A specter is haunting the dinner parties, fundraisers and think-tanks of the Est

ablishment: the specter of the alternative right. Young, creative and eager to com
mit secular heresies, they have become public enemy number one to beltway conser
vatives more hated, even, than Democrats or loopy progressives.
The alternative right, more commonly known as the alt-right, is an amorphous mov
ement. Some mostly Establishment types insist its little more than a vehicle for
the worst dregs of human society: anti-Semites, white supremacists, and other me
mbers of the Stormfront set. Theyre wrong.
Previously an obscure subculture, the alt-right burst onto the national politica
l scene in 2015. Although initially small in number, the alt-right has a youthfu
l energy and jarring, taboo-defying rhetoric that have boosted its membership an
d made it impossible to ignore.
It has already triggered a string of fearful op-eds and hit pieces from both Lef
t and Right: Lefties dismiss it as racist, while the conservative press, always
desperate to avoid charges of bigotry from the Left, has thrown these young read
ers and voters to the wolves as well.
National Review attacked them as bitter members of the white working-class who w
orship father-Fhrer Donald Trump. Betsy Woodruff of The Daily Beast attacked Rush L
imbaugh for sympathising with the white supremacist alt-right. BuzzFeed begrudging
ly acknowledged that the movement has a great feel for how the internet works, whi
le simultaneously accusing them of targeting blacks, Jews, women, Latinos and Mus
lims.
The amount of column inches generated by the alt-right is a testament to their c
ultural punch. But so far, no one has really been able to explain the movements a
ppeal and reach without desperate caveats and virtue-signalling to readers.
Part of this is down to the alt-rights addiction to provocation. The alt-right is
a movement born out of the youthful, subversive, underground edges of the inter
net. 4chan and 8chan are hubs of alt-right activity. For years, members of these
forums political and non-political have delighted in attention-grabbing, juveni
le pranks. Long before the alt-right, 4channers turned trolling the national med
ia into an in-house sport.
Having once defended gamers, another group accused of harbouring the worst dregs
of human society, we feel compelled to take a closer look at the force thats ala
rming so many. Are they really just the second coming of 1980s skinheads, or som
ething more subtle?
Weve spent the past month tracking down the elusive, often anonymous members of t
he alt-right, and working out exactly what they stand for.
THE INTELLECTUALS
There are many things that separate the alternative right from old-school racist
skinheads (to whom they are often idiotically compared), but one thing stands o
ut above all else: intelligence. Skinheads, by and large, are low-information, l
ow-IQ thugs driven by the thrill of violence and tribal hatred. The alternative
right are a much smarter group of people which perhaps suggests why the Left hat
es them so much. Theyre dangerously bright.
The origins of the alternative right can be found in thinkers as diverse as Oswa
ld Spengler, H.L Mencken, Julius Evola, Sam Francis, and the paleoconservative m
ovement that rallied around the presidential campaigns of Pat Buchanan. The Fren
ch New Right also serve as a source of inspiration for many leaders of the alt-r
ight.

