive and inclusive use of the word.
2
Wyatt Tee Walker, The Soul of Black Worship in The Landscape of Praise: Readings in Liturgical
Renewal, ed. Blair Gilmer Meeks (Pennsylvania: Trinity Press International, 1996), 54.
3
Ibid, 59.
140
During the course of the field work, Pastor Philips hymn of choice whenever he was leading the
congregation in worship especially at the start of worship was How Great Thou Art. Once this hymn
was sung the congregation would respond immediately with overwhelming enthusiasm. As he led in
the singing, he would often repeat the refrain and in particular the last line which emphasized the
greatness of God.
141
congregational singing. Whereas the worship leader chose the songs and hymns at the
beginning of the worship service, those that were chosen after the sermon were solely
the result of the pastors doing. However, there were times when he would continue
singing what the musicians might have started to play. The primary task of the singing
that occurred at this point was to assist the congregation to respond to the prompting
of the Holy Spirit based on the sermon.
The pastoral leadership at the Assembly understands the centrality of
congregational singing and that it influences the vibrancy of worship. The pastor has
strong opinions about how singing should be done and has openly expressed those
thoughts. In my interview with Pastor Phillips he revealed his philosophy of
congregational singing in that it must always be done with animation and a joie de
vivre that reflects the basis of ones relationship with Christ. For him, when singing is
morbid and lacking in enthusiasm it dampens worship and makes it difficult to fully
enter into the experience and receive the full benefits to be had. Whenever he is
leading the congregation in singing, he demonstrates his leadership skills by ensuring
that the singing is done with a sense of conviction causing the singers to firmly grasp
and appropriate what is being sung. By utilizing congregational hymnody at the start
of worship and at the end, the pastor ensures that both the beginning and closing of
worship meet his anticipated expectations. Anything less would be unacceptable. That
there is the use of congregational singing at the two key points in worship where the
pastor exercises pastoral agency by virtue of his office is a reflection of the supremacy
of the act of congregational singing.
Second, the elevation of those who lead congregational singing to the status of
being considered ministers is an indication of the gravity that is attached to
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congregational singing in the Assembly. That means that worship leaders and
members of the praise team are in some way cast with the pastoral and other lay
leadership within the congregation. Theirs is a status that is a reflection of the primacy
that has been applied to leading congregational singing which was established from
the inception of the congregation. The basic expectations were: (1) to choose hymns
and choruses for the congregation to sing and (2) while leading congregational
singing to ensure that worship takes the members on a journey from the outer court
into the inner court. The two-fold task empowered the worship leader with assuming
a great degree of responsibility in determining the direction that worship takes. For
this centripetal movement to be facilitated, the spiritual condition of the life of the
worship leaders and members of the praise team is of tremendous importance. What is
expected of the pastor or preacher is also expected of such persons. They must be
prayed up having spent hours before worship seeking to hear from the Holy Spirit.
As a result, he/she is under divine direction in the choosing of congregational hymns
and choruses. Though ultimately it is the work of the Holy Spirit to accomplish this
centripetal movement, the move of the Spirit can be thwarted or facilitated by the
actions of the worship leader and praise team as they are leading the congregation in
singing.
That congregational singing is deemed to be the more dominant feature in
shaping the congregations identity is also reflected in the fact that part of the duties
of the worship leaders and praise teams is to ensure that the bodily gestures mentioned
in the previous section are not impeded. Consequently, by their mannerisms and
deportment, worship leaders and praise team members are expected to first embody
the message that is contained within the hymns and songs that the congregation sings.
143
To ensure that the congregation while singing expresses bodily gestures that can be
tagged as canonic, a large part of their function is not only to lead congregational
singing but also to mirror to the congregation the appropriate physical responses to
the hymns and songs. That could entail the lifting of hands or exuberantly dancing to
the hymns. In this capacity, the worship leader and praise team then, because of their
being placed at the front of the sanctuary, become a visible sample of the
congregation at worship. They in essence are seen as the model of what it means to
sing and worship God in this assembly. They model the communitys identity.
In my interview with the participants who were 50 years and above, generally
there was a clear understanding of the high expectations of the ministry offered by the
worship leaders and praise teams. However, the issue of the manner of dress and
general deportment was passionately discussed. It is clear that for the older
generation, ones outward appearance is a mirroring of ones spiritual condition. Their
dissatisfaction was an indication of the high regard in which they held worship leaders
and members of the praise team. Ironically, in my interview with the members of the
praise team, without my mentioning the comments of the older age group, the
question was asked of me whether any concerns had been raised about how the
members of the praise team dressed. This indicates that this is not a mute matter and
would have been raised elsewhere. It is precisely because the members of the
congregation have placed upon congregational singing such a high premium that they
would not hesitate to voice their concerns when members of the praise team do not
appear to be compliant to the unwritten standards of deportment. It is an attempt to
preserve the integrity of the office and to ensure that the potency of the congregational
singing which they lead is in no way eroded or altogether destroyed.
144
It is correct to conclude that once worship begins, the only point in time when the musical instruments
are noticeable silent for any recognizable length of time is during the sermon. While there is usually
musical accompaniment at the beginning or the sermon, one indication that the sermon is nearing its
end is that music begins to be played.
2
There was the tradition of the congregation to repeat each week several verses of Scripture which they
appropriated as Gods promise to them at this stage in their collective spiritual journey. These verses
were Psalm 89: 1- 8; Psalm 118: 1- 8; Jeremiah 17: 7 -8; Psalm 30: 4-5. While the congregation was
repeating these verses, the keyboard players would seek to have these verses emphasized by repeatedly
playing a pedal tone with a string voicing. This repetition coupled with a crescendo of different chords
would increase the intensity of the congregations reading, making the application of the truth
contained in the Scriptures more tangible.
3
It was customary for the hymns being played by the band during this time to be of an infectious
rhythm (calypso, reggae, Black Southern Gospel). Because of this members often didnt just walk to
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Communion.1 By choosing at these times to play hymns or songs that were known by
the congregation and which eventually morphed into congregational singing, the
musicians rightfully assessed the significance of tapping into the corporate hymnic
memory of the congregation.
What has been said of the worship leaders and praise teams is also applicable
to the musicians in that by their playing they too contribute in ensuring that the bodily
gestures of the singing congregation occur. Their musical input forms a crucial part of
the chain of individuals who collaborate to ensure that congregational singing at the
Assembly sustains the community as it gathers for worship weekly. It is the musicians
who by their instrumental initiatives determine at times what the congregation sings.
More importantly, they play to establish how the singing will be done. The
interconnections between worship leader, praise team, pastor, congregation and
musicians require that all hold to a common understanding of what is to be expected
of the worship experience, especially via the avenue of congregational singing. In
collating the time allotted during the worship service between instrumental music and
congregational singing, it can be approximated that an estimated much of that time is
apportioned either to the singing of hymns or songs by the congregation, on the one
hand, or hearing hymns or songs being played by the musicians. The deduction can be
made that a communitys identity is more likely to be expressed, reinforced and
sustained by the activity they spend much time engaged with, like congregational
singing.
the altar but often times would also be dancing their way to the front of the church and back to their
seats. All the while they would be singing or greeting other members as they passed them.
1
Similarly, whatever the band played while members came forward for Communion usually unfolded
into congregational singing. Especially during the Communion the selections chosen were usually
slower paced hymns and songs that created a sombre mood in keeping with the sacrament.
146
4.6 Conclusion
After 40 years, the congregation at the St. Thomas Assembly of God has
established itself as a community that is An Oasis of Love and Hope. The members
of the community have accepted and embraced that corporal identity. This chapter has
shown that the Oasis is sustained primarily by means of the preaching of the Word
of God and through singing. However, because of the prevalence of music and
congregational singing the conclusion can be drawn that it is hymnody which
expresses and sustains this congregations identity as an Oasis. This has been
accomplished by tapping into the individual and corporate hymnic memory and
working towards balanced singing. By so doing, the hymnic memory of the
community is sustained while at the same time being expanded through the inclusion
of new hymns and songs via an electronic hymnal. However, it is through the bodily
gestures which are evident in the Oasis and which serve as signifiers that
congregational singing is keeping the Oasis at a level which the congregation has
come to expect.
A study of congregational singing at the Assembly, therefore, has clearly
demonstrated that this congregation as a community is nourished and sustained
primarily by what it sings. That is accomplished by giving due consideration to the
individual and collective hymnic memory of the community and by taking into
account the impact of bodily gestures which emerge when particular hymnic memory
has been accessed. Although there is the expectation that the preaching of the Word of
God within the Assembly is an integral aspect of the communitys identity, the
congregation has shown that it is the congregational singing that is engendered by the
pastor, the worship leaders and praise teams, and the musicians which moves the
147
worshipping community from the outer court to the inner. As this spiritual
movement unfolds through the singing of hymns and accompanied by specific bodily
gestures, the St. Thomas Assembly of God as a congregation is expressing the
fundamentals of its identity as An Oasis of Love and Hope. Through its singing,
especially of certain hymns, the congregation at the Assembly is demonstrating the
value of the hymns it sings as containing an important record of the past spiritual
experiences of the believing community.1 In the singing of these hymns, not only is
congregational identity being expressed but the Assembly, through its congregational
singing also sustains its identity as An Oasis of Love and Hope.
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CHAPTER FIVE
5.1. Introduction
The publication of the Caribbean hymnal Sing A New Song No. 3 would not
have been accomplished were it not for the launch of the Caribbean Conference of
Churches (CCC) in 1973. As a regional ecumenical body embracing all of the major
Christian Churches in the Caribbean, the formation of the CCC was a watershed
moment in 20th century Caribbean Church history. As the premiere ecumenical
institution, the establishment of the CCC speaks to the resolve of the Caribbean
Churches to overcome at least three challenges: (1) the deeply entrenched roots of
denominationalism that existed; (2) the rise of national identities through political
independence and its accompanying proclivity towards insularity; and (3) a prevailing
pessimism and suspicion towards the formation of pan-Caribbean entities, especially
in light of past failures of similar political enterprises in the region. O. Nigel Bolland
has lauded the CCC for bringing together people of the Caribbean who, despite their
different languages, religions and nationalities, share common concerns and who feel
that, as Caribbean people, they can work better together than they can separately.1
The CCC itself expressed this conviction best by affirming that:
Our people have been separated from each other by barriers of distance and
sea, of history, language and culture, of class, race and religion, yet we found
1
O. Nigel Bolland, The Birth of Caribbean Civilization: A Century of Ideas about Culture and Identity,
Nation and Society. Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers, 2004, xvii.
149
Report on a Consultation for the Planning of the Caribbean Conference of Churches (CCC) Held in
Trinidad, November 1971 in Called to Be. 1972, 37.
2
Ibid.
3
Robert Cuthbert. Ecumenism and Development: A Socio-Historical Analysis of the Caribbean
Conference of Churches. (Bridgetown: Caribbean Conference of Churches, 1986). He outlines the
various programs and policies that governed the functioning of the CCC.
4
Under CADEC as the development commission, there were several agencies and programs. These
included: Project Development Program; Appropriate Technology; Land and Food for People
(LAFFP); Education for Development; Caribbean Community Appeal; The CEDAR (Christian
Engagement in Development and Renewal) Press; CADEC Audio-Visual Service; Documentation and
Research Program; Caribbean Christian Communications Network (CCCN) and Caribbean Contact.
The renewal commission had its own agencies and programs: Caribbean Church Women (CCW);
Caribbean Ecumenical Youth Action (CEYA); Education Renewal Agency (ERA); Family Life
Education; Caribbean Commission for Theological Renewal (CCTR) and Caribbean Church Music
Program (CCMP).
5
Cuthbert, 10.
6
Called to Be, 7.
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151
hymnal. Second, all of its content is original and all of the hymns text and music can
be credited exclusively to persons from within the Caribbean region, making it 100%
indigenous. What then is the significance of these factors when assessing the role of
Caribbean hymnody in the reshaping of Caribbean ecumenism?
As I continue to delve into the hypothesis that congregational identity as
communities of faith are shaped by what they sing, in this chapter it is my contention
that Caribbean hymnody as captured in the hymnal, Sing A New Song No. 3,
contributed to the shaping of the Caribbean ecumenical community identity by
voicing a Caribbean theology. Through its organizational structure, the CCC was
cognizant that even though the production of a Caribbean hymnal was considered to
be a musical project, yet it was also deemed to be a theological enterprise since the
CCMP was placed under the charge of its Commission for Theological Renewal.
Clearly, the CCC, being mindful of the enormity of its mandate needed to utilize
whatever arsenal at its disposal. Patrick Prescod, the editor of Sing A New Song No. 3,
insightfully captured the understanding that Caribbean hymnody would have in the
work that was the CCCs. He postulates that:
In the Caribbean Church, music and singing play a very prominent role. It is
important therefore that through this medium, the essence of that change and
renewal for which the CCC stands should be understood, expressed and
realized, thus enabling the Caribbean Church better to meet the needs of the
Caribbean man of the eighties and beyond.1
Evidently, the CCC was well aware that hymns could potentially serve as a potent
means through which the emerging Caribbean theology which was aiming to bring
about renewal and development could be expressed. The premise of this chapter is
informed by this position and aims to develop the hypothesis that in giving
1
Patrick Prescod, Caribbean Church Music, Unpublished Paper from Personal Archives of Patrick
Prescod.
152
congregations of the member communions under the umbrella of the CCC new hymns
and songs to sing there were two concomitant actions unfolding. First, there was the
creating of a new genre of hymnody that could be labelled as Caribbean. Second,
there was the simultaneous echoing of a new and emerging Caribbean theology that
was being formulated through these hymns. I am opined that it is in the articulating of
this new Caribbean theology through the local hymnody that the reimaging of the
churches in the Caribbean was accomplished.
So as to develop this argument, firstly, I will first show how the Caribbean
hymnal Sing A New Song No. 3 emerged. Attention will be paid specifically to
seeking to determine how this hymnal has contributed in helping to formulate a
general understanding of the characteristics of a Caribbean hymnody. Secondly, I will
revisit an earlier concept of lyrical theology as espoused by Don Saliers and highlight
what I consider to be the main themes of a Caribbean lyrical theology as captured in
the hymns contained in Sing A New Song No. 3. In the conclusion I will offer a
rationale for Caribbean hymnody to be considered as the doing of local theology
which is also a contextual theology. This will fortify the premise of this chapter that
Caribbean hymnody, by virtue of being an avenue whereby a local lyrical theology
was voiced, would have contributed to the reshaping of the Caribbean ecumenical
community.
5.2 Caribbean Hymnody and Sing A New Song No. 3
The roots of Sing A New Song No. 3 go back a decade earlier before its 1981
publication date. At first there was a small volume of hymns called Sing A New Song.1
As early as 1973 (August 23 26) a seminar was convened in Trinidad at which there were twentyseven (27) Caribbean Church musicians representing ten countries in the region. As a result of that
153
This collection of 24 hymns included i) Traditional Folk Music; ii) Original Words
and Music; iii) Words written to traditional folk music; iv) West Indian pop; v) West
Indian words set by West Indian musicians but in a European idiom.1 Robert
Cuthbert, the then General Secretary of the CCC, in highlighting the significance of
this first book emphasized that a people need to sing their own songs and through
this little collection we hope that voices around the Caribbean will blend in new songs
which express the souls of Caribbean man.2 It is obvious that the leaders of the
ecumenical movement understood the value of local hymns as vehicles of
empowerment which would play a major role in the overall mandate of development
and renewal within the region.
By 1977, a slightly larger volume of Caribbean hymns and songs was
published.3 The compilers and editors of this second volume maintained that their
goal was to offer to our member Churchesmaterial to sing praise to God on every
occasion and in every situation in which our people are moved to praise Him.4 There
was never the intention for Sing A New Song No. 2 to replace the traditional hymnal
used invarious Churches[but] as a supplement.5 By placing itself in this
accommodating position, the CCC was in essence declaring its affirmation of the
inherent value of the current corpus of hymnody being used. However, by pressing for
this collection of local hymns to be used even as a supplement, the CCC was also
advocating for an embracing of locally constructed hymns to be used especially to fill
meeting, the first collection of Caribbean Church music was produced by November 1973 in time to
coincide with the launch of the Caribbean Conference of Churches.
1
Sing a New Song No. 2. (Bridgetown: Caribbean Conference of Churches, 1977), ii.
2
Ibid.
3
Sing A New Song No. 2 contained forty (40) entries and was edited by Mr. Noel Dexter and Rev.
Father Paschal Jordan.
4
Sing A New Song No. 2, ii.
5
Ibid, i.
154
the void created by the exclusive use of traditional hymnody. The rationale for the
embrace of Caribbean hymnody alongside traditional hymnody argued that the former
could more readily reflect songs and hymns to speak to our Caribbean peoples
situation and predicament.1 The renewal of the Caribbean Church could be
accomplished through the use of local hymnody because congregations now could
extend their hymnic repertoire to include songs which reflected many of the social
concerns and issues of our times.2 Furthermore, one of the main purposes of
Caribbean hymnody was vividly enunciated with the publication of the second
collection of hymns which was the liberation of our emotions and our lives from all
that cripples, disfigures, retards, imprisons and oppresses.3
The full implication of that purpose was eventually realized with the
publication of the more comprehensive Caribbean hymnal Sing A New Song No. 3.4
As the first and only complete Caribbean hymnal, this final volume signalled the
coming of age of Caribbean hymnody. But the publication of this hymnal raises the
questions: What can be identified as the general characteristics of Caribbean Church
music separate and apart from Church music in the Caribbean? Stated differently,
how does this hymnal contribute to creating what is labelled as Caribbean hymnody?
1
155
For that matter, what makes this hymnal authentically Caribbean? A consideration of
this matter is important since those charged with assembling Sing A New Song No. 3
understood that their task was not simply to compile a collection of music used in the
Caribbean Churches, [but] a book of Caribbean Church Music.1 In considering this
question, I wish to highlight three key factors which make Caribbean hymnody
unique.
First, through this hymnal Caribbean Church music is not limited to just one
language and so is more eclectic than the traditional hymnals in use within the
Caribbean. Although the vast majority of the content of Sing A New Song No. 3 is
primarily in English, like its predecessors, the final volume included submissions
which reflected the major regional language groups of the member churches of the
CCC.2 Though the percentage of non-English hymns might be deemed to be
negligible, it is not insignificant. The inclusion of Spanish, Dutch and Papiamento
hymns3 alongside English hymns was a novelty in itself in that the hymnals of the
member churches of the CCC would not have reflected such a reality. Added to this,
all of the texts and music were written, composed and arranged by Caribbean people
employing images and idioms of Caribbean language and music. In describing the
people of the Caribbean region, historian Professor Rex Nettleford had advanced that
we in the Caribbean would regard ourselves as part African, part European, part
Asian, part native American but totally Caribbeanheterogeneity is a principle of
1
Pamela OGorman. Caribbean Church Music: Some Problems. Unpublished Paper, Patrick Prescod
Personal Archives.
2
In Sing A New Song there were three (3) non-English entries while all of the content of Sing A New
Song No. 2 represented the English speaking Caribbean. Of the 137 hymns in the Sing A New Song No.
3 collection, ten (10) are non-English coming from Spanish and Dutch countries.
3
These include - # 9 Padre Nuestor; # 13 Come, Bebe; # 18 Hesus Bo tInvita; #19 Al Abrigo del
Altisimo (El es mi Rey); # 22 Camino del Templo; # 40 Alabanza (Al caer la Iluvia Resurge); # 55
Palabra di Dios (Senjor, Bo cu a pone nos na mundu); #67 Refleshon (Mi Dios, mi, nsa kiko Bo tin
pa); # 73 Kende, Si Ta Mi Ruman?; # 111 Ami Ta Rey.
156
social organization as we see it.1 The eclecticism that is part of the fabric of
Caribbean culture has also been filtered into Caribbean hymnody. The eclecticism
which is evidenced in this Caribbean hymnal reflects the very substance of the
Caribbean reality and serves as a marker of understanding the nature of Caribbean
hymnody.
Second, this hymnal portrays that in addition to Caribbean hymnody being
eclectic that it is not intended to be limited to or confined to any one denomination but
was crafted to serve a primarily ecumenical purpose. Caribbean hymnody that is
illustrated in Sing A New Song No. 3 goes beyond the parochial denominationalism.
Patrick Prescod,2 the editor for the hymnal, stressed that it was intended to serve as
an ecumenical hymn book and a supplement to existing denominational
hymnalssuitable for use at ecumenical gatherings, conferences, national occasions,
Church meetings, services of worship etc. and should meet the needs of the children,
youth and adults of members Churches.3 The advantage of constructing a Caribbean
hymnody that would be catholic in its appeal fits wholly with the essence of the CCC
as the premiere Caribbean ecumenical organization. Yet even as this hymnal was
being constructed, there was the recognition because of catholicity of Caribbean
hymnody that it would garner an ecumenical appeal beyond the Caribbean region.
Pamela OGorman, a music educator, captured this widely held opinion when, in
speaking about the future of Caribbean Church music as captured in Sing A New Song
1
Rex Nettleford. Round Table: Dialogue Among Civilizations: United Nations, New York. 5th
September, 2000. (Provisional Verbatim Transcription).
http://www.unesco.org/dialogue/en/nettleford.htm. Accessed November 17, 2010.
2
Patrick Prescod is a native of St. Vincent. I did a series of interviews with him over a two day period
(July 13 14, 2010). In addition to the interviews, he also allowed me access to his personal archives.
These included letters and reports of the three year period that he served as Director of the Caribbean
Church Music Programme from 1979 1982.
3
Patrick Prescod, Suggestions for Specific Themes, Unpublished Paper, Personal Archives of Patrick
Prescod.
157
158
One of the noted outcomes from Caribbean hymnody being contextual that
was acknowledged was its ability to liberatefrom inhibiting prejudices, and allow
us to express ourselves naturally and freely and with artistic integrity in song, poetry
and dance. A people can worship as fully and meaningfully as they understand
themselves, their relation to God and to the fellow-men.1 In the latter portion of this
chapter, I will develop further this argument and show how Caribbean hymnody
encapsulates and represents a Caribbean contextual theology. At this juncture, it is
suffice to reinforce, though, that Caribbean hymnody being contextual was an asset to
the goal of the CCC in that, while preserving and strengthening the faith, our
Caribbean hymns could relate in a more meaningful way, to the Caribbean Christians
experience of twentieth century living, and to the history and culture of the Caribbean
society.2
In spite of these three definitive features which I have identified that can be
generally applied to Caribbean hymnody as a genre, these hymns were not
comprehensively embraced by the churches within the region. The CCMP did
institute programs to encourage churches in the Caribbean to become more accepting
of these indigenous hymns. The ultimate goal was to have member churches sing
them with the same zeal and enthusiasm as they did their traditional hymns. But for
that to happen, attitudes needed to be changed. However, these attempts to have
congregations in the participating denominations were met with some direct
challenges.3 This task was by no means unproblematic for it required the undoing of
Ibid.
Prescod, Caribbean Church Music.
3
These included insufficient creative time spent at workshops so as to ensure highest quality of
materials, obstacles associated with the distribution of new materials, lack of enterprise on the part of
local committees to carry on the work between workshops and the inability for the Caribbean Church
2
159
long held biases towards what is considered legitimate hymnody which for centuries
was part of the worship fabric of the member churches. It was noted that there
remained those who did not readily embrace Caribbean hymns for they resist[ed] any
departure from tradition.1 In spite of the hurdles to overcome, the compilers of this
hymnal were convinced that God [was] calling us out of separateness and
divisiveness, which have been the cause of so much of the under-effectiveness of the
work of the Church of Christ in the Caribbean area, so that we may fulfil our calling
together as the People of God.2 Since these hymns were new to the hymnic repertoire
of the Churches, it required a paradigm shift in the congregations hymnody and to
some degree the Churchs liturgy. Wherever these hymns were embraced, the
resulting embroidery impacted the fabric of other parts of the liturgy3 of the entire
Christian Church in the Caribbean.
In order to buttress my argument that Caribbean hymnody contributed to the
reimaging of the ecumenical Christian community by posturing a new Caribbean
lyrical theology, I will now explore in the next section two major themes of a
Caribbean lyrical theology that are advanced in Caribbean hymnody. These themes
permeate the hymns in Sing A New Song No. 3 and as such influence the reshaping of
the Caribbean Churchs ecumenical identity.
Music Programme itself to include under one cover a publication that would cater to all of the needs of
the CCC membership (language mix, denominational theological biases and age barriers).
1
Prescod, Caribbean Church Music.
2
Ibid.
3
There was the recognition that renewal of which the CCC was aiming to achieve included new
liturgical renewal as well. At the 1971 Consultation in Trinidad, one of the recommendations called for
the crafting of a truly Caribbean liturgy and the use of local arts and crafts in church buildings.
Called to Be, 5.
160
161
what hymn would be allowed or disallowed,1 Sing A New Song No. 3 became for
Caribbean people an instrument of Caribbean identity formation that helps us to
know and worship God better, to realize our real selves and all our potential...2
Having identified three general characteristics of Caribbean hymnody and
considered that hymnody is a conduit through which theology is known, in the next
section of this chapter, I will propose specifically the two dominant images of
ecumenism that are advanced by Caribbean hymnody. These two factors provide an
answer to the query: what are the fundamental attributes of a Caribbean lyrical
theology that is contained within the pages of Sing A New Song No. 3? It is my
contention that an analysis of these hymns will unearth a Caribbean lyrical theology
that promotes the reimaging and refashioning of the Caribbean ecumenical
community by advancing that this is a community that is (1) united, and (2)
empowered.
I am opined that it is through the formulation of such a Caribbean lyrical
theology that Caribbean hymnody made an impactful contribution to the overall
mandate of the CCC which was the renewal and development of the Caribbean
ecumenical community. I surmise that the writing, composing and singing of local
hymns is to be recognized as accepted and perceived as the doing of theology locally,
and it is through this process that Caribbean lyrical theology plays a role in the
reimaging and reshaping of the Caribbean ecumenical community.
1
The Rev. Knolly Clarke, an Anglican priest from Trinidad, was given several Caribbean hymns to
review. From his comments to Prescod, his responses support the proposal that the aptness of the
hymns was tied to the question of whether they matched the underlying intention of representing a new
Caribbean identity. To the hymn Father now with Joy Good but not very original; to Here We
toil together A lack of Christology who is the hero in the Hymn Manley Burnham William
Shah Sleage Jagan; to In the Stillness Shone the Star This Hymn does not help people to
celebrate a Caribbean Christian Not very original; to You who made me Woman Good; to Sing
to the Lord A Song Fair but it could be sung by a Muslim or Jew No Christology.
2
Prescod, Music to Renew Caribbean Soul.
162
163
164
for each other everywhere / sharing all our pains and all our joys, together. In many
ways this type of community mirrors a utopian ideal where We are called to change
from I to We / Building up our lives and our community. In Thomas hymn a united
community makes obvious its unity by taking a stand for justice, and together search
for peace, and expresses love in Action... for everybody.
Clyde Hoyte has two hymns which express a similar theme about what is to be
expected from a Church that is a united community. The first of his hymns See God in
All, 1 offers several poignant reminders which underscore and capture the expectations
associated with a united community. Based on the premise that the union is spiritually
based, a united community is pigeonholed not by self-preservation but instead by
assigning priority to the needs of others. Consequently, it is a community where its
members are channels rich and flowing free ensuring that every need shall be
supplied. The posture of others above self is reaffirmed with the determination to
pass not human need and woe / bounteous, true compassion show. The teachings of
Christ which addresses that as a community we should give attention to serving the
less fortunate in society are grasped in the words: Let our Fathers judgement be: /
You have done it unto me. This hymn promotes that a core principle of a united
community is that it sees God in all, in you, in me.
In his other hymn That All be One,2 he lauds the benefits of being a united
community. However, Hoyte expands the vision of oneness to incorporate those
beyond the boundaries of the Christian community. By moving outside the myopic
perspective of the organized Church to highlight the oneness of the extended
community, Hoyte reveals the benefits that can be derived as a united Church seeks to
1
2
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be united with and to likewise unite the community in which it is placed. With that
conviction then all hate and strife be gone / from this verdant land so fair.
Additionally, a community that is united with the Church has a multiplicative effect in
that united hearts are strong. Taken within this context, the hymn affirms that the
social ills that plague the wider community have a direct impact on the Church
community. Hence it lends credibility to the stance that the Church community is not
detached from the wider community.
Phyllis Hosten underscores the benefits of the model of the Church as a united
community in her submission Hymn of the Caribbean.1 Beginning with the premise
that God is Lord of the nations great and small, throughout the hymn, the Church in
the Caribbean is reminded of features that should lead to the conclusion that Gods
goodness smiles upon the Church within these isles. Hostens hymn supports an
earlier point that the Caribbean already shares a measure of unity that merely needs to
be acknowledged. For her it is reflected by the abundance of the Caribbeans natural
wealth of sunshine, healthful air which ought to lead to how grateful should we
ever be / Who share this Caribbean Sea. Hosten reiterates that the Church is the
people by declaring and who the Church, but we, O Lord. It is precisely because the
Church is people centred that its primary task is to to seek, to serve, to help, to heal, /
And each others ills to feel. But the unity of Church and the wider community is
threatened both by the clear blue waters that divide / our lands, and envy, strife
and falsehood. The hymn therefore summons the Church not to ignore the factors
that threaten to further divide the Caribbean but rather to obtain a vista wherein
though in the Caribbean there are many nations, all are one. When the goal of a
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Caribbean unity is accomplished, then all of society benefits as they come to know
that perfect peace and the saving power of Jesus blood. That the mandate of the
CCC cannot be achieved without a united community is best captured in the petition
of the final couplet:
Lord, help to live unity
Our Caribbean community.
The desire to have the unity secured is captured in Father Aloysius Churchs
S.J. hymn Lord Make Us One.1 The hymn is structured as a prayer of intercession
with the response being Lord make us one. In this well-crafted hymn, Church
delineates the hurdles which hinder the attainment of unity. He bemoans the condition
where blind leads blind and our footsteps wander, / Off our way and where nations
fight and...hate each other. But in spite of these issues within a united Church we
desire to help our brother. The nature of that assistance goes beyond praying for each
other and includes seeing to our sickness caring / All our sinful burden bearing and
our struggle sharing. As with the other hymns, the unity being spoken of is by no
means superficial or patronizing. The hymn appeals for an authentic union while
being mindful of the obstacles that exist. By utilizing a petition structure, the hymn
concedes that lasting unity is ultimately accomplished by God. Yet it is balanced with
the notion that there is a part to be played by those living in community.
In Lord God of all the Nations, Victor H. Job is by no means subtle about his
descript of the factors which contribute to the disunity both among the territories in
the Caribbean region and the Churches as well. He is very forthright in spelling out
first that
Our islands are divided
1
167
168
169
170
fold.../ unbelievers and backsliders... 1 Henrys hymn points to the teachings of Jesus
captured in one of his parables in Luke 14:16 ff. Garfield Rochard in his hymn,
Gather Christians, makes a similar proposition in somewhat of a cheer leader style
with gather, Christians, lets now celebrate. He pinpoints that one of the reasons for
celebrating when there is such a gathering that is fully inclusive, is that it is being
done as one community. 2 A united community is one that is also a celebrative
community and one of the raison d'tre for its celebration is its unity.
The collection of Caribbean hymns also reflects that women were not to be
neglected or overlooked in the reconstruction of the Caribbean ecumenical
community that was united and inclusive. In the decades of the 1960s and1970s with
the issue of womens liberation and the emergence of Feminist and Womanist
theologies, it is commendable that the hymnal would have recognized the trend and
affirm that a renewed Caribbean community would also acknowledge the place of
women as having a prominent place in the community. That was the essence of
Doreen Potters hymn You Who Made Me Woman.3 She celebrates that God in
making her woman made me strong / in mind and body to sing your song. By
calling attention to the fact that womanhood is a reflection of Gods beauty in every
form, she rebuts any male chauvinism that seeks to reduce women merely to being
objects to satisfy male sexuality. By so doing she raises the bar and draws attention to
the identity of the Caribbean Church as working towards a unity which was gender
sensitive.
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Although Potters hymn is the only one that explicitly references womanhood,
its presence points to a general trend that was emerging in the 1970s. One of the most
impactful womens groups that emerged in the Caribbean was a theatrical group in
Jamaica called Sistren. The group is best known for their use of the patois language,
childrens games, metaphoric use of rituals, employment of music and rhythm and by
depicting the male roles themselves.1 By intentionally including Potters hymn which
celebrates the dignity of womanhood, Sing A New Song No.3 can be attributed to
participating in awakening the consciousness of the Caribbean church that the place of
women in the community was not secondary to that of men.
The hymns contained in Sing A New Song No. 3 sought to address the issue of
disunity and its negative impact on the Caribbean Church while at the same time laud
the benefits to be accrued from functioning as a united community. To that end, these
hymns aim to foster a unity among the Churches in the region fuelled by the
conviction God [was] calling us out of separateness and divisiveness, which have
been the cause of so much of the under-effectiveness of the work of the Church of
Christ in the Caribbean area, so that we may fulfil our calling together as the People
of God, in the peculiar situation in which our common history has placed us...2
Having explored the theme of being a united community within the hymns of Sing A
New Song No. 3, we will now consider how Caribbean hymnody would have
portrayed the ecumenical Caribbean Church as an empowered community.
See Sistren-Jamaica: Womens Theatre for Cultural Decolonization by Cornelia Fichtl (265 271) in
History and Histories in the Caribbean ed by Thomas Bremer / Ulrich Fleischmann; Madrid:
Iberoamericana, 2001.
2
Prescod, Caribbean Church Music.
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nature of Gods power that is represented in creation and more especially through the
person of the Holy Spirit. The hymns communicate that the creative power of God is
reflected in the beauty of these Caribbean lands and the richness of their productivity.
There is the suggestion that the same creative power of God which is displayed in the
creation continues in the work of the third person of the God-head. Because Gods
power is visible in nature then Gods people who live in these lands share in and have
access to that power. As such the communitys sense of power rests not in the hands
of its political leaders but ultimately power resides with God. Since God is present,
then the hymns call on the ecumenical community to both recognize this power and to
ensure that it is activated in their living.
Additionally, through their innovative use of language, the hymns rebranded
the Caribbean lands and peoples as a location that is beautiful and bountiful. The
tilling of the earth with all of its negative associations with slavery was now being
celebrated for the richness of its produce which is a main supplier of food. The beauty
of the Caribbean lands was being promoted not just for the enticement of tourists and
visitors but also to highlight the power of God in creating this archipelago of tropical
islands.
A textual analysis of the language of the hymns underscores this proposition.