The media empire of the modern-day alternative right coalesced around Richard Sp
encer during his editorship of Takis Magazine. In 2010, Spencer founded Alternati
veRight.com, which would become a center of alt-right thought.
Alongside other nodes like Steve Sailers blog, VDARE and American Renaissance, Al
ternativeRight.com became a gathering point for an eclectic mix of renegades who
objected to the established political consensus in some form or another. All of
these websites have been accused of racism.
Razib Khan, who lost an opportunity at the New York Times over his views on huma
n biodiversity, now writes for the alt-right publication Unz Review.
Razib Khan, who lost an opportunity at the New York Times over his views on huma
n biodiversity, now writes for the alt-right Unz Review.
The so-called online manosphere, the nemeses of left-wing feminism, quickly became
one of the alt-rights most distinctive constituencies. Gay masculinist author Ja
ck Donovan, who edited AlternativeRights gender articles, was an early advocate f
or incorporating masculinist principles in the alt-right. His book, The Way Of M
en, contains many a wistful quote about the loss of manliness that accompanies m
odern, globalized societies.
Its tragic to think that heroic mans great destiny is to become economic man,
that men will be reduced to craven creatures who crawl across the globe competin
g for money, who spend their nights dreaming up new ways to swindle each other.
Thats the path were on now.
Steve Sailer, meanwhile, helped spark the human biodiversity movement, a group of
bloggers and researchers who strode eagerly into the minefield of scientific rac
e differences in a much less measured tone than former New York Times science ed
itor Nicholas Wade.
Isolationists, pro-Russians and ex-Ron Paul supporters frustrated with continued
neoconservative domination of the Republican party were also drawn to the alt-r
ight, who are almost as likely as the anti-war left to object to overseas entang
lements.
Elsewhere on the internet, another fearsomely intelligent group of thinkers prep
ared to assault the secular religions of the establishment: the neoreactionaries
, also known as #NRx.
Neoreactionaries appeared quite by accident, growing from debates on LessWrong.c
om, a community blog set up by Silicon Valley machine intelligence researcher El
iezer Yudkowsky. The purpose of the blog was to explore ways to apply the latest
research on cognitive science to overcome human bias, including bias in politic
al thought and philosophy.
LessWrong urged its community members to think like machines rather than humans.
Contributors were encouraged to strip away self-censorship, concern for ones soc
ial standing, concern for other peoples feelings, and any other inhibitors to rat
ional thought. Its not hard to see how a group of heretical, piety-destroying thi
nkers emerged from this environment nor how their rational approach might clash
with the feelings-first mentality of much contemporary journalism and even acade
mic writing.
Led by philosopher Nick Land and computer scientist Curtis Yarvin, this group be
gan a gleeful demolition of the age-old biases of western political discourse. L
iberalism, democracy and egalitarianism were all put under the microscope of the
neoreactionaries, who found them wanting.
Liberal democracy, they argued, had no better a historical track record than mon

archy, while egalitarianism flew in the face of every piece of research on hered
itary intelligence. Asking people to see each other as human beings rather than
members of a demographic in-group, meanwhile, ignored every piece of research on
tribal psychology.
While they can certainly be accused of being overly-eager to bridge the gap betw
een fact and value (the truth of tribal psychology doesnt necessarily mean we sho
uld embrace or encourage it), these were the first shoots of a new conservative
ideology one that many were waiting for.
NATURAL CONSERVATIVES
Natural conservatives can broadly be described as the group that the intellectua
ls above were writing for. They are mostly white, mostly male middle-American ra
dicals, who are unapologetically embracing a new identity politics that prioriti
ses the interests of their own demographic.
In their politics, these new conservatives are only following their natural inst
incts the same instincts that motivate conservatives across the globe. These mo
tivations have been painstakingly researched by social psychologist Jonathan Hai
dt, and an instinct keenly felt by a huge swathe of the political population: th
e conservative instinct.
220px-Jonathan_Haidt_2012_03
Acclaimed social psychologist Jonathan Haidt described the conservative instinct
in his 2012 book The Righteous Mind.
The conservative instinct, as described by Haidt, includes a preference for homo
geneity over diversity, for stability over change, and for hierarchy and order o
ver radical egalitarianism. Their instinctive wariness of the foreign and the un
familiar is an instinct that we all share an evolutionary safeguard against exce
ssive, potentially perilous curiosity but natural conservatives feel it with mor
e intensity. They instinctively prefer familiar societies, familiar norms, and f
amiliar institutions.
An establishment Republican, with their overriding belief in the glory of the fr
ee market, might be moved to tear down a cathedral and replace it with a strip m
all if it made economic sense. Such an act would horrify a natural conservative.
Immigration policy follows a similar pattern: by the numbers, cheap foreign wor
kers on H1B visas make perfect economic sense. But natural conservatives have ot
her concerns: chiefly, the preservation of their own tribe and its culture.
For natural conservatives, culture, not economic efficiency, is the paramount va
lue. More specifically, they value the greatest cultural expressions of their tr
ibe. Their perfect society does not necessarily produce a soaring GDP, but it do
es produce symphonies, basilicas and Old Masters. The natural conservative tende
ncy within the alt-right points to these apotheoses of western European culture
and declares them valuable and worth preserving and protecting.
Needless to say, natural conservatives concern with the flourishing of their own
culture comes up against an intractable nemesis in the regressive left, which is
currently intent on tearing down statues of Cecil Rhodes and Queen Victoria in
the UK, and erasing the name of Woodrow Wilson from Princeton in the U.S. These
attempts to scrub western history of its great figures are particularly galling
to the alt-right, who in addition to the preservation of western culture, care d
eeply about heroes and heroic virtues.
This follows decades in which left-wingers on campus sought to remove the study
of dead white males from the focus of western history and literature curricula. An
establishment conservative might be mildly irked by such behaviour as they swit
ch between the State of the Union and the business channels, but to a natural co

nservative, such cultural vandalism may just be their highest priority.

In fairness, many establishment conservatives arent keen on this stuff either but
the alt-right would argue that theyre too afraid of being called racist to serious
ly fight against it. Which is why they havent. Certainly, the rise of Donald Trum
p, perhaps the first truly cultural candidate for President since Buchanan, sugg
ests grassroots appetite for more robust protection of the western European and
American way of life.
Alt-righters describe establishment conservatives who care more about the free m
arket than preserving western culture, and who are happy to endanger the latter
with mass immigration where it serves the purposes of big business, as cuckservat
ives.
Halting, or drastically slowing, immigration is a major priority for the alt-rig
ht. While eschewing bigotry on a personal level, the movement is frightened by t
he prospect of demographic displacement represented by immigration.
The alt-right do not hold a utopian view of the human condition: just as they ar
e inclined to prioritise the interests of their tribe, they recognise that other
groups Mexicans, African-Americans or Muslims are likely to do the same. As com
munities become comprised of different peoples, the culture and politics of thos
e communities become an expression of their constituent peoples.
Youll often encounter doomsday rhetoric in alt-right online communities: thats bec
ause many of them instinctively feel that once large enough and ethnically disti
nct enough groups are brought together, they will inevitably come to blows. In s
hort, they doubt that full integration is ever possible. If it is, it wont be succe
ssful in the kumbaya sense. Border walls are a much safer option.
The alt-rights intellectuals would also argue that culture is inseparable from ra
ce. The alt-right believe that some degree of separation between peoples is nece
ssary for a culture to be preserved. A Mosque next to an English street full of
houses bearing the flag of St. George, according to alt-righters, is neither an
English street nor a Muslim street separation is necessary for distinctiveness.
Some alt-righters make a more subtle argument. They say that when different grou
ps are brought together, the common culture starts to appeal to the lowest commo
n denominator. Instead of mosques or English houses, you get atheism and stucco.
Ironically, its a position that has much in common with leftist opposition to socalled cultural appropriation, a similarity openly acknowledged by the alt-right.
Its arguable that natural conservatives havent had real political representation f
or decades. Since the 1980s, establishment Republicans have obsessed over econom
ics and foreign policy, fiercely defending the Reagan-Thatcher economic consensu
s at home and neoconservative interventionism abroad. In matters of culture and
morality, the issues that natural conservatives really care about, all territory
has been ceded to the Left, which now controls the academy, the entertainment i
ndustry and the press.
For those who believe in the late Andrew Breitbarts dictum that politics is downs
tream from culture, the number of writers, political candidates and media person
alities who actually believe that culture is the most important battleground can
be dispiriting. (Though Milo is trying his best.)
Natural liberals, who instinctively enjoy diversity and are happy with radical s
ocial change so long as its in an egalitarian direction are now represented by bo
th sides of the political establishment. Natural conservatives, meanwhile, have
been slowly abandoned by Republicans and other conservative parties in other cou

ntries. Having lost faith in their former representatives, they now turn to new
ones Donald Trump and the alternative right.
There are principled objections to the tribal concerns of the alt-right, but Est
ablishment conservatives have tended not to express them, instead turning nasty
in the course of their panicked backlash. National Review writer Kevin Williamso
n, in a recent article attacking the sort of voters who back Trump, said that wh
ite working-class communities deserve to die.
Although the alt-right consists mostly of college-educated men, it sympathises w
ith the white working classes and, based on our interviews, feels a sense of nob
lesse oblige. National Review has been just as directly unpleasant about the alt
-right as it has, on occasion, been about white Americans in general.
In response to concerns from white voters that theyre going to go extinct, the re
sponse of the Establishment the conservative Establishment has been to openly we
lcome that extinction. Its true that Donald Trump would not be possible without t
he oppressive hectoring of the progressive Left, but the entire media is to blam
e for the environment in which this new movement has emerged.
For decades, the concerns of those who cherish western culture have been openly
ridiculed and dismissed as racist. The alt-right is the inevitable result. No ma
tter how silly, irrational, tribal or even hateful the Establishment may think t
he alt-rights concerns are, they cant be ignored, because they arent going anywhere
. As Haidt reminds us, their politics is a reflection of their natural inclinati
ons.
In other
for the
he Right
.
THE MEME