In Patrick Prescods hymn The Right Hand of God, the metaphoric right hand a
biblical symbol of Gods power, is declared to be at work in varied ways within the
Caribbean. Each verse specifically demonstrates what God is doing and how Gods
power is manifested in the Caribbean church. Through the creative use of repetition,
Prescod paints an image of God that conveys six specific actions of Gods divine
engagement (writing, pointing, striking, lifting, healing and planting) within the
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region. The community is invited to partner with God and share in the exercise of
Gods power as the last verse asserts In these Caribbean lands / Let His people all
join hands / And be one with the right hand of God (See Appendix Four).1 The
church community therefore becomes the symbolic right hand of God being
empowered to do all that God is doing in the Caribbean. 2
Garfield Rochard continues the same theme in his hymn With A Mighty Hand.
The imagery of God leading the nation of Israel from bondage in Egypt to freedom in
the Promised Land is borrowed and reapplied to God doing the same in the
Caribbean. However, Rochard in his hymn Christianizes his biblical reference with
the lines
With a mighty hand, with an outstretched arm
He died on Calvary.
Like Prescod, Rochard advances the communitys confidence of Gods providential
sovereignty proclaiming God is moving through the land / He is moving with his
mighty hand; / From Calvary to eternity, / God is leading us on. And in the later
verses he heralds that the empowered community having been Nourished by the
Word and Bread of Life, it then goes from here to everywhere, / Proclaiming the
Gospel of Christ.3 An empowered community that believes God to be the source of
its power is emboldened to do what it has been called to do present the Gospel of
Christ. Consequently, there is no timidity but rather a bold resolve to be engaged in
this divine mandate.
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It is that boldness which comes to the fore when one examines the hymns that
endorse the Holy Spirits power at work within the ecumenical Caribbean community.
Two hymns of Birchfield Aymer reflect this characteristic of the Holy Spirit. In The
Holy Ghost Power is Moving he presents the Spirits power to be moving like a
magnet;/ Its moving here, its moving there, / Just like the day of Pentecost. In the
following verses he continues the theme of the Spirits power at move and that it is
moving all through the nations with the result that it wins men here, wins men
there,/ Saving them from sin and fear. When the Spirit continues to move right
through the campus (which points to the work of the Spirit even among Caribbean
academia) it directs people into the Way, the Truth and Life. In the final verse as it
moves here in our worship, it prompts those who are in the worshipping community
to bring our lives to Jesus Christ. 1 This hymn affirms that with every move or act of
the Holy Spirits power there are demonstrable results within the community.
The theme of the Spirits power is re-echoed in another of Aymers hymns O
Let the Power Fall on Me.2 The prayer for the Spirits power to fall on every
individual in the community is developed further. The other verses reflect the need for
the power of the Spirit to cause the community to live as one and that through the
prayers and intercessions for others, may the Spirit make us one. Through this
hymn, the Spirit- powered community is one that has received the promised
Comforter thereby causing our hearts be filled with love...when the Spirit come like
a Dove. There is a connection here in that an empowered community is also united
and vice versa. There is an added sense of immediacy with the plea for the power
1
2
176
here and now to be the desired community which has received the power of grace
and peace and love.
Hugh B. Sherlocks hymn, A Song of Renewal, is another example of the
Church being an empowered community through the work of the Holy Spirit.
Sherlock itemizes what is expected of a Church that has been renewed as it engages in
the mission of spreading the Gospel of Christ. That mission requires the power to do
the following:
Freedom give to those in bondage,
Lift the burdens caused by sin;
Give new hope, new strength and courage,
Grant release from fears within.
Light for darkness; joy for sorrow;
Love for hatred; peace for strife;
These and countless blessing follow
As the Spirit gives new life. 1
Caribbean hymns therefore are in line with orthodox ecclesiology which recognizes
the work of the Holy Spirit as the true source of power in order for the Church as a
called out community to achieve what it could not do on its own.
In another of Hugh Sherlocks hymn, God of the Earth and Sky, cites the many
features of the lands in the Caribbean, which ought to trigger us to celebrate what
nature has provided. He holds that the Caribbean is located Mid dancing azure seas,
upheld by thy command, / Our lovely islands rise in tropic splendour planned. And
yet the hymn offers a stern reminder that we are simply stewards of all that God has
deposited in the Caribbean lands. With that understanding, there is the readiness to
acknowledge Thine is the fruitful field, the broad-leaved plantain thine, / Banana,
slender cane, tall palm and lowly vine. Understanding the position of being stewards
and not owners, the gifts of the earth are given back to God as an offering. These gifts
1
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include Star apples, purple-dyed, their leaves of bronze and green, / With ackees
scarlet-hued, gay citrus gold is seen. Considering the vastness of the natural beauty
that has been deposited in the lands in the Caribbean, Sherlock fittingly ascribes to
God the title of a matchless Artist! who in creating the beauty of the Caribbean also
makes the region a vista by which Gods own eternal beauty can be seen. 1
Sherlocks hymn, Lord Behold Our Glad Rejoicing, develops further this
theme. The reasons for the celebration are many but they are all centred again on the
Caribbean land with all its treasure that yield its crops in fullest measure which
include citrus, pears, bananas, cane. Sherlock draws our attention to the glory of
the sunshine / Giving warmth to all our days whilst not forgetting our lovely palmfringed coastline and the host of flaming flowers which set our gardens all
ablaze. Not only do the radiant flowers of red hibiscus and poincianas tell of
Creations wonder, but he draws attention to the mountains [standing] in awesome
grandeur / Valleys [lying] serene below. While acknowledging the beauty of the land
which God has created and which is to be celebrated, Sherlock affirms that the same
God will make our people lovely too. 2
In Harvest Canticle, Therenia Nicholls offers a nearly comprehensive litany of
all that should be engaged in celebrating being in the Caribbean. She invites all the
Caribbean, bless the Lord and that includes North and South...East and West...all
the many races...young and old. From there she develops her theme by pinpointing
what is included in her all. So for Nicholls the rejoicing that ought to be manifested
1
2
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does not only include elements of nature and people but also institutions.1 Though
initially this list may appear to be preposterous, it points to a shifting perspective
which advocates that there is no aspect of Caribbean life that is too unsophisticated to
ignite a sense of the sublime. 2
One final hymn that utilizes language to place on a pedestal the natural
resources of the Caribbean lands is Lena Kents With Thankful Harvest Song Lord.
Like the other hymn writers, Kent admonishes that we give thanks for fruits and
flowers...for crimson dawns, for sunsets. In the hymn, she draws attention to
agricultural products and by so doing reminds us of how generous and plentiful these
lands are. We cannot help but picture the glowing orange / hang on laden bough or
the breadfruit in its season, / which nourishes and cheers and the bright ackees
scarlet-painted / and green and purple pears. The hymn draws the conclusion that
being mindful of Gods generosity to the Caribbean lands, the response ought not to
be ungrateful. 3
The demonstration of language as expressing the boldness of an empowered
community is most striking through the use of Caribbean patois in the hymns. It must
be noted that by the 1970s the use of aspects of the Caribbean creole languages as a
symbol of empowerment of the Caribbean person was popularized. Within the field of
theatre, literature and the performing arts, the use of these elements of Caribbean
The list includes: mountains, rivers, bauxite plants, spreading mahagony, sea and sky, oil refineries,
ackee trees, hummingbirds, little ground doves, marigold, coloured hibiscus, coffee beans, pimento
berries, waterfalls, pounding surf, cricket matches, city crowds, reggae music, steelbands, raspberry,
bananas, sugarcanes, Queenbee honey, coconut milk, sugar apples, oranges, fuzzy ducklings, silk
cotton, soft grass, billowy clouds, rose thorns, bougainvillea, cow itch, razor grass, caves and gullies,
peaceful valleys, beautiful sunset, soft moonlight.
2
Hymn # 106 in Sing A New Song No. 3.
3
Hymn # 110 in Sing A New Song No. 3.
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culture was becoming normative though not altogether embraced.1 With the
emergence of the Black Power Movement, and the quick expansion of the Ras Tafari
Movement two social realities that successfully exploited the Caribbean creole
language and music as instruments of agency the utilization of the same for
Caribbean hymns could not be avoided. Its presence though, as was earlier mentioned,
was not altogether embraced within the Church. After all, the utilization of Caribbean
patois (and associated cultural musical idioms) had hitherto not been deemed
sophisticated enough to be used in liturgical spheres in addressing the personhood of
God. But now Caribbean hymnody, with its application of the patois, was being
advanced as a vehicle for uttering key elements of the Christian faith. By using
components of indigenous patois language (and music) in Caribbean hymnody, the
Caribbean Church too was exercising the same power which others in the community
were now doing.
An examination of this anthology of Caribbean hymns would uncover a
sample of such hymns which through their use of the patois reflect the sense of
empowerment that was evident among the contributors. One hymn that epitomizes
this component is Barry Chevannes Blak Up2 (See Appendix Five). Within Jamaican
society, when an individual is drunk, the person is said to be blak up. Chevannes,
being Jamaican, wittingly applied this phrase to capture and retell the events of
Pentecost as recorded in Acts 2 in which the Spirit filled believers were falsely
accused of being intoxicated (Acts 2: 13).3 Another example is the Antiguan, Everton
Louise Bennett (Mis Lou) emerged in Jamaica as a story teller utilizing the creole. There were similar
personalities elsewhere Pauls Keen Douglas in Trinidad and Alfred Pragnel in Barbados. In addition
to Sistren, Caribbean theatrical productions such as Pantomime in Jamaica also popularized Caribbean
creole. Author V. S. Naipaul also expressed the creole in his novels.
2
Hymn # 116 in Sing A New Song No. 3.
3
The audio file of this Caribbean hymn is Track #2 on the CD.
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Josephs Cum Dung to All a We (See Appendix Six).1 The creole phrase cum dung
can be translated come down or come here. However, when cum dung is used it is
a directive and very forceful command. It is by no means suggestive. The term would
be used by a parent to summon a child where the expected response is that the child
would move with haste. Consequently it is usually uttered with a commanding tone
which yields to a definite response in the affirmative. Others include Me Alone2 (See
Appendix Seven); George Mulrains There Was a Man Named Jonah;3 and Richard
Ho Lungs Knew You Before All Times.4
The power of the text in language usage is clearly reflected through the
application of aspects of the vernacular. Through their actions, Caribbean hymn
writers can be said to have portrayed a form of linguistic subversion.5 That is to say
that through these hymns the ecumenical community was being called to actively
access and partner with a God whose power had been revealed and whose power had
been deposited within the Church in the Caribbean. All of these Caribbean hymn
writers and those unmentioned have revealed that through a transformed language
and the creation of new techniques, styles, syntaxes, images, rhythms, and meanings
Caribbean [hymn] writers have overcome cultural displacement and exerted control
over their own creation.6 That can only be said of an empowered community.
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By expressing the essence of the Christian faith through such texts, Caribbean
hymnody is to be celebrated because it signalled the elevation of that which hitherto
was deemed unworthy of expressing divine truths within the context of corporate
worship. In finding a new language, the Caribbean hymn writers were engaged in a
cultural revolution indeed and through their efforts an imagined Caribbean
ecumenical community was being advocated. They were now empowered to reshape
their ecumenical identity but this time from within.
What then is to be made of utilizing the local language in Caribbean hymnody
of Sing A New Song No. 3? By introducing and including hymns written in patios, the
contributors and writers took what was regarded as debased and gave it power and
new value. Consequently, Caribbean hymns were revolutionary in their move to
utilize Caribbean creole and also to position them alongside traditional hymnody
which were void of such expressions. That was avant-garde!
The other means by which one can assess the language of Caribbean hymnody
as advancing the theme of the Caribbean ecumenical Churchs identity as an
empowered community is through the music. Music is an integral aspect of Caribbean
language if we understand language to be a means of communication and expression.
Any discussion of Caribbean hymns therefore would be incomplete without also
focusing on the music. In describing the nature of Caribbean sacred music, OGorman
is convinced that West Indian music is remarkably free of bitterness and self-pity. It
proclaims its religious sentiments simply and directly, in a language that developed
countries have long ago lost. That innocence today is priceless.1 The issue that
emerges repeatedly is that musics power lies in its ability to empower those who are
182
Simon Frith. Music and Identity in Questions of Cultural Identity eds. Stuart Hall and Paul du Gay.
(London: SAGE Publications, 1996), 109.
2
Ibid, 112.
3
Peter Manuel with Kenneth Bilby and Michael Largey. Caribbean Currents: Caribbean Music from
Rumba to Reggae. (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2006), 2.
183
Ibid,15.
Ibid.
3
Ibid.
4
Davis, 44.
2
184
Manuel et al identified four features of the African heritage that are still visible in Caribbean music:
(1) collective participation in that there is no distinction between performers and listeners; (2)
emphasis on rhythm as the primary parameter guiding the performance; (3) call and response which
reinforces the first proposition of collective participation and (4) use of repetition or ostinato, which
offers to the performers the necessary freedom to interpret and improvise the piece as it unfolds.
185
reflected in There was a Man Named Jonah (#38), Cum Dung to All O We (#88),
The Holy Ghost Power is Moving (#120) and Send A Youthquake (#133). In addition
to original compositions, Caribbean musical idioms were also applied to the settings
of the Psalms. Two psalms that are noteworthy are Psalm 23 (The Lord is My
Shepherd)1 and Psalm 150 (O Praise Ye the Lord).2
5.4 Conclusion
In answering the question what form should theology take, theologian
Stephen B. Bevans has suggested that contextual theology has shown that some of the
most important theological proclamations have been made through the traditional
discursive form. There is the admission though that great theology was also written
in the form of a hymn or a poem.3 Further he asserts that the contextualization of
theology the attempt to understand Christian faith in terms of a particular context
is really a theological imperative.4 Bevans, in exploring his six models of contextual
theology,5 does so on the premise that the move to understand all theology as
contextual is also a move to recognize the complex reality of theological pluralism.6
Two other noted advocates of contextual or local theology are Robert
Schreiter and Clemens Sedmak. The former pays particular emphasis to the rapport
between three variables: gospel, church and culture7 but speaks more of local
theology rather than contextual. Like Bevans, Schreiter maintains that at the core of
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local theology is a theological posture which takes the local context seriously. Yet in
this shift in theological perspective, determining where to begin the process is not a
straightforward issue.1 Whereas Bevans highlights six likely models for engaging in
contextual theology, Schreiter identified three broad models in the construct of a local
theology.2 Sedmaks approach to contextual theology is somewhat different in that he
brings the doing of theology from the realm of the professional theologian and makes
it the task of any and everyone in the faith community. In addressing a different
approach to doing local theology, Sedmaks presents fifty theses and then expands on
each with stories and examples.3
What is the relevance of highlighting these proponents who advocate for the
construction and exploration of doing theology locally? They draw me to the
conclusion that Caribbean hymnody is the manifestation of doing local theology in a
form that is different from the traditional discursive model. The theological issues
raised in these hymns are in line with those raised in the voluminous treatises on
Caribbean theology that have been published over the past three decades.4 However,
what makes Sing A New Song No. 3 unique is that it brings to the fore that Caribbean
hymns are authentic expressions that capture the essence of Caribbean Christian
worship experience.5 Furthermore, by paying close attention to the theological content
Schreiter presents three options: previous theologiesthe cultureor from church tradition (26).
He explores the (1) translation, (2) adaptation and (3) contextual approaches to doing local theology.
3
See Clemens Sedmark, Doing Local Theology: A Guide for Artisans of a New Humanity. (New York:
Orbis Books, 2002).
4
Some examples include Lewin Williams, Caribbean Theology. Peter Lang, 1994; Ashley Smith, Real
Roots and Potted Plants: Reflections on the Caribbean Church. Eureka Press, 1984 and Emerging from
Innocence: Religion, Theology and Development. Eureka Press, 1991;
5
See C. Michael Hawn Gather Into One: Praying and Singing Globally, (Grand Rapids, Michigan:
William. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co. 2003). Hawn examines how context has been a driving force in
the creation of new hymnody especially in places where these new hymns have spread globally. The
places and individuals he identifies are drawn from Asia, Latin America, South Africa, Zimbabwe and
the Iona Community. It is unfortunate that the Caribbean region was overlooked though there is often
the temptation to consider the Caribbean as part of Latin America. That is not the case.
2
187
of these hymns, it moves the theological enterprise out of the domain of the
professional academics and places it as an activity that is accessible to a broader
constituency. By considering these hymns as embodiment of a Caribbean lyrical
theology, they show that local theologians should be able to speak the language, sing
the songs, and recite the poems of the people they live with and the culture of which
they are a part.1 Consequently, Caribbean hymn writers and musicians too in their
writing of local hymns and their composing of appropriate tunes are in fact doing
theology.2
Frantz Fanon has rightfully stated that each generation must, out of relative
obscurity, discover its mission, fulfil it, or betray it.3 The generation that emerged in
the mid 1970s gave birth to the ecumenical movement in the Caribbean for whom the
development and renewal of the Caribbean church was a priority. Through the
visioning of the CCC, Sing A New Song No. 3 came into fruition. Clearly the aim of
this hymnal went beyond offering Caribbean churches different hymns to sing. As a
project that was being supervised by the CCC, its intention matched that of the
ecumenical body which was to refashion the image of the Caribbean and the Church
in the Caribbean. Though the hymnal was just one arsenal in the convoy of the CCC,
its presence corroborates the substance of this thesis that the act of singing ultimately
impacts the identity of those who sing.
The Caribbean hymns found within the pages of the hymnal Sing A New Song
No. 3, sought to reshape the image of the ecumenical Caribbean Church by advancing
Sedmark, 15.
Ulston Patmore Smith posits the view that this theology can be categorized as polyrhythmic in that
it captures and embraces a plurality of musical and rhythmic forms. See The Caribbean Church,
Caribbean Hymnody and CaribbeanIdentities (D. Min Doctoral Dissertation: The Lutheran School of
Theology at Chicago, 2013).
3
Frantz Fanon. The Wretched of the Earth (London: Penguin Books, 1967), 166.
2
188
a Caribbean lyrical theology that presented the Church in the Caribbean as a united
and empowered community. As the embodiment of a contextual lyrical theology,
these hymns avoided the trap of mixing Christianity and culture in a way that does
not enhance but compromises and betrays Christianity.1 The publication and
promotion of these new Caribbean hymns was ground-breaking. Through the singing
of new hymns of Caribbean origin there was also the reshaping of the identity of the
Caribbean ecumenical community and the Caribbean region. In that regard, Caribbean
hymnody, as captured in Sing A New Song No. 3 can be deemed to be representative
of a Caribbean theology that is both emancipating and liberating.
Bevans, 22.
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CHAPTER SIX
6.1. Introduction
In each of the three case studies, I have questioned the relationship between
Christian hymnody and congregational community identity. In the first instance,
attention was drawn to the 18th century Moravians and the primary focus addressed
the place of hymnody and its contribution towards the establishment of a Moravian
gemeine at Fetter Lane. That chapter examined the question in light of the three
main forms of worship services in which hymn singing was the central feature,
namely the Lovefeast, Singing Hour and Communion. In Chapter Four, I presented an
ethnographic investigation in which I examined how a local Pentecostal
congregations collective identity might be expressed and sustained by its hymnody.
In order to address this issue, I studied the hymn singing practices of the St. Thomas
Assembly of God, a congregation in St. Thomas, United States Virgin Islands. This
ethnographic study revealed that congregational singing is one of the main means by
which the congregation sustains its communal identity as an Oasis of Love and
Hope. In the final case study, I considered how, through the efforts of the regional
ecumenical body, the CCC sought to reframe the ecumenical identity of the Caribbean
Church with the publication of the only Caribbean hymnal Sing A New Song No. 3.
By examining the rationale which guided the compilation of this hymnal, I argued that
the hymnal itself can be seen as demonstrating the ideals that were espoused by the
CCC. In giving attention to the textual and musical content of this hymnal, I proposed
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that this Caribbean hymnal attempted to reshape the identity of the Caribbean
ecumenical community by envisaging a renewed self-image which asserted that the
Caribbean Church as a community was (i) united and (ii) empowered.
Each of the above case studies sought to address the issue of hymnody and
identity from a different perspective. In the first instance the emphasis was more of a
historical nature. The second was grounded in a participant/observation mould
through the application of ethnography, while the third approached the matter from a
textual slant. Having presented these three perspectives, I now return to the
overarching question which has guided this research: how congregational identity is
constructed be means of the hymnody utilized by congregations? At the core of this is
the wider question of how hymnody can be viewed as a source of Christian identity.
Holding this broader issue before me as I considered the evidence that was
generated from the case studies, I was forced to consider another closely related
matter. At the outset my focus was to examine primarily how hymnody might be
utilized specifically in shaping congregational identity. However, the data gathered
has led to my considering the possibility that the utilization of hymnody may be
regarded as not limited only to the shaping of congregational identity but also as
expressing the same. In the case of the latter, hymnody can be said to be mirroring or
representing the values which form the building blocks of the corporate identity. As
such the hymnody then serves as a vista into describing the key components of the
community by which their identity is informed. By viewing hymnody in this light, it
required considering how hymnody might be a symbolic feature of the communitys
identity. Was the hymnody serving as a symbol that captured an integral component
of congregational identity? Or maybe the symbolic assessment of hymnody lay not in
191
the hymnody itself but, beyond that, to how the congregation as an entity responded to
the singing of hymns. It was this which led to an analysis of the physical gestures
which were manifested and triggered because of the singing. Did these gestures
possess symbolic elements which reflected the identity of the community? The
thought of hymnody then as expressing congregational identity raised the question of
what meanings might the community be conveying about its communal identity.
On the other hand, to uphold the original proposition that hymnody is shaping
identity is to intimate that communal identity is generative of hymnody. The
substantiation of the claim necessitates re-examining the nature of identity and how it
is constructed. Thereafter a determination has to be made which addresses this
question: Can it be shown through the evidence presented from the preceding case
studies that the use of hymnody accomplishes this feat? In this final analysis, the goal
is to review, from the case studies presented, a broadened understanding of the
identity hymnody interchange. Central to this discourse, therefore, is the examining
of both aspects of the relationship between hymnody and identity. This means that
one has to consider deducing whether hymnody as it is employed by congregations
can be said to be shaping identity, expressing identity or possibly both.
A dialogical analysis is the most fitting format that will allow for the
assessment of the multiplicity of possible linkages between hymnody and identity. In
holding hymnody and identity in tension, there are three broad themes that I will
highlight. Within each of these mega themes there are other sub-themes that will also
emerge along the way. First I will give attention to hymnody as identity. The crucial
question to be answered is how might hymnody be said to be a source of identity?
Consequently, having established at the outset an understanding of the scope of
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identity, does the evidence show that hymnody, as was presented in the three case
studies, be a means whereby identity is either shaped or expressed? In order to make
such a determination I will elaborate on three avenues by which the utilization of
hymnody can be perceived as expressing congregational identity.
Having established the potential of hymnody to be a viable aspect of identity,
the second emphasis of the dialogical analysis will draw attention then to the notion of
hymnody as performing identity. There are two factors that are essential building
blocks of hymnody: text and music. The premise of this argument is that through the
performance of both the text and music of hymns, there is a parallel performance of
sorts in terms of identity. I will propose that through hymnody there is the
reinforcement or the formulation of certain characteristics of identity. When these are
voiced then it can be said that identity is being enunciated. The proposition rests on
the ground that both the texts and music of hymnody can be seen as expressions of
language. I will therefore engage primarily with aspects of the performative language
theories of British philosopher J. L. Austin. The analysis will consider how in the
singing of congregational hymnody the words and music may also be said to be doing
or performing identity.
The third important element of the dialogical analysis will bring to the fore the
issue of the interplay between hymn singing and identity upon the actual formation of
congregational identity itself. Having established both that hymnody is a source of
identity and that the theory of performativity supplies a means whereby this is
attained, then one must account for how congregational identity could be a by-product
of the hymnody of congregational singing. At issue is the question, what process
might be offered as a means to explain how the identity of the congregation is being
193
Jackson W. Carroll, Carl S. Dudley & William McKinney eds., Handbook for Congregational Studies
(Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1986), 23.
194
hymnody as expressing heritage identity; (2) hymnody as one of the symbols through
which identity is expressed; and (3) the use of hymnody as a demonstration of a
congregations ritual identity.
6.2.1 Hymnody as Heritage Identity
To speak of heritage as an indicator of congregational identity, is to focus
principally on the past bearing in mind that the congregations identity has been
shaped primarily by events of the past. It is that part of its identity which comes to it
out of its past by inheritancewhat a congregation considers to be its sacred deposit
from its total past.1 Furthermore, the Handbook lists the many avenues through
which this heritage is received. It cannot be overlooked that hymns are mentioned as
an example of one such means.2 The argument is made that heritage as identity can be
thought of at two levels. The first broadly encompasses the range of beliefs and
practices that can be appropriately labelled as Christian as opposed to other religions.
But on a parochial level we can also make out elements of a congregations heritage
that are unique to that local congregation.3
Heritage as a tributary of identity stresses the strong influence of the past upon
congregational identity. In cases where hymns have proven to be paramount in
establishing a congregations denominational identity as well as concretizing the
broader Christian characteristics, then hymnody acquires a level of prominence that
may not be applied to the other traditional means by which heritage is usually
considered. For example, if the use of hymns proved more effective than, say, the
1
Ibid, 25.
Others include Scriptures, creeds and confessions, church councils, writings, liturgies and stories, 25
26.
3
Seen as such, they then apply Robert Redfields concept of great tradition and little tradition as
complimenting the working out of the different types of beliefs and practices that emerge as a result of
the workings of heritage. The former underscores the essentials of the universality of Christianity while
the latter is associated with aspects of heritage that are limited to local congregation.
2
195
196
However, there are some pros and cons of hymnody as heritage identity. One
advantage is that of continuity of the fundamentals of the congregations identity
especially if the same are clearly captured in the hymnody. This helps the
congregation to associate its identity with previous generations. Another is that the
utilization of hymnody which encapsulates heritage identity also keeps the little
traditions of the congregation active and maintains the collective memory of the
congregation. The Moravians at Fetter Lane, therefore, would have seen their identity
as a gemeine not as an isolated reality but as part of the 18th century global mission
phenomenon.1 This would also account for the retention of certain hymns within the
electronic hymnal by the St. Thomas Assembly of God congregation. The advocating
for the inclusion of the older hymns on the part of the elderly members in that
congregation can be attributed to their efforts to maintain their heritage identity.
On the other hand, hymnody as heritage identity, because it relies so heavily
on the inheritance of the past, can be the death knell of new hymnody which does not
possess the same rootedness with the congregations past. This would account for the
less than enthusiastic attitude of the elderly congregants at the St. Thomas Assembly
towards some of the newer entries in the assemblys electronic hymnal. In the same
token, the lack of connection with the congregations past on the part of new
hymnody might serve as a basis which would explain the failure of some of the
congregations under the ecumenical grouping of the CCC in utilizing the Caribbean
hymns in Sing A New Song No. 3. Whereas the Caribbean hymnal points to the
attempt to redirect a regions ecumenical hymnic heritage and identity, the
consequence of attempting to acquit a communitys collective heritage identity by
1
It was noted that on Prayer Days, hymn verses were sung as prayers for the various mission places
around the world where Moravian missionaries were stationed.
197
stripping away the essentials of its hymnody was the fate of the Moravians in England
in the latter part of the 18th Century. Such is the argument that Yohan makes in his
dissertation. He laments that because of the Sifting Period in which the Moravians
made sweeping changes to their hymnody there was a direct correlation to their
identity. When the Moravians bowed to the pressure to readjust itself according to
respectable Protestant standards; [and] in doing so, it sacrificed much of its own
unique identity; and that in the end, refined, enlightened Christianity ultimately
penetrated and permanently altered even this most essential aspect of the
Zinzendorfian religious model.1
A congregations hymn singing heritage is also a reflection of an important
component in its worship tradition. As such, tradition therefore can be viewed as a
building block of heritage. This implies that by valuing tradition there is an affiliated
valuing of ones heritage. The hymn singing traditions of a community are also the
means whereby the heritage of that congregation is maintained. Atkins has
highlighted that tradition has the value that it carries the continuity of memory[it]
allows the individual to participate in the corporate memory which gives a sense of
continuity.2 Since heritage is inclusive of both past and present, then traditions,
especially those associated with the congregational singing cannot be ignored. To
abandon or ignore a congregations hymn singing traditions as a means whereby
heritage is kept alive is also to abandon a congregations collective memory which
will eventually fade into oblivion.
The notion of hymnody as an element of heritage identity brings to the
foreground as well how the possession of the hymnal itself is an integral part of that
1
2
Yohan, 150.
Atkins, 124.
198
heritage. Just as there are other tangibles that have been assigned a position of
authority in defining congregational heritage identity (ex. denominational seal,
weekly bulletins, the Bible), the hymnal itself represents that same authority. It is
connected to congregational heritage identity because it is the primary source from
which its hymns are drawn. In each of the case sites presented in this study, the
argument can be made that the congregational attitude towards the hymnal (or
supplemental hymnal in the case of Sing A New Song No. 3) is an indicator of how
the actual hymnal and its content forms part of the heritage template which informs
congregational identity.
The seriousness which was evident among the 18th century Moravian
community in publishing and distributing its own hymnal is a reflection of this aspect
of heritage identity. The absence of a hymnal would have been perceived as
unthinkable. Could it be that among some members of the Caribbean ecumenical
movement, the impact of the Caribbean hymnal and its message was not as effective
because of its content itself but rather because it had yet to be pushed further up the
pyramid as a credible source of congregational heritage identity? Consequently, could
a less than enthusiastic embrace of the new Caribbean hymnal, be the result of the
hymnal being viewed as a supplementary confirming its secondary position to the
many denominational hymnals against which it was competing? That the elderly
members of the St. Thomas Assembly still referred to the number in the printed
hymnal and that the congregational singing, which triggered the movement of the two
elderly ladies, typically drawn also from the old hymnal points, too, to the
predominance of tangible printed hymnals as a significant source of congregational
heritage identity.
199
Anthony Reddie, Working Against the Grain: Black Theology in the 21st Century, (London: Equinox
Publishing Ltd., 2008), 51.
2
Anthony Reddie, Dramatizing Theologies: A Participative Approach to Black God Talk, (London:
Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2006), 10.
3
Jackson W. Carroll et al., 35.
4
Ibid, 35.
200
architectural design, the placement of icons or other images, logos etc., the seating
configurations both within the body of the congregation as well as on the altar. The
chief purpose for the unraveling of this complex maze of interlocking factors is to
comprehend what meaning(s) are associated with a particular symbol and how the
same serves as a source of identity.
Consequently, in the context of a congregation engaging in public worship, to
bring to the fore what it sings and to propose that it be viewed as symbolic in nature is
to infer that the hymnody is pointing towards something else. I am opined that
elements of a congregations identity are represented through its hymnody. To
intimate, though, that there is a single meaning that can be attached to hymnody as
symbolic identity of a congregation would be an oversimplification of the issue. For
to speak of hymnody as a symbol is also to consider what anthropologist Victor
Turner has said about the nature of symbols. In his study of the Ndembu ritual, Turner
maintains that a single symbol, in fact, represents many things at the same time: it is
multivocal, not univocal.1 This implies that symbols potentially point to more than
one referent. It therefore means that hymns, like other symbols, could possess a
multiplicity of meanings when considered from the individual perspective. The range
of potential symbolic meanings, therefore, of congregational hymnody could be as
wide and varied as the number of persons engaged in singing at any one time.
In spite of this reality, is it still possible to advocate that hymnody can also
serve to present a collective identity to the congregation as a single referent? In that
case then, the collective symbolic meaning which the hymnody yields is not
altogether detached from the individual referents. Martin Stringer has proposed that in
1
Victor Turner, The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul,
1969), 52.
201
202
hand while at the same time perpetuating the individuals personal identity through
the associations of the stories related to the hymns. The reality of symbols low
specificity allows for there to be within the same congregation a plurality of
meanings associated with the same common hymnody. Yet even though there may be
individual interpretation, I contend that it is possible to articulate a generally accepted
meaning(s) of congregational hymnody as a collective symbolic identity which serves
as a unifying force that feeds into the congregations communal identity.
The embrace of hymnody as symbolic identity situates it within the extended
discourse on the role of the symbolic within the liturgy. Consequently, to assess the
place of hymnody as a facet of symbolic identity necessitates incorporating aspects of
the ongoing dialogue which addresses various arguments of a larger debate of how the
liturgical practices can impact congregational and even denominational collective
identity. For example, in considering the changes that have been made to the new
Book of Common Prayer on the identity of the Church of England, David Martin,
recognizing that the liturgy is akin to a forest of symbols argues against the changes
that have been made. He rationalizes his position by affirming that within the original
Book of Common Prayer the form and rhythm drive home the stake of meaning and
establish identity.1 For Martin, the wholesale changes that have been made are
likened to the removal of a forest of symbols which, having been cleared away had
resulted in the lost markers of identity. Eventually, the Anglican Church goes from
being a church with roots, possessing identity and conferring identity.[to] a
featureless international sect.2
David Martin. Personal Identity and a Changed Church, in No Alternative: The Prayer Book
Controversy, ed. David Martin & Peter Mullen (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1981), 15 16.
2
Ibid, 22.
203
204
occurs whenever the Church discloses Christ in realistic symbols, that is, symbols
which convey what they signify and which render visible the power of the invisible
world. Manifestation by impression occurs as the result of grace working in the
individual.1 In proposing that hymnody be deemed as a means of congregational
symbolic identity, it is my contention that hymns be embraced as expressing this
manifestation just as art, architecture or icons which all alike possesses to a
remarkable degree the capacity to render truth visible or, in the case of music, to
embody truth in the physical properties of sound.2 I will elaborate further on the
place of the sound of hymn singing in identity formation later in the chapter.
To view hymnody through the symbolic framework, then, is to propose that
via a congregations hymnic repertoire, that which is hidden and which is received by
faith breaks open a revelation of otherness. If we accept that what a congregation
sings forms part of the liturgy and that the liturgy utilizes religious language which
has the primary function of manifestation, then it requires a language which, like the
language of art or poetry, is complex, potent, rich in suggestion and in the ability to
enshrine hidden truth. It must be capable, as it were, of manifesting the glory beneath
the symbol.3 Hymnody, it can be said, makes use of language which as a symbol
manifests and makes Christian truth visible which at the same time expresses and
forms Christian congregational identity. By proposing that hymnody be labelled as a
sample of symbolic language that achieves manifestation, then as such a symbol type,
hymnody does not hide in order to obscure; it hides in order to reveal.4
205
Patrick Byrne, Symbolic Actions in Christian Worship, in Liturgy and Worship: Lifetime Learning,
eds. Robin Leaver and Joyce Ann Zimmerman, (Collegeville, MN: The Liturgical Press, 1998), 70.
2
Ibid, 72.
3
Ibid, 81.
4
Ibid, 100.
206
congregations? How might the above positions be corroborated from the case studies?