words, the Left cant language-police and name-call them away, which have
last twenty years been the only progressive responses to dissent, and t
cant snobbishly dissociate itself from them and hope they go away either
TEAM

tumblr_nzzmiyJJR31v33hszo1_1280
Earlier, we mentioned the pressure to self-censor. But whenever such pressure ar
ises in a society, there will always be a young, rebellious contingent who feel
a mischievous urge to blaspheme, break all the rules, and say the unsayable. Why
? Because its funny!
As Curtis Yarvin explains via email: If you spend 75 years building a pseudo-reli
gion around anything an ethnic group, a plaster saint, sexual chastity or the Fl
ying Spaghetti Monster dont be surprised when clever 19-year-olds discover that i
nsulting it is now the funniest fucking thing in the world. Because it is.
These young rebels, a subset of the alt-right, arent drawn to it because of an in
tellectual awakening, or because theyre instinctively conservative. Ironically, t
heyre drawn to the alt-right for the same reason that young Baby Boomers were dra
wn to the New Left in the 1960s: because it promises fun, transgression, and a c
hallenge to social norms they just dont understand.
Just as the kids of the 60s shocked their parents with promiscuity, long hair an
d rocknroll, so too do the alt-rights young meme brigades shock older generations w
ith outrageous caricatures, from the Jewish Shlomo Shekelburg to Remove Kebab, an in
ternet in-joke about the Bosnian genocide. These caricatures are often spliced t
ogether with Millennial pop culture references, from old 4chan memes like pepe t
he frog, to anime and My Little Pony references.
Donald+trump+for+president+2016+do+it+for+your+waifu_aeae25_5629665

Are they actually bigots? No more than death metal devotees in the 80s were actu
ally Satanists. For them, its simply a means to fluster their grandparents. Curre
ntly, the Grandfather-in-Chief is Republican consultant Rick Wilson, who attract
ed the attention of this group on Twitter after attacking them as childless singl
e men who jerk off to anime.
Responding in kind, they proceeded to unleash all the weapons of mass trolling t
hat anonymous subcultures are notorious for and brilliant at. From digging up th
e most embarrassing parts of his familys internet history to ordering unwanted pi
zzas to his house and bombarding his feed with anime and Nazi propaganda, the al
t-rights meme team, in typically juvenile but undeniably hysterical fashion, reve
aled their true motivations: not racism, the restoration of monarchy or traditio
nal gender roles, but lulz.
Its hard to know for certain, but we suspect that unlike the core of the alt-righ
t, these young renegades arent necessarily instinctive conservatives. Indeed, the
ir irreverence, lack of respect of social norms, and willingness to stomp on oth
er peoples feelings suggest they may actually be instinctive libertarians.
Certainly thats the case for a joyful contingent of Trump supporters who spend ho
urs creating memes celebrating the God Emperor and tormenting his adversaries, suc
h as Yiannopoulos ally @PizzaPartyBen, who has amassed 40,000 followers on Twitt
er with his raucous antics.
Were this the 1960s, the meme team would probably be the most hellraising member
s of the New Left: swearing on TV, mocking Christianity, and preaching the virtu
es of drugs and free love. Its hard to imagine them reading Evola, musing at St.
Peters Basilica or settling down in a traditional family unit. They may be be inc
lined to sympathise to those causes, but mainly because it annoys the right peop
le.
Young people perhaps arent primarily attracted to the alt-right because theyre ins
tinctively drawn to its ideology: theyre drawn to it because it seems fresh, dari
ng and funny, while the doctrines of their parents and grandparents seem unexcit
ing, overly-controlling and overly-serious. Of course, there is plenty of overla
p. Some true believers like to meme too.
If youre a Buzzfeed writer or a Commentary editor reading this and thinking how ch
ildish, well. You only have yourself to blame for pompously stomping on free exp
ression and giving in to the worst and most authoritarian instincts of the progr
essive left. This new outburst of creativity and taboo-shattering is the result.
Of course, just as was the case in history, the parents and grandparents just wo
nt understand, man. Thats down to the age difference. Millennials arent old enough
to remember the Second World War or the horrors of the Holocaust. They are barel
y old enough to remember Rwanda or 9/11. Racism, for them, is a monster under th
e bed, a story told by their parents to frighten them into being good little chi
ldren.
As with Father Christmas, Millennials have trouble believing its actually real. T
heyve never actually seen it for themselves and they dont believe that the memes t
hey post on /pol/ are actually racist. In fact, they know theyre not they do it b
ecause it gets a reaction. Barely a month passes without a long feature in a new
media outlet about the rampant sexism, racism or homophobia of online image boa
rds. For regular posters at these boards, thats mission accomplished.
Another, more palatable, interpretation of these memes is that they are clearly
racist, but that there is very little sincerity behind them.
The funny thing is, being Millennials, theyre often quite diverse. Just visit a /