Among the Moravians at Fetter Lane the congregational identity or being was
generally accepted to be that of a gemeine. From the teaching of Zinzendorf, the
chief proponent of this concept, it was clear that every aspect of the community was
geared towards reinforcing that identity. As was stated in Chapter Three, that included
the social ordering of the members of the congregation into choirs, the living
accommodations and the overall patterns of worship. In the same way that these other
factors can be seen as components of the symbolic identity of the Moravian
gemeine, so too was the hymnody. Earlier I established that the gemeine was a
daily system of God in which the ultimate goal was not simply to bring someone
into the congregation but to communally join a soul to Jesus Christ. Consequently,
when the diarist highlights the heightened emotional and physical responses that were
characterized with the singing of Moravian hymnody at Fetter Lane, one can surmise
that through the singing of these hymns, there was the voicing of the ideals of the
congregational identity. The visible bodily responses then can be seen as an external
affirmation that hymnody as a symbol is conspiring to fortify in this case the referent
of the gemeine. As a symbol, the multivocality of Moravian hymnody resulted in
introducing the unconverted to life in the gemeine, the fusing of German and
English Moravians and bringing about the attaining of the spiritual pinnacle of being
joined with Christ through the side-wounds.
Hymnody as a measure of symbolic identity is also evident at the St. Thomas
Assembly of God congregation. Overall, the gestures of the congregants as they sang
can collectively be said to reflect a communal symbolic identity of the oasis
imagery. By this I mean that as members danced, clapped and raised their hands all
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actions which are triggered because of the singing then their bodies become
conduits by which the collective identity of the congregation as an Oasis of Love and
Hope is being manifested. However, the bodily action of the two elderly women
waving their banners up and down the aisle during the singing of particular hymns,
because of its uniqueness, can be considered to be more potent representation of
hymnody as a collective symbol identity. Whereas the individual members bodily
response to the singing can be a measurement of how the hymn itself may be
reinforcing an individual Christian identity, I submit that it is the physical response of
the two women to the hymnody that reinforces the congregations singing as a
representation of collective symbolism of the Oasis identity.
To infer that hymnody is a means of symbolic collective identity which can be
most readily attached to bodily gestures is to make a case that the associated gestures
are normative within the community and have been incorporated as part of the
communitys general symbolic framework. The hymns, as they ignite emotional
responses and associated gestures, demonstrate that such gestures are rich with
symbolic meanings that are appropriated by the community. Speaking to this matter,
Stephen Marini has suggested that if a literary work, visual image, or ritual gesture
enjoys exceptionally wide circulation in a religious community, it may properly be
assumed to hold important religious meaning.1 The religious meanings that are
associated with a congregations hymnody are unearthed through the gestures which
are triggered in the singing of the hymns. Such gestures in turn become part of the
congregations forest of symbols upon which their identity is either constructed or
expressed.
1
Stephen Marini, Hymnody as History: Early Evangelical Hymns and the Recovery of American
Popular Religion. Church History: Studies in Christianity and Culture 71: 2 (2002): 278.
208
209
worship is also participating in a ritual activity. Seen in this way, all that constitutes
worship can also be analysed in light of the three categorizations listed above.
Given that collective identity is about the articulation and expression of what a
community considers itself to be or not, I view the congregations worship as ritual to
be a major part of the matrix by which communal identity is achieved. By
emphasising that the substance of ritual is geared towards transition and
transformation then it implies that through ritual, identity is both attained and
reinforced. Having established earlier that the nature of identity is such that it is not
fixed, the transitory and transformative characteristics of ritual are congruent with the
essence of identity formation. Where hymnody, therefore, is central to a worship as a
form of ritual, then the assertion can be made that hymnody as a part of the
communitys ritual acts function analogously to various creedal statements and
symbols[and] communicate meanings and relationship that express a
congregations identity either what its identity actually is (or once was), or what its
identity is becoming.1
Separate and apart from rituals comprising rites of passages, Carroll et al.
highlight that congregational identity is also informed by what they term as rites of
intensification. Such rites, they maintain, can reinforce both the larger catholic
traditions of Christianity and the little traditions that are peculiar to a particular
congregation. Though they itemize other rituals by which congregational identity can
be assessed, it is this feature that I find most appealing to our discussion. In
addressing rites of intensification, they advocate that such rites can help disparate
groups within the congregation experience their oneness as a particular people and as
210
members of the Body of Christ.1 Furthermore, they argue that through such means a
congregation can transmit from one generation to another the main core of its heritage
identity. These particular rites of intensification are critical for without them the
congregations identity would not likely be maintained.2
How then can we evaluate and adjudge hymnody and identity in light of the
abovementioned? Hymnody itself is not ritual. But where congregational hymnody is
central and pivotal to the execution of a particular congregational ritual to the point
where the purpose of the ritual would be compromised and its meaning lost, then
hymnody cannot be viewed as an extra nonessential component to the ritual. Where
this is the case, then hymnody can be regarded as being a source of congregational
ritual identity.
If liminality is the hallmark of rites of passage where the ritual is geared
towards the transformation of the participants in the ritual; then when at Fetter Lane
Moravian hymnody is utilized, for example in a Lovefeast, to bring individuals who
were not a part of the gemeine to be joined to the community, then hymnody is
demonstrating liminal attributes. Similarly, the format of the Moravian Singing Hour
in which, as a ritual, hymns are the only components, means that hymnody again is
made to portray liminality within the community. The continued use of Moravian
hymnody throughout all aspects of Moravian worship can be said to be geared
towards the three liminal phases associated with ritual. Of course, for the Moravians,
the ultimate expression of the transformational power of hymnody in ritual is attained
when hymnody is made to cause the community to be joined with the side wounds of
Jesus during the Communion. The employ of hymnody as being woven into the
1
2
Ibid, 39.
Ibid.
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212
between the two major periods of congregational singing the first at the beginning
of worship and the second that occurs at the end after the sermon. Might it be more
precise then to consider these three components of worship at the Assembly to be
mirroring the following status: preliminal (singing before sermon), liminal (sermon)
and postliminal (singing after the sermon)? In light of this stance, then it underscores
that a rightful view of hymnody as ritual and symbolic identity within the Assembly
requires incorporating both of the primary features by which the community expresses
and sustains its identity, viz. singing and preaching.
Yet, I contend that the physical movements of the two elderly ladies during the
singing of particular hymns at the Assembly cannot be overlooked to be symbolic in
that their actions is a window through which there is an outward manifestation of a
liminal transfer, ritually speaking, that is occurring within the congregation as it sings.
Little wonder then that the worship leaders have recognized the value of selecting
hymns from the congregations repertoire which will bring about the specific action of
these ladies moving up and down the aisle waving their banners. Further, by having
the congregation repeat the hymns without having predetermined the frequency is an
indication that the worship leaders are facilitating hymnody as an aspect of the rite of
intensification (preliminal). Can it be presumed that the purpose of repetition of
congregational hymns is to raise the level of the oasis to a perceived level where the
liminal movement from outer to inner court is attained? Might it not also be that the
instances where the pastor takes over the leading of the worship and then chooses
other hymns for the congregation to sing is his way of declaring that the preliminal
movement has not yet been achieved, based on his perception as the spiritual leader of
the congregation? On his part, the utilization of hymnody as a response to his sermon
213
is geared towards achieving the postliminal movement. This time though the goal is
not to move into the inner court but to move even further spiritually to accepting the
offer of salvation.
The crux of my proposition is that hymnody, though not a ritual per se can
determine the shape and outcome of the liminal actions which are associated with a
particular ritual. Because Christian worship is a ritual activity, then it follows that the
hymnody that is incorporated into worship does have a bearing on the outcome of the
worship. The degree to which this is the case is based on the place which hymnody
occupies in the particular worship tradition. Whilst I did not observe or record any
congregation engaged in worship while singing the entries from the Caribbean
hymnal, based on the musicological analysis offered in the previous chapter, it is still
possible to make some substantial conjectures in terms of the ways in which
Caribbean hymnody too can be depicted as a means of ritual identity.
Clearly the advocates for Caribbean hymnody were not blinded to the
potential effect of Caribbean hymnody and its likely impact on the Caribbean worship
ritual. Can it be said that they were aiming merely for some cosmetic adaptations or
were the goals more substantial? Bearing in mind that the Caribbean hymnal Sing A
New Song No. 3 was an ecumenical undertaking, then clearly the target was not to
restructure the various denominations and their little traditions associated with their
individual worship rituals. Rather, the emphasis was to formulate a regional
Caribbean ecumenical identity. Caribbean hymnody then was seeking to offer to the
churches in the region hymns that were not confined to the usual Euro-centric identity
branding of Methodist, Moravian or Anglican hymnody. All of these were couched in
the particular heritage of those denominations and bore the historic fabric of their
214
This was particularly striking when there were national ecumenical worship occasions. These
included national celebrations such as instances where Caribbean islands observed the anniversaries of
their political independence with a national worship service; the regular meeting of the Assembly of the
CCC or the annual meetings associated with the local Christian Councils; inter-faith worship occasions
in which the focus was either celebrating national achievement or commemorating or remembering
national tragedies.
215
was attempted was through the formulation of a Caribbean lyrical theology. The
implication is that, especially within the ecumenical sphere, Caribbean hymnody not
the difference of opinion over sacramental theology, the explication of a particular
stance on a theology of worship or for that matter the articulation of a major
theological issue governed by Protestant or Roman Catholic perspective can be said
to have been accredited and ascribed with liminal attributes. The popularizing of
Caribbean hymnody for ecumenical worship rituals created a spiritually charged
environment where Caribbean worship was characterized as being (1) celebrative, (2)
contextual, (3) transformative. The successful utilization of these hymns within that
ecumenical framework eventually led to their embrace in the worship rituals within
the various denominational settings. It is through this trickle down effect in the use of
these indigenous hymns from the regional to the parochial level that accounts for
Caribbean hymnody as a source of ecumenical ritual identity.
216
occupied my attention. In giving attention to the performance of hymns, one can make
the congregations response to what it sings as the focal point. In addition, emphasis
can be placed on the performance practise of the congregation in terms of
instrumentation that accompanies its singing and how these may contribute to the
overall performance. However, as I seek to explore the core question of this study, I
am opined that the examination of the performance of hymnody from a textual
perspective provides significant links between hymnody and congregational identity.
Since my focus is on the performance of hymnody, then the context or
framework within which that performance takes place cannot be immaterial. It is the
collective public performance of hymns within the context of worship, a ritual, and
how that shapes and expresses identity that concerns me. The performance of
hymnody then must be pegged as part of the broader issue of the dialogue of ritual as
a performance. Although I have already referenced the key aspects of Victor Turners
position on ritual in the previous section and how hymnody might be seen as a source
of ritual identity, Turners thinking on ritual as performance is also an appropriate
lens through which one may views the performance of hymnody as part of a ritual
performance. The implications are noteworthy.
To begin with, Turner suggests that when we examine rituals, dramas or other
cultural performances like carnival that they do more than simply reflect[s] or
express[es] how the society has constructed its social order. Rather he proposes that
the performance should be seen as a critique, direct or veiled, of the social life it
grows out of.1 Furthermore, he advances that it is during the performance that those
who are engaged in the act hold up mirrors which do more than just reflect features
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of the culture. The reflection in these mirrors, as they overlap and intersect, results
in the formation of a new level of consciousness within the community. This is an
ongoing social process and typically leads to a state where people become
conscious, through witnessing and often participating in such performance, of the
nature, texture, style and given meanings of their own lives as members of a
sociocultural community.1 However, the achievement of such levels of
consciousness does not mean that the performance has necessarily resulted in
meaningful change. For that to be realized, Turner proposes that there must be what
he terms as performative reflexivity. This is:
A condition in which a sociocultural group, or it most perceptive members
acting representatively, turn, bend or reflect back upon themselves, upon the
relations, actions, symbols, meanings, cods, roles, statuses, social structures,
ethical and legal rules and other sociocultural components which make up
their public selvesnot mere reflex, a quick, automatic or habitual response
to some stimulus. It is highly contrived, artificial, of culture not nature, a
deliberate and voluntary work of art.2
I regard the corporate public worship in which a congregation is engaged as an
example of Turners performative reflexivity. An analysis of the case studies that
are indispensable to this study presents a perspective which supports this position. Be
it the ethnographic-based data from the St. Thomas Assembly of God or the ethnohistographic details which were uncovered in the Fetter Lane diaries, it is clear that
Christian worship when evaluated as a sample of cultural performance can be labelled
as demonstrating performative reflexivity. By highlighting specifically the place of
congregational singing in worship, this study hoisted congregational hymnody as a
variable in shaping collective identity. The question therefore which now comes to the
fore is how to reframe, as it were, hymnody so that it too might be categorized as
1
2
Ibid, 22.
Ibid, 24.
218
possessing the same ilk of performative reflexivity as the worship ritual in which it
is located. How might hymns be said to possess performative qualities which bear
upon the conscientization of the socializing process of those who are engaged in the
performance of hymns? In other words, how do hymns become reflexive so that in the
performance of the hymns there is a crystallization of the meanings, symbols and
other facets which inform the communitys identity of its collective public self?
To propose that worship in essence possess performative properties is to
suggest that hymnody, as an integral component of worship, possess similar qualities
and can be seen too as performative. Judith Marie Kubicki explores this matter by
considering how the music of Taize could be interpreted in light of the performative
theory of language.1 Kubickis application of J. L. Austins performative language
theory to a specific type of liturgical music is revelatory. Can similar deductions be
made in applying Austins philosophy generally to congregational singing? Based on
the data gathered from the case studies, what are the implications for hymnody as a
means whereby congregational identity is attained? Is the performance of hymns by
congregations more than merely a musical performance but also a performative
reflexivity through which a congregations identity is formed and sustained? Although
I will rely on Kuybickis analysis, I wish to begin the assessment of hymnody as an
example performative language by reviewing some key components of Austins
theory.
6.3.1 The Fundamentals of the Speech Act Theory of J. L. Austin
Austin is recognised as the originator of the speech act theory or performative
language theory. The premise upon which Austins theory rests is that we can do
1
Judith Marie Kubicki, Liturgical Music as Ritual Symbol: A Case Study of Jacques Berthiers Taize
Music (Bondgenotenlaan: Peeters, 1999).
219
things through the use of words. Austins concepts were presented in his seminal book
How To Do Things With Words, based on a series of lectures given at Harvard
University in 1955. He argues that words are not merely expressions that we utter.
Rather there are certain announcements which when uttered are also accomplishing a
particular action. According to Austin, not all verbal expressions can be categorised as
possessing this unique quality though. Some can be said to be descriptive in that they
either report a matter or verify if something is either true or false. These words are
considered as constatives. It is those which when uttered go beyond describing or
reporting and are actually doing which occupy his philosophical construct of
language. He cites several examples such as when someone says I do as part of a
wedding ceremony; I name this ship in the launching of a vessel; or I give and
bequeath as in ones will. Similarly, when a priest utters I baptise you in a
christening rite can also be deemed as one example. For Austin, the uttering of such
statements is not to describe my doing of what I should be said in so utteringor to
state that I am doing it: it is to do it.1 Because of the peculiarity of such utterances in
that they signal the performing of an action[and] not normally thought of as just
saying something, then they are classed as performative sentences or
performatives. 2
But the performative utterance can be made invalid if the prescribed
conditions are not right. Therefore the legitimacy of the performative rests upon
ensuring that one who utters the performative is empowered so to do (external
validation), and that the inner moral state of the parties involved in making the
utterance is agreeable (non-physical). However, if all of the conditions are not met,
1
2
J. L. Austin, How to Do Things With Words (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1962), 6.
Ibid, 6 7.
220
the utterance is not negated. Instead, it simply means that the utterance has been
appropriated in bad faith. The utterance then is not false but rather unhappy and such
performatives are seen to be Infelicities.1 Because the inward condition of those
participating in the performative cannot be seen or measured, then for Austin the
outward action associated with the utterance must be seen as a fact.
Another aspect of Austins philosophy that is noteworthy for the purposes of
our discussion is the distinction he makes between the types of performatives. Firstly,
there is the locution which is the type of speech through which an act is performed.
This can be said to be the most impactful or forceful kind of speech act. Secondly, an
illocution categorizes speech act in which it is not as direct and explicit. Austin
underscores that the understanding of illocution is best grasped when it is seen in light
of the locution. Consequently, the associated action, though indirect, can be seen as
being more suggestive. Such statements reflect the effect the speaker intends the
utterance to produce in the hearer.2 Thirdly, perlocution speech is the weakest of the
three and brings to the fore how the performative may or may not achieve the desired
or intended act upon the hearer. In developing his theory further, Austin classifies
utterances into five broad categories based on their illocutionary force. Though he is
far from equally happy about all of them, they are listed as (1) Verdictives the
rendering of a decision; (2) Exercitives bringing your influence to bear upon
something; (3) Commissives pledging or avowing; (4) Behabitives related to
societal conduct; and (5) Expositives how words are used generally in an argument.3
221
There are some specific elements to Austins theory which I have deemed
necessitous for the purpose of this discussion.1 After his death, one of Austins
students, John Searle, sought to further crystalize and adapt some of the key elements
of the colloquy on the speech-act theory. For the purposes of this chapter, I draw
attention to Searles set of taxonomy of illocutionary acts which he advances as an
alternative to Austins. Searles classification includes (1) Assertives which commit
the speakerto somethings being the case, to the truth of the expressed proposition;
2
(2) Directives where the speaker is attempting to have the hearer accomplish
Some of Austins key philosophical principles were published posthumously in the collection
Philosophical Papers, edited by J. O. Urmson and G. J. Warnock (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961).