pol/ thread, where posters nationalities are identified with small flags next to
their posting IDs. Youll see flags from the west, the Balkans, Turkey, the Middl
e East, South America, and even, sometimes, Africa. Everyone on the anonymous bo
ard hurls the most vicious slurs and stereotypes each other, but like jocks bust
ing each others balls at the college bar, its obvious that theres little real hatre
d present.
That is, until the 1488ers show up.
THE 1488rs
Anything associated as closely with racism and bigotry as the alternative right
will inevitably attract real racists and bigots. Calmer members of the alternati
ve right refer darkly to these people as the 1488ers, and for all their talk of th
ere being no enemies to the right, its clear from the many conversations weve had wi
th alt-righters that many would rather the 1488ers didnt exist.
These are the people that the alt-rights opponents wish constituted the entire mo
vement. Theyre less concerned with the welfare of their own tribe than their fant
asies of destroying others. 1488ers would likely denounce this article as the pr
oduct of a degenerate homosexual and an ethnic mongrel.
Why 1488? Its a
o-called 14 Words:
ite Children. The
of the alphabet

reference to two well-known Neo Nazi slogans, the first being the s
We Must Secure The Existence Of Our People And A Future For Wh
second part of the number, 88, is a reference to the 8th letter
H. Thus, 88 becomes HH which becomes Heil Hitler.

Not very edifying stuff.

e alt-right, you need to
ave feminist wackos with
ight well be fine with

But if you want to use the 1488ers to tarnish the entir

do the same with Islamist killers and Islam and third-w
the entire history and purpose of feminism. Which you m
but lets be consistent.

Alt-right vlogger Paul RamZPaul Ramsey describes them as LARPers or Live-Action Role
Players: a disparaging comparison to nerdy nostalgists who dress up as medieval
warriors. Paul even goes as far as to suggest some in this toxic mix of kooks an
d ex-cons may be there solely to discredit the more reasonable white identitarian
s.
Hitler is dead. Quit larping that it is perpetually 1933 Germany. https://t.
co/Qg6vXRZkdX
RAMZPAUL (@ramzpaul) December 29, 2015
1488 is primarily about:
1) LARPING
2) discrediting White identity via guilt by association https://t.co/vuO8ZvJ
1mg
RAMZPAUL (@ramzpaul) February 24, 2016
I have no interest in the 1488 crowd. A toxic mix of kooks and ex-cons turne
d informants. LARPing the Third Reich. https://t.co/xEwPdONnlF
RAMZPAUL (@ramzpaul) February 24, 2016
Every ideology has them. Humourless ideologues who have no lives beyond their po
litical crusade, and live for the destruction of the great. They can be found on
Stormfront and other sites, not just joking about the race war, but eagerly pla
nning it. They are known as Stormfags by the rest of the internet.
Based on our research we believe this stands in stark contrast with the rest of

the alt-right, who focus more on building communities and lifestyles based aroun
d their values than plotting violent revolution.
1488ers are the equivalent of the Black Lives Matter supporters who call
deaths of policemen, or feminists who unironically want to #KillAllMen.
se, the difference is that while the media pretend the latter are either
stent, or a tiny extremist minority, they consider 1488ers to constitute
le of the alt-right.