2
John R. Searle, Expression and Meaning: Studies in the Theory of Speech Acts (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1979), 12.
3
Ibid, 15.
4
For further discussion see Chapter One A Taxonomy of Illocutionary Acts (1 29) in Expression
and Meaning. Searle offers a rationale for the components of his speech act classification compared
especially to that of Austin.
222
Searle, 2.
Ibid, 3.
3
Ibid, 5. All of the twelve features which Searle mentions are vital in informing his illocutionary
taxonomy are highlighted in the opening chapter (2 8).
2
223
See Wade T. Wheelock, The Problem of Ritual Language: From Information to Situation. The
Journal of the American Academy of Religion 50 (1982): 49 71.
2
See Joseph J. Schaller, Performative Language Theory: An Exercise in the Analysis of Ritual.
Worship 62 (September 1988): 415 432.
3
See Jean Ladriere, The Performativity of Liturgical Language. In Liturgical Experience of Faith,
ed. H. Schmidt and David N. Power, 50 62. Concilium series, no. 82. New York: Herder and Herder,
1973.
4
Kubicki, 152.
5
Kubicki, 152-153.
6
Ibid, 155.
224
Ibid, 153.
Ibid.
3
Ibid.
4
Ibid, 154.
2
225
With this background and balancing these perspectives with the foundational
position of Austin and Searle, Kubicki establishes that the Taize chants can be seen as
liturgical singing in which there is doing of something because of the illocutionary
force of language. Further, she claims that these chants can also be viewed not just as
means of informing but more importantly as situating. Finally, she argues that the
musical syntax (stress, intonation etc.) that are presented in the chants themselves do
weigh on the illocutionary performative.1 Can similar conclusions be drawn based on
an analysis that is broader in scope than the single case study of the genre of the
liturgical chants of Taize? In broaching the notion of the performative reflexivity of
the language of hymnody and its ability to fashion and / or express congregational
identity, I will consider in this section two of the three principles of Kubicki. The
third principle which addresses how liturgical language contributes to situating and
creating a community will be looked at in the next section. Specifically then, I am
attending at this juncture to two claims: (1) that hymnody too can be deemed as
performative language in which by giving attention to the hymn texts it can be said
that there is also the doing of something; and (2) that the musical texture of hymn
tunes is an important component in facilitating the performative doing that is
occurring in the hymn text.
6.3.2 Hymn Texts as Doing
Generally speaking, hymns as texts are atypical. Two distinctive features set
them apart. First, hymns are crafted in a textual form that is strophic, as opposed to
being prosaic. Consequently, they can also be adjudged as literary textual
constructions which imply that they can also be examined using other interpretative
226
Watson, 1.
John R. Searle, Expression and Meaning: Studies in the Theory of Speech Acts (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1979), 18.
2
227
the context of the liturgy, it speaks or expresses faith in God and in the possibility of a
relationship with him.1
What then are the implications of this and how do the data from the multiple
case studies reflect and support the claim that hymnic language is performative.
Following the pattern of Kubicki who drew her conclusions from the case study of the
Taize chants, I will demonstrate how hymns can be assessed to be performative by
considering them to be illocutionary representations. I will reference specifically a
sampling of three hymn texts that would have been sung at Fetter Lane during the 18th
Century. I will not emphasise too much the text of the Caribbean hymns since I would
have already set forth a textual analysis of the content in the Caribbean hymnal Sing
A New Song No. 3 (Chapter Five). However, I will provide some reference to the
practice of congregational singing within the St Thomas Assembly of God
congregation to demonstrate the wider principle of the illocutionary attributes of the
texts of hymns.
To ask what the text of a hymn is doing is to consider essentially what is its
illocutionary point. Is there a single purpose or message being communicated through
the text or are there several? This means considering what the hymn is telling the
hearer to do. What is the congregation being asked to perform through the hymn? And
when the hymn text is studied what is the illocutionary force of the performative? Can
it be shown that the hymn texts reflect either the taxonomy of Austins or Searles or
quite possibly a combination of both? Whether the analysis follows the classification
of the former or latter, the larger issue is acknowledging that hymns as text possess an
illocutionary purpose or point.
Kubicki, 159.
228
This approach towards the textual analysis of hymns could potentially unlock
some new capacities whereby meanings could be extracted when juxtaposed to the
traditional evaluative methods that have already been advanced. For example, S. Paul
Schilling has postulated that hymns cannot simply be adjudged on the basis of the
individuals subjectivity of likes or dislikes. Though this is often inescapable, the
evaluation and analysis of hymn texts call for the application of more objective
criteria. Schilling recommends at least seven (7) pertinent questions to ask of a
particular hymn.1 He further argues that because hymns are theological in nature
then they must be evaluated at least through four (4) lenses: Scripture, tradition,
experience and reason.2 Schilling suggests some criteria by which a hymns text could
be evaluated. These are (1) a theology that is in accordance with the basic tenets of
the Christian faith; (2) the use of poetic and metaphoric images that are consistent
with Christian doctrine; (3) conformity to current scientific knowledge; (4) inclusivity
and universality of hymn texts.3 To that I propose adding another category which is to
assess hymns in light of their illocutionary point and to have this evaluated in light of
the other criteria applied to hymn texts.
To illustrate this point, I will examine two Moravian hymns that appeared
frequently in the Fetter Lane diaries of the 18th century.4 The first hymn was We Kiss
See S. Paul Schilling The Faith We Sing: How the Message of Hymns Can Enhance Christian Belief,
pages 42 51. Schilling argues that hymns are lyric poetry and so his 7 questions approach the hymn
from a poetic stance. As such they seek to address issues such as the internal structure, aesthetics,
language use and suitability of the text as a hymn.
2
Ibid, 43.
3
Ibid, 45 48.
4
With so many hymns mentioned in the diaries, I established the following as the criteria to be used to
determine which two hymns to be referenced: (1) the diary must have clearly stated that they hymn was
sung as part of the specific service; (2) the discovery of not just the verse which was sung but of the
entire hymn so that the particular verse could be viewed in light of the entire hymn; (3) being able to
match the tune that would have been associated with that hymn and securing the musical score. The
search for the various hymns began by first locating the hymn text. The following seven Moravian
hymnals were consulted: 1742, 1746 (Parts I & II), 1754, 1769, 1789 and 1849. That oftentimes
229
Each Other in the Side1 an example of a hymn that would have been sung at a
Moravian Lovefeast at Fetter Lane. What if Schillings criteria were applied to this
hymn? Several conclusions can be drawn. The centrality of Scripture as a pillar to
Moravian 18th century hymnody is undeniable. Although all of Scripture would have
served as a tributary feeding into the source of Moravian hymnody, there was an
unusual emphasis on the New Testament and specifically the accounts of Jesus death
and its meaning in the life of a believer. A closer examination of the hymns text
reveals a central emphasis on the imagery of the wounds of Jesus. The hymn then can
be assessed as having as its illocutionary point the goal of establishing a spiritual
reality in which being a part of the Moravian gemeine meant becoming one with
Christ by entering through his wounds. The quality of this union is likened to that
which occurs between a husband and wife where there is a oneness that cannot be
severed.
Analysing this hymn through the lenses of Searle, it can be determined that the
hymn as an expression of performative language displays assertives My Soul and
Body, Enter thou / Into the Side-Hole now; directives With thy Sides Blood quite cover
me / And wet me thro and thro or expressives To live and work and sleep therein / Im
heartily inclind. On the other hand, if the choice is made to apply Austins
categorization of performatives, then the claim can be made that the hymn employs
exercitives A Side-Holes Diver will I be / O Side-Hole I will sink in thee and
commissives There in one Side-Holes joy Divine / Ill spend all future Days of mine..
necessitated working backwards from the latest to the earliest especially since the later hymnals had
completed indexes. Of the more than 30 hymn verses mentioned in Chapter Three, twelve hymns and
their accompanying tunes were found covering the three orders of worship services discussed. It is
from that list that the final two hymns were chosen. Where there was an earlier version of the hymn
text or tune, that was intentionally used in keeping with the seven year period under review.
1
See Appendix Ten for the full text of the hymn.
230
This hymn establishes its illocutionary point primarily through the use of two very
striking images. First and most obvious being is the side wounds of Jesus. This wound
is deemed to be the Queen of all of the other wounds which would have been
inflicted on Christ in his suffering and death. The second image is that of the church
as the Bride of Christ. These two images complement each and capture the two
elements of Moravian theology during the Zinzendorf years seeing Christ as
Husband and the supremacy of the side wound. The bridal imagery suggests a depth
of intimacy which is represented with the side wound as being a brides Chamber.
That is reinforced with the very direct action on the part of the members within the
congregation who in the opening line are invited to kiss each other a very direct
reference to the intimacy of marriage. The hymn concludes by reaffirming its
illocutionary point that the most desirable place to be, where life is enriched
spiritually, is no other place than the side-hole of Christ. Undoubtedly the analysis of
hymn texts through the lens of the illocutionary point offers new vistas and reveals
textually what the hymn is doing at another level.
Another Moravian hymn Thou Death-Sweat Mixt With Blood 1 that was
repeatedly sung, especially at Communion services at Fetter Lane, reveals similar
elements of a hymns illocutionary qualities. This hymn, written by Zinzendorf,
epitomizes the essence of his theology on the wounds of the Lamb which was central
to the Moravian gemeine. The image of the Christ as the suffering and dying Lamb of
God is painted here with an almost unimaginable eye for detail. The text embodies
Christs suffering by paying particular attention to two fluids which would have been
coming forth from his body: blood and sweat. Although one can expect that closer
231
attention is usually paid to the spilling of Christs blood, here Zinzendorf creatively
enhances the image of the suffering Lamb by bringing to the fore that in addition to
the blood there was sweat. It is the mixing of these two fluids that gives the hymn
such a striking opening line and immediately jars the singer to pay close attention to
the figure on the cross through new eyes. The text points not only to Christs death
but also brings the singer to recall when he was in the garden of Gethsemane praying
before his crucifixion. The Gospel accounts record that the intensity of the coming
suffering caused his sweat to become like drops of blood (Luke 22:44).1
As the hymn develops Zinzendorf, like an artist, deliberately paints a striking
image of the suffering Christ. Beginning from the head, attention is given to the
forehead, eyes, face and hair. The singer is being drawn closer to see the dying Christ
suffocating while struggling to take a breath. This reinforces the image of the severity
and intensity of the moment. The picture being painted by the hymn writer is
expanded as he pulls the singer to now view the place where the spear would have
punctured Christs side. An irony is declared in that even though this wound is only a
few inches, what it produces is a river whose flow reaches even to hell. The image of
the flowing river which is gushing forth from the Lamb is welcomed by the Lambs
wife (the Church). The final verse is both a plea and a declaration. The plea is for the
river of blood and sweat mixed together to be realized in the gathered community.
The declaration affirms that it is in the meal blest that what is anticipated and
expected will be received.
The text depicts some of the illocutionary indicators of Searles taxonomy. For
example, there is the element of a sincerity condition when it assures Thou Corpses
1
In his anguish he prayed more earnestly, and his sweat became like great drops of blood falling
down on the ground. [New Revised Standard Version]
232
Air! Come, come / Thro this Hand into th Bread / When kneaded with thy Fume /
Twill make the members dead. The intensity of the image of the suffering Christ
expands as the hymn develops this theme of focusing on the many wounds from
which blood is gushing. In the final verse, there is another representation of the aspect
of Searles directional fit which can be either word to world or world to word. In this
instance, the force of the illocutionary point is for the words of the hymn text to cause
change in the world view of the congregation. This is epitomized with the words
Flow in this Hall with Haste / That thy church wet it render; / And that (in this Meal
Blest), / Gods Mandhood depth so tender.
When we examine the text of the Caribbean hymns, I hold to the view that the
force of the illocutionary point generally speaking of Caribbean hymnody is geared
towards the reframing of a Caribbean ecumenical identity. This was the key line of
argument in the previous Chapter. Having already examined the illocutionary force of
the text of Caribbean hymnody, I wish to underscore here that the illocutionary point
of Caribbean hymnody can be considered as primarily possessing a directional fit in
which there is an emphasis on word to world movement rather than world to word. As
word to world directional fit, Caribbean hymnody utilized language which asserts the
historical unity within the region and declares this reality already existed. By and
large, the force of the illocutionary point of Caribbean hymnody affirms and
articulates a specific reality and then develops this theme by drawing attention to how
such realities can be depicted within the Church. For example, in Hymn of the
Caribbean in Sing A New Song No. 3, the following declaration is made: And who
the Church, but we, O Lord, / Committed by your works, and word, / To seek, to
serve, to help, to heal, / And each the others ills to feel / That all may hear and know,
233
for good, / The saving power of Jesus blood.1 As word to world fit, this example
epitomizes Caribbean hymnody to be demonstrating its illocutionary point by offering
(1) novel descriptions of God; (2) the people of the region with their language and
music; and (3) the broader Caribbean community.
But it is also possible to see Caribbean hymnody as it seeks to make its
illocutionary point to also be advocating a world to word directional fit. In such
instances, we can highlight the texts of the many Caribbean hymns which aim to
cause churches in the Caribbean to promise to maintain the unity which already
existed within the region. As world to word directional which is primarily through
promises, Caribbean hymnody requests of the Caribbean Christian community to
promise to exercise the power which God had already bestowed upon them to
confront and deliberately counter the long held misconceptions which had informed
the identity of the Church in the Caribbean. For example, in the hymn A Song of
Renewal, found in Sing A New Song No. 3, the text implores the Caribbean Church to
promise that In the slums of every city / Where the bruised and lonely dwell, / We
shall show the Saviours pity, / We shall of His mercy tell. / In all lands and with all
races / We shall serve, and seek to bring / All mankind to render praises / Christ to
Thee, Redeemer, King.2 When we take into account that Caribbean hymnody as a
genre of Christian hymnody possesses this attribute of bi-directionality as an
illocutionary act, it bolsters its efficacy as a means whereby a Caribbean lyrical
theology is formulated and embraced.
Can the argument also be advanced that the doing of the illocutionary
purpose or point of the hymn texts might actually be conveyed beyond the actual text?
1
2
234
Can it be said that through the gestures which are displayed in the congregation as
they sing that we also can detect what the hymn may be doing? That is to say
gestures can be looked at more than just being symbolic. They in fact are related to
the illocutionary point in that they add the illocutionary force to the hymn text. The
application of this principle means therefore that the bodily gestures that were
observed at the St. Thomas Assembly of God can be seen as manifesting illocutionary
point. Consequently, when the banner-waving women move up and down the aisle of
the sanctuary within the Assembly, the claim can be made that their bodily gestures
have been triggered by the force of the illocutionary point or purpose of
congregational singing. Viewed in this light, then the gestures can be seen as a
constituent of the hymns illocutionary point which causes the worshipping
congregation, as it sings, to exhibit a prescribed behaviour which reinforces the
community unique communal identity.
Similarly, among the Moravians at Fetter Lane when the singing of hymns
during the Lovefeast, Singing Hour or Communion prompts members in the
congregation to fall prostrate or even to exhibit other emotional responses, then might
these too be seen as indicators of the hymns illocutionary point? This suggests that
the illocutionary intent of a hymn goes beyond wanting the congregation to believe a
particular desirable spiritual position. Through expressing particular gestures, the
Moravians at Fetter Lane were being moved to actualize the illocutionary point of its
hymnody, which was for the community to be in union with Christ through his
wounds. Generally speaking, the force of the illocutionary point is produced not
simply by the words or the word order, but also by deep syntactic structure, stress, and
235
Kubicki, 151.
236
237
Edward Foley, Music in Ritual: A Pretheological Investigation, (Washington, DC: The Pastoral Press,
1984), 11.
2
Ibid, 17.
3
Kubicki, 160 161.
238
congregation occupies is both a worship space as well as a place where music making
occurs.1 It is noteworthy that Kubicki, in her evaluation of liturgical music as a
performative, like Foley, stresses music as situating. She elaborates on how the
compositional components present, within the chants themselves, facilitate this
situating of the community as it makes music. Her discussion in this matter will prove
insightful in the following section on community identity.
S. Paul Schillings perspective on music emphasises its theological qualities
and sheds further light on how music can be viewed as being performative. He posits
that:
Music without words unquestionably has power to move, disturb, or bring
emotional assurance, but its explicit theological significance depends on the
beliefs of those who compose, hear, or perform it....there is evidence that
music may shed some light on the nature of what is, and therefore on the
reality that Christians address when they worship...[moreover] people of faith
may find in music support for some beliefsFaith is not inevitably produced
but it may be enhanced by musical sensitivity.2
What is implied here is that a precise reflexive performative that is achieved through
music does not occur in a vacuum per se. Particularly in the context of worship, the
performative that is associated with music is always tied to other variables that are
present in worship. What Schilling therefore underscores is that within Christian
worship musics performativity is contextual. If musics performativity in such cases
is primarily theological, then one can surmise that in Christian worship music as a
performative has direct bearing upon a congregations theological identity. But if the
focus shifts specifically to the hymns in worship and the music of hymns (tunes), then
clearly more than the creation or expression of a theological identity is being
advanced. After all, hymns do more than merely express theology. In exploring
1
Kubicki, 161.
S. Paul Schilling, The Faith We Sing: How the Message of Hymns Can Enhance Christian Belief (The
Westminster Press), 33 35.
2
239
therefore the many ways in which hymnody might be viewed is to explore too how
hymn tunes aid in identity formation.