for the
Of cour
non-exi
the who

Those looking for Nazis under the bed can rest assured that they do exist. On th
e other hand, theres just not very many of them, no-one really likes them, and th
eyre unlikely to achieve anything significant in the alt-right.
What little remains of old-school white supremacy and the KKK in America constit
utes a tiny, irrelevant contingent with no purchase on public life and no suppor
t even from what the media would call the far-Right. (Admittedly, these days that
includes anyone who votes Republican.)
THE ESTABLISHMENTS FRANKENSTEIN
Not all alt-righters will agree with our taxonomy of the movement. Hacker and wh
ite nationalist Andrew Auernheimer, better known as weev, responded in typically
jaw-dropping fashion to our enquiries: The tireless attempts of you Jews to smea
r us decent Nazis is shameful.
Delving into the depths of the alternative right, it quickly becomes apparent th
at the movement is best defined by what it stands against rather than what it st
ands for. There are a myriad of disagreements between its supporters over what t
hey should build, but virtual unity over what they should destroy.
For decades since the 1960s, in fact the media and political establishment have
held a consensus over whats acceptable and unacceptable to discuss in polite soci
ety. The politics of identity, when it comes from women, LGBT people, blacks and
other non-white, non-straight, non-male demographics is seen as acceptable even
when it descends into outright hatred.
Any discussion of white identity, or white interests, is seen as a heretical off
ence. Its a fact observed as early as 2008 by Yarvin:
Ethnic pride is one thing. Hostility is another. But as progressives often o
bserve they tend to travel together. It strikes me as quite incontrovertible tha
t if an alien anthropologist were to visit Earth and collate expressions of host
ility toward human subpopulations in Western culture today, the overwhelming maj
ority would be anti-European. Anti-Europeanism is widely taught in schools and u
niversities today. Its converse most certainly is not.
So here is my challenge for progressives, multiculturalists, dynamists, and th
e like: if your antiracism is what it claims to be, if it is no more than Voltai
re 3.0, why do non-European ethnocentrism and anti-European hostility not seem t
o bother you in the slightest? Do they maybe even strike you as, um, slightly co
ol?
The current consensus offers, at best, mild condemnation of identity politics on
the Left, and zero tolerance for identity politics on the right. Even for us a
gay man of Jewish descent and a mixed-ethnic half-Pakistani the dangers of writi
ng on this topic loom large. Though we do not identify with the alt-right, even
writing an article about them is akin to prancing through a minefield.
The pressure to self-censor must be almost overwhelming for straight white men a
nd, for most of them, it appears to be, which explains why so much of the alt-ri
ght operates anonymously.

While movements like third-wave feminism and Black Lives Matter often draw criti
cism from conservatives and libertarians, advocacy on behalf of those causes is
not a career-ending offence. Quite the reverse. Its possible to build successful
and lucrative careers off the back of those movements. Just look at Al Sharpton,
Anita Sarkeesian and Deray Mckesson.
In the past five years, left-wing identity politics underwent a renaissance just
as the crisis of white males especially young white males in the west became ob
vious. As feminism entered its fourth wave, obsessed with trivialities like online
trolling, sexist t-shirts and microaggressions, male suicide rates were reaching cr
isis levels.
As minority advocates on college campuses raised Hell about offensive Halloween
costumes and demanded safe spaces in which they could be insulated from differin
g points of view, working-class white males became the least likely group to att
end university in the U.K. To politically alert Millennials, the contrast betwee
n the truly marginalized and those merely claiming victim status has become star
k.
The Establishment bears much of the blame. Had they been serious about defending
humanism, liberalism and universalism, the rise of the alternative right might
have been arrested. All they had to do was argue for common humanity in the face
of black and feminist identity politics, for free speech in the face of the reg
ressive Lefts censorship sprees, and for universal values in the face of left-win
g moral relativism.
Instead, they turned a blind eye to the rise of tribal, identitarian movements o
n the Left while mercilessly suppressing any hint of them on the Right. It was t
his double standard, more than anything else, that gave rise to the alternative
right. Its also responsible, at least in part, for the rise of Donald Trump.
While the alt-right is too sophisticated
reaction, opposition to this prevailing
ether. Some enjoy violating social norms
re intellectual approach, but all oppose
ent consensus from both Left and Right

to be mistaken for a mindless knee-jerk

consensus is the glue that holds it tog
for shock value, while others take a mo
the pieties and hypocrisies of the curr
in some form or another.

In that, the alt-right has much in common with the cultural libertarian movement
first identified in these pages. And there are many people who would identify w
ith both labels.
THE MASK OF RACISM
To young people and the politically disengaged, debate in the public square toda
y appears topsy-turvy. The regressive Left loudly insists that it stands for equ
ality and racial justice while praising acts of racial violence and forcing whit
e people to sit at the back of the bus (or, more accurately, the back of the cam
pus or in another campus altogether). It defends absurd feminist positions with
no basis in fact and ridicules and demeans people on the basis of their skin col
our, sexual orientation and gender.
Meanwhile, the alt-right openly crack jokes about the Holocaust, loudly albeit a
lmost entirely satirically expresses its horror at race-mixing, and denounces the d
egeneracy of homosexuals while inviting Jewish gays and mixed-race Breitbart repor
ters to their secret dinner parties. What gives?
If youre this far down the article, youll know some of the answers already. For th
e meme brigade, its just about having fun. They have no real problem with race-mi
xing, homosexuality, or even diverse societies: its just fun to watch the mayhem
and outrage that erupts when those secular shibboleths are openly mocked. These

younger mischief-makers instinctively understand who the authoritarians are and

why and how to poke fun at them.
The intellectuals are animated by a similar thrill: after being taken for grante
d for centuries, theyre the ones who get to pick apart some of the Enlightenments
dead dogmas. The 1488ers just hate everyone; fortunately they keep mostly to the
mselves.
The really interesting members of the alt-right though, and the most numerous, a
re the natural conservatives. They are perhaps psychologically inclined to be un
settled by threats to western culture from mass immigration and maybe by non-str
aight relationships. Yet, unlike the 1488ers, the presence of such doesnt send th
em into fits of rage. They want to build their homogeneous communities, sure but
they dont want to commit any pogroms along the way. Indeed, they would prefer no
n-violent solutions.
Theyre also aware that there are millions of people who dont share their inclinati
ons. These are the instinctive liberals, the second half of Haidts psychological
map of western polities the people who are comfortable with diversity, promiscui
ty, homosexuality, and all other features of the cultural consensus.
Natural conservatives know that a zero-sum battle with this group would end in s
talemate or defeat. Their goal is a new consensus, where liberals compromise or
at least allow conservative areas of their countries to reject the status quo on
race, immigration and gender. Others, especially neoreactionaries, seek exit: a
peaceful separation from liberal cultures.
Should the liberal tribe (and lets not deny it any longer thats both the Democrati
c and GOP Establishments these days) do business with them? Well, the risk other
wise is that the 1488ers start persuading people that their solution to natural
conservatives problems is the only viable one. The bulk of their demands, after a
ll, are not so audacious: they want their own communities, populated by their ow
n people, and governed by their own values.
In short, they want what every people fighting for self-determination in history
have ever wanted, and what progressives are always telling us people should be
allowed unless those people are white. This hypocrisy is what has led so many Tr
ump voters groups who have in many cases not voted since the 1970s or 80s to com
e out of the woodwork and stand up for their values and culture.
The Establishment need to read their Haidt and
away. There will be no progress that erases
es. We can no longer pretend that divides over
althcare reform really represent both sides of
. The alt-right is here, and here to stay.

realise that this group isnt going

the natural affinities of conservativ
free trade and the minutiae of he
the political spectrum in America

Allum Bokhari is a reporter for Breitbart. He can be followed on Twitter at @Lib

ertarianBlue. Milo Yiannopoulos is a senior editor for Breitbart. He can be foll
owed at @Nero. You can follow their work by downloading the Milo Alert! app and
hear them on The Milo Yiannopoulos Show.