Jeremy S. Begbies ideology on the interconnections between theology, music
and time is also worth mentioning. Begbies stance on music generally as possessing
performative attributes overlaps and in some ways expands on that which Foley
advances. He acknowledges that music is still a subject area that can be somewhat
cloudy in that even though it is clear that music is one of the most powerful
communicative media we have...how it communicates and what it communicates are
anything but clear.1 Key to Begbies philosophy is grasping the understanding that
music is practised and not just theorised. Therefore, for Begbie, it is the practise
(italics added) of music that brings meaning to music. Integral to this process is
music-making and music-hearing 2 where the former is an activity that produces
music through the means of ordered sounds or pitches and the latter is the receiving of
that music with more than just ones ears. In essence they can be seen as two sides of
the same coin. Meaning is communicated when both actions complement each other.
But what is the congregation hearing as they are making music? What more is
happening than the making of music as they sing? I raise these questions in light of
Begbies suggestion that music generates meaning both through its own intrinsic
relations and through its extra-musical connections.3 This implies that in the making
of music by singing hymns in worship, congregations may be hearing more than the
music they are now making. There are numberless extra musical connections which
could surface within this process. What role do these connections play in determining
Jeremy S. Begbie, Theology, Music and Time (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 4.
Ibid, 9.
3
Ibid, 11.
2
240
the performativity of the hymn being sung? Begbie emphasizes that the deriving of
meaning from music cannot be seen as an autonomous activity.1 This is in keeping
with the conclusions drawn by Martin Stringer, who in his analysis of how worship
was perceived at the Baptist congregation, realized that through the singing of hymns
members were connecting their personal stories associated with certain hymns with
biblical stories. Meaning in worship was therefore being created by reciprocity of
what can be considered as extra-musical.2
This study has revealed some of the extra musical connection that impinges
upon the congregation not only as it sings hymns but also when the tune that is used is
that which is generally known. It is in the making of music as the hymns are sung that
these connections are stirred and resurrected. At the St. Thomas Assembly of God, the
interviews and group discussions showed there were extras associated with certain
hymns that activated both the individual and collective memory within the
congregation. The responses of the members at Fetter Lane to hymns that were sung
by the congregation can be said to have exemplified how the emotional welfare can be
closely moored to music making. By utilizing musical rhythms which were reflective
of the regions social and cultural norms, Caribbean hymnody would have triggered
extras even as the congregations were singing.
The linkages between hymn tunes and hymn texts reveal that hymn tunes
themselves are an integral aspect of the performative process of hymn texts.
Consequently, it can be rightly concluded that when we mention the word hymn to
almost anyone...the first image that comes to mind is a hymn tune. It is quite natural
1
Begbie contends that meaning associated with music cannot be autonomous because of: 1) the social
and cultural embeddedness of musical practices; 2) an engagement with the distinctive configuration
of the physical world we inhabit; 3) musical practice is inescapably bodily; 4) music has very
strong convictions with our emotional life. 13 15
2
Stringer, Perception of Worship, Chapter Four (pp. 83 108).
241
for the concept hymn to conjure up some kind of music because hymns are for
singing.1 That certain hymn tunes have been historically affixed to particular hymn
texts implies that credit for the reflexive performative of the hymn texts must embrace
as well the invaluable contribution made because of the hymn tune. Schilling, in
addressing the bond between hymn tune and its impact on hymn text, holds to the
position that even though hymn tunes do not in themselves convey definite
theological ideas, when they are joined with texts they may strengthen or undermine
the meanings expressed.2 He further highlights three ways in which hymn tunes can
have an effect on hymn texts which are noteworthy. First, like other music, they are
capable of stirring and expressing deep emotion; second they impact the moods
evoked by the hymn texts; and third they can either fortify or weaken the
convictions embodied in the words.3 These three principles advanced by Schilling
are akin to those made by Foley and Begbie. It underlines that the interplay between
music of hymns and the texts is not inconsequential. The impact and influence of
hymn tunes to hymn text is of such that to speak of hymn tunes as illocutionary acts
would not be altogether inappropriate.
The performative language theories can be applied to the genre of hymns
because of the utilization of texts in their construct. However, the structure of the texts
of hymns is not a casual exercise. A hymn writer in crafting a hymn has to be led by
some of the following dominant musical characteristics that shape the form and
structure of hymn texts. They are: (1) stanzas (verse as opposed to prose); (2) a
rhyming scheme which is not always set or predetermined; (3) varying metrical
242
patterns with accented and unaccented syllables (ex. iambic tetrameter and trochaic);
(4) the number of syllables in each line guiding the meter of the hymn (ex. short meter
SM 6.6.8.6; long meter LM 8.8.8.8; and common meter CM 8.6.8.6.); (5) use of
poetic devices (ex. hyperbole, simile, metaphor).1 Evidently the composition of a
hymn tune is predominantly guided musically by what is happening textually. The
implication therefore is that the music is not being constructed to stand alone but to
accompany a particular text and to be performed by the voice as its primary
instrument. The music of hymns therefore must be of the same ilk as hymns sui
generis the products of an art having its own qualities and requirements.2
Therefore hymn tunes as music are performative because they have a direct
bearing on the performtiave language of hymn texts. J. R. Watson in his seminal work
explores the interplay between hymn text and hymn tune. Key to Watsons evaluation
is his emphasis that it is during the public performance of a hymn that the
performative attributes of the hymn tunes and texts are realized. It is acknowledged
that hymns can be read in privacy, allowing for the individual to engage the text at a
pace based on personal choice. However, it is a totally different and new experience
when the same hymns are sung in a corporate communal context. Watson stresses the
distinction between private reading and public singing in that:
The music changes the nature of the words: it makes them sound not just in
the normal way in which words make a sound, but in resonance with the
music, creating a musical and verbal texture. The music has its own ways of
imposing pauses, fluidity, emphasis, structure upon the words: the mind has to
combine an appreciation of syntax and sentence with another appreciation of
movement through and in the musical notation. Punctuation, too, becomes
important...A hymn exists, not just on the page, but in sound...in a church. The
building is filled with sounds, made by musical instruments and human voices,
and the text becomes no longer the marks on the page but a series of sounds in
1
2
Ibid, 14 26.
Ibid, 27.
243
the air...it is no longer just a text, no longer writing, but something else in
addition to writing...through music, the words sing.1
So then it is in the making of music when hymns are being sung that the congregation
engages in the performative of a hymn at least from a musical perspective. Watsons
stance parallels that of Kubicki when she addresses the aspect of liturgical singing as
being performative because of its ability to create a sonic environment.
The centrality of the sound of music as hymn singing, occurring as the primary
means by which hymns can be said to be manifesting performative attributes, is also
advanced by Linda J. Clark. She argues first that the value of hymns rests in their use
of images which express the essence and substance of the Christian faith. For Clark
the images take on life and become meaningful only when hymns are sung. This is the
case because singing puts the words of a hymn into motion. Hymns are not static sets
of words on a page but shapes of sound that exist in time, beginning at one moment,
traveling toward a point, and then drawing to a close and stopping at another moment.
This shaping of time heightens the meaning of texts.2 Clark insists that when
congregations sing hymns, the words of these hymns come alive implying that the
congregations as they sing are doing more through their hymn singing than merely
stating facts. Recalling an earlier point of hymnody as an avenue by which
congregational symbolic identity is achieved, Clark maintains that through the act of
hymn singing by the congregation, the hymn creates that faith by bringing it into
being and therefore is functioning as a symbol of the singers faitha hymn does not
only tell of the faith, it tells it, declares it, or bodies it forth.3
Watson, 22 23.
Linda J. Clark. Hymn Singing: The Congregation Making Faith, in Carriers of Faith: Lessons
From Congregational Studies, ed. Carl S. Dudley, Jackson W. Carroll & James P. Wind (Louisville:
Westminster/John Knox Press, 1991), 52.
3
Ibid, 53.
2
244
Jeremy S. Begbie, Resounding Truth: Christian Wisdom in the World of Music (Michigan: Baker
Academic, 2007), 46.
245
the tune is balanced with an almost perfect blend of descending and ascending
patterns. Even though the tune ends with a descending motion, by moving the closing
phrase an octave higher (all ottava or 8vo), it shifts the singing voice to the upper
tessitura thereby creating a melodic climax as one approaches the end of A. This
motion results in the ending note of the tune (C) being the same as the starting note. In
so doing, this holds the tune together as a single musical unit. Generally, most of the
melody rotates around the starting note and only goes a 4th below (G). However by
applying the 8vo which takes the ending of A an octave higher, this causes the highest
note to also be a 4th above (F) the starting note. That equidistance adds a measure of
internal symmetry to the melodic contour which replicates the AABA form. The
rhythm is predominantly homogeneous but that is overshadowed by the general
melodic shape and in particular the leap of nearly an octave in the voice to go from
the lowest note immediately to the highest, a leap upward of a 7th (G to F).
Some measure of text painting is achieved in that the melody stays busy with
very few repeated notes. This mirrors the flight of the bird moving to and fro, in and
out of the side-hole. By keeping most of the melody middle voice and the shifting
to the upper tessitura at the end of A, the sensuality, celebration and climactic mood
of the physical union between Husband/Bride in the side-hole as the Brides chamber
is captured. In the end, the tune has been able to present an image that one might
consider to be reprehensible (i.e. the suffering Saviour) not as something to be
sorrowful over but instead as that which is to be celebrated. This would be in keeping
with the Moravians emphasis on the side-wounds theology.
In another Moravian hymn earlier referenced, Thou death-sweat mixt with
blood, the tune which was applied to this text is both grand and stately (See Appendix
246
Eleven). The opening three repeated notes followed by the movement upward to the
neighbouring note draw attention to the tune in that it is suggestive of the opening
melody of a brass fanfare. That the opening note is the 5th (D) of the home key in G
Major supports this claim. The latter part of that opening phrase releases some of the
tension by its descending pattern which is done twice but with a rhythmic alteration
the second time through. The opening of the third musical phrase (B) mimics that of
opening phrase (A). It begins on the note A, but by the end of that phrase the melody
has modulated to the dominant key (D Major). Consequently, the same pattern which
was introduced in the beginning with the melody having repeated notes on the 5th note
of the scale followed by step-wise movement upwards is achieved. Although the
rhythm of the last phrase is exactly like that of the opening, the melody is not. From
that perspective the form of the tune can be categorized as AABC. But the melodic
contour is closely matched to the beginning of the tune and with that the grandeur and
celebrative mood of the tune is maintained throughout.
The celebratory robust mood of the tune is apropos for expressing texts which
captures the essence of Moravian beliefs concerning Christs suffering and death. The
tune effervesces as it progresses. But it does not do so violently but in a graceful
manner which is seen through the step-wise motion of the melody. That contrast goes
well with the inherent contradiction of Moravian hymnody, if it could be described as
such, that the wounds which were inflicted upon the suffering and dying Lamb of God
are not to be mourned over. Instead they are to be celebrated for it is in the wounds of
Christ that his Bride is made one with him.
Having already offered a comprehensive analysis in the previous chapter about
the impact of the application of Caribbean music to Caribbean hymns, it is suffice
247
here to simply state that as with the music of Moravian hymn tunes, so too the making
of the music of Caribbean hymns would have been impactful in reshaping the
Caribbean ecumenical community. Furthermore, the same can be said of the
application of the various rhythms and instruments that accompanied the
congregational singing which would have been a key component in expressing the
identity of the St. Thomas Assembly of God as An Oasis of Love and Hope.
I will in the final section explore how the combined features of text and music
of congregational hymnody can be said to be contributing to congregational identity.
248
individual who is engaged in hymn singing can be contributing to the shaping of the
group identity. He contends that
The individual, as he repeats the words borne up by the compelling urge of the
melody, affirms his faith, and that in a loud voice. Through singing he can say
things which it would embarrass him to repeat in his more inhibited moments.
And, hearing his own uninhibited confession on the lips of those surrounding
him, he is led to an even deeper affirmation of faith in what he is reciting.1
Warren advances as well the concept of interstimulation in which a random group
of people become connected by virtue of them possessing a common perspective.
How is this achieved? It is accomplished through the use of symbols encrusted with
emotional meaning, the performance of hallowed rituals, the group recitation of the
creed, the singing of hymns all help in the primary function of breaking down
resistances which inhibit the desired responsive attitude in the members of the fold.2
Though Warren is addressing how hymn singing would have been used to
foster the superiority of the German Nationalist sentiment during the World Wars, his
assessment offers some insight as to how hymn singing impacts congregational group
identity even today. The matter of the formation or expression of a collective
congregational identity among the Moravians at Fetter Lane, the congregation at The
St. Thomas Assembly or within the Caribbean ecumenical consortium is directly
associated with hymn singing because the derivative function of hymns is that of
conditioning attitudes which will remain with the individual after the group has
dispersed.3
That there is a direct correlation between what a congregation sings and its
sense of community Christian identity has been established. The interconnection
1
Ronald L. Warren, German Parteilieder and Christian Hymns as Instruments of Social Control.
Journal of Abnormal & Social Psychology 12/1942, 97.
2
Ibid.
3
Ibid.
249
Brian C. Castle, Hymns: The Making and Shaping of A Theology for the Whole People of God: A
Comparison of the Four Last Things in Some English and Zambian Hymns in Intercultural Perspective.
(New York: Peter Lang, 1990), 192.
2
Ibid, 190.
3
John Bell, The Singing Thing: A Case for Congregational Song. (Glasgow: Wild Goose Publications,
2000), 17.
250
At the outset of this study, I argued for the position that identity not be
viewed as static but as a dynamic ongoing process. It means therefore that identity can
be evolving. However congregational identity, when viewed in light of the heritage of
hymn singing and other aspects of a congregations worship tradition which either
inform or express that collective identity, then may be considered not that dynamic. In
other words, congregational identity, like other collective identities, does not morph
overnight. However, I submit that there remains a great level of dynamism in hymn
singing and its impact on the congregations communal identity. The location of this
dynamic reality is in the fact that both hymn singing and identity can be said to
intersect at the site where both are at their core a performance. In other words, identity
fundamentally is a performance in that it is an enunciative process in which a
community seeks to communicate by articulating both what it is and what it is not.
Similarly, hymn singing is another type of performance where through words and
music a congregation is also engaging in an enunciative process by which the key
aspects of its faith, traditions and theology are being pronounced. It is this overlap of
both performances which makes the interplay between hymn singing and identity a
dynamic process. So that as a performance, both hymn singing and identity embody
Richard Schechners claim that performance is a paradigm of process.1
Hymn singing therefore serves as a means whereby congregational communal
identity is attained. Kubicki makes a similar argument in her analysis of the influence
of the Taize chants and their impression upon shaping that community. She contends
that singing as a performance is the means by which the community is constituted.2
Richard Schechner, preface to The Anthropology of Performance, by Victor Turner (New York: PAJ
Publications, 1986), 8.
2
Kubicki, 164.
251
Ibid.
Jen Webb, Tony Schirato & Geoff Danaher. Understanding Bourdieu (London: Sage Publications,
2002), xii.
2
252
principle because as the congregation sings it is in essence reminding itself of its selfproclaimed identity.
Warrens earlier concept of interstimulation highlights a rather telling aspect
of how the individual sense of identity is wrapped up with the communal. In
suggesting that the manifestation of this process is noticeable even when the
individual is no longer with the group and that the attributes which were expressed
within the group are still evidenced, is to infer that the individual identity is never far
removed from the communal. This would offer some justification for members within
a congregation to still lay claim to the fundamental characteristics of the group to
which they are associated without necessarily having to be present in the community.
Seen in this light, hymn singing then becomes a means whereby congregational
identity is emblazoned upon an individual. The memorization of hymns in particular
which promote the primary tenets of the congregational identity is a means whereby
this branding occurs. Little wonder then that Zinzendorf in seeking to expound the
centrality of the Moravian gemeine would have exploited the advantages offered
through hymn singing.
Turners theory of communitas, in which there is the matter of giving
recognition to an essential and generic human bond, without which there could be no
society,1 offers another approach through which one might consider the hymnody /
identity interplay. The ideals of communitas are attained when hymn singing fosters a
context in which members within a congregation have been moved beyond their
social and economic class and even their ecclesiastical leadership rank and embrace
their mutual and common community identity. This does not point to removal of the
253
254
6.5. Conclusion
In this chapter, I have highlighted some of the complexities that have surfaced
as we consider the correlations between hymnody and congregational identity. What a
congregation sings can be viewed on the one hand as being generative of
congregational identity. On the other hand, it can also be seen as conveying. In either
case, congregational identity is directly impacted through the hymnody which is part
of the congregations worship tradition. A dialogical analysis between hymnody and
identity has led to the consideration of three possible means by which hymnody may
serve as a conduit of congregational identity. They are (1) heritage identity, (2)
symbolic identity and (3) ritual identity.
By establishing each of the above to be an effective means of congregational
identity, I then proceeded to explore how the text and music of hymns can be deemed
to possess performative characteristics which ultimately inform congregational
identity. In the final portion of this dialogical analysis, I sought to determine how
hymnody and identity, by virtue of possessing at the core a common constituent, can
be said to be working together to make hymn singing generative and expressive of the
major attributes of congregational identity.
Having presented the multiple case studies and in light of this dialogical
analysis, in my concluding chapter I will propose a theoretical framework which
seeks to embody the main strands outlined in this chapter.
255
CHAPTER SEVEN
CONCLUSION:
TOWARDS A HYMNIC PERFORMATIVITY
256
this study, I have become more conscious that the product of our actions will have a
direct influence on the present and future identity of the Caribbean Moravian Church.
Seen in this light, then the proposed new hymnal can be seen as a project in identity.
This research has also had an effect on my approach to the hymns that I
choose annually for the Hymnspeak event as part of the Barbados Gospelfest. As an
ecumenical gathering that takes place in what has been described as the premiere
Gospel festival in the Caribbean, here is a platform that affords me the opportunity to
continue the legacy set by the editors and movers of the Caribbean ecumenical
movement. As that ecumenical congregation gathers to sing hymns that have been
arranged utilizing Caribbean musical idioms and as they witness the dramatization of
the stories behind these hymns or hear persons recall how and why a particular hymn
is meaningful, then the Hymnspeak event is more than just a hymn singing activity.
This study has caused me to appreciate that even as that mixed congregation sings,
there is the setting aside, at least for a while, of social and denominational barriers. It
becomes a congregation that is reimaged for a moment as a Caribbean Christian
community knitted together by its oneness in Christ. If I were to assess the event
through the angle of ethnography, then the deduction can be made that as the
congregation at Hymnspeak sings the hymns, ecumenical identity is being achieved by
the interplay of memory and bodily gestures. A critical part of this survey would
include how hymn texts and tunes collaborate in the performance to enable the
formation of an ecumenical congregational identity at least in this context.
Considering the many themes and issues which surfaced throughout this study
from the various case study sites, I offered a dialogical analysis in which I highlighted
some key elements essential to the hymnody / identity dialogue. In light of the
257
258
259
exist. Because the hymns which are sung by the congregation are done within the
context of corporate worship, the singing is then linked with other variables in
worship. In other words, the musical performance of hymns by the congregation has a
direct bearing on the general shape of the liturgy. If we take the view of Christian
worship to be a ritual, then hymn singing as ritualized music can be seen as a doorway
through which religious meaning is appropriated by the worshipping community.
When congregations sing, they are making music through the use of hymn
texts. Yet it is in the making of music that both music and text can be said to be doing
more. This concept of hymnic performativity seeks as well to articulate and highlight
in some way not only what is being sung by the congregation but also how the hymns
are being sung or performed for that too impacts the gathered congregation as it sings.
In the first instance, we are drawn to pay closer attention to the performative
characteristics of hymn texts. This demands having an awareness of the underpinnings
of hymns primarily as textual documents. The goal herein is to analyse hymn texts
from the perspective of illocutionary utterances. The second concern of how hymns
are sung places the spotlight on the role of hymn tunes in influencing the illocutionary
attributes of hymn texts. By incorporating this second facet into the discussion, it
stresses the totality of hymnody as comprising of music and text. By so doing there is
equilibrium in the approach to congregational singing and hymnic performativity in
that focus is given to the textual and musical variables of hymnody.
There are distinctions to be made in viewing congregational singing as a
performance on one hand and as hymnic performativity on the other. In reflecting on
the case studies, I advance that when congregational singing is assessed as a
performance, attention is given to what is heard musically and textually. In this light
260
attention is given to the musical performance of the hymn. These include, among
others, (1) the melodic shape and tune of the hymn (paying particular attention to how
the climax is approached, etc.); (2) the key, rhythm and harmonic language (where the
focus is how the various voice parts blend and the use of dissonance); (3) the message
of the text and what poetic literary devices have been employed as the theme is
developed from verse to verse. The primary focus is on the external sound that the
congregation is producing as it sings together.
But hymnic performativity pushes for us to go beyond the performance. The
emphasis shifts from what is heard to address at another level what is happening to
the congregation as it sings. In order to distinguish what the external sound is
achieving internally both individually and collectively, it is necessary to closely
observe and decipher the actions taking place within the congregation as certain
words of the hymns as well as the music are being performed. As a participant
observer, one then must be willing to delve into some central issues. For example, (1)
the illocutionary purpose of the text and the force associated with the hymn texts; (2)
how the music is stirring the emotions that are linked with the text being sung; (3)
what memories are resurrected and relived as the community sings; (4) how the music
is being made to highlight the theological content of the texts that the congregation is
singing, causing the congregation to be more fervent in its beliefs that are enshrined
within the hymn texts. When we think of hymnic performativity then in this light, the
focus is not so much on the sound that the congregation is producing but instead what
that sound is producing in informing the congregations identity.
Hymnic performativity as it relates to congregational singing establishes that
the work of the congregation (i.e. singing of hymns) is liturgical and theological in
261
scope. It is work that shapes and expresses the hallmarks of the congregations
identity as a particular kind of community. In that sense the claim can be made that
congregational singing as hymnic performativity is legitimately leitourgia in that it
speaks of the peoples work. As a theological undertaking, congregational singing and
hymnic performativity advances the theory that it is in the act of singing hymns which
are designed to be sung that the lyrical theology being performed by the
congregation is also performing the congregation. Congregational singing as
performativity then is an example of a practical lyrical theology that is also the
embodiment of theological praxis. It is in the act of singing together that the
congregation interprets and understands its theology. At the same time, by
participating in worship and particularly in the act of singing, there is the enunciating
of the type of community this congregation is and hopes to become. Congregational
singing then as hymnic performativity is an expression of a faith community engaged
in the practise of liturgy and espousing a practical lyrical theology.
7.2.2 Congregational Identity and Hymnic Performativity
The second pillar upon which the theoretical principle of hymnic
performativity stands focuses on the matter of how the collective identity of the
congregation might be assessed through the grid of congregational hymnody. The
study has revealed that the issue of identity does not happen in a vacuum. There are
factors which are directly moored to the particular context in which the congregation
is situated which have a bearing on identity. For example, we can approach the
subject of congregational identity by focusing on the chief components that originate
within the broad denominational umbrella. But the discussion on congregational
identity may also bring to light the parochial traits that the congregation deems to be
262
exercising greater influence in shaping and expressing their identity. In either of the
approaches, there may be some understated or palpable components which are
intrinsic to the congregations identity. A congregation therefore may opt to broadcast
its identity based on its ethnic traits. Others may wish to pinpoint their identity based
on their involvement in social and political events and community outreach ministries.
Similarly, there are congregations for whom the identity rotates around the axis of
their physical location (rural, suburban or inner city, etc.). To suggest that
congregational identity may be also expressed primarily through the personhood of
the one who is the founder of that congregation may not be too farfetched as we
examine the meteoric rise of non-denominational mega-churches.
Though all of the above are valid means whereby congregational identity can
be adjudged, I am opined that the hymnic performativity grid provides a framework
which facilitates a more in-depth dialogical analysis of the congregations identity
that actually incorporates as well some of the above mentioned components. What
hymnic performativity does as it seeks to interpret and understand congregational
identity is that it prioritizes congregational singing within the context of the
congregation itself. This highlighting of congregational singing within a particular
context as being key in our approach to better grasp congregational identity advances
the stance that music has meaning because of its context.1 This denotes that when
we give attention to meanings of the music in its context, it is multi-vocal symbol
C. Michael Hawn, Gather Into One: Praying and Singing Globally, (Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing
Co. 2003), 5. Hawn examines how context has been a driving force in the creation of new hymnody
especially in places where these new hymns have spread globally. The places and individuals he
identifies are drawn from Asia, Latin America, South Africa, Zinbabwe and the Iona Community.
Because the Caribbean is often grouped together with Latin America, Hawn overlooks Caribbean
hymnody as part of his global synopsis.
263
which directly and indirectly sways the musical performance and performativity of the
singing congregation.
The juxtaposing therefore of congregational identity with hymnic
performativity centralizes the matter of context as it plays out in the congregations
music making through its singing. But to speak of context in this manner is to
approach it from a multilateral perspective. So that as we highlight the components of
the congregational singing environment, asking how the same is related to the
interpretation of identity formation, we can analyse this matter by looking at the
congregation through the lens of its historical context, denominational context,
cultural context, musical context, etc. There are at least two implications that emerge
because of this contextual emphasis. First, it underscores the notion that identity is not
something that is simply thrown carte blanche across the board without giving
attention to the uniqueness of each congregation. The accentuation of the context of
the congregation and its singing and how that is related to its identity buttresses the
thought that identity is fluid and at its core it is an ongoing process. Secondly, because
of the fact that one is then obligated to give particular attention to the context, the
application of a research methodology such as ethnography to the study of
ecclesiastical worship contexts can be insightful in better understanding congregations
generally and how their identities are shaped as Christian communities.1
The application of ethnographic methodology to the study of congregations is in keeping with the
goals and objectives of the Ecclesiology and Ethnography Network. See
www.ecclesiologyandethnography.wordpress.com.
264
265
Appendix One
ST. THOMAS ASSEMBLY OF GOD
Research Project
Field Work Participants Questionnaire
(Please Print Clearly)
Name (OPTIONAL):..............................................................................................
Sex:
(F)............................
(M)..............................
Age Group:
21 30 ...........................
31 40 ..............................
41 50 ..........................
51 60 ..............................
61 70 ..........................
Over 71 ..............................
6 10 ..............................
11 15 ..........................
16 20 ..........................
21 25 ............................
Over 25 ........................
List churches where you have been a member before and length of time:
........................................................................................................................................
...........................................................................
Are you part of a musical group/music ministry: Y...............
N...................
266
Appendix Two
Elders:
Vice:
Wardens:
William Holland
Esther Kinchin
James Hutton
William Holland
Vice:
Warden:
Richard Bell
John Browne
Martha Claggett
Louisa Hutton
William Griffith
Richard Uttley
Thomas Knight
Mary Bowes
Elizabeth Rogers
Mary Ewsters
Eldress Widdows:
Warden:
Martha Claggett
Esther Kinchin
Admonitors:
William Stanton
Grace Stanton
Censors:
George Bowes
Margaret Lloyd
Servants:
Martha Hilland
Margaret Lloyd
Sick Waiters:
John Edwards
George Bowes
Richard Brampton
Samuel Watson
Martha Claggett
Grace Stanton
Esther Sutton West
James Hutton
267
Married Men:
William Holland
John Browne
John Edmonds
James Hutton
George Bowes
George Chapman
Richard Bell
William Stanton
William Peter
John Clarke
Tho. Lateward
John Paul
Tho. Gladman
William Hunte
Henry Jones
John West
Jasper Payne
John Hilland
John Senniff
John Leighton
William Hondrick
Louisa Hutton
Elizabeth Holland
Esther Sutton
Hannah Knolton
Grace Stanton
Mary Dijon
Jane Browne
Mary Bowes
Elizabeth Payne
Martha Hilland
Katherine ?
Sarah Leighton
Single Men:
William Griffith
William Horne
John Gambold
William Knash
James Greening
Peter Sims
Richard Uttley
Thomas Knight
William Delamotte William Thacker
John Holmes
Samuel Watson
John Cooke
Richard Brampton
George Moore Branth
Single Women:
Mary Bowes
Margarett Lloyd
Dinah Raymond
Sally Romley
Jane Bagley
Elizabeth Rogers
Christian Anderson
Elizabeth Claggett
Jane Fuller
Jane Miller
Mary Ewsters
Jane Chambers
Susanna Claggett
Joan Hopson
Widdows:
Martha Claggett
Ann?
Esther Kinchin
Mother Payne?
Frances?
Widowers:
Knolton
Brockmer
Married Women:
West
268
Appendix Three
(Lovefeast in celebration of Ordinations)
For Sister Clagget and Kinchin Sister Spangenberg gave out:
Friend of Sinners, Lamb of God once slain
Dearest Elder of thy Crofses Train,
Give to these dear EldreFese
In their weighty office Grace,
To stand always in they Holy Place.
For Sis. Hutton she gave out page 17, verse 5.
Sister Pisch gave out for Sister Clagget page 234. Verse 3;
for Sister Kinchin page 230 v. 10;
for Sister Hutton page 176. Ver 3.
Sister Gufsenbauer for Sister Clagget pa 126. ver 8;
for Sister Kinchin p. 175, ver. 5.;
for Sis. Hutton. P 140, ver. 8
Br. Telfschig gave out for them three Page. 115. verse 11.12
Bro. Gufsenbauer pag: 184, ver 3 A priestly Spirit Lord to them impart
Br Reineke page. 84. Ver:11*
Sister Stonhouse page 177. Verse 2
Br. Pisch page 88. Verse 2
Marshall pag: 174, 2
Lift up o great High Priest thy hands
Markd with the wounds so dear
And blefs o blefs most graciously,
Thy Handmaids who are here & c
Br Stonhouse pag: 85, verse 11.*
Br Delamotte pag: 41, verse 6
Br. Shlicht pag. 33. 10
And then we sang for all the congregations
O may we safe and well
In that his Hearts would dwell (page 21)
The above recounts the worship that took place at Smith House in Yorkshire on November 28, 1742.
At that time the Moravian congregation had not yet been fully established but the work there had
started. All of the hymn verses were taken from the 1742 edition of the first Moravian Hymn book in
English. This love feast commemorated the ordinations of three sisters: Martha Clagget, Esther Kinchin
and Louisa Hutton all of whom were ordained as Eldresses on November 27, 1742. As Eldresses these
sisters were now eligible to also ordain other labourers. It was later noted that with their new position,
Sister Clagget ordained Elizabeth Holland: Esther Kinchin ordained Mary Bowes, Louisa Hutton
ordained Esther West & Mary Eursters.
269
Appendix Four
Source: Sing A New Song No. 3. Patrick Prescod (ed.), Bridgetown, Barbados: Cedar
Press, 1981.
270
Appendix Five
271
272
Source: Sing A New Song No. 3. Patrick Prescod (ed.), Bridgetown, Barbados: Cedar
Press, 1981.
273
Appendix Six
274
Source: Sing A New Song No. 3. Patrick Prescod (ed.), Bridgetown, Barbados: Cedar
Press, 1981.
275
Appendix Seven
Source: Sing A New Song No. 3. Patrick Prescod (ed.), Bridgetown, Barbados: Cedar
Press, 1981.
276
Appendix Eight
277
Source: Sing A New Song No. 3. Patrick Prescod (ed.), Bridgetown, Barbados: Cedar
Press, 1981.
278
Appendix Nine
279
Source: Sing A New Song No. 3. Prescod, Patrick (ed.), Bridgetown, Barbados: Cedar
Press, 1981.
280
Appendix Ten
1
We kiss each other in the side
Of our beloved Spouse,
Which is ordaind for his dear Bride
Her everlasting House.
The Lamb, the Husband of our Souls,
Hath got indeed more Wounds and Holes,
Yet is the bleeding lovely Side
The Chamber of the Bride.
5
With thy Sides Blood quite cover me,
And wet me thro and thro;
For this I pant incessantly,
And nothing else will do.
The Blood-Sweat in thy Agony
Come in full Heat all over me,
Thy Body stretch its Breadth and Length
Oer me, and give me Strength.
2
Our Husbands Side-Hole is indeed
The Queen of all His Wounds
On this the little Pidgeons feed,
Whom Crosss Air Surrounds
There they fly in and out and sing
Sides Blood is seen on evry Wing,
The Bill that picks the Side-Holes floor
Is red of Blood all oer.
3
Then sings the little happy Croud,
Warbling their Blood washd Throats
No other Bird however proud
Can imitate their Notes
They sing their Pleurae Gloria!
And to the Lamb Victoria!
Amen and Amen sings the choir,
Then flies in to respire.
4
Blest Flock in the Crosss Atmosphere,
You smell of Jesu Grave
The Vapours of his Corpse so dear
Are the Perfume you have.
Its scent is Penetrant and sweet!
When you each other kiss and greet,
This Scent discovers that you were
To Jesu Body near.
8
With all my Heart I bow and bend
Before thy bleeding feet:
Yet to thy Side I re-ascend,
Which is to me most Sweet.
There in one Side-Holes joy Divine,
281
Source: Hymn Tunes, Sung in the Church of the United Brethren, Collected by Christian Ignatius
LaTrobe; London, Printed for the Editor and Sold by John Le Febvre, Chapel Place, Nevils Court,
Fetter Lane, 1796.
282
Appendix Eleven
1
Thou death-sweat mixt with blood!
Which the Lambs body coverd,
When pale his Face was viewd,
His Soul by a thread hoverd,
His Heart together pressd,
His Eye in tears was drownd,
And Ice-cold Dew full fast,
Oer all His hair was found.
3
Yes Corpse-like Dewy now
And still Grave-steaming fingers!
Thy Servants bone sweat thro,
Which quivring for it lingers
Thou Corpses Air! Come, come
Thro this Hand into th Bread:
When kneaded with thy Fume,
Twill make the members dead.
2
Sweat, which on Head shines bright,
Death-sweat on clammy forehead,
Sweat gathering round the sight,
Which the brains moisture marred;
Thou Passion-Anguish hard!
Which his Spirit over-heat,
Did tear his Bones like Sword,
And His Breath suffocate.
4
Thou but few inches deep,
Yet fountain fathomd never,
Which first a Spear ran up,
Now Hells quenchd by thy River!
Fore that Wells Source and Grott
Thy Love-sick Wife here lies:
Lo! now his slumbring Note
Unstops thy passages.
5
Flow in this Hall with Haste,
That thy church wet it render;
And that (in this Meal Blest),
Gods Mandhood depth so tender,
Which to its Church quite close
Comes thro this Sacrament
And nuptially her knows
Thro Mind and Blood ferment
283
Source: Hymn Tunes, Sung in the Church of the United Brethren, collected by Christian Ignatius
LaTrobe; London, Printed for the Editor and Sold by John Le Febvre, Chapel Place, Nevils Court,
Fetter Lane, 1796.
284
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